Situational Analysis of Children in The Philippines PDF

Situation Analysis of Children in the Philippines
Coram International
At Coram Children’s Legal Centre (CCLC)
2018
Commissioned by: UNICEF Philippines
Cover Image: ©UNICEF Philippines/2016

Situation of Children in the Philippines
© United Nations Children’s Fund, Philippines.

April 2018
This report was written by Professor Dame Carolyn Hamilton, Kirsten Anderson, Ruth Barnes,
Maurice Dunaiski and Sarah Henderson, with the assistance of Mohammed Sesay.
The report was commissioned by UNICEF Philippines, and written by Coram International, at Coram
Children’s Legal Centre. Although this Situational Analysis covers the entirety of the Philippines, a
separate Situation Analysis of Children in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) was
commissioned by UNICEF to provide more detail on the region. This has also been written by Coram
International. Coram International designed and implemented a methodology for producing the
Situation Analysis, and carried out in-country data collection in the Philippines (Manila).
UNICEF is an agency of the United Nations devoted to serving the world's children. UNICEF began
providing assistance to the Philippines in November 1948. Since then, UNICEF and the Philippine
government have been partners in protecting Filipino children. UNICEF Philippines has more than 60
people working to promote and protect the rights of children, who aim to provide the best quality of
life for every Filipino child through programmes that help them survive and flourish. UNICEF
implements programmes covering education, health and nutrition, disaster risk reduction and
emergencies, HIV and AIDS prevention, child protection, communication, and local policy and
institutional development.
Coram International is part of the Children’s Legal Centre, the UK's leading children's legal charity,
committed to promoting children's rights in the UK and worldwide. Coram International works
around the world in partnership with governments, UN bodies and (I)NGOs in over 40 countries, to
promote the rights of children through the reform of law, policy and practice. For the past 20 years
Coram International has conducted in-depth qualitative and quantitative research and published
widely on topics related to children’s rights.
A National Situation Analysis Management Steering Committee, co-chaired by Govt. Philippines
(National Economic Development Authority – NEDA) and UNICEF had oversight for the development
of the SitAn, and a Research Reference Group composed of external technical experts and academics
were consulted throughout the process.
The contents of the report do not necessarily reflect the policies or views of UNICEF. The text has not
been edited to official publication standards and UNICEF accepts no responsibility for error. The
designations in this publication do not imply an opinion on the legal status of any country or territory,
or of its authorities, or the delimitation of frontiers. The copyright for this report is held by the United
Nations Children’s Fund. Permission is required to reprint/reproduce/photocopy or in any other way
to cite or quote from this report in written form. UNICEF has a formal permission policy that requires
a written request to be submitted. For non-commercial uses, the permission will normally be granted
free of charge. Please write to UNICEF Philippines to initiate a permission request.
2
April 2018
Contents
Contents ......................................................................................................................................3
Acronyms.....................................................................................................................................9
1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 13
1.1. Purpose and aims .................................................................................................................. 13
1.2. Conceptual framework.......................................................................................................... 13
1.3. Methods and limitations ....................................................................................................... 16
1.4. Governance and validation ................................................................................................... 17
2. Context .............................................................................................................................. 18
2.1. Geography and demographics .............................................................................................. 18
2.2. Socio-economic context ........................................................................................................ 25
2.2.1. Poverty............................................................................................................................... 28
2.2.2. Inequality ........................................................................................................................... 35
2.2.3. Labour market and employment trends ........................................................................... 37
2.3. Government and political context ........................................................................................ 40
2.3.1. The Judiciary ...................................................................................................................... 44
2.3.2. Administration ................................................................................................................... 45
2.3.3. Child participation in governance...................................................................................... 48
2.4. Legislative and policy framework and monitoring of child rights ......................................... 53
2.4.1. Monitoring mechanisms .................................................................................................... 54
2.4.2. National Human Rights Institutions .................................................................................. 55
2.4.3. Ratification of Treaties ...................................................................................................... 56
3. Cross-cutting issues impacting on children’s rights .............................................................. 58
3.1. Climate Change and Risks from Natural Disasters ................................................................ 58
3.1.1. Typhoons ........................................................................................................................... 61
3.1.2. Earthquakes ....................................................................................................................... 62
3.1.3. Volcanoes........................................................................................................................... 63
3.1.4. Legislation and policy on climate change and disasters.................................................... 63
3.1.5. Impact of disasters on children and families ..................................................................... 70
3.1.6. Climate change and disaster: Barriers and Bottlenecks .................................................... 75
3.2. Armed conflict ....................................................................................................................... 79
3.2.1. Grave violations committed against children.................................................................... 83
3.2.2. Barriers and bottlenecks.................................................................................................... 90
3.3. The particular vulnerability of indigenous children: exclusion, discrimination and unfulfilled
rights 91
3
4. Health ................................................................................................................................ 97
4.1. Legislative and policy framework .......................................................................................... 98
4.2. Child Mortality..................................................................................................................... 100
4.2.1. Child mortality trends ...................................................................................................... 100
4.2.2. Disparities in child mortality ............................................................................................ 102
4.2.3. Causes of child mortality ................................................................................................. 103
4.3. Communicable disease and immunisation ......................................................................... 104
4.3.1. Malaria ............................................................................................................................. 104
4.3.2. Tuberculosis ..................................................................................................................... 105
4.3.3. Immunisation ................................................................................................................... 106
4.3.4. Neglected tropical diseases ............................................................................................. 108
4.4. Maternal Health .................................................................................................................. 109
4.4.1. Maternal mortality .......................................................................................................... 109
4.4.2. Antenatal care ................................................................................................................. 110
4.4.3. Delivery care .................................................................................................................... 111
4.4.4. Disparities in delivery care .............................................................................................. 112
4.4.5. Postnatal care .................................................................................................................. 114
4.5. Violence against Women and Girls ..................................................................................... 115
4.6. Sexual and Reproductive Health ......................................................................................... 115
4.6.1. Legal and policy framework............................................................................................. 115
4.6.2. Contraceptive prevalence................................................................................................ 118
4.6.3. Disparities in contraceptive prevalence .......................................................................... 118
4.6.4. Adolescent fertility .......................................................................................................... 118
4.6.5. Adolescent contraceptive use ......................................................................................... 120
4.6.6. Access to comprehensive sexuality education ................................................................ 122
4.6.7. Sexually transmitted infections ....................................................................................... 123
4.7. HIV/AIDS .............................................................................................................................. 123
4.7.1. Legislative and policy framework .................................................................................... 123
4.7.2. Status of the epidemic ..................................................................................................... 124
4.7.3. Regional disparities in HIV/AIDS ...................................................................................... 125
4.7.4. HIV/AIDS among adolescents and children ..................................................................... 125
4.7.5. Knowledge about HIV/AIDS among adolescents............................................................. 125
4.7.6. Modes of HIV transmission.............................................................................................. 126
4.7.7. Future outlook ................................................................................................................. 127
4.8. Substance abuse.................................................................................................................. 127
4
April 2018
4.8.1. Status at a glance ............................................................................................................. 127

4.8.2. Substance abuse among adolescents .............................................................................. 128
4.9. Mental Health ..................................................................................................................... 129
4.9.1. Legal and policy framework............................................................................................. 129
4.9.2. Prevalence of mental health problems ........................................................................... 129
4.9.3. Mental health support system ........................................................................................ 130
4.10. Key Barriers and Bottlenecks in Health ........................................................................... 131
4.10.1. Enabling environment .............................................................................................. 133
4.10.2. Supply ....................................................................................................................... 136
4.10.3. Demand .................................................................................................................... 141
4.10.4. Quality ...................................................................................................................... 144
5. Nutrition .......................................................................................................................... 146
5.1.1. Legislative and policy framework .................................................................................... 147
5.1.2. Malnutrition: Status at a glance ...................................................................................... 148
5.1.3. Childhood stunting .......................................................................................................... 150
5.1.4. Childhood wasting ........................................................................................................... 151
5.1.5. Micronutrient deficiencies .............................................................................................. 153
5.1.6. Low Birth Weight ............................................................................................................. 156
5.1.7. Childhood overweight and obesity.................................................................................. 156
5.1.8. Breastfeeding practices ................................................................................................... 157
5.1.9. Immediate and underlying causes of malnutrition ......................................................... 158
5.2. Key Barriers and Bottlenecks in Nutrition ........................................................................... 161
5.2.1. Enabling environment ..................................................................................................... 163
5.2.2. Supply .............................................................................................................................. 164
5.2.3. Demand ........................................................................................................................... 164
5.2.4. Quality.............................................................................................................................. 165
6. Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) ............................................................................ 166
6.1. WASH in the Philippines: an overview ................................................................................ 167
6.1.1 Infrastructure and institutions ........................................................................................ 167
6.1.2 Legal and policy framework............................................................................................. 168
6.2. Access to safely managed water services ........................................................................... 171
6.2.1. Safely managed water in Philippines............................................................................... 173
6.2.2. Geographical disparities .................................................................................................. 175
6.2.3. Economic disparities ........................................................................................................ 180
6.3. Access to improved sanitation facilities .............................................................................. 182
5
6.3.1. Access to sanitation in the Philippines ............................................................................ 184

6.3.2. Open defecation .............................................................................................................. 186
6.3.3. Geographical disparities .................................................................................................. 188
6.3.4. Economic disparities ........................................................................................................ 191
6.4. Hygiene practices ................................................................................................................ 194
6.4.1. Handwashing and dental hygiene ................................................................................... 194
6.4.2. Safe disposal of children’s stools ..................................................................................... 195
6.4.3. Menstrual hygiene management .................................................................................... 196
6.5. WASH in Schools ................................................................................................................. 197
6.6. WASH in Day Care Centres and Early Child Care and Development................................... 198
6.7. WASH in Health Care Facilities ............................................................................................ 200
6.8. Barriers and Bottlenecks in WASH ...................................................................................... 200
6.8.1. Enabling Environment ..................................................................................................... 200
6.8.2. Supply and Demand ......................................................................................................... 205
6.8.3. Quality.............................................................................................................................. 207
6.8.4. Climate change and disasters .......................................................................................... 207
7. Education ......................................................................................................................... 209
8.1.1 7.1. Early education ......................................................................................................... 211
7.1.1. Early years education: legislation and policy ................................................................... 211
7.1.2. Participation in day care centres ..................................................................................... 212
7.1.3. Barriers and bottlenecks.................................................................................................. 213
7.1 Basic education ................................................................................................................... 217
7.2.1. Legislation and policy ...................................................................................................... 217
7.2.5. Participation in basic education ...................................................................................... 222
7.2.6. Funding for basic education ............................................................................................ 232
7.2.7. Infrastructure for basic education ................................................................................... 236
7.2.8. Quality of basic education ............................................................................................... 239
7.2.9. Barriers and Bottlenecks: basic education ...................................................................... 245
7.2. Children with disabilities ..................................................................................................... 251
7.2.1. Legislation and Policy ...................................................................................................... 251
7.2.2. Participation rates ........................................................................................................... 252
7.2.3. Barriers and bottlenecks: education for children with disabilities ................................. 256
7.3. Tertiary and Vocational Education ...................................................................................... 258
7.4.1. Higher education ............................................................................................................. 258
7.4.2. Technical and vocational education ................................................................................ 260
6
April 2018
7.4.3. Quality of higher and vocational education .................................................................... 260

7.4.4. Barriers and Bottlenecks: Higher and vocational education ........................................... 261
7.4.5. Literacy ............................................................................................................................ 262
8. Child Protection ................................................................................................................ 263
8.1. Violence against children .................................................................................................... 266
8.1.1. Legal and policy framework: violence against children ................................................... 276
8.1.2 Barriers and bottlenecks relating to violence against children ....................................... 280
8.2. Child Exploitation ................................................................................................................ 283
8.2.2. Commercial Sexual Exploitation ...................................................................................... 286
Legal and policy framework: commercial sexual exploitation .................................................. 288
Causes, determinants, barriers and bottlenecks: Commercial sexual exploitation .................. 289
8.3. Child marriage ..................................................................................................................... 291
Legal and policy framework: child marriage.............................................................................. 291
8.4. Birth registration ................................................................................................................. 292
8.5. Children in disasters ............................................................................................................ 294
The particular vulnerability of street-connected children......................................................... 295
8.6. Access to a comprehensive child protection system .......................................................... 299
8.6.1. Child protection system in the Philippines ...................................................................... 299
8.6.2. Alternative care ............................................................................................................... 303
8.6.3. Barriers and bottlenecks: child protection system ......................................................... 304
Enabling environment ................................................................................................................ 306
8.7. Children in conflict with the law ......................................................................................... 312
8.7.1. Legal and policy framework: children in conflict with the law ....................................... 316
8.7.2. Barriers and bottlenecks in the child justice system ....................................................... 318
8.8. Access to child-friendly justice for child victims and witnesses ......................................... 324
9. Child poverty, inequality and access to social protection ................................................... 329
9.1 Profile of child poverty and inequality ................................................................................ 330
9.1.1 Child poverty: risk factors and equity issues ................................................................... 334
9.2 Causes of child poverty ....................................................................................................... 342
9.3 Social protection systems in the Philippines ....................................................................... 347
9.3.1 Legal, policy and institutional framework for social protection ..................................... 347
9.3.2 Social protection programmes and systems ................................................................... 351
9.4 Barriers and bottlenecks in the social protection system................................................... 356
9.4.1 Enabling environment ..................................................................................................... 356
9.4.2 Supply barriers ................................................................................................................. 361
7
9.4.3 Demand-side barriers ...................................................................................................... 362

10. Conclusions and implications for policy and practice ......................................................... 364
10.1 Enabling environment ..................................................................................................... 365
10.1.1 Gaps in law and policy frameworks ................................................................................. 365
10.1.2 Governance and coordination challenges ....................................................................... 366
10.1.6 Budgeting and finance ..................................................................................................... 368
10.1.7. Lack of data and ineffective use of data .................................................................. 369
10.1.8. Socio-cultural norms and practices .......................................................................... 370
10.2 Lack of supply of services to meet basic needs ............................................................... 371
10.3 Demand-side barriers ...................................................................................................... 373
10.4 Barriers to the provision of quality programmes and services ....................................... 374
ANNEX 1: Ratification of Treaties relating to children ............................................................... 375
8
April 2018
Acronyms
AFP Armed Forces of the Philippines
ALS Alternative Learning System
APIS Annual Poverty Indicator Survey
ARMM Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao
ART Anti-Retroviral Treatment
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
BIAF Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces
BIFF Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters
CAR Cordillera Administrative Region
CCC Climate Change Commission
CCT Conditional Cash Transfer
CEACR Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and
Recommendations
CEDAW Convention on Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women
CHERG Child Health Epidemiology Reference Group
CLJIP Comprehensive Local Juvenile Intervention Program
CP Child Protection
CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child
CRPD Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities
CRRP Comprehensive Relief and Recovery Plan
CSE Comprehensive Sexuality Education
CWC Council for the Welfare of Children
CWD Children with Disabilities
DBM Department of Budget and Management
DCC Day Care Centre
DENR Department of Environment and Natural Resources
DepEd Department of Education
DHS Demographic and Health Survey
DILG Department of the Interior and Local Government
DOH Department of Health
DOJ Department of Justice
DOLE Department of Labor and Employment
DPT Diphtheria, Pertussis and Tetanus
DPWH Department of Public Works and Highways
9
DRRM Disaster Risk Reduction and Management

DSWD Department of Social Welfare and Development
E-BEIS Basic Education Information System
ECCD Early Childhood Care and Development
EPI Expanded Program on Immunization
FDA Food and Drug Administration
FHSIS Field Health Service Information System
FLEMMS Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GLASS Global Annual Assessment of Sanitation and Drinking-Water
GSHS Global school-based student health survey
HARP HIV/AIDS & ART Registry of the Philippines
HDI Human Development Index
HELP ME Health, Education and training, Livelihood, Prevention, Protection and
Prosecution, and Monitoring and Evaluation
HiB Haemophilus Influenza type B
HIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
IACACP Philippine Inter-Agency Council against Child Pornography
ICESCR International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
IDP Internally Displaced Person
IHBSS Integrated HIV Behavioral and Serologic Surveillance
ILO International Labour Organisation
INGO International Non-Governmental Organization
IPs Indigenous Peoples
IPPF International Planned Parenthood Federation
IRR Implementing Rules and Regulations
JMP Joint Monitoring Plan
KP Kalusugan Pangkalahatan
LCPC Local Council for the Protection of Children
LDRRMC Local Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Councils
LGBT Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender
LGC Local Government Code
LGU Local Government Unit
LIS Learner Information System
MDG Millennium Development Goal
MHM Menstrual Hygiene Management
MHPSS Mental Health & Psychosocial Support
10
April 2018
MICS Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey

MILF Moro Islamic Liberation Front
MIS Multiple Indicator Survey
MMR Measles, Mumps and Rubella
MNLF Moro National Liberation Front
MSM Men who have Sex with Men
NBS-VAC National Baseline Study on Violence against Children
NCR National Capital Region
NDHS National Demographic and Health Survey
NDRRMC National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council
NEDA National Economic and Development Authority
NFEP National Filariasis Elimination Program
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
NNC National Nutrition Council
NNS National Nutrition Survey
NPA New People’s Army
NSSP National Sustainable Sanitation Plan
OCD Office of Civil Defence
OCHA United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
ODA Official Development Aid
OFW Overseas Filipino Worker
OOP Out-of-pocket Payments
OPARR Office of the Presidential Assistant for Rehabilitation and Recovery
OPV Oral Polio Vaccine
PCW Philippine Commission on Women
PDEA Philippines Drug Enforcement Agency
PDP Philippine Development Plan
PhP Philippine Peso
PHS Philippines Health Statistics
PNP Philippine National Police
PPA Programmes, Projects and Activities
PPAN Philippine Plan of Action for Nutrition 2017-2022
PSA Philippines Statistics Authority
PTA Parent Teacher Association
RA Republic Act
RDRRMC Regional Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Councils
RHA Reproductive Health Act
11
SDG Sustainable Development Goal

SES Socio-economic status
SHIELD Strategic helpdesks for Information, Education, Livelihood and other
Departmental Interventions
SitAn Situational Analysis
STI Sexually Transmitted Infections
TB Tuberculosis
THE Total Health Expenditure
TVET Technical and Vocational Education and Training
UNAIDS United Nations Programme on HIV and Aids
UNCRC United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child
UNESCAP United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific
UNFPA United Nations Population Fund
UNGASS United Nations General Assembly Special Session
UNICEF EAPRO UNICEF East Asia and Pacific Regional Office
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UPR Universal Periodic Review
USD United States Dollars
VAC Violence against Children
VAD Vitamin A Deficiency
VAWC Violence against Women and Children
WASH Water and Sanitation Health
WHO World Health Organization
YAFS Young Adult Fertility Surveys
12
April 2018
1. Introduction
1.1. Purpose and aims
The purpose of this report is to present a comprehensive assessment and analysis of the situation of
children in the Philippines, and to provide an evidence base to inform decision-making by
governmental and non-governmental bodies whose duty or role, whether statutory or non-statutory
relates to children. In particular, this situational analysis is intended to contribute to the development
of programmes and strategies to implement, protect, respect and fulfil the rights of children in the
Philippines.
The specific aims of this Situation Analysis (SitAn) are as follows:
➢ To improve the understanding of all stakeholders of the current situation of children’s rights
in the Philippines, and the causes of shortfalls and inequities, as the basis for developing
recommendations for stakeholders to strengthen children’s rights;
➢ To support national planning and development processes including influencing policies,
strategies, budgets and national laws to contribute towards establishing an enabling
environment for children that adheres to human rights principles, particularly in regard to
universality, non-discrimination, participation and accountability;
➢ To contribute to national research on disadvantaged children and to foster and support
knowledge generation with stakeholders; and
➢ To strengthen the knowledge base to enable assessment of the contribution of development
partners, including UNICEF and the UN, in support of national development goals.
This SitAn report focuses on the situation of children (persons aged under 18 years old), adolescents
(aged 10–19) and, to a limited extent, youth (aged 15–24).1 In addition, an assessment and analysis
of the situation relating to women is included, to the extent that it directly relates to outcomes for
children (for example, regarding maternal health).
1.2. Conceptual framework
The conceptual framework is grounded in the relationship between child outcomes and the
immediate, underlying and structural determinants of these outcomes. A rights-based approach was
adopted for conceptualising child outcomes, which are presented in this SitAn according to rights
categories contained in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Child outcomes are
therefore grouped into: Health; Nutrition; WASH (‘survival rights’); Education (‘development rights’);
Child Protection; and Social Protection (‘protection rights’).
The aim of the child outcomes assessment component of this SitAn was to identify trends and
patterns in the realisation of children’s rights and key international development targets; and any
gaps, shortfalls or inequities in the realisation of these rights and targets. The assessment employed
an equity approach, and highlighted trends and patterns in outcomes for groups of children,
identifying and assessing disparities in outcomes according to key identity characteristics and
1
These are the age brackets used by UN bodies and agencies for statistical purposes without prejudice to other
definitions of ‘adolescence’ and ‘youth’ adopted by Member States.
13
background circumstances (e.g. gender, geographic location, socio-economic status, age, or

disability).
A number of analytical techniques were employed in order to analyse immediate, underlying and
structural causes of child outcomes. These included:
➢ ‘Causality analysis’: seeking to uncover and understand the root or original causes of certain
effects. This entailed examining the immediate, underlying and structural causes of gaps and
shortfalls in realising child rights. The analysis included a participatory causality analysis of
several key priority deprivations in each sector area, and an analysis of key structural barriers
or bottlenecks that cut across the different sectors (see below for further details).
➢ Bottlenecks and barriers analysis: A structured analysis of the bottlenecks and barriers that
children/ groups of children face in the realisation of their rights, with reference to the critical
conditions/determinants2 (quality; demand; supply and enabling environment) needed to
realise equitable outcomes for children);
The analysis is also informed by:
➢ Role-pattern analysis: The identification of stakeholders responsible for/best placed to

address any shortfalls/inequities in child rights outcomes; and
➢ Capacity-gap analysis to understand the capacity constraints (e.g. knowledge; information;
skills; will/motivation; authority; financial or material resources) on stakeholders who are
responsible for /best placed to addressing the shortfalls/inequities.
The analysis was deliberately risk-informed and took an equity approach. An equity approach seeks
to understand and address the root causes of inequality so that all children, particularly those that
suffer the worst deprivations in society, have access to the same resources and services necessary
for their survival, growth and development.3 In line with this approach, the analysis included an
examination of gender disparities and their causes, including a consideration of the relationships
between different genders; relative access to resources and services; gender roles; and the
constraints faced by children according to their gender.
A risk-informed analysis requires an analysis of disaster and climate risks (namely, hazards; areas of
exposure to the hazard; and vulnerabilities and capacities of stakeholders to reduce, mitigate or
manage the impact of the hazard on the attainment of children’s rights). This is particularly relevant
to the Philippines where climate change and other disaster risks exist, including natural disasters and
complex emergencies, including armed conflict. A risk-informed analysis also includes an assessment
of gender and the vulnerabilities of particular groups of children to disasters, armed conflict and
climate risks.
A rights-based framework was developed for measuring child outcomes and analysing role-patterns,
barriers and bottlenecks. This incorporates the relevant rights standards and development targets
(in particular, the Sustainable Development Goals — SDGs) in each of the child outcome areas. This
is set out briefly below.
Table 1.1 – Assessment and analysis framework by outcome area
2
Based on the 10 critical determinants outlined in Table 3 on page 20 of UNICEF’s SitAn Procedural Manual
3
UNICEF NYHQ, Re-focusing on Equity: Questions and Answers, November 2010, 4
14
April 2018
Health The assessment and analysis of children’s health is framed according to key standards in
the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) (particularly the rights to life, survival and
development and to health), the SDGs (particularly SDG 3 on ensuring healthy lives and
promoting well-being) and the related ‘Global Strategy for Women’s, Children’s and
Adolescents’ Health (2016-2030)’.
Nutrition Outcomes in the area of nutrition are assessed according to the six thematic areas
described in the WHO’s Global Nutrition Targets (child stunting; anaemia; low birth
weight; obesity/over-weight; breastfeeding; and weighting). As per UNICEF’s ‘Conceptual
Framework of the Determinants of Child Under-nutrition’4, an analysis of the underlying
causes of malnutrition necessitates a multifaceted approach, including analysis of a range
of fundamental rights (e.g. the right of the child to life, survival and development; food;
health; adequate standard of living; and care and protection), as well as SDG 2 (end
hunger, achieve food security, improve nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture) as
the cornerstone of the conceptual framework for this section.
WASH The assessment and analysis of WASH includes the following interdependent issues: (i)
water; (ii) sanitation and (iii) hygiene, using SDG 6 (ensure availability and sustainable
management of water and sanitation for all) and the rights to water and sanitation as key
measurements. Following the approach of the Committee on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights,5 OHCHR6 and the Independent Expert on the Issue of Human Rights
Obligations Related to Access to Safe Drinking Water and Sanitation,7 the assessment and
analysis of the rights to water and sanitation addresses the following factors: availability;
quality; accessibility; acceptability; and affordability.
Education Educational outcomes are measured according to the right to education set out in
Articles 28 and 29 of the CRC and Article 13 of International Covenant on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights (ICESCR); in addition, the key features of the Comprehensive School
Safety Framework is utilized.8 The assessment and analysis, therefore, covers the
following interrelated and essential features of the right to education: availability;
accessibility; acceptability; and adaptability.9 This approach is used with regard to all tiers
of education: early childhood care and education; primary education; all forms of
secondary education; and higher education, including vocational training.
Child The child protection analysis adopts UNICEF’s definition of ‘child protection’, namely, the
protection prevention and response to violence, exploitation and abuse against children. It covers
the situation relating to all forms of violence against children (physical; psychological;
sexual; neglect; and exploitation) in all settings (workplace; home; institutions;
community), and related prevention and response interventions.10 This includes
consideration of birth registration; identification, reporting, assessment, care and follow-
4
UNICEF’s Approach to Scaling-Up Nutrition, June 2015, p 9
5
CESCR GC No. 15
6
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Fact Sheet No. 35
7
Realising the Human Rights to Water and Sanitation: a Handbook by the UN Special Rapporteur Catarina de
Albuquerque, Legislative, regulatory and policy frameworks
8
UNISDR and GADRRRES, A global framework in support of The Global Alliance for Disaster Risk Reduction and
Resilience in the Education Sector and The Worldwide Initiative for Safe Schools, January 2017, retrieved from
http://gadrrres.net/uploads/images/pages/CSS_Booklet_2017-updated.pdf on 24 January 2017
9
UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment No. 13 (1999), The Right to Education, 8
December 1999, E/C.12/1999/10 (CESCR GC No. 13 [1999]), para 6
10
UNICEF, Child Protection Information Sheet: What is Child Protection, accessed via
https://www.unicef.org/protection/files/What_is_Child_Protection.pdf on 23 January 2016
15
up of children at risk/who have suffered harm; and the treatment of children within in
the criminal justice system.
Social Social protection is framed according to UNICEF’s definition: “the set of public and
protection private policies and programmes aimed at preventing, reducing and eliminating
economic and social vulnerabilities11 to poverty and deprivation.”12 Numerous rights
standards and development targets are relevant in assessing programmes aimed at
reducing and eliminating vulnerability to poverty and deprivation, including in particular,
the CRC right to survival and development;13 ICESCR rights to social security14 and
adequate standard of living;15 and SGD target 1 (end poverty in all its forms everywhere).
1.3. Methods and limitations
This SitAn includes a comprehensive review, synthesis and examination of available data from a
variety of sources. The assessment of child outcomes relied primarily on existing datasets from
household surveys, administrative data from Government Ministries and NGOs and other published
reports. The authors relied on published reports of existing datasets, and did not engage in
examination or analysis of raw datasets.
The analytical techniques used for the analysis phase required a synthesis and analysis of secondary
data and literature, including large- and small-scale studies and reports. It also included a mapping
and analysis of relevant laws, policies, and Government strategy documents.
In-country data collection was carried out in Manila to gather additional contextual information and
primary qualitative data to inform the analysis of causes and determinants of child rights shortfalls
in the Philippines. In-country data collection included a series of in-depth key informant interviews
with a range of targeted Government representatives, UN organizations and NGOs.
The research also involved a structured participatory causality analysis workshop involving 70
stakeholders from across a range of Government institutions, UN and non-government organisations.
The causality analysis involved the selection of a key deprivation/rights shortfall in the following
sectors: health; WASH/nutrition; education; child protection; and social protection. Stakeholders
were involved in a series of structured small-group workshops to map the immediate, underlying and
structural causes of the key deprivation, and identify associated equity issues (identifying the groups
of children most at risk of experiencing the deprivation, and how the causes impact on these
particular groups of children). They then proceeded to identify common, cross-cutting structural
causes among all of the selected deprivations and reflect these structural causes in a revised causality
map. The causality maps and key informant interviews have been integrated into the report’s
narrative where applicable.
The findings from a previous draft of the report were presented at a series of validation workshops
and focus group discussions in August 2017. A workshop was carried out with 100 key stakeholders
from Government, civil society and academia at the national level and from the Autonomous Region
11
UNICEF distinguishes between the two as follows: ‘[p]overty reflects current assets or capabilities, while vulnerability
is a more dynamic concept concerned with the factors that determine potential future poverty status. Vulnerability
considers both an individual’s current capabilities and the external factors that he/she faces, and how likely it is that
this combination will lead to changes in his/her status.’
12
UNICEF, Social Protection Strategic Framework, p 24
13
CRC, article 6
14
ICESCR, article 9
15
ICESCR, article 11
16
April 2018
in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The workshop included a discussion, feedback and validation on the
report’s key findings in small sector workgroups and presentations to plenary. A separate validation
workshop was carried out with 60 members of staff at UNICEF Philippines. In addition, two focus
group discussions were conducted in Cotabato City with representatives from the ARMM regional
government and UNICEF staff members based at the field office in Cotabato. Feedback from the
validation exercises have been integrated into this report.
One of the limitations of the methodology is the lack of recent, quality data in relation to some of the
areas covered by the analysis. Gaps in the availability of up-to-date, quality data are noted
throughout the report. The analysis of causes and determinants of rights shortfalls relied heavily on
existing published reports and, therefore, some areas in the analysis had not been the subject of
robust and recent research, again, gaps are highlighted as necessary.
1.4. Governance and validation
The development and drafting of this SitAn has been guided by a Management Steering Committee,
co-chaired by the Government of the Philippines (through the National Economic Development
Authority – NEDA) and UNICEF. The membership of the Committee was made up of government
oversight and child focused agencies included the Office of the Cabinet Secretary; the Department of
Budget and Management (DBM); the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD); and
the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process.
A Research Reference Group, composed of external technical experts and academics, who along with
UNICEF Philippines staff, were consulted at key milestones in the development of the SitAn.
The report was also the subject of a validation exercise with targeted key stakeholders who work on
children’s issues across a range of Government sectors, UN institutions and NGOs (see section
above). The purpose of this exercise was to validate the findings and identify any gaps and
inconsistencies before finalisation of the report.
17
2. Context
Table 2.1. Map of the Philippines
Source: Geology.com
2.1. Geography and demographics
The Philippines is an archipelago of 7,107 islands situated in South East Asia in the Western Pacific
Ocean. It has a total land area of 300,000 km2 and, with a population of 100.98 million (2015),16 is the
twelfth most populous country in the world. The three largest groups of islands – Luzon, Mindanao
and Visayas – make up 47 per cent, 34 per cent and 19 per cent of the total land area respectively.17
The country has 18 administrative regions, the most populous of which is Region IV-A (CALABARZON)
which has 14.41 million people according to the 2015 census.18 There are 33 highly urbanized cities
in the Philippines, four of which have populations of over 1,000,000, including the capital city of
16
Highlights of the Philippine Population 2015 Census of Population”, Philippine Statistics Authority, May 19, 2016,
http://psa.gov.ph/content/highlights-philippine-population-2015-census-population
17
2013 Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey (FLEMMS) Final Report, Chapter 1
18
“Highlights of the Philippine Population 2015 Census of Population”, Philippine Statistics Authority, May 19, 2016,
18
April 2018
Manila. Metro Manila (the National Capital Region – NCR), along with the urbanized areas
surrounding it (Bulacan, Cavite, Laguna, Rizal and Batangas), has a population of just over 24 million,
making it one of the largest and most populous urban centres in the world.19
According to the most recent census, which took place in 2015, the population of the Philippines was
100,981,437,20 up from a total population of 92,335,113 in 2010 and 88,566,732 in 2007.21 In the
2010 census, 50.5 per cent of the population were male and 49.5 per cent were female. 22 The
population increased by 1.72 per cent annually between 2010 and 201523 and was predicted to grow
to 103.9 million by the end of 2016.24
The Philippines has a large population of children and young people. In 2010, there were 36,615,596
children aged 0–17 in the population which is 39.7 per cent of the total population. About 18,862,159
(51.5 per cent) were male and 17,753, 437 (48.5 per cent) were female.25 Unfortunately, the 2015
census data available does not contain figures on the child population. The fertility rate in the
Philippines has been steadily dropping, from 6.0 children per woman in 1973 to 3.5 in 2003 and 2.94
in 2016.26
The major languages spoken in the Philippines are Filipino and English, both of which are used as
official languages. There are a number of dialects in the Philippines. According to the 2010 census
24.44 per cent of households have Tagalog as their mother tongue, 11.44 per cent have Bisaya or
Binisaya as their mother tongue and 9.91 per cent have Cebuano as their mother tongue.27 The major
religion is Christianity (92 per cent) with approximately 80 per cent of the population Roman Catholic.
The second major religion is Islam (5 per cent) with the majority of adherents living on the island of
Mindanao28 (The census and other data collected by the Philippines Statistics Authority does not
appear to be disaggregated by ethnicity, language or religion).
The population of the Philippines is ethnically diverse, and there are estimated to be 14–17 million
Indigenous Peoples (IPs) across the Philippines, belonging to 110 ethno-linguistic groups.29 They are
mainly concentrated in rural areas of Northern Luzon (Cordillera Administrative Region, 33 per cent)
and Mindanao (61 per cent), with some groups also located in the Visayas area (for more information
on the unique vulnerability of Indigenous children, see chapter 3).
19
Demographia, World urban areas, 13th edition (2017), p. 18, available at: http://www.demographia.com/db-
worldua.pdf
20
2015 Population Census, Philippine Statistics Authority
21
22
23
24
“Philippine Economy Posts 6.6 Percent GDP Growth in the Fourth Quarter of 2016; 6.8 percent in 2016”, Philippine
Statistics Authority, January 26, 2017, http://psa.gov.ph/nap-press-release
25
2010 Population Census, Philippine Statistics Authority
26
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.TFRT.IN?locations=PH accessed 5th May 2017.
27
Table 5.21, Demography, Philippine Yearbook 2013, Philippine Statistics Authority
28
Strengthening Child Protection systems in the Philippines, Child Protection in Emergencies, UNICEF, p 18
29
UNDP, Fast Facts: Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines (2013), available at:
http://www.ph.undp.org/content/philippines/en/home/library/democratic_governance/FastFacts-IPs.html. Note that
population statistics on Indigenous Peoples do not appear to be published with the Census data (which was last carried
out in 2015).
19
The Philippines has a rapidly urbanizing population, with the proportion of the population living in
urban areas increasing from 27.1 per cent in 1950 to a predicted 56.3 per cent by 2050.
Table 2.2. Proportion of the population living in urban areas, 1950 - 2050
60
56.3
50 51.1
48.6 48
45.3 46.3
44.3
40
37.5
33
30 30.3
27.1
20
10
0
1940 1960 1980 2000 2020 2040 2060
World Urbanization Prospects 2014, UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, p208-209
The World Urbanization Prospects Report from the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs
estimated the urban population of the Philippines in 2014 to be 44.4 per cent. While this represents
a decrease from 1990 (when 48.6 per cent of the population were living in urban areas), the report
predicted that the urban population would increase and reach 56.3 per cent by 2050.30
The average annual rate of change of the rural population in the Philippines decreased from 2.45 per
cent between 1990 and 1995 to 2.03 between 2010 and 2015. This decrease is predicted to continue
and to become a negative change between 2040–2045.31
The Philippines is located on the Pacific Ring of Fire, making it vulnerable to earthquakes, cyclones
and volcanic hazards:32 between 2000 and 2017, it experienced 273 disasters caused by natural
hazards.33 It is also ranked among the top 5 countries most vulnerable to climate change impacts. 34
Spotlight issue: International and internal migration
30
World Urbanisation Prospects 2014, UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, p208-209
31
World Urbanisation Prospects 2014, UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, p268-269
32
About the Philippines, UNDP, http://www.ph.undp.org/content/philippines/en/home/countryinfo.html.
33
Data accessed at http://emdat.be/emdat_db/ on 07 July 2017.
34
Global Climate Risk Index 2015, Germanwatch.
20
April 2018
Migration, both within and outside of the Philippines, has had a range of impacts on children and
young people. The culture of international migration in particular, which has been promoted by the
Philippines Government since the 1970s as a means of increasing labour market opportunities for
Filipino workers,35 has shaped the experiences of the many children who have been ‘left behind’ by
migrant worker parents. International migration has been institutionalized within the Philippines and
it has come to be recognized as an important livelihood strategy for many families. In the past few
decades, a comprehensive institutional and legal framework has been developed, governing all
stages of the migration process, from pre-departure to return and reintegration. The Migrant
Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act was adopted in 1995 (and has been amended several times, most
recently in 2010). It includes a range of provisions to ensure the protection of Filipino workers
overseas. The legal and policy framework is implemented primarily by two Government agencies –
the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration and the Overseas Workers Welfare
Administration.
According to the latest data from the Commission for Overseas Filipino Workers, there were an
estimated 2.4 million Overseas Filipino Workers in 2015:36 97 per cent were engaged in contract work,
with one third of this total involved in unskilled work.37 It has been estimated that, in total, 11 million
persons born in the Philippines are living abroad.38
The number of Overseas Filipino Workers has been increasing in recent years, from 1.07 million in
2007, as illustrated in the graph below.
Table 2.3. Migration of Filipino Workers Overseas, 2006 - 2015

2000000
1800000
1600000
1400000
1200000
1000000
800000
600000
400000
200000
0
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015
35
Asis, M.M.B, Migration Policy Institute, The Philippines: Beyond labour migration, toward development and (possibly)
return (2017), available at: https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/philippines-beyond-labor-migration-toward-
development-and-possibly-return
36
Philippines Statistics Authority, Survey on Overseas Filipino Workers (2016) (including Filipinos who worked abroad
anytime during the period April to September 2015).
37
38
UNESCAP, Asia-Pacific migration report 2015: Migrants’ contribution to development, p. 80.
21
Source: UNESCAP, Asia-Pacific migration report 2015: Migrants’ contribution to development (data obtained from
Philippines Overseas Employment Administration)
In contrast to the trend in other countries in the Asia-Pacific region, women make up slightly more
overseas migrants than men (51.1 per cent, compared to 48.9 per cent39), and the majority of
overseas migrants are between the ages of 25 and 34 years (48 per cent).40 There has been a notable
trend toward the ‘feminisation’ of international migration in the Philippines, with the proportion of
migrants who are female increasing significantly since 2001.
Table 2.4. Number of male and female Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), 2001 – 2010
250000
200000
150000
100000
50000
0
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Male Female
International migration has become a recognised, established livelihood strategy for many
households and individuals in the Philippines, and “there is no doubt that, on average, families
benefit materially from having a member who is an international migrant worker.”41 It has been
reported that, in 2006, 24 per cent of households in the Philippines received contributions from
overseas (mainly remittances). Between April and September 2015, OFWs sent an estimated 180.3
million pesos home (mostly in the form of cash sent home – 135.6 billion pesos, or brought home –
37.3 billion pesos).42 Remittances have reportedly decreased the incidence of poverty in recipient
households and provided income to improve the health and education of children in these
households.43 A study conducted in 2008 found that families of migrants tend to have a greater ability
to buy food, send children to better schools and have an improved ability to buy school materials and
39
40
41
42
Philippines Statistics Authority, Survey on Overseas Filipino Workers (2016)
43
22
April 2018
clothing.44 They have also provided a cushion against economic shocks caused by crises or disasters:
for example, remittances increased during the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and in the aftermath of
Typhoon Haiyan (locale name: Yolanda) in November 2013.45
Despite these economic benefits, the social costs of international migration, and particularly the
effect on children, are being increasingly highlighted, especially among families of the many women
who migrate out of the Philippines to pursue work opportunities. While most research has focused
on the economic impact of international migration, several studies have explored the social impact.
A study carried out in 2013 by UN Women found that migration can cause disruption in the family
structure through a ‘care drain’ or ‘emotional gap’ caused by the departure of a parent. 46 This is
particularly the case when women migrate: social expectations concerning gender roles dictate that
women are primarily responsible for care functions, including child rearing duties. These expectations
mean that a “major reconfiguration of family arrangements for managing the household and
childcare’ often occur when mothers migrate”. Where the husband or partner left behind is unwilling
to assume a care-giving role, extended family may perform this function (typically
grandparents/female siblings).47 It can also lead to broken families, as some spouses find another
partner while the husband or wife is away.48
Migration by a parent has also been found to affect the social behaviour of children. Studies have
found that Filipino children with absent mothers showed poorer social adjustment and impeded
psychological development, and often bore the pressure of assuming a caring role for other family
members (e.g. young siblings), particularly in the case of girls.49 The study by UN Women in 2013
found that teenagers of migrant parents who were involved in the study were disposed to engaging
in risky behaviours (joining gangs, drug use, drinking alcohol etc.) as a result of spending considerable
time away from the home among friends and the difficulties faced by a sole parent in providing
adequate supervision.50
The volume of migration out of the Philippines may also have less direct impacts on children and
families. While the social and economic impacts of migration on children at the macro levels have
not been widely explored, it is likely that the massive migration of key professionals, such as nurses,
IT specialists and engineers to other countries, has been a drain on human resources in the
Philippines making it more difficult for bodies that are required to deliver basic services to children
and families (health care, infrastructure development etc.).51 It has also been reported that the
‘culture of migration’ acts as a disincentive for children to complete their education in the Philippines,
as their plan is to work abroad in jobs that do not require education.52
44
Rosemarie Edillon, UNICEF, The effects of parents’ migration on the rights of children left behind (2008)
45
UNESCAP, Asia-Pacific migration report 2015: Migrants’ contribution to development, p. 48. Though it was found in a
study carried out in 2008 that a majority of OFW children were not protected from economic shocks, due to very few
having liquid assets and access to private insurance.
46
UN Women Asia Pacific Regional Office, Valuing the social cost of migration: An exploratory study (2013).
47
48
Center for Migration Studies (2007), in UN Women Asia Pacific Regional Office, Valuing the social cost of migration:
An exploratory study (2013).
49
Battistella and Conaco (1996) and Tharan (2009) in UN Women Asia Pacific Regional Office, Valuing the social cost of
migration: An exploratory study (2013).
50
51
52
23
Movement of persons within the Philippines is another dimension of migration which impacts on
children at different levels. Unfortunately, there is a very limited amount of nationally representative
data on internal migration patterns. However, according to the most recent Census of Population
and Housing (2010), around 2.74 million Filipinos changed their place of residence within the last five
years, which suggests that the prevalence of internal migration in the Philippines stands at around
3.3 per cent of the total population (aged 5 years and older).53 While the data is not disaggregated
by age group or gender, other studies based on older data have found that internal migration is
largely a youth phenomenon. For instance, a 2004 study on rural-urban migration flows based on
2000 Census data found that 10 per cent of youth (aged 15–29) in the less urbanized areas and 19
per cent in the NCR (Metro Manila) were inter-provincial migrants. They also used 2000 Census data
to show that the age brackets 15–19, 20–24, and 25–29 (i.e. ‘youth’) make up the overwhelming
majority of the internal migrant population, especially in the highly urbanized areas.54 Mirroring the
trends in international migration, young female migrants appear to account for the majority of
internal migrants, particular among rural to urban migrants, which is the predominant internal
migration pattern within the Philippines more generally.55
Internal movement is likely to have much the same impact on children left behind by a migrant parent
as it does in the case of international migration. The impacts of internal migration on the young
persons who migrate have not been subjected to extensive research. However, one small-scale
qualitative study carried out in Greater Manila, Ifugao and Mariveles in 2016 found that migrants
experienced a range of impacts, both positive and negative, following migration. While migrants
tended to express that migration was, overall, an empowering experience that had helped them
achieve independence and allowed them to provide financial support to their families back home, a
number of challenges were also identified. In particular, migrants reported a lack of access to benefits
and protections in the workplace, particularly in informal sectors or in contract work; the need to
accept jobs with poor pay and conditions in order to meet high living costs; vulnerability, isolation
and social exclusion in new environments; exposure to sexual exploitation and compromised access
to social services owing to feelings of insecurity, illegitimacy and lack of confidence in new
environments.56
In addition, internal migration has had a number of less direct impacts on children and young people
at the macro level. Internal migration is reportedly fuelling rapid and unplanned urbanization and
entrenching disparities in economic development across the country. This concern was represented
to the United Nations Commission on Population and Development several years ago, where it was
noted that the 2000 Census showed that 48 per cent of Filipinos were living in urban areas, compared
to 37 per cent more than two decades ago. It is estimated that, by 2030, approximately 8 in 10
Filipinos will be living in a city.57 The lack of development of responsive and effective policy
interventions and strategic direction on internal migration, along with the lack of robust data on
53
Note that this figure includes long-distance (inter-provincial) and short distance (intra-provincial) movement.
54
Gultiano, S. and Xenos, P. Age-structure and urban migration of youth in the Philippines (2004) CICRED Seminar.
55
Gultiano, S. and Xenos, P. Age-structure and urban migration of youth in the Philippines (2004) CICRED Seminar; Asis,
M. and Battistella, G. (2013), UNICEF Philippines, The Filipino youth and the employment nexus (2013).
56
Anderson, K, Apland, K, Dunaiski, M and Yarrow, Y, Women in the wind: analysis of migration, youth economic
empowerment and gender in Vietnam and the Philippines (2017).
57
Philippine Statement to the Commission on Population and Development, on its 46th session, 22–26 April 2013,
presented by Commission on Filipinos Overseas,
http://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/pdf/commission/2013/country/Agenda%20item%204/Philippine
s_Item4.pdf
24
April 2018
internal migration patterns and flows is likely to have compounded the negative impacts of this rapid
urbanization, which has implications for Government strategic planning and service delivery.
2.2. Socio-economic context
The Philippines is a lower middle-income country58 with a fast-growing economy. According to a

recent World Bank report (2017), it is the tenth fastest growing economy in the world.59 The country’s
GDP in 2015 was $292,451 billion,60 which grew by 6.8 per cent in 2016.61 Per capita GDP was
$2904.2.62 In 2017, its economy is expected to advance between 6.5 and 7.5 per cent.63
According to a recent World Bank report, capital formation drove overall economic growth,
supported by an expansionary fiscal policy focused on infrastructure spending, which generated
construction activity.64 Household consumption also contributed to economic growth, supported by
an increase in remittances in recent years, along with a supportive environment for consumer
lending, which boosted household spending power.65 However, economic growth in the Philippines
has also been constrained by a range of factors, including poor governance and weak institutions 66,
as discussed in the following section.
The industrial and services sector remains strong in the Philippines and has expanded in recent
years,67 mainly in the trade, real estate and business activities and education, recreational activities
and hotels and restaurants. In 2016, the services sector grew by 7.5 per cent, up from 6.8 per cent in
2015.68 However, the agriculture sector has performed relatively poorly in recent years, declining by
1.3 per cent in 2016. This can be attributed to low investment levels, inadequate extension services
and inefficient transport and logistics linkages, as well as exposure to environmental shocks.69 The
impact of El Niño, in particular, has affected the yields of palay and sugarcane in recent years.70
This growth has led to robust net job creation, as detailed below. However, despite strong economic
growth overall, the growth in human development has been very slow. According to the latest Human
Development Index (HDI) report, which measures and ranks countries according to three dimensions
of human development (a long and healthy life, knowledge and a decent standard of living), the
58
World Development Indicators, World Bank: http://data.un.org/CountryProfile.aspx?crName=PHILIPPINES
59
World Bank, Global economic prospects: A fragile recovery (2017), available at:
https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/26800/9781464810244.pdf?sequence=13&isAllowed
=y
60
http://databank.worldbank.org/data/reports.aspx?source=2&country=PHL; Figures in dollars are in United States
dollars.
61
“Philippine Economy Posts 6.6 Percent GDP Growth in the Fourth Quarter of 2016; 6.8 Percent in 2016”, January 26,
2017, https://psa.gov.ph/nap-press-release
62
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.PCAP.CD?locations=PH
63
World Bank, Global economic prospects: A fragile recovery (2017), available at:
https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/26800/9781464810244.pdf?sequence=13&isAllowed
=y
64
World Bank, Philippines economic update: advancing the investment agenda, April 2017, p. 2
65
66
Mendoz, R.U, Olfindo R., and Poco L.C.R.: Governance and Institutions in the Philippines, ASOG Working Paper 17-
002, 2017.
67
68
69
70
Socioeconomic report 2015, National Economic and Development Authority, p 8
25
Philippines had a HDI of 0.682 and a rank of 116 out of 188 countries.71 This placed the Philippines in
the ‘medium development’ category, lagging behind its neighbours, Thailand, Indonesia and Vietnam
(which has only three fifths of the per capita income of the Philippines).72
Economic and human development has been very uneven across the Philippines, with stark variation
in contribution to GDP by region, as shown in the map below.
Table 2.5. Human development index by province, 2009
Source: Philippine Human Development Network, Philippine Human Development Report, Chapter 3 (2008/9)
The three most populous regions in the country (CALABARZON–4A, National Capital Region and
Central Luzon –3) account for almost two-thirds of the Philippines domestic production. In contrast,
the ARMM contributed just 0.7 per cent to GDP.73
71
UNDP, Human development report 2016, available at:
http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/2016_human_development_report.pdf
72
UNDP, Human development report 2016, available at:
http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/2016_human_development_report.pdf, p. 199.
73
PDP, 3-1.
26
April 2018
The Philippines continues to receive a significant amount of Official Development Assistance (ODA).
The net amount of ODA received increased from US$ 192.1 million in 2013 to $677.5 million in 2014,
but dropped to $515.3 million in 2015.74 In 2014 to 2015 the Philippines received most of its ODA
from Japan ($507.6 million), followed by the United States ($279.6 million), Australia ($112.3 million)
and France ($77.6 million).
Table 2.6. Top 10 donors for gross ODA for Philippines, 2014–2015, USD millions
Global fund 32
Canada 38.2
Germany 44.2
United Kingdom 54.7
Korea 56.5
EU 69.1
France 77.6
Australia 112.3
United States 279.6
Japan 507.6
0 100 200 300 400 500 600
Source: OECD-DAC
The majority of bilateral ODA was received by the economic infrastructure and services sector
(58.42%).75
Development planning in the Philippines

Strategic development planning in the Philippines is led by the National Economic and Development
Authority (NEDA), which is an institution chaired by the President, mandated to lead the formulation
of the national and regional development plans. The current Philippine Development Plan (PDP) runs
from 2017-2022, and was launched in June 2017. It is a medium-term plan, setting out the goals and
strategies of the Government to meet the long-term (25 year) vision of AmBisyon Natin (The
Philippine Dream) of “a prosperous, predominantly middle-class society where no one is poor. People
live long and healthy lives and are smart and innovative” and where “the Philippines is a high-trust
society where families thrive in vibrant, culturally diverse and resilient communities.”76
The goals, strategies and targets of the PDP are grouped under the following pillars:
Malasakit (enhancing the social fabric)
74
OECD–DAC -
https://public.Tableau.com/views/OECDDACAidataglancebyrecipient_new/Recipients?:embed=y&:display_count=yes&
:showTabs=y&:toolbar=no?&:showVizHome=no
75
OECD–DAC -
https://public.Tableau.com/views/OECDDACAidataglancebyrecipient_new/Recipients?:embed=y&:display_count=yes&
:showTabs=y&:toolbar=no?&:showVizHome=no
76
PDP, 1-1.
27
➢ Ensuring people-centred, clean and efficient governance

➢ Pursuing swift and fair administration of justice
➢ Promoting Philippine culture and values
Pagbabago (reducing inequality)
➢ Expanding economic opportunities in agriculture, forestry and fisheries
➢ Expanding economic opportunities in industry and services
➢ Accelerating human capital development
➢ Reducing vulnerability of individuals and families
➢ Building safe and secure communities
Patuloy na Pag-unlad (increasing growth potential)
➢ Reaching for the demographic dividend
➢ Vigorously advancing science, technology and innovation
Enabling and supportive economic environment
➢ Ensuring sound macroeconomic policy
➢ Levelling the playing field through a National Competition Policy
Foundations for sustainable development
➢ Attaining just and lasting peace
➢ Ensuring security, public order and safety
➢ Accelerating infrastructure development
➢ Ensuring ecological integrity, clean and healthy environment
Recently the President, through Executive Order No. 27, directed all Government agencies, including
Local Government Units (LGUs), to implement the PDP and Public Investment Programme of 2017-
2022. The Regional Offices of NEDA have also started to launch their respective Regional
Development Plans.
2.2.1. Poverty77
Despite strong economic growth, rates of poverty remain fairly high in the Philippines, and available
data indicate pockets of significant and persistent poverty in some areas, suggesting that high
economic growth has not reached the bottom quarter of the population. According to a recent report
by the Philippine Institute of Development Studies, based on trends in performance against economic
and poverty indicators, “we can say that the Philippines is consistent in two things: first, positive
economic growth and second, and rather sadly, a high number of poor people.”78
77
A more in-depth analysis of child poverty is set out in chapter 9.
78
Philippine Institute of Development Studies, Unintended consequences: The folly of uncritical thinking (2017), p. 148.
28
April 2018
Poverty levels appear to have decreased overall over the past few decades, which saw a fall in the
proportion of the population living below the basic needs poverty line. The incidence of basic needs
poverty among the population was found to be 21.6 per cent in 2015, a reduction from the recorded
poverty incidence in 2012 of 25.2 per cent.79 Subsistence incidence (those living below the food
poverty line) was estimated at 8.1 per cent in 2015 – a reduction from the recorded subsistence
incidence in 2012 of 10.4 per cent.80
The drop in poverty rates from 2012 to 2015 has been attributed to rising employment and income
levels and low inflation, along with the expansion of the Government’s conditional cash transfer
programme, Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Programme, which has bolstered the income of around 4.4
million poor households (this programme is discussed in more detail in section 9).81
The latest Family Income and Expenditure Survey also demonstrates a drop in the magnitude of
poverty (absolute number of persons living below the basic needs poverty line), which had been
increasing in recent decades, even though poverty incidence (percentage of the population living
below the basic needs poverty line) levels decreased. This is illustrated by the graph below.
Table 2.7. Magnitude and Incidence of basic needs poverty in population, Philippines, 1991–
2015
40
35 34.4
30
26.6 26.3
25 25.2
21.6
20
15
10
0
1991 2006 2009 2012 2015
Magnitude (millions) Incidence (%)
Source: National Statistics Office and National Statistical Coordination Board, and PSA, Official poverty statistics for the
Philippines, 2015
The subsistence incidence (the proportion of Filipinos whose incomes fall below the food threshold)
has also declined in the past few decades, and the magnitude of subsistence incidence also declined,
following an incline from 1991 to 2012 in magnitude.
79
Philippines Statistics Authority, Poverty incidence among Filipinos registered as 21.6% in 2015, October 27, 2016,
https://psa.gov.ph/poverty-press-releases
80
Philippines Statistics Authority, Poverty incidence among Filipinos registered as 21.6% in 2015, October 27, 2016,
https://psa.gov.ph/poverty-press-releases
81
29
Table 2.8. Magnitude and incidence of food poverty in population, Philippines, 1991 – 2015
20
18 17.9
16
14
12 12
10.9
10 10.4
8 8.1
0
1991 2006 2009 2012 2015
Magnitude (millions) Incidence (%)
Source: National Statistics Office and National Statistical Coordination Board, and PSA, Official poverty statistics for the
Philippines, 2015
While poverty incidence has decreased in recent years, progress has been very slow, particularly
compared to other countries in the Asia-Pacific Region, indicating that significant pockets of
persistent poverty remain in the Philippines. In the two decades from 1990 to 2010, the Philippines
reduced its poverty rate by 38 per cent, while neighbouring countries cut theirs by at least 55 per
cent and Thailand almost eradicated it, reducing it by 97 per cent.82
Table 2.9. Poverty headcount by country (estimates closest to 1990 and 2010)
82
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines, p 4 (data from National Statistical
Coordination Board).
30
April 2018
80 73.1
70
57.6 58.9
60 54.3
In Per Cent
50
40
29.7 1990
30 26
18.1 18.4 2010
20 14.7 14
11.6
10
1.7 0.4
0
Source: Child Poverty in the Philippines Report/PovcalNET, World Bank Website
The Philippines has also shown slow progress in addressing the depth and severity of poverty. The
poverty gap ratio improved by only 0.7 points from 5.8 in 2006 to 5.1 in 2012, though a more
significant improvement was calculated in 2015, in which the poverty gap ratio declined to 4.0.83 The
poverty gap refers to the income shortfall of families with income below the poverty threshold. Slow
progress in reducing the poverty gap indicates that poor families are still significantly short of having
an income that meets the basic needs poverty line. The severity of poverty, which measures the
intensity of poverty,84 has also showed a slow decline, from 2.2 in 2006 to 1.5 in 2015.85
Table 2.10. Poverty Gap and Severity, 2006–2012
83
84
The total of the squared income shortfall (expressed in proportion to the poverty threshold) of families with income
below the poverty threshold, divided by the total number of families.
85
31
7
5.8
6 5.4
5.1
5
4
4
3
2.2 2 1.9
2 1.5
0
2006 2009 2012 2015
Poverty Gap Severity of Poverty
Source: Child Poverty in the Philippines Report, source of basic data: National Statistics Office and National Statistical
Coordination Board
Moreover, self-reported poverty rates appear to have increased slightly in recent months. A survey
on self-reported poverty (Social Weather Stations) found that 50 per cent (an estimated 11.5 million)
of families considered themselves mahirap (poor) in the first quarter of 2017, representing a rise of
six points from the previous quarter (reported in December 2016).86 Prior to this most recent survey,
self-reported poverty levels had been decreasing, as shown in the Table below.
Table 2.11. Self-rated poverty, April 1983–March 2017
86
Social Weather Stations, First quarter Social Weather Survey: Families self-rated as poor goes to 50%; food poor
families are 35% (May 2017), available at: https://www.sws.org.ph/swsmain/artcldisppage/?artcsyscode=ART-
20170428131124
32
April 2018
Source: Social Weather Stations: First quarter Social Weather Survey: Families self-rated as poor goes to 50%; food poor
families are 35% (May 2017)
The survey also found that 35 per cent of families (8.1 million) considered themselves to be ‘food
poor’. The rise in self-reported poverty rates were attributed to a rise in rates across the country.87
The Social Weather Stations Survey also found a substantial but declining rate of self-reported hunger
among the population: in the first quarter of 2017, 11.9 per cent of families (2.7 million) reported
experiencing involuntary hunger at least once in the past three months; 9.7 per cent of families (2.2
million) reported experiencing involuntary hunger ‘a few times’ and 2.2 per cent (510,000) reported
experiencing involuntary hunger ‘often’ or ‘always’ in the past three months. 88
87
According to the Social Weather Stations data, the self-rated poverty threshold is ‘the monthly budget that a poor
household needs for home expenses in order not to consider itself poor’– the median threshold is the home expense
budget that would satisfy the poorer half of the poor households; the self-reported food poverty threshold is ‘the
monthly budget that a food-poor household needs for food in order not to consider itself food-poor’ – the median
food-poverty threshold is the food budget that would satisfy the poorer half of the food-poor households: see Social
Weather Stations, First quarter Social Weather Survey: Families self-rated as poor goes to 50%; food poor families are
35% (May 2017), available at: https://www.sws.org.ph/swsmain/artcldisppage/?artcsyscode=ART-20170428131124.
88
Social Weather Stations, First quarter 2017 Social Weather Survey: Hunger at 11.9% of families; moderate hunger
9.7%; severe hunger 2.2% (May 2017), available at: https://www.sws.org.ph/swsmain/artcldisppage/?artcsyscode=ART-
20170502094436.
33
While such self-reported data are useful in providing evidence of subjective wellbeing among
families, the limitations, including in particular, the potential measurement errors that may result in
using subjective, perceptual data to monitor objective deprivations, have been noted. 89
Poverty in the Philippines is characterized by stark variation at the subnational level. Poverty levels
and trends vary considerably across different regions and provinces in the Philippines, mirroring the
uneven levels of human and economic development across the country, as illustrated by the map
below.
Table 2.12. Map of poverty incidence among families by region, 2012
Source: Geomaps (from Family Income and Expenditure Survey, 2012)
Poverty rates vary substantially by region from 3.9 per cent of the population in NCR to 53.7 per cent
of the population in ARMM – the region with the highest poverty incidence.90
89
See e.g. Sabina Alkire and Emma Sammon, ‘Mobilising the household data required to progress toward the SDGs,
Working Paper No. 72, Oxford Policy and Human Development Initiative (OPHI), University of Oxford, September 2014,
p. 18.
90
Philippines Statistics Authority, Poverty incidence among Filipinos registered as 21.6% in 2015 (Table 2), October 27,
2016, https://psa.gov.ph/poverty-press-releases
34
April 2018
Table 2.13. Poverty incidence among population by region, 2015

60
53.7
50
38.7 39.1
40 36 36.6 37.3
33.9
30 27.6
24.4
22.4 22
19.7
20
15.8
13.1
11.2
9.1
10
3.9
Source: Philippines Statistics Authority, Official poverty statistics of the Philippines (2015), Table 2.
Poverty also varies considerably within regions. For instance, in ARMM, basic needs poverty rates
vary from 10.6 per cent in Tawi-Tawi to 66.3 per cent in Lanao De Sur.91 It has been noted that poverty
incidence in the Philippines is higher in conflict provinces (42 per cent) than in non-conflict provinces
(22 per cent). Around 36 per cent of poor Filipinos (8.4 million) live in conflict provinces.92
Poverty trends also vary considerably at the subnational level. Some regions have been able to
significantly reduce their poverty rate, such as Cagayan Valley which reduced its rate from 30.6 per
cent to 18.8 per cent between 1991 and 2009, compared to ARMM whose proportion of population
in poverty increased from 21.5 per cent to 45.9 per cent between 1991 and 2009. 93
Poverty-related factors have contributed significantly to the relatively poor rankings of the
Philippines in terms of child well-being, health, deprivation and education,94 as will be examined
throughout this report.
2.2.2. Inequality
Inequality is high in the Philippines: the Gini coefficient was calculated to be 0.43 as at 2013. 95 This
represents a drop in inequality from 2009, in which it was calculated at 0.47 – the same as in 1994,
91
Philippines Statistics Authority, Official poverty statistics of the Philippines (2015), Tables 1 and 3.
92
Philippine Development Report, Creating More and Better Jobs, September 2013, World Bank, p 60
93
Child Poverty in the Philippines, Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, p5
94
Strengthening Child Protection systems in the Philippines, Child Protection in Emergencies, p 19
95
UNDP, Human development reports: Income Gini coefficient, available at http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/income-
gini-coefficient
35
indicating that inequality had not reduced between 1994 and 2009. Nonetheless, 0.43 is generally
thought to represent an unreasonable level of inequality (with 0.30 to 0.35 generally accepted as
being ‘reasonable).’96
Table 2.14. Gini coefficient in the Philippines, 1990 – 2013

0.6
0.5 0.52 0.5

0.48 0.47 0.49 0.48 0.47
0.43
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0
1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Source: Child Poverty in the Philippines Report, source of basic data: National Statistics Office and National Statistical
Coordination Board and UNDP, Human development reports: Income Gini coefficient (2013)
Since 1994, inequality has significantly increased in rural areas: from 0.39 in 1994 to 0.43 in 2009.97
It has slightly declined in urban areas, from 0.46 in 1994 to 0.45 in 2009. 98
Examining income and expenditure by income decile also demonstrates significant economic
inequality in the Philippines, as demonstrated by Table 2.15 below. According to this data, the bottom
40 per cent of the population had an income of just 18.4 per cent of the total, compared to the top
20 per cent, who had a share of 45.1 per cent of income. This represents significant economic
disparity among poor and wealthier individuals.
96
UNDP, State of Human Development in the Pacific: A report on vulnerability and exclusion at a time of rapid change
(2014)
97
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines, p 6.
98
36
April 2018
Table 2.15. Income and expenditure by decile, Philippines, 2015 (%)

35
29.5
30
24.9
25
20
15.6
15.2
15
1212.1
9.710.1
10 8.28.8
6.87.5
5.96.5
4.3
5.1 5 5.7
5 4.1
3.2
0
First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh Eight Ninth Tenth
Income Expenditure
Source: Philippines Statistics Authority, Statistical Tables on 2015 Family Income and Expenditure Survey (2015), Table 6
However, the Family Household and Expenditure Survey indicates a decline in inequality since 2012.
According to the data, between 2012 and 2015, the household incomes of the bottom 40 per cent of
households rose by an average annual rate of 7.6 per cent, a higher increase than that for households
in the fifth to eight deciles (5.4 per cent).99
The high level of inequality in the Philippines has had a negative impact on overall human
development. According to the inequality-adjusted HDI (which takes into account inequality in all
three dimensions of human development by ‘discounting’ each dimension’s average according to its
level of inequality), the ‘loss’ in human development due to inequality in the Philippines was 18.4
percentage points in 2015: the HDI score was 0.682 and the Inequality-adjusted HDI score was
0.556.100 However, this was slightly lower than the Asia-Pacific regional average of 19.3 percentage
points loss in human development due to inequality.
2.2.3. Labour market and employment trends
The labour force participation rate in April 2016 was 63.5 per cent of those aged 15 or over.101 Of the
36.5 per cent of those aged 15 and over not in the labour force (a group which includes housewives,
students, persons with disabilities and retired persons), 70.2 per cent were women and 43.5 per cent
were aged 15–24.102 Moreover, 93.9 per cent of those in the labour force were employed, 39 per
99
100
UNDP, Briefing note for countries on the 2016 Human Development Report: Philippines (2016), p. 4 – 5.
101
Philippines statistics authority, April 2016 Labor Force Survey - https://psa.gov.ph/content/employment-situation-
april-2016-final-results
102
Philippines statistics authority, April 2016 Labor Force Survey, available at: https://psa.gov.ph/content/employment-
situation-april-2016-final-results
37
cent of those employed were women and the largest age group of employed persons were those
aged 25–34, at 25.8 per cent.103
Table 2.16. Per cent Distribution of Employed Persons by Sex and Age Group: April 2016
65 and over 2.4 2
55-64 6 4.4
Age Group
45-54 10.8 7.5
35-44 Female
13.8 8.7
Male
25-34 16.5 9.3
15-24 11.7 6.8
20 15 10 5 0 5 10 15
Percent
Source: Philippine Statistic Authority, April 2016, Labor Force Survey
The main employment sector in the Philippines in April 2016 was the services sector, making up 56.3
per cent of the employed population. Those employed in the agricultural sector made up 25.5 per
cent of the employed population and those in industry 18.2 per cent. The majority of those employed
were wage and salary workers (61.7 per cent).
Table 2.17. Labour force participation by sector, 2016 (%)
103
38
April 2018
25.5
56.3
18.2
Services Industry Agriculture
Source: Philippine Statistics Authority, April 2016 Labor Force Survey
The Philippines has recorded relatively high rates of unemployment and underemployment –
particularly among young people. However, it has been noted that unemployment decreased in
2016, following a period of economic growth which saw an increase in net job creation. A total of 1.4
million jobs were created in 2016, which contributed to a decrease in the unemployment rate from
5.8 per cent in 2015 to 4.7 per cent in 2016.104 The unemployment rate was higher among men: 36.7
per cent of unemployed persons in 2016 were women and most were young people (49 per cent
were aged 15-24).105 Unemployment rates vary by region, from three per cent (Region II) to 7.5 per
cent (Region IV-A), as shown in the Table below.
Table 2.18. Unemployment Rate by Region: April 2016
104
105
39
8 7.3 7.5 7.5

7
7 6.5
5.9 6
6 5.7 5.7
5.3
5
5 4.5 4.5
In percent
4 4.1 4.2
4
3
3
2
1
0
Region
While unemployment was quite low in 2016, rates of underemployment are quite high, remaining at
around 20 per cent in 2016, indicating that job quality is still a challenge. 106 It has been noted in
particular that jobs in the agriculture sector, which account for around a quarter of all employment,
tend to be seasonal and low paying, and characterized by significant underemployment: 36.5 per
cent of persons working in the agriculture sector were underemployed as at April 2016.107
2.3. Government and political context
The Philippines has been an independent country since 1946. Before being independent, it was
colonised by the Spaniards, and later by the United States. Spanish colonialism started in the mid-
sixteenth century and by the end of the sixteenth century most of the Philippines was under Spanish
rule, apart from Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago. Spanish rule was maintained until June 1898
when independence was declared. However, independence was fleeting. In peace negotiations
following the Spanish-American War, the US demanded that Spain cede the Philippines to the US.108
The Treaty of Paris, signed in December 1898, and ratified by the US Senate in 1899, made the
Philippines a colony once more.
The US began the process of de-colonisation and moved towards greater self-governance for the
Philippines within a decade of taking control. By 1916, Filipino nationals dominated the legislative
and judicial branches of government, though the US maintained control of the executive and
administrative branches. Despite the short period of colonial rule by the US and the increase in
Filipino representation in government, the US had a considerable impact over the country in terms
of the form of governance, economics, language and education.
Following the passing of the Philippine Commonwealth and Independence Act by the US Congress in
1934, the Philippines started a 10-year transition towards full independence, which was scheduled
in the Act to occur in 1946. During these ten years, the intention was that the Philippines would
remain a US territory, with foreign affairs, defence and monetary matters remaining under the
106
World Bank, Philippines economic update: advancing the investment agenda, April 2017, p. 25.
107
situation-april-2016-final-results.
108
The Spanish received $20million from the USA for the Philippines.
40
April 2018
control of the USA Government. The movement towards independence was interrupted when the
Japanese occupied the Philippines in 1941. The Japanese were mostly driven out of the Philippines
in 1944, with a final defeat in March 1945. The Commonwealth was re-established in 1944, and in
accordance with the Philippine Commonwealth and Independence Act in 1934 the Philippines finally
became independent on 4 July 1946.
Under the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, the Philippines is a democratic
Republic headed by a President.109 Power is divided between three branches: the legislature, the
executive and the judiciary. The Executive branch is composed of the President and the Vice-
President. The President is elected by the public for a six-year term and is the Head of State, Head of
Government and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces.
The current president, Rodrigo Duterte, was elected in May 2016, and the current Vice President
(who is also elected) is Maria Leonor G. Robredo. The President has the power to appoint his own
Cabinet.
The Philippine Congress is composed of two branches: the Senate (the upper chamber) and the House
of Representatives (the lower chamber). The Senate is composed of 24 senators elected by the public
at large,110 of which six are currently female.111 The House of Representatives can have up to 250
members elected from congressional districts.112 As of 2016, 68 out of 238 representatives (28.6 per
cent) are women.113
In the Philippines, political parties are generally weak, but family political dynasties can be strong at
national, regional and local levels.114 The Philippines is 101st in Transparency International’s
Corruption Perceptions Index 2016 with a score of 35 (anything under 50 indicates a serious level of
public sector corruption).115 Since independence, Governments have been marked by political
dynasties, despite Article II Section 26 of the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines which provides that
“the State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibits political
dynasties as may be defined by law.” In a 2014 study,116 it was estimated that 50–70 per cent of all
politicians were involved or associated in a political dynasty within the Philippines, including LGUs.
The same study found that 77 per cent of legislators between the ages of 26–40 in 2014, were
‘dynastic’, showing the continuation of ‘elite’ power.117
It has been argued that the concentration of political power among a few families benefits a narrow
set of economic interests over a period of time, institutionalises economic inequalities and
perpetuates a culture of dependency between an economically/politically dominant patron and an
109
Article II, Section 1, 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
110
Article VI, Section 2, 1987 Constitution.
111
Taken from: https://www.senate.gov.ph/senators/sen17th.asp.
112
Article VI, Section 5(1), 1987 Constitution.
113
Table 8.2, Women and Men in the Philippines Statistical Handbook 2016, Philippine Statistics Authority.
114
UNICEF Philippines Political Economy Assessment Report, p 16.
115
National Youth Assessment Study 2015, Philippines, p 4.
116
Querubin, Political Reform and Elite Persistence: Term Limits and Political Dynasties in the Philippines. Rochester,
NY. 2012.
117
Querubin P., Political Reform and Elite Persistence: Term Limits and Political Dynasties in the Philippines. Rochester,
NY. 2012.  See also Simbulan,D.,The Modern Principalia: The Historical Evolution of the Philippine Ruling Oligarchy,
University of Philippines Press, 2005.
41
otherwise disenfranchised client. It is not accidental that provinces with established political
dynasties are also among the poorest.118
It has been stated that it “is widely acknowledged in the literature that poor governance and weak
institutions are among the critical constraints to investment and growth in the Philippines.”119
Problems with governance, particularly corruption and political instability have resulted in weak
investor confidence, a reluctance to invest in the Philippines and a consequent lack of growth,
employment and reduction in poverty. Institutions on which good governance relies are also weak
with low capacity and a lack of well-trained staff.
The World Bank defines governance as the set of traditions and institutions by which authority in a
country is exercised.120 This includes (1) the process by which governments are selected, monitored
and replaced; (2) the capacity of the government to effectively formulate and implement sound
policies; and (3) the respect of citizens and the state for the institutions that govern economic and
social interactions among them. The World Bank Governance has six governance indicators:
1.Voice and Accountability –capturing perceptions of the extent to which a country's citizens
are able to participate in selecting their government, as well as freedom of expression,
freedom of association, and a free media.
2. Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism – capturing perceptions of the
likelihood of political instability and/or politically-motivated violence, including terrorism.
3. Government Effectiveness – capturing perceptions of the quality of public services, the
quality of the civil service and the degree of its independence from political pressures, the
quality of policy formulation and implementation, and the credibility of the government's
commitment to such policies.
4. Regulatory Quality – capturing perceptions of the ability of the government to formulate
and implement sound policies and regulations that permit and promote private sector
development.
5. Rule of Law – capturing perceptions of the extent to which agents have confidence in and
abide by the rules of society, and in particular the quality of contract enforcement, property
rights, the police, and the courts, as well as the likelihood of crime and violence.
6. Control of Corruption – capturing perceptions of the extent to which public power is
exercised for private gain, including both petty and grand forms of corruption, as well as
"capture" of the state by elites and private interest.
Table 2.19. Philippines scores in the World Bank Governance Indicators, 2002–2015
118
Simbulan,D., The Modern Principalia: The Historical Evolution of the Philippine Ruling Oligarchy, University of
Philippines Press, 2005. See also Mendoza, R., E. Beja, V. Venida, and D. Yap. 2012. “Inequality in Democracy: Insights
from an Empirical Analysis of Political Dynasties in the 15th Philippine Congress.” Philippine Political Science Journal 33
(2): 132–14.
119
Mendoz, R.U, Olfindo R., and Poco L.C.R.: Governance and Institutions in the Philippines, ASOG Working Paper 17-
002, 2017.
120
World Bank, Governance and development (1992), available at
http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/604951468739447676/Governance-and-development, p. 1.
42
April 2018
70
60
50
Percentile Rank
40
30
20
10
0
2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015
Control of Corruption Government Effectiveness Political Stability

Regulatory Quality Rule of Law Voice and Accountability
Between 2005 and 2014, the Philippines improved its ranking in all six dimensions. However, in 2015
improvements stalled. Government effectiveness actually decreased in 2015, as did voice and
accountability, rule of law and political stability. Regulatory quality maintained the level it achieved
in 2014, while control of corruption rose in 2015 (though the figure is still below that achieved in
2013). There were no figures available for 2016 at the time of writing.
The Transparency International Corruption Index showed a decline in corruption during the Aquino
presidency: from ranking 134 out of 178 countries in 2010, to 95 out of 178 in 2015. In 2016, however,
the corruption index showed the Philippines corruption level as having risen, being ranked at 101 out
of 176 countries.121 Although President Duterte was elected on an anti-corruption platform, it has
been suggested that the fight against corruption has been ineffective, and corruption could continue
to rise as extrajudicial killings, attacks on the media and violent intimidation are perceived as a threat
to democracy and democratic institutions.122 At present, this does not seem to have had an impact
on economic growth. Growth in 2016 was 6.8 per cent, and is expected to remain a top regional
performer with growth projected at 6.9 per cent in 2017 and 2018.
National and local officials are subject to oversight by independent constitutional bodies (including
the Supreme Court) and by the Ombudsman (in relation to civil, criminal and administrative matters).
The Ombudsman in its current form was created by the 1987 Philippine Constitution and Republic
Act 6770, the Ombudsman Act of 1989. It is the leading anti-corruption agency of government. The
Ombudsman (a woman, with five male deputy ombudsmen) has a wide range of functions, powers
and duties, amongst which are the power to investigate and prosecute any act or omission of any
public officer or employee, office or agency, when such act or omission appears to be illegal, unjust,
improper or inefficient. It has the authority to impose administrative sanctions against certain erring
121
Transparency International, Corruption perceptions index, available at:
https://www.transparency.org/research/cpi/overview
122
See Forbes, Duterte’s Philippines is getting more corrupt, January 26 th 2017.
43
officials of government, both elected and appointed. It is also equipped with the authority to
prosecute criminal cases against erring public officials and their cohorts and to institute cases for
forfeiture of unexplained wealth. In addition, it can direct any officer or employee of the
Government, and any government-owned or controlled corporation, to perform any act or duty
required by law, or to stop, prevent, and correct any abuse or impropriety in the performance of their
duties.
An estimated 343 criminal's information were filed in 2015 for various offences against high-ranking
officials, including the Vice-President, a former congressman and the Tawi-Tawi provincial governor.
LGUs, House of Representatives, Philippine National Police (PNP), Department of Education and
Department of Environment and Natural Resources were the government agencies with the most
number of cases filed.123
2.3.1. The Judiciary
The judicial branch of the Philippines is headed by a Supreme Court made up of 15 justices.124 Three
of the current 15 justices are women, including the Chief Justice.125 In the lower courts, in 2015, there
were 747 judges, 43.97 per cent of whom were women.126
The US State Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, noted in a 2013 Country Report on
Human Rights Practices, that the Law in the Philippines provides for an independent judiciary, and
that the Government has generally respected judicial independence. However, “corruption through
nepotism, personal connections, and sometimes bribery has continued to result in impunity for
wealthy or influential offenders in criminal cases and has also impacted on civil cases.”127 The Report
finds that overall, the judicial system continues to suffer from a lack of sufficient personnel, inefficient
processes, and long procedural delays. The judiciary is underfunded by the state and often depends
on local sponsors for resources and salaries, resulting in non-transparent and biased court decisions.
These factors continue to contribute to widespread scepticism in the Philippines that the justice
system, and especially the criminal justice system, is able to deliver due process and equal justice.128
Despite a raft of human rights legislation, the Philippines has a high number of extrajudicial killings
and summary executions. Following a much-publicised spate of extrajudicial killings of drug dealers
and drug pushers following the election of President Duterte, Senator Leila de Lima introduced
Resolution 9 on 13 July 2016, directing the Senate Committee on Justice and Human Rights to
investigate the extrajudicial killings. The Resolution noted that in a 13-day period following the
inauguration of President Duterte (30h June to 12 July), a national newspaper reported that there
had been 136 extrajudicial and summary killings, while a television company alleged that from 10
May to 12 July the number of bodies had risen to 339.
123
Annual Report, Office of the Ombudsman (2015).
124
Article VIII, Section 1, 1987 Constitution
125
Taken from: http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/aboutsc/justices/
126
Table 8.3, Women and Men in the Philippines Statistical Handbook 2016, Philippine Statistics Authority
127
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2013 United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights and Labor: Philippines 2013 Country Report, p.11.
128
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2013 United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights and Labor: Philippines 2013 Country Report, p.11.
44
April 2018
The Senate reported on the investigation on 16 December 2016.129 It noted that there had been a
reported 4,248 killings all over the Philippines from 1 July 2016 to 11 October, an average of 47 killings
per day, and that these were mainly drug-related. The Senate Committee found that there was no
proof that there was a State-sponsored policy to commit killings; but took note of the many
thousands of killings with impunity that have taken place every year for at least two decades. Under
the Arroyo administration from 2001 to 2010, there were 91,762 killings – an average of 29 killings
per day; while under the Aquino administration from 2010 to 2016, the rate went up to an average
of 40 per day.130
The Senate Committee also found that those involved in extrajudicial killing had acted with impunity
and that there was an urgent need for law reform to strengthen the criminal law. The police alleged
that impunity was not the issue but rather the lack of personnel to investigate and pursue cases and
complaints against the police. The hearings were regarded as providing an opportunity to access
justice for the victims and their families as well as for the public to be educated and kept abreast of
the situation. The evidence given to the Committee is contained in the report and is available
online.131
2.3.2. Administration
The Philippines is roughly divided into three island groups: Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao with an
administrative system comprised of regions, provinces and independent cities, municipalities and
barangays (all referred to as local government units). There are currently 18 administrative regions,132
(including the ARMM) within which there are 81 provinces; each of which is governed by its own
elected legislature and an elected governor. National government offices are usually located in the
regional centres.133 In addition to the provinces, there are 145 cities,134 of which 33 are classified as
highly urban cities with a population of 200,000 or more residents, five are independent component
cities and the rest are component cities.135 Highly urban cities are autonomous LGUs which are
administratively separate from the provinces in which they are located. Independent component
cities are also administratively separate from the province, but component cities remain under the
jurisdiction of the province.
Each province has a number of municipalities, which must have a minimum population of 25,000
inhabitants, which are governed by mayors, who may issue executive orders. There are currently
1,490 municipalities which are headed by mayors. Although mayors have the power to issue
executive orders, the governor of the province has the power to review such orders, while the
legislative body has the power to review legislation passed by the city council or the municipal
council.
129
Senate Joint Committee Report on Extra-Judicial Killings: Killing with Impunity: A Time to Act, 16th December 2016.
130
Senate Joint Committee Report on Extra-Judicial Killings, Killing with Impunity: A Time to Act 16th December 2016, p
5 and p. 41.
131
senate.gov.ph CR-18, 12/13/16.
132
2013 Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey (FLEMMS) Final Report, Chapter 1
133
2013 Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey (FLEMMS) Final Report, Chapter 1.
134
Philippines Statistics Authority, ActiveStats –PSGC Interactive – List of Cities as of 31st March 2017, available at:
http://nap.psa.gov.ph/activestats/psgc/listcity.asp
135
Philippines Statistics Authority, ActiveStats –PSGC Interactive – List of Cities as of 31st March 2017, available at:
http://nap.psa.gov.ph/activestats/psgc/listcity.asp
45
The smallest (and oldest) administrative unit is the barangay, which is generally translated as a village
or ward. There are over 42,000 barangays, all of which have elected officials, known as councillors,
and led by a chairperson or captain. Funding is provided to all levels of local government, including
the barangay, which is funded through a formula which takes the population and the land area into
account. There are also a range of local ‘participatory’ bodies which assist local government and
undertaken some of their functions, including local development councils, local health boards, local
school boards, peace and order councils, as well as committees on nutrition, agriculture, local
economy, etc.136
The aim of the Republic Act No. 7160 (the Local Government Code of 1991) was to transform LGUs
into self-reliant communities and active partners in nation-building by ‘decentralising’ government
functions, giving LGUs more powers, authority, responsibilities and resources. Through this, LGUs can
enact their own local legislation and have the power to raise taxes. They also have a wide range of
powers, which they can exercise where these are essential to the promotion of general welfare,
including the preservation and enrichment of culture; the promotion of health and safety,
enhancement of economic prosperity and social justice and to maintain law and order.137 LGUs
136
See Dorotan E., Decentralisation in the Philippines, Asian Development Bank, available at
https://wpqr4.adb.org/lotusquickr/cop-
mfdr/PageLibrary482571AE005630C2.nsf/0/7E0AEAB811AEB05348257BA30024A265/$file/Session%202b_PHILIPPINES,
%20Eddie%20Dorotan.pdf.
137
See Republic Act No. 7160 (the Local Government Code of 1991), section 16.
46
April 2018
receive 40 per cent of national tax receipts, with provinces receiving 23 per cent, cities, 23 per cent,
municipalities 34 per cent and barangays 20 per cent of the overall amount available. The funds are
released directly to the LGUs, but they have little discretion as to how the funds are to be used.138
Decentralisation has not been without its challenges. The Philippine Development Plan 2011-2016
noted that a majority of LGUs at the time the Plan was developed still lacked the ability or the will to
raise adequate revenues themselves, leaving them over-dependent upon national government for
revenue. The PDP also noted that many LGUs have failed to manage their financial resources
effectively and sustainably. Where there has been significant decentralisation of functions, not all
local government offices have been able to increase their capacity sufficiently to enable them to
prioritise, plan, budget and implement programmes effectively. A lack of training and experience
amongst some local government staff has also resulted in poor delivery of medium to large scale
projects and programmes, creating bottlenecks in service delivery. Additionally, “owing to loopholes
in the LGC, as well as the lack of capacities of local governments in assuming devolved functions,
national government agencies (NGAs) continue to deliver certain services despite the transfer of these
services to the local governments. The confused and overlapping performance of functions
compromises the lines of accountability for local services.”139 Not only is there a lack of clarity
between central and local governments as to which body is responsible for delivery of services, but
there is also an overlapping distribution of duties among the different levels of local governments
(i.e. province, city, municipality and barangay). Other challenges facing decentralisation in the
Philippines include patronage, money politics, the clan system and an inefficient, politically
influenced civil service.140
The Philippine Development Plan of 2017-2022 notes that many of these challenges remain, including
an over-reliance on national revenue, and overlapping functions and weak delivery of services. The
Development Plan proposes changes to the Local Government Code of 1991 to address the
challenges.
Moves toward federalism

Moves to introduce a federal political structure have been gaining ground in the Philippines.
Proponents of federalism have argued that it will help promote economic development, address the
economic inequalities between regions and facilitate increased political participation.141 Transitioning
to a federal structure has also been called for in order to ensure the creation of the autonomous
Bangsamoro region and address the discontent among the Moro population in ARMM.142
Discussions on federalism and whether and how to transition the Philippines to a federal state were
sparked, at least in recent times, by political scientist and professor at the University of the
138
For instance 20% of a barangay’s income must be spent on development activities, 10% on Youth Council activities
and 1% must be allotted to the local child protection committee etc.
139
Philippines Development Plan 2011-2016 at http://devplan.neda.gov.ph.
140
See Dorotan E., Decentralisation in the Philippines.
141 Abueva, J.V., University of Philippines, Some advantages of federalism and parliamentary government for the
Philippines (2005), available at http://pcij.org/blog/wp-docs/Abueva-Federalism.pdf

142Abueva, J.V., University of Philippines, Some advantages of federalism and parliamentary government for the
Philippines (2005
47
Philippines, Jose Abueva, who proposed a 10-year roadmap toward federalism in 2000.143 Since then,
several initiatives by senators have continued the discussions. In 2008, senator Aquilino Pimentel Jr,
proposed Joint Resolution No. 10, to amend the 1987 Constitution to create eleven autonomous
regions (states) across the country. A Concurrent Resolution No. 15 was introduced, also in 2008,
supporting Joint Resolution No. 10 (with some changes) and backed by 16 senators.
President Duterte, a long supporter of the move toward federalism and one issue on which he based
his campaign for the Presidency,144 has made an undertaking to hold a plebiscite on replacing the
unitary government structure with a federal one. 145 He also passed Executive Order No. 10 in
December 2016,146 which established a Consultative Committee to study, consult on and review the
provisions of the 1987 Constitution relating to the structure and power of the government, local
government and economic policies and present a report to the President. The Committee held its
first meeting in February 2018.147
Several initiatives have been introduced since the passing of Executive Order No. 10, including one
of House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez in 2017, which called for the establishment of 14 states: seven
in Luzon, two in Vasayas and five in Mindanao, and the establishment of a new administrative capital
in a central location.148 In 2018, the Sub-Committee of the House of Representatives Committee on
Constitutional Amendments proposed a federal Philippines composed of five States (Metro Manila,
Luzon, Vasayas, Mindanao and Bangsamoro), each led by a Premier and State Assembly; however,
this proposal has been criticised due to its lumping together of diverse areas and populations
resulting in a lack of representation in some areas. The proposal was also criticised as it does not
impose term limits on political leaders.
2.3.3. Child participation in governance
Article 12 of the CRC provides that children should have a right to express their views freely in all
matters affecting them, and for these views to be given due weight in accordance with the child’s
age and maturity.
Child participation has a relatively long, if somewhat troubled, history in the Philippines. Article 4(6)
of the Child and Youth Welfare Code of 1974 identified children’s ‘responsibility’ to ‘participate
143Abueva, J.V., University of Philippines, Some advantages of federalism and parliamentary government for the
Philippines (2005
144Reuters, Philippine lawmakers move toward switch to federal system of government, 16 January 2018, available at
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-philippines-politics/philippine-lawmakers-move-toward-switch-to-federal-system-
of-government-idUSKBN1F50R1
145 Philippines Daily Inquirer, Duterte: Polls on federalism in two years, 20 May 2016, available at
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/786631/duterte-polls-on-federalism-in-2-yrs
146 Executive Order No. 10, Creating a Consultative Committee to Review the 1987 Constitution, 7 December 2016.
147CNN Philippines, Constitutional review committee holds first en banc session, 19 February 2018, available at
http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2018/02/19/Constitutional-review-committee-holds-first-en-banc-session.html
148Arguillas, C.O., Minda News, Alvarez federal Philippines: 14 states, Negros as seat of central government, 28 March
2017, available at http://www.mindanews.com/top-stories/2017/03/alvarez-federal-philippines-14-states-negros-as-
seat-of-central-govt/
48
April 2018
actively in civic affairs in the promotion of the general welfare.’149 The Code also established Barangay
Councils for the Protection of Children which were to include a ‘representative of youth’.150 The
participation articles of the Code were based on the premise that providing children with a formal
avenue through which to express their views would strengthen policy.
Following ratification of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the articles of the Child and
Youth Welfare Code were used as the basis of a policy framework to institutionalise children’s
participation rights further. In 1991 the Local Government Code established Youth Assemblies in each
barangay. These were intended for 15- to –21-year-olds. In addition, the Local Government Code of
1991151 established elected youth councils, Sangguniang Kabataan (SK), to enable youth “to
participate more in civic and political affairs and give them opportunities to freely express their views
and opinions.”152 At this time, the Youth Council consisted of a chairman and 7 council members
aged 15 –21.
Children’s participation was also institutionalised in key national bodies, including the Council for the
Welfare of Children (CWC) established by the Child and Youth Welfare Code.153
Youth participation was addressed again in Republic Act 8044, the Youth in Nation-Building Act 1994,
which provided for the creation of a National Comprehensive and Coordinated Programme on Youth
Development. Youth are defined in this Act as people aged 15–30. The objectives of the Commission
established under the Act are to provide leadership in the formulation of policies and in the setting
of priorities and direction of all youth promotion and development programmes and activities; to
encourage wide and active participation of youth in all governmental and non-governmental
programmes and develop the potential of youth in nation-building.
In 1995, the Expanding Children’s Participation in Social Reform Project was established with the
objectives of:
• Organizing children as a sector and increasing their participation in public policy making;
• Creating national and local coalitions to address issues affecting children;
• Lobbying for recognition of children’s issues within the legislative process.154
The same year the National Youth Commission was established as a national government agency
initially attached to the office of the President, (though the office was reassigned to the Cabinet
Secretary in July 2016 under the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Act 2015).155 Its vision is broad, with
the NYC positioning itself as the policy authority on youth participation and the prime mover in youth
development.156 The core functions of the NYC are seen as research, policy formulation and
advocacy; monitoring and evaluation of youth programmes, projects and activities; resource
149
Bessell, S., Children’s Participation in Decision-Making in the Philippines, Childhood Vol. 16(3), 299-316. August 2009.
Bessell suggests that participation rights were not intended to empower children but rather to impose a form of social
control.
150
Article 87, Child and Youth Welfare Code of 1974.
151
Republic Act 7160. The Sangguniang Kabataan. Those aged 15-21 on election day could vote for the Youth Council.
152
The State of Filipino Children 2002: Manila, Council for the Welfare of Children.
153
Committee on the Rights of the Child, Consideration of Reports Submitted by States Parties Under Article 44 of the
Convention, Third and Fourth Periodic Reports of States parties due in 2007, Philippines, 20 March 2009, CRC/C/PHL/3-
4, (CRC State Report Philippines, 2009) para 98
154
Bessell, S., Children’s Participation in Decision-Making in the Philippines, Childhood Vol. 16(3), 299-316. August 2009
at p.304.
155
Law No. 10742.
156
National Youth Commission, available at: nyc.xeozone.net/vision-mission.
49
mobilisation, networking and partnership building; social marketing, public and media relations and
education, training and institution-building. In 2014, its budget was PhP41,565,079.83. The
Commission has a number of programmes including maintenance of the National Action Plan of
Youth Employment and Migration; maintenance of a data base for out of school youth to facilitate
reintegration and link them to existing programmes, cultural exchanges; government internship
programmes and a National Youth Parliament.
Children also sit on the National Anti-Poverty Commission, which was established in 1998 under
Republic Act 8425, and are represented by 15 sectoral representatives on the National Anti-Poverty
Commission–Children Basic Sector (NAPC-CBS) Sectoral Council.157 The Anti-Poverty Commission is
responsible for implementing the Social Reform Agenda in the Philippines, in particular strengthening
partnerships between the national government and key stakeholders working with the poor and the
marginalised (for more detail on the National Anti-Poverty Commission, see chapter 9). It has been
argued that “the children’s basic sector within the National Anti-Poverty Commission is critical – it is
a forum for raising issues that are important to children.”158 It is unclear, however, how much
influence children have on policy in practice.
The Philippines National Strategic Framework for Plan Development for Children (2000–2025) known
as Child 21 identifies participation rights as fundamental to successful policies and interventions for
children. The vision of the Strategic Framework is that every child will be “actively participating in
decision-making and governance in harmony and in solidarity with others, in sustaining the Filipino
nation.” Following the Development Plan, the National Committee on Child and Youth Participation
was formed in 2001. In 2005, the National Committee produced the National Framework on Child
and Youth Participation, supported by the CWC and UNICEF.
Bottlenecks and barriers to participation

Despite this range of initiatives, the operation of the Youth Councils has faced numerous difficulties.
A 2007 Study by Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) and UNICEF159 found that
although the Youth Councils had tremendous potential to develop the next generation of leaders,
engage youth in the community and teach them accountability, honesty and creativity, their
performance over the previous 10 years had been generally weak. In addition, the UN Committee on
the Rights of the Child in their Concluding Observations to the Republic of the Philippines 3 rd and 4th
periodic reports in 2009 raised concerns about the ability of children, especially those belonging to
minority and indigenous populations, to be heard within the family, schools, institutions, the courts
and administrative bodies.160
As a result, a further study was commissioned by the CWC and the National Committee on Child and
Youth Participation in 2009. The resulting study: Case Studies on Child and Youth Participation in the
Philippines,161 found that child participation had had a positive effect; that participation had created
changes in the level of awareness children had of their rights, and had also had a positive effect on
157
CRC State Report, Philippines, 2009, para 98.
158
at p.304.
159
Balanon, F, UNICEF, The Impact of Youth Participation in the Local Government Process: The Sangguniang Kabataan
Experience (2007)
160
Committee on the Rights of the Child, Consideration of Reports Submitted by States Parties Under Article 44 of the
Convention, Concluding Observations: The Philippines, 22 October 2009, CRC/C/PHL/CO/3-4 (CRC Concluding
Observations, Philippines 2009), para 34-35
161
Ruiz, H., Case Studies on Child and Youth Participation in the Philippines, Council for the Welfare of Children, 2011.
50
April 2018
parents, teachers and community leaders. However, the Study also found that although the National
Framework on Child and Youth Participation was a good document, it was not well-known and its
circulation was limited. In addition, the Framework on its own was insufficient to guide institutions
and agencies in effective child participation. Further, child participation in formal bodies did not make
adequate allowance for children’s stage of development and were not child-friendly, restricting the
extent to which participation was effective, and in some cases making it tokenistic. Those working
with children at all levels also had an ‘incomplete understanding’ of the concept, principles and
practice of child and youth participation, having received little training and without access to
appropriate training materials or guidance.
The Study made a number of recommendations including the need to review, revise and re-design
the National Framework on Child and Youth Participation and a need to institutionalise it. A further
recommendation was that a guidebook on participation be produced. This was acted on and the
National Committee on Child and Youth Participation together with the Council for the Welfare of
Children, published a Guide for Promoting and Upholding Children’s Participation in the Philippines
in 2014.
Despite the fact that strides had been made in encouraging and embedding child participation, there
remained a range of concerns about the youth councils and their effectiveness in encouraging and
implementing child participation put forward by commentators. The most common reason given for
ineffectual participation were current social and cultural norms which regard children as
incompetent and subordinate to adults. Age-based hierarchies were regarded as playing a significant
role, with far greater weight and respect being given to the views of adults, especially those of older
adults. However, a number of other barriers were also mentioned: there was a lack of clarity and
understanding about what children could contribute and how, which reduced receptiveness to the
idea of children’s participation and inhibits change in existing rules and norms.162 There was also a
lack of agreement about the age at which children are able to participate effectively. It has been
noted that participation of younger children “is a vexed issue, and issues of competency and capability
tend to become more confronting and controversial.”163
The CWC has also raised other issues which impact on children’s participation. These include the
need for child representatives on the Council and other formal bodies to miss considerable amounts
of school in order to participate; that child representatives may be seen as different from other
children, regarded as an ‘elite’ group and suffer ostracism as a consequence; and that setting
procedures for the selection of child representatives is often difficult, time-consuming and resource-
intensive.164 Last, there is an issue of ‘romanticisation’ of child participation: treating children as
equal with adults, with formal bodies placing too much responsibility on child members for decisions
on issues with which they might not be familiar or knowledgeable. For example, in Barangay Councils
a child may be asked to participate in deciding whether a child should be removed from a family for
reasons of protection, or to provide support to a child who has been the subject of violence or abuse
162 Bessell, S., Children’s Participation in Decision-Making in the Philippines, Childhood Vol. 16(3), 299-316. August
2009 at p.309.
2009 at p.310.
2009 at p.312.
51
in the family. Placing such a burden on children who are not equipped or supported to make such
decisions is a barrier to effective participation.165
These barriers to participation have been compounded by political issues. Elections to the Youth
Councils (the SK) were suspended in 2013 under Republic Act No 10632, as a result of allegations of
corruption, nepotism, lack of financial transparency, misspending of money and recurring
programmes focusing on sport and pageantry.166 The Act167 also postponed the SK elections from
2013 to a date which was to be determined, but which was to fall between 28 October 2014 and 23
February 2015. The Act further provided that the SK officials were not to remain in office after 30
November 2013, in effect dissolving the SK. 168
A new Act, the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Law (Republic Act No. 10742) was passed and came
into force in January 2016, with the aim of revitalising the Youth Council to ensure youth
development, service and participation. The Law has made some significant changes. Only 18- to 24-
year-olds may now stand for election to the Barangay Youth Council, a change from the previous
provision which stated that those who were aged 15–21 could stand for election. A further change
can be found in Section 10 of the Act. The purpose of the provision is to address the previous
allegations that too many of the elected members of the Barangay Youth Councils were related to
local and national politicians. Section 10 provides that those standing for election:
“must not be related within the second civil degree of consanguinity or affinity to any
incumbent elected national official or to any incumbent elected regional, provincial, city,
municipal or barangay official in the locality where he or she seeks to be elected, and must
not have been convicted by final judgment of any crime involving moral turpitude.”
Once elected, the person must undergo training before he or she can assume office. The barangay is
required to allocate 10 per cent of the general fund to the Barangay Youth Council but under the new
Act it must be disbursed solely for youth development, with the money being deposited in a
government-owned bank.
Anyone who has lived in the barangay and is aged 15–30 may be a member of the Barangay Youth
Assembly which is required to meet once every six months (rather than once every three months) to
review the annual performance and financial reports of the Barangay Youth Council.
The new Act is clearly intended to address the barriers to youth participation outlined above.
However, in so doing, it has the effect of excluding children from any meaningful participation in local
governance and development. Children aged 15–18 are now confined to the Youth Assembly and the
Local Youth Development Council, but are no longer eligible for election to the Youth Council.
165
at p.312.
166
Ladia, C.; Why the Sangguniang Kabataan needs an overhaul, rappler.com, September 27th 2014 and Rappler,
What’s in the new Sangguniang Kabataan? January 31st 2016 http://www.rappler.com/move-ph/120205-new-
improved-sangguniang-kabataan.
167
An Act to postpone the Sangguniang Kabataan elections on October 28 th 2013, amending for the purpose Republic
Act No 9340 and for other purposes.
168
In the interim, an 8-member Task Force on Youth Development, ostensibly nominated by youth organizations in the
barangay, as well as by the Katipunan ng Kabataan (Youth Assembly) and appointed by the punong barangay (village
chairman) took charge over all community youth concerns and advocacies, as well as over the SK budget, which
comprises 10% of the Barangay General Fund (Rappler, What’s in the new Sangguniang Kabataan? January 31st 2016,
http://www.rappler.com/move-ph/120205-new-improved-sangguniang-kabataan.).
52
April 2018
It should also be noted that concerns have been raised by the UN Committee on the Rights of the
Child that children with disabilities remain ‘invisible’ in Philippine society and that there is a need to
ensure the “participation of children with disabilities and members of their families in the planning,
implementation and evaluation of programmes.”169
2.4. Legislative and policy framework and monitoring of child rights
Internationally two different approaches are taken by States when they ratify a treaty. In some
States, known as ‘monist’ States, a ratified treaty automatically becomes part of the law of the land,
and takes precedence over national law. In others, ‘dualist’ States, an international treaty is only
treated as having full legal effect when it is incorporated into national law. The Philippines is a dualist
State and ratified treaties are not valid or effective unless they have been concurred in by at least
two thirds of all the Members of the Senate.170 However, concern has been raised by the Human
Rights Committee and the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, that even
when a treaty has been concurred in and adopted by the Senate, the supremacy of the provisions of
these treaties has not been recognised by the Philippines Supreme Court where there is an
irreconcilable conflict between treaty law and national law.171
A Bill of Rights which enshrines a number of the Philippines international human rights obligations
was incorporated in the 1987 Constitution.172 Additionally, the family is protected under the
Constitution, including the obligation on the State to defend the right of children to assistance,
including proper care and nutrition, and special protection from all forms of neglect, abuse, cruelty,
exploitation and other conditions prejudicial to their development.173
The policy framework is set out in a number of different strategies, policies and frameworks and
reflected in national laws. In order to support the implementation of government policy, there are a
number of different sector plans of action. These include the Philippine National Strategic Framework
for Plan Development for Children for the period 2000–2025 (Child 21), and the now expired Second
National Plan of Action for Children, which ran from 2011–2016. A third National Plan Action Plan for
Children is currently being finalised (for further details see Child Protection section of the report).
There are also other national action plans which relate specifically to children, including the
Philippine Plan of Action on Nutrition (PPAN), Gender and Development (GAD) plans, and the
Philippine Plan of Action to end Violence against Children. The challenge for government is to ensure
consistency of strategies, programmes, and monitoring frameworks among these sector plans and
the PDP.
Spotlight issue: Data collection and use in policy and programming

The collection and use of data has been highlighted as a key challenge in the Philippines that limits
the ability of government institutions to design effective policies and programmes and target
169 UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, Concluding Observations: Philippines (2009), CRC/C/PHIL/CO3-4, para. 54.
170
Section 21, Article VII Constitution.
171
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, Concluding observations on the combined seventh
and eighth periodic reports of the Philippines, 25 July 2016, para 10 and 11; Human Rights Committee Concluding
observations on the fourth periodic report of the Philippines, adopted by the Committee at its 106th Session (15
October-2 November 2012), 13 November 2012, para 5.
172
Article III Constitution.
173
Article XV, Constitution.
53
resources effectively and efficiently. Operational challenges in the effective implementation of data
collection systems, including the lack of capacity at the local level in data collection and the lack of
effective systems to ensure vertical and horizontal flows of information contribute to a lack of robust
data on the situation of children in the Philippines,174 as is highlighted throughout this report. In
addition, “good information and evidence are lacking for properly crafting and vetting proposed
interventions. This problem is exacerbated by government failure to systematically conduct impact
evaluations to measure the ex-post effects on outcomes of approved interventions.”175 Effective use
of data has also been highlighted as a challenge: “even when relevant information is available,
policymakers are often blinded by factors such as biases due to ingrained values and beliefs, lack of
critical thinking and open-mindedness, and failure to think independently.”176
The lack of data and lack of use of data, where available, can lead to poor programming at the
national and local levels.
In addition, lack of data on particularly vulnerable and marginalised groups of children, for example,
children with disabilities, children from indigenous communities, street-connected children and
children living in poor urban settlements, compounds the marginalisation of these children. Lack of
data on outcomes and well-being among these groups of children effectively renders them invisible
in policy and programming and results in an inability to target resources and programmes effectively
to meet their needs.
According to key stakeholders and experts that participated in the validation workshops for the
report in August 2017, the key underlying challenge with data collection, management and use is a
lack of clear accountability within government for ‘data’ and therefore an absence of a government
framework for overall leadership, quality control and oversight of government generated.
Accountabilities for data collection and management appear to be agency specific, with ad hoc
agency specific solutions (and ad-hoc support from development agencies). The oversight agencies
(NEDA and DBM) tend to view data from their specific oversight role, and, while the Philippines
Statistics Authority (PSA) has the technical capacity to collect household data and implement national
surveys, it remains an implementation agency that needs to be funded and tasked by another
government agency. Data collection and management is therefore highly fragmented in the
Philippines, and this has undermined the quality and use of data.
2.4.1. Monitoring mechanisms
Congress can be described as the main monitoring body. It exercises oversight, passes laws and the
General Appropriations Act. Congress can call for an inquiry about how laws and policies are being
implemented by the Executive, including laws relating to children.
The NEDA leads in planning and monitoring of the overall socio-economic development of the
Philippines. It also monitors the implementation of the UNICEF-GPH Country Programme and the UN
Development Assistance Framework. The DBM is responsible for monitoring expenditure, the impact
174
Asian Development Bank, Poverty in the Philippines: Causes, constraints, opportunities (2009), p. 14
175
Vincente B. Paqueo, Aniceto C. Orbeta Jr. and Gilberto M. Llanto, Philippine Institute of Development Studies,
Unintended consequences: The folly of uncritical thinking (2017), p. 19.
176
Vincente B. Paqueo, Aniceto C. Orbeta Jr. and Gilberto M. Llanto, Philippine Institute of Development Studies,
Unintended consequences: The folly of uncritical thinking (2017)., p. 19.
54
April 2018
of government programmes funded under the General Appropriation Act and assessing the outcome
of such expenditure.
The Presidential Human Rights Committee was established under Administrative Order No. 29 on 27
January 2002. Its role is to act as the primary advisory body to the President on human rights concerns
and issues in the country; to assess and monitor all aspects of human rights within the Philippines; to
assist victims of human rights violations and their families; and perform other functions and duties
as directed by the President.177
Additionally, the CWC, whose mandate was affirmed by Executive Order 806 signed 8 June 2009, is
the inter-agency body for children in the Philippines. It has a mandate to coordinate the
implementation and enforcement of all laws, policies, programmes and measures for children and is
the main institutional mechanism for implementing and monitoring the National Plan of Action for
Children, formulating policies for children and monitoring implementation of the Convention on the
Rights of the Child .
Local Councils for the Protection of Children (LCPCs) have been established at barangay, municipal,
city and provincial levels, and 17 Regional Sub-Committees for the Welfare of Children (RSCWCs)
have also been established to link National Government with the LGUs. However, in 2007 although
LCPCs had been organized in 97 per cent of barangays, they were only functional in 19.8 per cent.178
Furthermore, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has raised concern about the lack of
human and financial resources allocated to the CWC, LCPCs and RSCWCs which may affect their
ability to function effectively.179
2.4.2. National Human Rights Institutions
The Constitution created the Commission on Human Rights,180 which was established on 5 May 1987
under Executive Order No. 163. It is the National Human Rights Institution of the Philippines. It has
the power to: investigate human rights violations involving civil and political rights, either following
a complaint or on its own initiative; provide legal measures for the protection of human rights of all
persons within the Philippines as well as Filipinos residing abroad; provide for preventative measures
and legal aid services to the underprivileged; visit prisons and detention facilities and to monitor the
Philippine Government’s compliance with international treaty obligations on human rights. 181 The
Commission has a Child Rights Center, which was mandated under Presidential Memorandum Order
No. 257 dated 7 February 1995. The Center acts as the focal point of coordination and facilitation of
functions, programmes and activities relating to child rights, and acts as the Ombudsman for Children
with a mandate to receive complaints from children. There is also a Center for Gender Equality and
Women’s rights in the Commission which acts as the central point of coordination for the role of
Gender Ombudsman.182
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has raised concerns that the Child Rights Center does
not have sufficient human and financial resources or an adequate legal basis to exercise its mandate
effectively and independently.183
177
Section 4, Administrative Order 29, 27 January 2002.
178
CRC State report, Philippines 2009, para 23.
179
CRC Concluding Observations, Philippines, 2009, para 13.
180
Section 17(1), Article XII Constitution.
181
Section 18, Article XII Constitution.
182
http://198.23.173.74/chr/what-does-the-commission-do/specialized-thematic-human-rights-program/ .
183
CRC state report, Philippines, 2009, para 17 and 18.
55
2.4.3. Ratification of Treaties184
The Philippines has ratified all the core Conventions on children’s rights, other than the 3rd Optional
Protocol on a Communications Procedure.
The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child was ratified by the Philippines on 21 August 1990. The
Philippines does not have a consolidated piece of legislation covering children’s rights, but instead
has a number of laws containing relevant provisions relating to children and children’s rights. These
include the Anti-Violence Against Women and their Children Act 2004 (Republic Act No. 9208), the
Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act 2006 (Republic Act No. 9344), the Children’s Television Act of 1997
(Republic Act No. 8370), the Child Protection Act 1992 (Republic Act No. 7610) as amended, and the
Child and Youth Welfare Code 1974 (Presidential Decree 603). However, the UN Committee on the
Rights of the Child has raised concerns about the lack of implementation and enforcement of
legislation relating to children in the Philippines, in particular the Child Protection Act 1992. 185
The Convention for the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) was
ratified by the Philippines on 5 August 1981. In similar fashion to the CRC, CEDAW has not been
directly incorporated into Philippine Law. Instead, there are a number of pieces of legislation dealing
with women’s rights in the Philippines. In particular, the Philippines enacted Republic Act 9710, the
Magna Carta of Women in 2009 to strengthen the legal and institutional framework in accordance
with CEDAW.186 However the CEDAW has raised concerns that a number of Bills needed to harmonise
national legislation with CEDAW have been pending for a long time.187 The Philippines has also
adopted a Women’s Empowerment, Development and Gender Equality Plan for 2013-2016, and a
national action plan on women and peace and security for the period 2010-2016. At the time of
writing of this assessment report, there did not appear to be a new Gender Equality Plan.
The Philippine Commission on Women (PCW) has been established to advance the legislative agenda
and monitor the implementation of a Women’s Empowerment, Development and Gender Equality
Plan.188 However, concerns have been raised by the CEDAW Committee that the current level of
resources available to the Commission are not sufficient for its mandate.189
The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) was ratified by the Philippines on
15 April 2008. The National Council on Disability Affairs was established by Executive Order 709 and
is the central government agency taskedwith forming policies and proposing legislation on the rights
of persons with disabilities.190 There are a number of laws which have been introduced to promote,
respect and protect the rights of persons with disabilities including Republic Act No. 7277 as amended
by Republic Act No. 9442, the Magna Carta for Persons with Disabilities.191
184
For a full list of ratified treaties, see Annex 1, which sets out the reporting status of the core human rights treaties in
the Philippines including the past and upcoming reporting requirements.
185
CRC Concluding Observations, Philippines, 2009 para 11.
186
Human Rights Council, Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review, Philippines,
9 July 2012, para 15.
187
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, Concluding observations on the combined seventh
and eighth periodic reports of the Philippines, 25 July 2016, (CEDAW Concluding Observations, Philippines, 2016) para
12.
188
CEDAW Concluding Observations, Philippines, 2016, para 5.
189
CEDAW Concluding Observations, Philippines, 2016, para 17.
190
Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under
article 35 of the Convention, Initial Report of State Parties due in 2010, The Philippines, 3 November 2015, (CRPD State
Report, Philippines, 2010) para 17.
191
(CRPD State Report, Philippines, 2010), para 14.
56
April 2018
Overall, the Philippines has kept up with its treaty body reporting requirements, although most State
Party reports have been submitted late. The 5th and 6th periodic reports on the implementation of
the CRC is due in September 2017.
The Philippines has undergone three Universal Periodic Review (UPR) processes (in 2008, 2012 and
2017); 95 State delegations engaged in inter-active dialogue with the Government of the Philippines
at the third UPR hearings in 2017. The focus of the recommendations was on the need for the
Government to address human rights abuses in the ‘drug-war’ and in particular, extrajudicial killings,
and resistance to the re-introduction of the death penalty. These issues took up much of the
attention of the delegates as did one particular issue in relation to children: the proposed reduction
in the minimum age of criminal responsibility, with a recommendation from a number of States that
this Government proposal should not be enacted. Further recommendations included taking further
steps to end violence against children, the need to continue the reform of the juvenile justice system
and to ensure separate detention facilities for children and adult; raising the age of sexual consent,
the prevention of trafficking and ensuring access to education, particularly of Indigenous children, as
well as the prevention of recruitment by armed groups.
57
3. Cross-cutting issues impacting on children’s rights

3.1. Climate Change and Risks from Natural Disasters
The Philippines is vulnerable to both natural and man-made disasters. This section primarily deals
with the cross-cutting issues and impacts of natural disasters on children, while the major man-made
disaster risks flowing from armed conflict are dealt with in section 3.2.
The Philippines is located on the Pacific Ring of Fire, making it vulnerable to earthquakes, cyclones
and volcanic hazards.192 There are around 20 tropical storms per year, approximately five of which
are destructive,193 and around seven to nine typhoons make landfall every year.194 The Philippines is
in the top five countries considered to be most vulnerable to climate change impacts.195 Between
2000 and 2017 the Philippines experienced 273 disasters caused by natural hazards.196 The Philippines
is distinct from some other countries in that natural disasters tend to be widely distributed across its
regions affecting a large proportion of the overall population.197
Table 3.1. The affected population and number of disaster incidents per year
25,000 600
Population affected by natural disasters
Number of disaster incidents per year

21,200
565 500
20,000
400
(thousands)
15,000
11,700 12,300
257 300
10,000 296
7,900
9,600 200
5,200
5,000 3,200 172 170
100
83
0 59 0
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
Source: OCD/NDRRMC as referenced in Philippines Profile, OCHA
The location of the Philippines leaves it highly exposed to recurrent hydro-meteorological and
geophysical hazards, including tropical storms and typhoons, floods, landslides, earthquakes,
tsunamis, volcanic eruptions and droughts. These hazards can result in disasters based on
circumstances such as where they impact and the level of preparedness for such hazards. Island
192
UNDP, About the Philippines, http://www.ph.undp.org/content/philippines/en/home/countryinfo.html.
193
Philippines country profile, Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, accessed at http://www.internal-
displacement.org/countries/philippines/ on 30 August 2017.
194
Second National Communication to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, Philippines, p 15.
195
Global Climate Risk Index 2015, Germanwatch.
196
Data accessed at http://emdat.be/emdat_db/ on 07 July 2017.
197
Global Estimates 2015, People displaced by disasters, Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, p 37.
58
April 2018
coastlines are vulnerable to tsunamis and sea surges.198 Floods occur during the rainy season from
June to November and during the southwest Monsoon from November to April.199 Some areas of the
country, including Sulu, Basilan, Maguindanao, Lanao Del Sur and Lanao Del Norte are prone to
drought resulting in water shortages and crop failure as well as increased risk of forest fires and a
reduction in hydropower generation and access to electricity.200
The El Niño (Southern Oscillation) regularly affects the Philippines, resulting in droughts. Around 50
per cent of the time this is followed by La Niña, bringing unusually cold and wet conditions leading
to heavy rainfall, flooding, a strong monsoon and more typhoons. 201 In 2016, El Niño lasted from
January to June 2016 and was characterised by significantly below normal levels of rainfall, warmer
than average air temperature, dry spells and drought. The impact was felt in 16 provinces, 65
municipalities and 6 cities across the Philippines; 285,000 farmers and 379,000 hectares of farmland
were affected, resulting in agricultural production losses of $258,000,000.202
The Philippines is vulnerable to the impacts of climate change and has experienced noticeable
adverse effects in recent years which are expected to intensify over the medium and long term.203
Between 1951 and 2010, the Philippines’ observed mean temperature increases of 0.64 degrees
Celsius, which equates to 0.01 degrees Celsius per year.204 Using a mid-range emissions scenario, the
climate predictions by the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services
Administration for 2020 and 2050 indicate that all areas of the Philippines will get warmer by 0.9–1.1
degrees by 2020 and 1.8–2.1 degrees in 2050.205 Alongside this there will be a reduction in rainfall in
most of the country in the summer, but an increase in rainfall during the monsoon seasons.206 This is
likely to result in increased droughts in the summer months, and increased flooding during monsoon
seasons.
Sea level rise, at a rate faster than the global average, has already been observed in some coastal
areas of the Philippines.207 The sea levels in the Philippines are projected to continue to rise by
between 7.6 and 10 centimetres every 10 years, which is significantly more than the average
worldwide sea level rise of 3.1 centimetres per decade.208 Based on satellite observations of sea level
rise between 1993 and 2015, the largest sea level rise in the Philippines was in coastal areas to the
east of Leyte, Samar and Mindanao islands; south of Zamboanga; and along the south western coasts
of the Central and Western Visayas.209 This suggests that these areas are likely to be at a higher risk
from future sea level rises.210 Cagayan province and Palawan Island are also at high risk from future
198
Philippines country profile, Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, Accessed at http://www.internal-
displacement.org/countries/philippines/ on 7 July 2017.
199
Philippines country profile, Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, Accessed at http://www.internal-
displacement.org/countries/philippines/ on 7 July 2017.
200
UNICEF, Climate Landscape Analysis for Children in the Philippines, UNICEF Working Paper, 2017, p 9.
201
UNICEF, Climate Landscape Analysis for Children in the Philippines, UNICEF Working Paper, 2017, p 9.
202
Philippines: 2016 Highlights of Displacement and Effects Snapshot, OCHA,
https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/system/files/documents/files/ocha-phl-2016-snapshot_31jan2016.pdf.
203
National Climate Change Action Plan 2011-2028, Climate Change Commission, p i.
204
National Climate Change Action Plan 2011-2028, p 2.
205
206
207
Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, p 40.
208
Climate Landscape Analysis for Children in the Philippines, UNICEF Working Paper, 2017, p 10.
209
Projections of mean sea level change for the Philippines, December 7 2016, Met Office, p 9.
210
59
sea level rises due to factors related to the nature of their coastlines.211 Coastal cities, such as Manila,
are also at an increased risk from potential sea level rises due to subsidence.212 It is difficult to predict
accurately where and when the impacts of sea level rise will affect the Philippines due to the
uncertainties around future emissions and the magnitude of future ice sheet and glacial melting.213
The majority of the population of the Philippines live in the immediate vicinity of the coast, with 60
per cent of the population living in large coastal cities, and so are at risk from sea level rises.214 The
National Climate Change Action Plan 2011-2028 recognises the future human security risks of
displacement and migration as a result of sea-level rise,215 and the risks from rising sea levels are
referenced in the National Framework Strategy on Climate Change 2010-2022216 and the Philippine
Development Plan 2017-2022.217 However, there do not appear to be any publicly available
Government plans to address the potential displacement and migration that may be caused by sea
level rise, nor are there accurate estimates of the affected population and timeframes. This suggests
that there may be a lack of long-term planning for these slow onset consequences of climate change.
As the impacts of climate change increase, storm surges218 are becoming more frequent and stronger,
increasing the risk to those living on the coast.219 Large tropical cyclones create storm surges which
can devastate crowded coastal regions and low lying areas. Evidence suggests that climate change
will intensify storm surges in the future, both due to rising sea levels and due to intensified cyclone
activity as a result of warmer oceans.220 This will lead to greater destruction as storm surges move
further inland threatening larger areas than in the past.221 The Philippines is one of the top 10
countries at risk from intensified storm surges based on the fact that areas prone to storm surges in
the Philippines account for around 52.3 per cent of coastal GDP.222 Four cities, including the capital
city Manila, as well as Butuan and Cotabato are considered to be in the top 10 cities most vulnerable
to storm-surge disasters in the East Asia and Pacific region.223 In terms of population vulnerability,
Manila has the largest population at risk of exposure to future storm surges based on future urban
211
212
213
Projections of mean sea level change for the Philippines, December 7 2016, Met Office, p 22-23.
214
Climate Landscape Analysis for Children in the Philippines, UNICEF Working Paper, 2017, p 11.
215
National Climate Change Action Plan 2011 – 2028, Philippines Climate Change Commission p 16.
216
National Framework Strategy on Climate Change, 2010-2022, Climate Change Commission, April 2010, p 10.
217
218
“The temporary increase, at a particular locality, in the height of the sea due to extreme meteorological conditions
(low atmospheric pressure and/or strong winds). The storm surge is defined as being the excess above the level
expected from the tidal variation alone at that time and place.” Climate Change 2007 Synthesis Report, A Report of the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
219
Second National Communication to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, Philippines, p2
220
Climate Change and the Future Impacts of Storm-Surge Disasters in Developing Countries, Centre for Global
Development Working Paper 182, September 2009, p 16.
221
222
223
Brecht, H., Dasgupta, S., Laplante, B., Murray, S., & Wheeler, D. (2012). Sea-level rise and storm surges: High stakes
for a small number of developing countries. Journal of Environment Development, 21(1), 120–138; Crepin, Christophe.
2013. Getting a grip on climate change in the Philippines: extended technical report, Public Expenditure Review (PER).
Washington DC ; World Bank, p xxvi. See also, Development Working Paper 182, September 2009, p
60
April 2018
growth and coastal characteristics.224 The risks in cities are likely to be particularly severe in poorer
neighbourhoods where there is no infrastructure or it is badly maintained,225 for example, where
there is a lack of storm water drainage infrastructure, or poorly built houses which cannot withstand
storm surges.
Although Disaster Risk Reduction and Management (DRRM) can mitigate the immediate impacts of
disasters, as climate change continues the number, frequency and impact of disasters are likely to
get worse. Thought needs to be given to long term planning to deal with, for example, the relocation
of populations from low lying islands.226
3.1.1. Typhoons
There have been three major tropical storms or cyclones which have hit the Philippines since 2011.
Tropical Storm Washi (Sendong) made landfall on 17 December 2011 affecting 624,600 people,
leaving over 1,900 people dead,227 displacing 430,500 and destroying 40,000 homes.228 The total
amount of damage was estimated to be USD 293 million made up of damage to housing ($75 million),
transport infrastructure ($6.3 million), education ($ 2.2 million), health ($16.1 million), agriculture (
$10.8 million), power $14.3 million), water ( $5.6 million) and telecommunications ($600,000).229 The
macroeconomic impact was low but negative economic effects of the disaster were felt at by
individual households and small businesses.230
Typhoon Bopha (Pablo) made landfall in the Philippines in December 2012. Over 216,000 houses
were damaged or destroyed, 6.2 million people were affected, 835,934 people were displaced231 and
1,268 people were killed. 232 It caused $1.04 billion in damages.233
Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) which made landfall in the Philippines in November 2013 was one of the
most powerful tropical storms on record. It brought flooding, landslides and widespread damage,
particularly in East Samar and Leyte Provinces.234 Haiyan affected more than 14 million people
including 5.9 million children.235 Nearly 4.1 million people were displaced from their homes, including
1.7 million children and over 6,000 people were killed.236 5.9 million workers lost income sources,
224
225
226
Key Informant Interview with representative from UNICEF, 22 June 2017, Manila.
227
OCHA Philippines destructive Tropical Cyclones from 2006-2016
http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/ocha_phl_destructive_typhoons_2006_to_2016.pdf.
228
Philippines (Mindanao) Human Action Plan 2013, Typhoon BOPHA/PABLO Response – an Action Plan for recovery,
January 2013, OCHA, p 2.
229
Disaster-induced internal displacement in the Philippines – the case of tropical storm Washi/Sendong, Internal
Displacement Monitoring Centre, January 2013, p 9.
230
Disaster-induced internal displacement in the Philippines – the case of tropical storm Washi/Sendong, Internal
Displacement Monitoring Centre, January 2013, p 9.
231
Philippines (Mindanao) Human Action Plan 2013, Typhoon BOPHA/PABLO Response – an Action Plan for recovery,
January 2013, OCHA, p 2.
232
OCHA Philippines destructive Tropical Cyclones from 2006-2016,
233
234
Strengthening Child Protection systems in the Philippines, Child Protection in Emergencies, UNICEF, p 23.
235
One Year After: Typhoon Haiyan, Philippines, Progress Report, UNICEF, December 2014.
236
One Year After: Typhoon Haiyan, Philippines, Progress Report, UNICEF, December 2014.
61
with agriculture and fishing communities worst affected.237 571 health facilities, and 2,500 schools
and 2,500 day centres were damaged or destroyed.238 Many children in relocation sites and urban
centres stopped going to school following the Typhoon due to the distance from their original
schools, lack of transport and children’s reluctance to attend new schools.239 Schools were also used
for evacuation and accommodation and were not therefore available for classes to be run.240 Water
networks were badly damaged, water sources were contaminated and there was a high risk of
waterborne diseases.241 It caused USD 2.2 billion in damages.242
In 2016 two serious typhoons made landfall in the Philippines. Typhoon Haima (Lawin) lasted from
17–20 October 2016 and intensified into a super typhoon, affecting 22 provinces in five regions in
the north of the Philippines. It affected 2.4 million people, 2.3 million people were displaced, 271,000
houses were damaged and USD 74 million in damage was caused to agriculture and infrastructure.243
197,000 hectares of farmland and 41,300 farmers were affected, with 154 million in total losses in
the agriculture sector, mainly in rice production where there were USD 111 million in losses.244
From 23–27 December 2016 Typhoon Nock-Ten (Nina) made 8 landfalls affecting 15 provinces in 4
regions in central Philippines. 2.88 million people were affected, with 2.6 million displaced, 393,000
homes damaged (98,900 of which were destroyed)245 while 1,548 classrooms were destroyed, and
3,797 classrooms were damaged.246 USD 122 million damage was caused to agriculture and
infrastructure, with 125,500 farmers affected and 138,300 hectares of agricultural land damaged.247
3.1.2. Earthquakes
Historically, the Philippines has been prone to earthquakes with around 100–150 earthquakes of
magnitude 4.0 and above per year occurring between 1600 and early 2000. 248 More recently,
between January and April 2017 there were 122 earthquakes with a magnitude of 4.0 or above, 59
of these occurring in April 2017. In April 2017, there were 946 seismic events in the Philippines, 64
per cent of which were off shore, and the majority of these were between 2.1 and 3.0 in magnitude.
237
Strengthening Child Protection systems in the Philippines, Child Protection in Emergencies, 2016, UNICEF, p 24.
238
239
240
241
One Year After: Typhoon Haiyan, Philippines, Progress Report, UNICEF, December 2014, p 8.
242
243
244
Philippines: Typhoon Haima (Lawin) – Agricultural Damage as of 8 December 2016, OCHA,
https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/system/files/documents/files/humanitarian_snapshot_lawin_8dec2016.pdf.
245
246
Philippines: Typhoon Nock-Ten (Nina) January 2017, OCHA,
https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/system/files/documents/files/ocha_phl_ty_nock-
ten_infographic_31jan2017.pdf.
247
Philippines: Typhoon Nock-Ten (Nina) January 2017, OCHA,
https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/system/files/documents/files/ocha_phl_ty_nock-
ten_infographic_31jan2017.pdf.
248
Philippines: Seismic Events in April 2017, OCHA,
https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/system/files/documents/files/ocha_phl_seismic_events_april_2017.pdf.
62
April 2018
There were three significant earthquakes in April 2017 which, along with their aftershocks, caused
minor to severe damage to structures and displaced several people in the affected provinces. 249
In October 2013, a magnitude 7.2 earthquake struck Bohol Island in the Visayas. As of 3 February
2014, 1,134 classrooms were completely destroyed, 79,217 homes were damaged or destroyed, 17
health stations, one hospital and 8 rural health units were destroyed. 3 months after the event
367,580 people were living in damaged houses or tents near their homes, while 2,681 people
remained in evacuation centres. 17 child friendly spaces were set up by 3 February 2014 with 28
more planned.250 3.5 million people were affected, 227 were killed and 976 were injured.251 Classes
were suspended in a number of areas after the earthquake, but all areas had resumed classes by 5
November 2013.252
3.1.3. Volcanoes
The Philippines also faces a high risk from volcanic eruptions. 45 of 47 volcanoes in the Philippines
are of a generally explosive type which, when they erupt, often cause mudflows and pyroclastic flows
which have high human impacts. 40 of the volcanoes have over 100,000 people living within 30 km
of their summits and Manila is only 37 km from the nearest volcano. 3 per cent of the population of
the Philippines live within 10 km of a volcano, 33 per cent within 30 km of a volcano and 92 per cent
within 100 km of a volcano. 253
The eruption of Pinatubo volcano in 1991 was one of the largest in the world in the 20 th century.254
Although it had heavy socio-economic impacts, a relatively low 800 lives were lost (with half of those
due to disease in camps of those displaced by the eruption) due to successful monitoring and
evacuation. 255
The majority of high-risk volcanoes are monitored in the Philippines, but there is still a lot of
uncertainty about their behaviour and associated risks for a number of the volcanoes and so there is
a need for more geological knowledge and research on these volcanoes.256
3.1.4. Legislation and policy on climate change and disasters
Legislation
The Philippines has a reputation for having a strong and comprehensive legal framework on disaster
response and climate change. The Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General on Disaster
Risk Reduction (DRR) has noted that the Philippines law on climate change adaptation and disaster
249
Philippines: Seismic Events in April 2017, OCHA,
https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/system/files/documents/files/ocha_phl_seismic_events_april_2017.pdf.
250
Philippines: Earthquake in Bohol province, Situation Report No.11 (as of 3 February 2014), OCHA.
251
NDRRMC Final Report re effects of Magnitude 7.2 Sagbayan Bohol Earthquake, 4 November 2013.
252
NDRRMC Final Report re effects of Magnitude 7.2 Sagbayan Bohol Earthquake, 4 November 2013.
253
GFDRR Volcano Risk Study, Volcano Hazard and Exposure in GFDRR Priority Countries and Risk Mitigation Measures,
3 May 2011.
254
3 May 2011.
255
3 May 2011.
256
3 May 2011.
63
risk reduction are the “best in the world”, and has recognised the shift from a reactive to a proactive
stance on disasters.257
Presidential Decree No. 1566 on Strengthening the Philippines Disaster Control and Capability and
establishing the National program on Community Disaster Preparedness was the foundation for
disaster management in the Philippines from 1978 until 2010.
Following the Hyogo Framework for Action (a 10-year plan to reduce disaster risks adopted by 168
UN member states in 2005) the Philippines reformed its disaster law and adopted Republic Act 10121,
the Philippines Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act in May 2010 (the 2010 Act). The 2010
Act restructured the risk reduction and emergency management bodies and functions at all levels of
Philippines Government and moved the focus from disaster response to disaster preparedness. The
2010 Act has made it the formal responsibility of Government at national, provincial and local levels
to develop polices and plans relating to all aspects of DRRM, reduce underlying risk factors and
prepare for effective response and early recovery.258
As well as the Hyogo Framework for Action the Philippines has affirmed the Sendai Framework for
Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030. Further the Philippines ratified the ASEAN Agreement on
Disaster Management and Emergency Response in 2009, which is a legally binding agreement among
ASEAN states.
In addition, the Philippines has ratified the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
on 31 October 1994259 and the Paris Agreement which seeks to implement the Convention.260 The
Paris Agreement acknowledges that when parties are taking action to address climate change they
should respect, promote and consider their existing international obligations including in relation to
the rights of children.261 When taken together with the Convention on the Rights of the Child it has
been argued that there is now an international obligation on States to take action to protect the
rights and best interests of children from the impacts of climate change.262
The 2010 Act created the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC),
which is in charge of the general oversight of the DRRM system in the Philippines. The NDRRMC is
the highest policy-making body on DRRM, advising the President of the Philippines on the status of
disaster preparedness, prevention, mitigation, response and rehabilitation. The Chair of the NDRRMC
is the Secretary of National Defence, and there are four vice chairs each responsible for disaster
prevention/mitigation, preparedness, response and rehabilitation and recovery. 263 The NDRRMC is
the central coordinating mechanism for disaster preparedness and has the mandate to bring together
257
‘UN lauds Philippines’ climate change laws ‘world’s best’, Michael Lim Ubac, 4 May 2012, Inquirer.net,
http://globalnation.inquirer.net/35695/un-lauds-philippines%E2%80%99-climate-change-
laws-%E2%80%98world%E2%80%99s-best%E2%80%99.
258
Philippines Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act, RA 10121, section 4.
259
Status of ratification of the Convention,
http://unfccc.int/essential_background/convention/status_of_ratification/items/2631.php, accessed 30 August 2017.
260
Paris Agreement – Status of Ratification, http://unfccc.int/paris_agreement/items/9444.php, accessed 30 August
2017. The Paris Agreement was agreed with the purpose of enhancing the implementation of the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change and entered into force in the Philippines on 22 April 2017.
261
Preamble to the Paris Agreement, adopted by the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change at its 21st session, FCCC/CP/2015/10/Add.1, 29 January 2016.
262
Human Rights Council Thirty-fourth session, Relationship between climate change and the full and effective
enjoyment of the rights of the child, Informal Summary of inputs received, A/HRC/34/CRP.2, 27 February 2017.
263
Philippines Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act, RA 10121, section 5-7.
64
April 2018
agencies for the purposes of disaster risk reduction and management.264 The National Disaster Risk
Reduction and Management Plan 2011-2028 was issued shortly after the 2010 Act became law.
The NDRRMC is also responsible for declaring a state of calamity (involving mass casualty and/or
major damage to property, disruption of means of livelihoods, roads and day-to-day lives)265 and can
advise the President to call for international humanitarian assistance. The declaration of a state of
calamity allows for the appropriation of calamity funds, price freezes on basic necessities and the
granting of no-interest loans to help people rebuild homes destroyed by disasters.266
Under the National DRRM Plan, the Department of Science and Technology is responsible for
monitoring, forecasting and early warning systems for natural disasters.267 The early warning system
includes provisions regarding children: when a weather disturbance is expected within 24 hours
(tropical cyclone with winds of between 60 and 100 kph) children’s outdoor activities should be
postponed.268 When a weather disturbance is expected within 18 hours (tropical cyclone with winds
of between 100–185 kph), classes should be suspended and children should stay in the safety of
strong buildings.269
The 2010 Act also creates regional and local bodies. It established the Regional Disaster Risk
Reduction and Management Councils (RDRRMCs), which are under a statutory duty to coordinate,
integrate, supervise and evaluate the activities of the Local Provincial, City, and Municipal Disaster
Risk Reduction and Management Councils (LDRRMCs). The Barangay Development Councils (BDCs)
are to serve as the LDRRMCs in every barangay.270 Local membership includes the local chief
executive, the local planning and development officer, and heads of other local departmental
officers, as well as 4 accredited CSO members and one private sector representative.271 The function
of the LDRRMCs is to:
(1) Approve, monitor and evaluate the implementation of the LDRRMPs and regularly review
and test the plan consistent with other national and local planning programs;
(2) Ensure the integration of disaster risk reduction and climate change adaptation into local
development plans, programs and budgets as a strategy in sustainable development and
poverty reduction;
(3) Recommend the implementation of forced or preemptive evacuation of local residents,

if necessary; and
(4) Convene the local council once every three (3) months or as necessary.
In addition to the LDRRMCs, the 2010 Act also establishes the Local Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Offices (LDRRMO) in every province, city and municipality (under the governor, city or
municipal mayor) and a Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Committee (BDRRMC)
264
NDRRMC National Disaster Preparedness Plan 2015-2028, volume 1, p 36.
265
266
267
National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plan 2011-2028, p 3.
268
Philippines Disaster Management Reference Handbook, 2015.
269
Philippines Disaster Management Reference Handbook, 2015.
270
271
65
in every barangay. The LDRRMO and BDRRMC are responsible for setting the direction,
development, implementation and coordination of disaster risk management programmes within
their territorial jurisdiction, including raising public awareness and organizing, training and
supervising the local emergency response team. 272
The 2010 Act complements Republic Act 9729, the Climate Change Act of 2009, which was introduced
to mitigate the impact of climate change in the Philippines, promoting a coordinated approach to
climate change and disaster response and reduction.273 The Climate Change Act requires the State to
protect and advance the right of the people to a healthful ecology in accord with the rhythm and
harmony of nature.274 It adopts the strategic goals of Hyogo Framework for Action to build national
and local resilience to climate change-related disasters, and recognises that climate change and
disaster risks are closely related such that effective DRRM will enhance climate change adaptive
capacity.275 Children are specifically recognised in the Climate Change Act as one of the groups
particularly vulnerable to climate change threats. 276
The Climate Change Act established the Climate Change Commission to mainstream climate change
alongside DRRM into national, sectorial and local development plans. It liaises with NDRRMC to
reduce people’s vulnerability to climate-related disasters.277 A number of members from the
NDRRMC, including its chair, sit as members of the Climate Change Commission’s advisory board.
Additionally, a panel of technical experts constituted by the Climate Change Commission is made up
of those with DRRM and Climate Change expertise.278
In order to build on the Climate Change Act, the National Climate Change Action Plan 2011-2028 was
prepared. It includes the objective of reducing the risks of vulnerable groups, including children,
through Climate Change Adaptation and DRRM programs, making health and social protection
delivery systems responsive to climate change risks and having climate change adaptive human
settlements and services developed, promoted and adopted.279
Following Typhoon Haiyan, the Philippines introduced Republic Act 10821, the Children’s Emergency
Relief and Protection Act 2016. Under this Act a comprehensive and strategic programme of action
is required to provide children, pregnant and lactating mothers affected by disasters and other
emergency situations with the support and assistance necessary for their immediate recovery and
protection.280 The DSWD is responsible for formulating a Comprehensive Emergency Programme for
Children, taking into consideration humanitarian standards for their protection. 281 The Plan must
ensure children’s rights are promoted through child centred training for all responders, provide
children with information during and after disasters, including children in community disaster risk
reduction programmes and consult with children on their needs and priorities for post-disaster relief
272
273
Disaster-induced internal displacement in the Philippines – the case of tropical storm Washi/Sendong, January 2013,
Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, p 32.
274
Climate Change Act 2009, RA 9729, section 2.
275
276
277
Climate Change Act 2009, RA 9729, section 9(j).
278
279
National Climate Change Action Plan 2011-2028, Climate Change Commission, p 17.
280
Children’s Emergency Relief and Protection Act 2016, RA 10821, section 2.
281
66
April 2018
and recovery.282 LGUs are required to identify safe locations for evacuation centres for children and
families, and provide for immediate delivery of basic necessities and services for children in
emergencies.283
Republic Act 7610, the Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination
Act 1992, considers disasters to be a circumstance that endangers the normal survival and
development of children. It does not specify how to protect children following disasters, but there
are provisions for their evacuation, preservation of family life and temporary shelter as well as
monitoring and reporting of the situation of children during armed conflict. 284
The Local Government Code of 1991 requires LGUs to provide immediate basic relief assistance
including food, shelter clothing, emotional support and temporary shelter to those displaced due to
conflict or disaster. This supports the role of the LDRRMCs in preparing for, responding to and
facilitating recovery from the effects of any disaster. Additionally, the Local Government Code gives
municipal and city government legislatures the power to reduce property taxes and interest rates
after a calamity on recommendation of LDRRMCs.285 LGUs are also responsible for identifying people
with special needs in an emergency including children, infants, pregnant women and persons with a
disability and their locations so they can be provided with assistance.286
The DILG carried out a disaster preparedness assessment of LGUs in 2014. They found that the
country had a preparedness rate of 73.9 per cent in the 1,676 LGUs assessed (composed of 77
provinces, 143 cities and 1,456 municipalities).287 About 99 per cent had organized LDRRMCs;288 76
per cent of LGUs were considered to be operationally ready for a disaster and had an early warning
system in place, evacuation centres identified and a system for registration and information guide
for evacuees; and 92 per cent had a DRRM plan and budget in place.289
In responding to disasters, the Philippines follows the global model cluster approach introduced at
international level by the UN in 2005.290 However, the Philippines cluster approach differs in that the
cluster leads are Philippine state institutions as opposed to UN agencies. The National Disaster
Coordinating Council (predecessor to the NDRRMC) designated cluster leads and laid down terms of
reference at national, regional and provincial levels.291 Other national agencies and the private sector
have become involved as well.
Human rights have been factored into the discourse on the legislative framework on disaster
response. The Implementing Rules and Regulations of the Philippines DRRM Act include the guiding
principles contained in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, the UN Guiding Principles on
Internal Displacement, the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women and the
282
283
284
Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act, RA 7610, section 3(c).
285
286
DILG Compendium of Disaster Preparedness and Response Protocols, 2012.
287
NDRRMC National Disaster Preparedness Plan 2015-2028, volume 1.
288
289
290
Disaster-induced internal displacement in the Philippines – the case of Tropical storm Washi/Sendong, January 2013,
291
National Disaster Coordinating Council, Circular No. 5, series of 2007, as amended by Memorandum No. 12, series of
2008 as referenced in Disaster-induced internal displacement in the Philippines – the case of Tropical storm
Washi/Sendong, January 2013, Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, p 19.
67
Convention on the Rights of the Child.292 There is, however, still a lack of legislation relating to the
rights of people who have been internally displaced in the Philippines. Although a Bill on the rights
of internally displaced persons (IDPs) was approved by Congress in February 2013, it was vetoed in
May 2013 by the then President. A new version of the law, enshrining certain rights for IDPs is
currently working its way through the Congress once more.293
The National Disaster Preparedness Plan is the strategic plan for the Philippines to ensure that various
government and non-government institutions and their constituents work together to increase the
awareness and capacity of communities to anticipate, avoid, reduce and survive the threats and
impacts of all hazards; equip communities with the necessary skills and capability to face and survive
hazards and cope with the impacts of disasters; increase DRRM and the climate change adaptation
capacity of local government; develop and implement comprehensive national and local
preparedness and response policies, plans and systems; and strengthen partnership and co-
ordination among all key players and stakeholders.294 It aims to contribute to the broader vision of
reducing the loss of lives and assets due to hazards.295
The National DRRM Framework was adopted on 16 June 2011 by the NDRRMC. Its purpose is to raise
awareness and understanding among governments and people on the Philippines’s DRRM goals and
how they contribute to sustainable development; help to develop a common understanding of
DRRM; and provide criteria for benchmarking the effectiveness of disaster risk reduction measures.296
It reinforces the shift from disaster response to disaster risk reduction and disaster risk management
principles.297
The Philippine Development Plan 2017-2022 includes a target for individuals and communities to
become more resilient including reducing exposure to hazards, mitigating the impact of the risks and
accelerating recovery if and when the risk materialises. An index will be developed to consider these
issues generating a baseline in 2018 and reviewing it in 2022.298 There are also strategies for
expanding economic opportunities in agriculture, forestry and fishing, such as ensuring irrigation
systems are disaster and climate resilient.299
Children’s participation in DRRM is seen as important in the Philippines and local government rules
allow for children’s participation, in order to prepare a generation of young people to confront the
increase in disaster risks that will occur as a result of climate change. The Joint Memorandum Circular
No 2015-01 between the National Youth Commission and DILG dated 2 July 2015 institutionalises the
participation of youth in NDRRMC. All local chief executives are enjoined to engage the youth sector
as a member of the LDRRMC, integrate and allocate support for youth-oriented disaster activities in
the Local Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plan and to encourage youth volunteering on
DRRM.
292
Implementing Rules and Regulations of Republic Act No 10121, section 3(b).
293
Aquino vetoes bill on internally displaced persons, May 29, 2013, https://www.rappler.com/nation/30200-aquino-
vetoes-internally-displaced-persons-bill.
294
National Disaster Preparedness Plan 2015-2028, Volume 1, National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
Council, p 1.
295
National Disaster Preparedness Plan 2015-2028, Volume 1, National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
Council, p 1.
296
National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Framework, 16 June 2011, p 3-4.
297
Philippines Disaster Management Reference Handbook, 2015, p 42.
298
Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, p. 48.
299
Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, p. 116.
68
April 2018
However, it is the attitude of elected officials towards children’s participation which determines the
implementation of these rules. In the Municipality of St Bernard in Southern Leyte, for instance, the
Mayor sees the value in having children involved in DRRM and there are children’s representatives
on all the village and municipal disaster management councils,300 but this is by no means the case in
all municipalities across the Philippines.
As part of the legislative agenda in the PDP 2017-2022 there is a plan to introduce legislation to
provide for the mandatory establishment of women and child friendly spaces in all evacuation
centres in the country, and an Evacuation Centre Act to establish permanent and typhoon resilient
evacuation centres to avoid the need to use classrooms during calamities. 301
The Philippines legal and policy framework on DRRM is recognised as being one of the best in the
world. However, as can be seen, there are a large number of committees, plans and frameworks
which have been established and have to be resourced, with many appearing to have overlapping
functions. Given the geographic spread of the Philippines and the wide number of people involved in
the implementation of the legislative and policy framework, it may be difficult to ensure consistency
of approach. In a disaster situation, the practical implementation of the law and policy is likely to be
challenging: there is a risk that number of bodies involved will impact on providing a coherent and
holistic approach to disaster prevention and management.
Funding
The 2010 Act established a series of DRRM funds, accessible to the national and sub-national
governments. 302 Under section 21 of the 2010 Act a minimum of five per cent of estimated local
government revenue from regular sources is to be set aside in the Local DRRM Fund for disaster risk
management activities.303 Thirty per cent of the LDRRMF is allocated to a Quick Response Fund to
permit rapid release of funds to LGUs for disaster.304 The remaining 70 per cent is allocated to disaster
prevention and mitigation, preparedness, response, rehabilitation and recovery.305
The LDRRMF funds are included in the General Fund Annual Budget and/or Supplemental Budget of
each LGU,306 and any projects for which LDRRMF funds are used are integrated into the Annual
Investment Programme of the LGU.307 The Quick Response Fund can be released following the
declaration of a state of calamity either by the local Sanggunian or the President of the Philippines.308
Section 22 of the 2010 Act also establishes a National DRRM Fund to be used for disaster risk
reduction and mitigation; prevention; and preparedness activities.309 Thirty per cent of the National
300
Children on the frontline: Children and Young People in Disaster Risk Reduction, 2009, World Vision and Plan
International, p 15.
301
302
303
304
305
National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council Department of Budget and Management and
Department of the Interior and Local Government, Joint Memorandum Circular No. 2013-1, March 25, 2013.
306
Department of the Interior and Local Government, Joint Memorandum Circular No. 2013-1, March 25, 2013, para 6.1.
307
308
309
Philippines Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act, RA 10121, section 22(a).
69
DRRM Fund is allocated to the Quick Response Fund,310 with the NDRRMC determining distribution.311
All Government departments, agencies and LGUs have to account to the NDRRMC monthly for their
utilisation of DRRM funds.312
In the 2016 budget the allocation given to the National DRRM Fund was PhP38.9 billion, a threefold
increase from the 2015 figure.313 However, this was reduced again in the 2017 budget to PhP15.755
billion.314 Individual government departments can allocate additional budgetary resources to DRRM.
For example, in 2015, 21 per cent of the Department of Agriculture’s budget was allocated for climate
change adaptation and risk reduction strategies.315
Due to the high levels of funding required for comprehensive recovery and rehabilitation following a
disaster, the President of the Philippines established the Office of the Presidential Assistant for
Rehabilitation and Recovery in early December 2013. It is mandated to “[a]ct as over-all manager and
coordinator of rehabilitation, recovery, and reconstruction efforts of government departments,
agencies, and instrumentalities in the affected areas, to the extent allowed by law.” 316 The Office of
the Presidential Assistant for Rehabilitation and Recovery subsequently spearheaded the
development of the Comprehensive Relief and Recovery Plan and coordinated government, private
sector, non-governmental and international assistance related to recovery from Typhoon Haiyan.
However, responsibility for funding allocations and implementation of projects remains the domain
of the specific departments and government agencies concerned.317
The Philippines has benefited from international support for disaster response and preparedness.
During the Haiyan response, a total of USD 468 million was raised and spent by international agencies
and INGOs, with the largest amounts being spent on food security and agriculture (USD 182 million),
emergency shelter (USD 173 million) and early recovery and livelihoods (USD 115 million).318
3.1.5. Impact of disasters on children and families
Although natural hazards cannot be prevented, strengthening national capacities can reduce and
manage the impacts of these hazards on children, and can lessen the likelihood of humanitarian crises
when they hit. However, the challenges in terms of disaster proofing infrastructure and systems;
developing national prevention and response capacities; and educating the population on risk
reduction, are enormous. It has been suggested that the Philippines is not as prepared as other
countries for disasters. For example, an earthquake hitting central Manila is likely to cause a far
greater death toll than a similar earthquake in Tokyo due to the fact that few buildings are
310
Philippines Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act, RA 10121, section 22(c).
311
Implementing Rules and Regulations of Republic Act No. 10121, Rule 19, section 3.
312
Philippines Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act, RA 10121, section 22(d).
313
2017 People’s Proposed Budget, Philippines Department of Budge and Management, September 2016, p 11.
314
‘A look at the 2017 budget: Will it help Duterte fulfil his promises?’, Pia Ranada, 21 January 2017,
http://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/in-depth/159002-2017-national-budget-duterte-promises.
315
Philippines National Progress Report on the implementation of the Hyogo Framework for action (2013-2015).
316
Memorandum Order No. 62, s. 2013. 6 December 2013. Sec. 1(a).
317
Resolving Post Disaster Displacement, Insights from the Philippines after Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda), Brookings
Institution, IOM, 2014, p 18.
318
OCHA financial tracking service, as quoted in Resolving Post Disaster Displacement, Insights from the Philippines
after Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda), Brookings Institution, IOM, 2014, p 25.
70
April 2018
earthquake proof. It has been suggested that re-prioritisation of resources and planning would create
greater resilience.319
Reducing the vulnerabilities of individuals, households and communities is also a major development
challenge. Although everyone in the path of a disaster is affected by it, rich and poor alike, the
wealthy tend to recover fastest.320 Those who live in poverty tend to be more vulnerable to disasters
and less able to prepare for and respond to them. Those living in poverty are generally unable to
build or rent safe accommodation and are more likely to live in informal settlements in high risk areas,
including no-build zones.321 In Metro Manila, 4 million (30 per cent) of the city’s population live in
informal settlements and shanty towns, often in flood plains, or poorly sheltered from the sea,
placing families and children at high risk.322 Protective infrastructure, such as storm drains, sea walls
and paved roads are unlikely to be installed in such settlements, and the poorly built homes cannot
stand up to high winds, rushing water or earthquakes.323 Post-disaster conditions, especially in urban
areas, intensify the risk of sanitation related illnesses and school dropout.324
Many vulnerable communities are repeatedly exposed to natural hazards placing enormous strain on
local communities and authorities. For example in 2014, the Eastern Visayas, MIMAROPA Region,
Bicol, Central Luzon, CALABARZON and the NCR were affected by typhoons in 2014 having previously
been affected by Haiyan in 2013.325 Some of these communities are also been exposed to man-made
hazards such as armed conflict, which increases their vulnerability and reduces their resilience in
responding to disasters.
Recurrent and protracted displacements are of particular concern when they occur in the poorest
areas of a country. Displacement makes access to employment and livelihoods more difficult,
especially for those whose livelihood is based on the land.326 These individuals may not have the
capacity to ‘disaster-proof’ their livelihood, and this inevitably exacerbates their poverty.327 Displaced
families also find credit more difficult to obtain.328
The Philippine Development Plan 2017-2022 aims to reduce the proportion of the urban population
living in slums, informal settlements and inadequate housing, in line with SDG 11.1.1. In 2009, 40.9
per cent of the population lived in slums, informal settlements or inadequate housing. The goal is to
reduce this to 22 per cent by 2022.329 There is also a goal under the PDP to reduce the number of
deaths and missing persons due to disaster to zero by 2022, and to ensure that 100 per cent of those
affected by disaster have emergency shelter provided.330 There is also a target to increase the
proportion of families affected by natural or human-induced calamities provided with relief
assistance from 54 per cent in 2015 to 100 per cent in 2022.331
319
320
321
Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre p 23-24.
322
The State of the World’s Children 2012, Children in an Urban World, UNICEF, p 45.
323
324
325
326
327
328
329
Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, National Economic and Development Authority, p 187.
330
331
71
One of the goals in the National Shelter Program 2011-2016 was to provide direct housing assistance
to households. Between 2011 and 2016 this was provided to 730,000 households, an
accomplishment rate of 83 per cent. Although this appears to be a high accomplishment rate, it
includes the housing units constructed after super typhoon Yolanda and the Bohol earthquake (to
replace destroyed homes), which were not part of the original target. As a result, the accomplishment
rate is overstated. 332
Hazards such as cyclones, floods, mudslides and earthquakes can increase the vulnerability of
children, whether they are major, large-scale disasters, or small-scale events: children are among the
most susceptible to injury and death in both cases. 333 According to the 2016 NBS-VAC, 94.6 per cent
of respondents had been affected by natural and man-made disasters in the previous two years.334
Thirty-one per cent of children had been affected by Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan), of which around 30.9
per cent were children aged 13–17 years old. The main reported consequences of Haiyan were
damaged homes, physical sickness and wiped-out communities.335
Existing vulnerabilities, such as poor health and nutrition can also increase the disaster risk for
children, hamper recovery and, if not addressed, leave children more vulnerable after a disaster. Such
factors also create additional stress and strain on families and can exacerbate issues such as family
violence. 336
Many older children want to be part of the response effort and to help their families recover. In order
to do this a sizeable proportion stop attending school (or school is closed for a period of time) and
find paying work.337 Few of these, children return to school once the community has recovered from
the disaster, often taking on unsuitable work or becoming involved in hazardous labour or one of the
worst forms of child labour, including the sex industry.
Displacement
From 2008–2016 an average of 3.7 million people were displaced by natural disasters in the
Philippines each year, 84 per cent as a result of typhoons and the storm surge, floods and strong
winds that usually accompany them.338 Typhoon Haiyan in 2013, a Category 5 typhoon, was the
largest single displacement event in the Philippines in recent years, displacing four million people.
Three years later, 200,000 households (880,000) people were still without permanent housing and
thousands had set up makeshift homes in exposed coastal slums.339 Although the massive scale of the
displacement from Typhoon Haiyan inflated the average displacement figure in the Philippines
between 2008–2016, when displacements from 2013 are excluded, the average number of people
displaced per year is still substantial at 3.3 million.340
332
333
334
National Baseline Study on Violence against Children: Philippines, Executive Summary, October 2016 p 11.
335
National Baseline Study on Violence against Children: Philippines, Executive Summary, October 2016 p 11.
336
337
338
Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Philippines Country Information, Accessed at http://www.internal-
displacement.org/countries/philippines/.
339
340
Data taken from Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Philippines Country Information, Accessed at
http://www.internal-displacement.org/countries/philippines/.
72
April 2018
Table 3.2. New displacements caused by natural disasters in Philippines, 2008–2016

8,000,000
7,022,000
7,000,000
5,787,000 5,930,000
6,000,000
5,000,000
3,859,000
4,000,000
3,000,000 2,757,000 2,499,000

2,062,000 2,221,000
2,000,000
1,002,000
1,000,000
0
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
Source: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (http://www.internal-displacement.org/countries/philippines/)
The Philippines had one of the top three highest levels of displacement globally due to natural
disasters in both relative and absolute terms between 2008–2014.341 In 2014 the top two
displacements caused by natural disasters globally, based on the absolute number of people
displaced, were in the Philippines and were caused by Typhoons.342 Between 2008 and 2014 the vast
majority of displacements occurred due to storms (81.6 per cent), followed by floods (15.8 per cent),
volcanic eruptions (0.4 per cent) and earthquakes (0.1 per cent).343
In 2016, there were 5.93 million new displacements caused by natural disasters in the Philippines,
second only worldwide in absolute numbers that year to China. The two largest events for disaster
related displacement worldwide in 2016 also occurred in the Philippines – Typhoon Nock-Ten (Nina)
in December 2016 where 2.592 million people were displaced and Typhoon Haima (Lawin) in October
2016 where 2.377 million people were displaced. Two other medium-scale events displaced over
100,000 people in 2016: the southwest monsoon which displaced 527,994 people and Typhoon
Sarika, which displaced 207,832 people. There were also numerous other smaller-scale
displacements, which individually displaced much smaller numbers of people including flash floods,
forest fires, landslides and a cold front. The numbers displaced by these smaller events ranged from
13 displaced by a flash flood in Barangay Sumbakil, to almost 80,000 displaced by the Eastern,
Northern and Western Samar flash flood. In total, the number of people displaced by other smaller-
scale disasters in the Philippines in 2016 amounted to 225,053.344
Table 3.3. New displacements by disaster in the Philippines, 2016
341
342
343
344
73
3000000
2,592,251
2500000 2,376,723
2000000
1500000
1000000
527,994
500000
207,832 225,053
0
Typhoon Nock- Typhoon Haima Southwest Typhoon Sarika Other events
Ten monsoon
Source: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (http://www.internal-displacement.org/countries/philippines/)

Although the numbers of people displaced in response to individual incidents can be high, many
people return to their homes relatively quickly. Only 30,651 were still displaced a month after Haima
struck.345 Nock-Ten, which was a Category 4 storm, triggered the mass evacuation of around 2.6
million people making it the largest disaster displacement event of 2016. However, within 6 days only
230,000 people were still displaced, and this dropped to 78 families (368 persons) by the end of
January 2017.346 However, some of those who were displaced will have returned to destroyed or
damaged homes and disrupted or destroyed livelihoods rather than remain displaced. They continue
to need assistance just as those displaced do, but may not be prioritised.347
Despite the fact that the majority of families return home quickly after a natural disaster, some
remain displaced for a number of years. Three years after Haiyan, many of those displaced were still
living in collective shelters or bunkhouses, with a lack of support for vulnerable persons, including
older people and those with disabilities.348 Similar patterns were seen after Typhoon Bopha, where 3
years after the 2012 disaster, 140,000 people were still living in temporary bunkhouses and tents. 349
In addition to a poor standard of housing, they often also lack access to livelihoods and basic services,
including education.350
345
DSWD DROMIC Report 31A on Super Typhoon Lawin, 14 November 2016 (accessed at -
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1hPAW-ydtwNIVOydKa2F5KHlgXIT6kWq-2PfgdXOxoWM/edit) DSWD. DROMIC
Report No. 29 on Typhoon Nina (accessed at -
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1kLdXu4EOv7aMokOpo0TFK6skZAmVb2B8eHJhkYvPNLw/edit )
346
DSWD DROMIC Report No. 29 on Typhoon Nina (accessed at -
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1kLdXu4EOv7aMokOpo0TFK6skZAmVb2B8eHJhkYvPNLw/edit ).
347
348
349
350
74
April 2018
Displacement increases the risk of gender-based violence, trafficking, prostitution and sexual
exploitation,351 particularly for children and young people who may be separated from their families
and support networks. The areas affected by Haiyan were areas which were already known to be
hot-spots for trafficking of women and girls prior to the disaster.352 Post-Haiyan, conditions in
evacuation sites were extremely overcrowded, posing considerable protection risks for vulnerable
groups including children and women.353 Over time, protection measures were put in place: including
women and child-friendly spaces, 24-hour security, providing lighting in bathrooms and paths to
bathrooms.354 As a result, the number of protection issues raised decreased over time.355
3.1.6. Climate change and disaster: Barriers and Bottlenecks
Enabling environment
The Philippines has strong law and policy on DRRM and frequent and extensive experience in
responding to disasters, including the collection of data. The NEDA ensured the inclusion of the DDR
into the Philippine Development Plan in its 2011-2016 version and again in the 2017-2022 Plan, while
a wide range of government departments have mainstreamed climate change and national disaster
plans into their own policies and plans.
Although much progress has been made in developing the national policy and legal framework there
are still limitations in implementation and enforcement. Although there are legal rights available, the
extent to which they are justiciable (i.e. enforceable), particularly socio-economic rights such as the
right to adequate housing and food for disaster victims is unclear. 356
There are extensive laws and powers in relation to housing and zoning which LGUs are responsible
for enforcing, such as no-build zones in hazardous areas.357 These were not enforced in advance of
Sendong.358 In some cases, local authority policies allowed individuals to stay living in informal
settlements in high risk areas in contravention of the extensive legal framework. 359 This contributed
to the severity of the impact of the storm, as the areas which were identified as unsafe, such as along
the banks of the Cagayan river, were those which were most affected by the storm.360
After Haiyan, no-build zones were established and a commitment was made to build more resistant
housing in safe areas.361 However, this has not been consistently enforced, and because relocation of
351
Save the Children See Me, Ask Me, Hear Me: children’s recommendations for recovery three months after Typhoon
Haiyan, February 2014, p 3.
352
353
The evolving picture of displacement in the Wake of Typhoon Haiyan, an Evidence Based overview, p 29.
354
355
356
Edsel Tupaz, Disaster in the Philippines: The Need to Clarify Socioeconomic Rights, 28 December 2011,
http://www.jurist.org/sidebar/2011/12/edsel-tupaz-sendong.php.
357
358
359
360
361
75
residents does not happen quickly, many people return to the unsafe areas,362 leaving them
vulnerable to future disaster events. In addition, there has been limited success in enforcing forest
and environmental protection laws to prevent issues such as illegal logging and mining. 363 These
practices reduce forest cover, leaving soil, boulders and rocks exposed, exacerbating the effect of
large amounts of rainfall and resulting in increased incidence of flooding and landslides. 364
Data
The National Disaster Risk Reduction and Risk Management Council and Department of Social
Welfare and Development publish situation reports for several days after each disaster and twice
daily reports for the first 9–10 days after large ones.365 The Philippines is one of a few countries where
data collection generally continues until the number of people displaced has reduced to zero thus
enabling identification of both those who need help, and those providing the help. 366 There is,
however, a lack of disaggregated data available on the impacts of disasters on different groups in the
Philippines. Although some gender-disaggregated data is collected, it is not used in the DRRM
planning process,367 and although there has been monitoring and mapping of hazards there has not
been as much assessment of vulnerabilities which may be differentiated across sectors, socio-
economic status, age, gender and state of health.368 Additionally, while data is collected on IDPs in
tent cities or evacuation centres, much less is gathered (and therefore is known) about for those
displaced into host families etc.369 It has been more of a challenge to gather data on ‘risk’. This is
partly due to a dearth of knowledge and familiarity with hazard phenomena. For instance, before
Typhoon Haiyan the concept of a ‘storm surge’ was not well understood and, as a result, it has not
been addressed in systematic manner.370
Capacity and coordination
There is considerable technical capacity to reduce and manage disaster risks in the Philippines, but
there are a number of challenges. There is a need for central government to encourage greater cross-
sectoral and cross-departmental working, especially in light of the fact that government department
produce their own DRRM and climate change plans in relation to their sphere of responsibility.371
362
363
364
‘Extensive logging, unrestricted mining blamed for flooding’, IRIN news, 23 January 2009,
http://www.irinnews.org/news/2009/01/23.
365
366
367
Philippines National Progress Report on the implementation of the Hyogo Framework for action (2013-2015),
NDRRMC 2015p 53. A National HFA Monitor update published by PreventionWeb
http://www.preventionweb.net/english/hyogo/progress/reports/
368
NDRRMC 2015p 16. A National HFA Monitor update published by PreventionWeb
http://www.preventionweb.net/english/hyogo/progress/reports/.
369
The evolving picture of displacement in the Wake of Typhoon Haiyan, an Evidence Based overview, May 2014, p.19.
370
Philippines National Progress Report on the implementation of the Hyogo Framework for action (2013-2015),p.14, A
National HFA Monitor update published by PreventionWeb.
371
76
April 2018
A further challenge is posed by the decision to decentralise responsibility for DRRM. Much of the
expertise on DRMM is to be found in central government rather than local government institutions,
but it is the latter who have responsibility under the 2010 Act for implementing DRRM programmes
and plans. The 2010 Act places responsibility on the national and regional offices of the Office of Civil
Defence to oversee the implementation of the law through the National DRRM Plan. Although the
National Risk Reduction and Management Council has been constituted, establishing the regional
and local equivalents been slower, due largely to financial constraints and operational capabilities.372
The Office of Civil Defence at central government level has experience in responding to disasters, but
lacks experience in the formation and training of local bodies in disaster response.373
LGUs lack sufficient capacity and technical expertise to manage disaster risks, and this has been
identified as a major impediment to effective implementation of DRRM policies.374 LGUs are often
understaffed or lacking in capacity and professionalization. This leaves a significant gap as the
NDRRMC cannot supervise all the local councils.375 Local effectiveness is also dependent upon the
level of support from local political leaders who are often more focused on electoral considerations
than evidence or technical considerations.376
Availability of funds
Although there is provision for funds to be set aside for DRRM activities, funds have still flowed
towards response and not prevention activities. When money is released, it is often delayed and not
always fully utilised due to the limited absorptive capacities of agencies.
Because the LGU fund is a percentage of the LGU’s budget, funding does not follow risk profile, with
poorer, often high risk LGUs having less, and an inadequate degree of access to money.377 LGUs largely
lack knowledge on how to determine the appropriate amount to set aside for their calamity funds
commensurate to the risks that they face.378 It has also been suggested that LGUs have trouble
prioritising expenditure and there is little monitoring of how money is spent, despite the legal
requirements for reporting. For example, an LGU may choose to spend money may on pre-positioning
of supplies rather than on training and capacity building of staff or simulations to enable
preparedness.379 This allows LGUs to maintain the focus on being reactive to disasters rather than
proactive in reducing vulnerabilities.
372
NDRRMC 2015p 9, A National HFA Monitor update published by PreventionWeb
373
374
Disaster-induced internal displacement in the Philippines – the case of Tropical Storm Washi/Sendong, January 2013,
375
Alcayna T., Bollettino V., Dy, P. and Vinck P., Resilience and Disaster Trends in the Phjlippines: Opportunities for
National and Local Capacity Building, PLoS CUrr, 2016, September 14; 8.
376
Paul D. Hutchcroft, Reslicing the pie of patronage: the politics of the internal revenue allotment in the Philippines,
1991-2010, The Philippine Review of Economics Vol XLIX No 1, June 2012, p 109.
377
NDRRMC 2015p 49.
378
DisasterNet Philippines Scoping Study Report, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative Resilient Communities Program, 2015,
p 6.
379
77
In some cases, disaster response funding takes a long time to be distributed. After Haiyan, there was
slow disbursement of the social services cluster cash distribution programme for those living in safe
zones with partially damaged or destroyed houses. By Feb 2015, only $15 million of over $600 million
had been distributed, and by April 2015 only 15 per cent has been distributed. 380 However, the
livelihoods cluster had distributed $250 million of $750 million in projects planned to support
livelihoods by February 2015.381 The infrastructure cluster had distributed over $500 million of $800
million for critical construction projects.382 Slow dispersal of funds can exacerbate and prolong the
effects of a disaster, as families cannot repair and return to their homes and they cannot earn money
to support themselves.
In some cases the deluge of international assistance can compound already chaotic situations,
particularly in the wake of a disaster.383 Post-Haiyan the international relief effort was described as a
“flood” and, although well intentioned, did not understand the local context or recognise the
experience and capacity of the Philippines officials responding to such disasters.384 As a result aid was
distributed without following the protocol and without reference to government structures. 385
Immediately after Haiyan, protocols were set up with the Foreign Ministry to regulate the entry of
humanitarian aid and workers from abroad.386 While this was done to aid co-ordination and prevent
confusion and chaos, it may make the international response to future disasters slower and more
complicated.
International actors and private donors have provided funding for disaster response, but LGUs are
not always required to, or able to, account for how this money was used to rehabilitate disaster
victims and survivors.387 At national level there is a resistance to asking for development assistance,
although much less so at local level. The expectation is that when an LGU declares a state of calamity
they should be able to access national funds.388 However, in practice, LGUs are expected to get
support from municipal and regional government structures before seeking funding from national
government. Only having done this, should assistance be sought from development partners. 389 This
slows down the process of getting much needed funds. The national government has to approve any
help given by international partners such as UNICEF, as it is the national government that has the
lead on the response.390
380
Institution, IOM, p 24.
381
382
383
NDRRMC 2015p.19.
384
385
386
387
388
389
390
78
April 2018
Participation of the affected community
One of the barriers to reducing the impact of disasters on individuals is the lack of understanding of
the needs and wishes of the community when developing and implementing DRRM plans. For those
displaced by disasters, the focus of the government for durable solutions has mostly been on the
individual needs, whereas survivors of Haiyan highlighted the importance of community-based
approaches preserving and recognising the value of social networks through which families are then
more able to meet their needs.391 After Haiyan many IDPs felt that the government recovery and
reconstruction plans did not reflect their needs and preferences and less than half felt they could
actively participate in the design and implementation of aid provided by international actors, and
only 45.5 per cent felt this had been fairly distributed.392 In particular, children are rarely consulted in
planning and implementing community-based projects and humanitarian programmes.393 This results
in plans being less likely to meet the needs of the community, reducing their likely participation in
them and sustainability of such programmes.394
When individuals and families were relocated after Haiyan the main focus of the government has
been on rehousing them with much lesser attention being paid to livelihoods. 395 Relocation away
from coastal areas and their local neighbourhood has meant families no longer have a sustainable
livelihood option. This often results in the breadwinner spending time and money returning to their
livelihood base. For many, robust evacuation centres would be preferable to relocating away from
their communities and livelihoods.396
3.2. Armed conflict
The Southern Philippines, and particularly Mindanao,397 has a long history of conflict, stretching back
centuries to the time of colonisation by the Spanish. The Mindanao Development Plan explains that
the root cause of the conflict is “historical injustice caused by colonisation, annexation of the Moro
homeland to the Philippine State and a series of government policies that lead to the minoritization
of the Moro and indigenous inhabitants on to newer and various forms of injustice perpetuated by
the present.”398
The extent to which conflict has existed, and continues to exist, has varied, as has the intensity of the
conflict and its geographical location. Some of the conflicts have been sufficiently serious to be
considered ‘armed conflicts’ (i.e. protracted armed violence between Government forces and non-
State armed groups, or between two or more non-State armed groups), while others could best be
391
392
393
394
395
396
397
There is also a history of conflict in the Visayas islands and on Luzon island.
398
Mindanao 2020, Peace and Development Framework Plan (2011-2030) p.19 available at minda.gov.ph.
79
described as ‘internal tensions’ or ‘disturbances’. 399 The conflict has had a severe, wide-ranging and
lasting impact on the population, particularly in ARMM. The UNDP estimated the numbers of deaths
resulting from the conflicts in the Philippines over a 35-year period to be within 140,000 to
220,000.400 For the period 1969 to 2004, total military expenditures amounted to $24 billion. Impact
on the economy is estimated conservatively at $17.5 billion in lost Gross Domestic Product (GDP). 401
Table 3.4. The Mindanao Problem
The Mindanao 2020 Peace and Development Framework Plan 2011-2030
The conflict involves a number of different groups, with different aims and objectives, though many
399
Where conflicts do not reach the qualification of either an international or non- international armed conflict, they
are generally referred to as ‘internal tensions’ or ‘disturbances’. These can include riots, demonstrations or sporadic
acts of violence. Even if the State uses force to restore public order, this may be insufficient to trigger the application of
international humanitarian law. In such instances, national laws and human rights conventions continue to apply,
though some provisions, such as certain provisions of the ICCPR may be derogated from.
400
UNDP (2006). Policy Paper Report.
401
See Mindanao Development Plan 2011 - 2030, p.93.
80
April 2018
are overlapping.402 The objective of the armed groups, generally referred to as ‘separatists’, is
independence for the Moro people.403 The groups falling into this category include the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front (MILF)/Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (BIAF), the Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF) and the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF). BIFF splintered from MILF in 2010 to
continue the armed struggle for full independence from the Philippines following the initiation of a
peace agreement between the Government and MILF.
Peace negotiations have taken place, mainly with the MILF and the MNLF for many years. Following
his election, President Duterte met with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the Moro National
Liberation Front in June 2016 to discuss the next steps in the peace process. The two Moro groups
agreed to undertake an intra-Moro dialogue with the objective of arriving at an inclusive solution for
the Bangsamoro. On 7 November 2016, the President signed an executive order creating a new
Bangsamoro Transition Commission, whose task was to draft a new version of the Bangsamoro Basic
Law. Formal talks were held in August and October 2016, but there has not been any permanent
ceasefire reached. Despite this, conflict between the MILF/MNLF and the Armed Forces of the
Philippines (AFP) has declined significantly, though less so in the case of the MNLF.
A second grouping includes the Abu Sayyaf Group (named on the UN Sanctions list for its links with
Al Qaeda and ISIS)404 and the Maute Group (essentially a clan group), who have joined forces with
Abu Sayyaf, and who have also pledged allegiance to ISIS. Both of these groups, generally referred to
as Islamic extremists, are actively involved in hostilities with government forces in Marawi in Lanao
del Sur province in ARMM at the time of writing of this situational analysis. There is evidence that
foreign terrorist fighters have joined in these hostilities.405 This conflict led to President Rodrigo
Duterte declaring martial law across the whole of Mindanao on 23 May 2017.406
The New People’s Army (NPA),407 the military wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines, has
been fighting to establish what it describes as ‘a socialist democracy.’ The conflict with the NPA and
its supporting groups is generally referred to by the Government as a communist ‘insurgency’.
Although the NPA is designated as a foreign terrorist organization by the United States State
Department and as a terrorist group by the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy, the Government
of the Philippines delisted the NPA as a terrorist organization in 2011 and resumed peace talks
pending formal negotiations with the Communist Party of the Philippines.408 These faltered and there
have been an increased number of clashes between the AFP and pro-government armed groups and
402
The 6 categories are set out in Adriano F., and Parks T., The Contested Corners of Asia: Subnational Conflict and
International Development Assistance, the Case of Mindanao, Philippines, The Asia Foundation 2013. The categories
remain relevant to the present day.
403
For more detail on the armed conflict in ARMM, see the SitAN on ARMM, UNICEF 2017.
404
The List was established and is maintained pursuant to Security Council res. 1267/1989/2253.
405
BBC News “Philippines Violence: IS-linked Fighters among militants in Marawi,’ May 26 2017, bbc.co.uk and
Philippines, Foreign Fighters Invade Marawi, ’VOA News, May 26 2017, voanews.com; the Philippine Star, May 30 2017:
‘At least 4 foreign fighters killed in Marawi Clash,’ Philstar.com
406
Felipe Villamor, ‘Duterte Suggests Martial Law Across Philippines, Citing Islamist Threat’, 24 May 2017,
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/24/world/asia/philippines-duterte-martial-law.html?_r=0
407
The NPA is designated as a foreign terrorist organization by the US State Department and as a terrorist group by the
EU Common Foreign and Security Policy.
408
Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Philippines, S/2017/294, 5 April 2017, para.12.
However, during 2015, there were an increase number of clashes between the AFP and pro-government armed groups
and the NPA
81
the NPA in 2015. The Government resumed formal peace negotiations in July 2016. However, the
security situation deteriorated to such a degree from that time, that peace talks were suspended in
May 2017 and it is not clear at the time of writing, what further steps will be taken to end the conflict.
The AFP – the Government forces, are supported by the Citizen’s Armed Forces Geographical Unit,
an auxiliary force under the control of the AFP, composed of army reservists and civilians. This Unit
functions as a force multiplier to regular government forces in the battle against the NPA. In
September 2015, the Commission on Human Rights of the Philippines raised concerns over the use
of these auxiliary forces owing to their lack of proper training and sufficient orientation in the conduct
of military functions.409
The New Indigenous Peoples Army for Reform (NIPAR), a paramilitary group, and the Magahat
paramilitary group (an anti-communist paramilitary group) as well as the Alamara group have been
actively engaged in conflict with the NPA in Surigao del Sur, Bukidnon and Davao del Norte provinces,
allegedly supported by the AFP.410 The Government, however, has denied any association with those
groups. Most of the attacks by the paramilitary groups are against indigenous peoples, who are
accused of collaborating with the NPA.
Other conflicts, which do not reach the threshold of an armed conflict, are frequently referred to as
clan disputes (between families) or are competition-related, between local elites competing for
political posts in elections in order to consolidate political power. In both cases, the aim is generally
control over natural resources (e.g., land) and assets (such as mines). The Dela Mance Group
(described as a group of former bandits) are affiliated with the Almara paramilitary group and are
engaged largely in a clan conflict.411
There are also inter-communal (ethnic or tribal) conflicts, though on a far smaller scale, taking place
between groups affiliated to different religions, or between groups within the same ethnic group or
different ethnic groups or tribes. In addition, there are conflicts which consist of violence caused
largely by criminal elements. Many of these groups are made up of members of the military or
paramilitary groups who have defected from their original body. These groups often engage in kidnap
for ransom, drug and people trafficking, etc.
Up until recently, clan feuds and ‘elite’ competition between different groups seeking political power
have been the most common cause of conflict in Mindanao, but in 2017, conflict between the State
and Abu Sayyaf Group and the Maute Group has been the more serious form of armed conflict,
causing a greater level of displacement and violation of the rights of women and children.
The Secretary-General in his annual report on the situation of children in armed conflict covering the
period December 2009-November 2012,412 noted that although there was a decline in the number
of large scale hostilities during this time, conflict was still occurring in more than one-quarter of the
barangays in the Philippines, mainly in Mindanao. In a later report covering 1 t December 2012 to 31
December 2016, the Secretary-General again stated that there was a general decrease in large-scale
armed engagements, but that sporadic, low-intensity clashes and a number of incidents continued
409
Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Philippines, S/2017/294, 5 April 2017, para.
19.
410
See Philippines: Paramilitaries Attach Tribal Village Schools, Human Rights Watch, September 23 rd 2015.
411
Aviles, M. G., and Dumas L.G., Mindanao Interfaith Institute on Lumad Studies available at miils.org.
412
Un Doc. S/2013/419 12 July 2013.
82
April 2018
to affect the overall security situation. 413
The National Baseline Study on Violence against Children (NBS-VAC),414 which studied a nationally
representative sample of 2,303 children between 13 and 24 found that 2.6 per cent had been forced
to live in another place because of war, ethnic conflicts, organized crimes, terrorism or other similar
incidents while a child. Among the children who had experienced armed conflict, 3.5 per cent lost a
parent, sibling or close family member. About 1.6 per cent were personally injured or beaten, while
2 out of 30 (0.7 per cent) admitted that they were combatants or warriors in a war or community
violence, or assisted older warriors in their fight against their enemies.
The following Table shows the number of conflict ‘incidents’ occurring between 2012 and 2015.
Table 3.5. Conflict incidents in Mindanao, 2012 – 2015
source: Conflict Affected Areas Philippines – Mindanao, 2012-2015, UNICEF
3.2.1. Grave violations committed against children415
In 2005, the UN Security Council established a Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict and a
Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism (MRM) to monitor, document and report on heinous abuses
413
Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Philippines, S/2017/294, 5 April 2017
414
The National Baseline Study on Violence against Children, Council for the Welfare of Children and UNICEF, 2016,
Executive Summary, p.11.
415
UNSC Res. 1612 of 2005.
83
of the rights of children in situations of armed conflict. A subsequent Security Council resolution has
further expanded and strengthened the MRM.416 Although the full panoply of rights contained in the
CRC continue to apply during armed conflict, the MRM mechanism focuses on collecting information
on what have been termed ‘the six grave violations’ committed against children during armed
conflict.417 These are
1. Killing or maiming of children
2. Recruitment or use of child soldiers
3. Rape and other forms of sexual violence against children
4. Abduction of children
5. Attacks against schools or hospitals
6. Denial of humanitarian access to children
Grave child rights violations have been perpetrated by all parties to the conflict. In his report in April
2017, the Secretary-General noted that the denial of humanitarian access was the only grave
violation that was not reported during the period under review.418 However, humanitarian access to
children has been a challenged in relation to conflict between the Abu Sayyaf Groups/Maute Group
and the AFP in Marawi.
Most verified violations against children occurred on Mindanao (93 per cent), with the other
violations taking place in the Visayas islands and on Luzon island (2 and 5 per cent,
respectively). On Mindanao, most of the verified violations took place in ARMM and in
SOCCSKSARGEN (Region XII) (46 and 19 per cent, respectively). However, since 2015, an
increasing number of violations were verified in the regions of Davao, Northern Mindanao and
Caraga, affecting predominantly children in indigenous communities. The increase is linked to
intensified counter-insurgency operations involving alleged pro-government armed groups,
fighting the NPA. 419
The number of violations is likely to be significantly higher than that recorded, as access
restrictions and security constraints makes monitoring and verification of violations in remote
rural areas difficult. In addition, violations occurring in the latest conflict involving Abu Sayyaf
and the Maute group are not included, as they fall outside the reporting period.
Recruitment and use of child soldiers
International humanitarian law contained in the four Geneva Conventions and the two Additional
Protocols,420 all of which have been ratified by the Philippines, prohibits the recruitment and use of
children in hostilities by both armed forces and armed groups under the age of 15. The term
‘hostilities’ has been interpreted widely by the International Criminal Court and covers both children
used as combatants but also children who act in a supporting role, such as spies or lookouts, as well
as those who support through service, such as porters, cooks, etc. In addition, the Optional Protocol
416
UNSC Res. 1882 of 2009.
417
See Working Paper No 1, Special Representative to the Secretary-General on the Children and Armed Conflict
available at childrenandarmedconflict.un.org
418
Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Philippines, S/2017/294, 5 April 2017 para. 22
419
420
Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 and relating to the Protocol Additional to the
Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 and relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts
(Protocol II), 8 June 1977.
84
April 2018
to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which was ratified by the Philippines in 2003,
prohibits both the forced recruitment of children under the age of 18 by armed forces and all
recruitment and use of children under the age of 18 by armed groups.421
Domestic law on the recruitment of children
Republican Act No. 7610, the Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and
Discrimination Act 1991, Article X, section 2.2 reflects the Optional Protocol provision by providing
that “children shall not be recruited to become members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines or its
civilian units or other armed groups, nor be allowed to take part in the fighting or used as guides,
couriers or spies.”
Republican Act No. 8371, the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997, provides for the non-
recruitment of children of indigenous cultural communities/indigenous peoples into the armed
forces
Despite the legal provisions prohibiting the recruitment and use of children, it continues to be an on-
going and continuing problem. The report of the Secretary-General covering the period 1 December
2012 to 31 December 2016 noted that the country task force verified 17 incidents of recruitment
involving 72 children, with the majority of children being used as human shields. Fifteen children
were used by the BIFF in one incident, and 32 were used by the MNLF in the other. 422 The United
Nations also verified the recruitment and use of a further 10 boys by the MNLF. 423 In 2016, the
country task force verified the recruitment and use of five boys between 13 and 17 years of age by
MNLF and six children (five boys and one girl) by the NPA.
The Secretary-General’s report of 2017 continues to list Abu Sayyaf,424 NPA425 and BIFF426 as bodies
that recruit and use children. 427
In August 2009, MILF signed an action plan with the United Nations to end and prevent recruitment
and use of children. The group’s general order No. 2 (2006), the code of conduct of the BIAF and,
following the action plan, the supplemental general order in 2010, prohibits the recruitment of
children into the MILF/BIAF and outlines sanctions for non-compliance. There were no verified
reports of recruitment of children by MILF during the reporting period, but evidence from other
sources indicate that children have been recruited and used, albeit voluntarily, contrary to the
plan.428 However, the fact that the group remains primarily a community-based organization, and its
members live with their families, complicates the identification of children associated with the group.
421
Article 4 Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed
Conflict.
422
Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Philippines, S/2017/294, 5 April 2017 para. 25.
423
5 of whom were used in support roles during the Zamboanga siege in September 2013, leading to the death of 2 of
them.
424
The Abu Sayyaf Group has been listed since 2003 owing to its recruitment and use of children. The group remains
active in Basilan and Sulu Provinces and in the Zamboanga Peninsula and continues to carry out bombings, extortions,
kidnappings for ransom and assassinations.
425
The NPA has been listed since 2013.
426
The Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters has been listed for the recruitment and use of children since 2014.
427
The List is contained in the Report of the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict in the Philippines,
A/70/836-S/2016/360, 20 April 2016, Annex II.
428
See Assessment of the Drivers of Children’s Association with Armed Groups and Entry Points to Prevent Association,
UNICEF and Transition International, 20 December 2016. MILF was commended for its attempt to demobilise children
85
The NPA, the armed wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines and part of the National
Democratic Front of the Philippines coalition, has been listed for recruitment and use of children
since 2013. The NPA issued a Declaration in 2012 that it would not recruit children under the age of
18 to take a direct part in hostilities. However, the Declaration allows children as young as 15 years
of age to join the NPA as trainees or apprentices and permits them to be assigned to self-defence
and other non-combat units and tasks. This clearly violates the Optional Protocol to the CRC and
Article X, section 2.2 of Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination
Act 1991.
The Secretary-General’s report in 2017 notes that, according to credible sources, the Abu Sayyaf
Group recruited around 30 children in Basilan Province in April 2015. There have also been media
reports that children have been recruited and used by Abu Sayyaf as combatants and in support roles
in the Marawi conflict.429
The verified number of children recruited is likely to be an underestimate of the total number of
children recruited. Recruitment is not always reported and it is difficult to access rural areas or to
verify the age of those recruited. Recruitment appears to disproportionately affect boys. While it is
likely from the evidence that is available that far more boys are recruited and used than girls, it is
particularly difficult to obtain information about children used in ‘support’ roles by armed groups,
such as cooks and those who clean up the camp, and even more difficult to obtain data on the
recruitment and use of girls.
Research on children engaged with MILF/BIAF has shown that recruitment by these groups is
inextricably linked with the structural and political issues that continue to affect Mindanao and is
deeply linked to poverty and marginalisation. The stalled peace talks with the Bangsamoro groups
and the National Democratic Front and NPA, together with the recent increase in conflict with Abu
Sayyaf makes it unlikely that the current structural and political difficulties will be resolved in the
near future.
Research on recruitment by MILF/BIAF has shown that many children joined the MILF-BIAF with their
parents, and many families consider the involvement of children in MILF-BIAF as an obligation and
contribution to the Bangsamoro cause.430 Parents of children who are engaged with MILF, took the
view that it was better for their children to be actively engaged with MILF if they were not in
education or work, as this would protect them from becoming involved in negative social activities,
particularly drug-taking, or even re-association with an armed group. A further ‘push’ factor for child
recruitment into MILF is the lack of contact between local government and the MILF communities,
with a corresponding lack of services and support. MILF frequently provides the only services that
are available. 431
A notable pull factor in a region that suffers from endemic poverty is the payment of children who
join Abu Sayyaf. Payment to recruits is not uncommon and may constitute the only regular income
associated with the group, and was removed from the List of non-State bodies that recruit children: sUN Doc A/72/361 –
S.2017/821 24 August 2017, para.230 and Annex II.
429
Richard Lloyd Parry, The Times (London) June 10 2017.
430
See Assessment of the Drivers of Children’s Association with Armed Groups and Entry Points to Prevent Association,
UNICEF and Transition International, 20 December 2016
431 It should be noted that there were no verified cases of recruitment into MILF in the last annual report of the SRSG on
Children and Armed Conflict.
86
April 2018
that a child’s family receives. Membership of an armed group may also give the child status in the
community and amongst his peers, as well as regular food.
The Mindanao 2020: Peace and Development Framework Plan recognises that peace, while
necessary for any sustainable development, is not in and of itself sufficient and should not be the
only goal. The plan also includes poverty reduction, growth of the economy, an increase in school
enrolment, reaching 100 per cent enrolment in primary school by 2030 and fully equipped
classrooms and well-trained teachers. In addition to the Mindanao 2020 Framework, the
Bangsamoro Development Plan and the Comprehensive Reform Development Agenda launched in
ARMM in 2016 seek to reduce poverty and stimulate growth in the region.
The Mindanao 2020 Peace and Development Framework Plan recognises that the involvement of
children is essential to achieve peace, security and social cohesion, but provides no further details
of what form this involvement will take. 432 At the time of writing there is no update on the
implementation of the Mindanao 2020 Plan.
Mindanao 2020: Peace and Development Framework Plan (2011-2030) sets out the following
actions to achieve peace and security:
1. Peaceful and negotiated political settlement with MNLF and MILF, and a similar political
settlement with the National Democratic Front/ NPA, marked by attainment of satisfactory
autonomy and genuine self-determination for Mindanawons, and redress and elimination of age-
old injustices in various forms.
2. Successful implementation and completion of a generally acceptable disarmament and re-

integration of all former combatants from all sides of the conflict.
3. An entrenched policy environment for sustained peace, development and human security in
Mindanao, supported by massive public investments and consolidated and effective institutions for
sustained peace and development.
4. Wholesale reconstruction of conflict areas, with vital social and economic infrastructures and
facilities restored and enhanced, thereby transforming them into focal points of development.
5. A firmly-entrenched culture of peace and social healing sustained through the integration of
peace education in curricula at all levels.
6. Supremacy of the rule of law within a justice system widely perceived to be fair, responsive and
equitably accessible to all.
Killing or maiming of children
Figures from the UN Country Task Force for the period 1 December 2012 to 31 December, verified
74 incidents of killing and maiming, involving 116 children. Forty children were killed (28 boys and 11
girls with one child of unknown gender); and 76 were injured (40 boys, 34 girls and 2 of unknown
gender). The incidents involved targeted shootings, crossfire, airstrikes, shelling, indiscriminate
attacks, summary executions, unexploded ordnance and/or the mistreatment of children during
432
Mindanao 2020: Peace and Development Framework Plan 2011-2030, p. 121.
87
detention. While all armed groups and forces were involved in incidents leading to the killing and
maiming of children, almost half of all child casualties were attributed to either the AFP (30 child
casualties) or the Abu Sayyaf Group (24 child casualties). Most of those cases were crossfire incidents
between the AFP and armed groups.433 The number of children killed or maimed is likely to be higher
in 2017 due to the hostilities between the AFP and the Abu Sayyaf and Maute groups, with reports
that children have not been able to leave Marawi during the fighting. No figures on casualties were
available at the time this analysis was written.
Rape and other forms of sexual violence
The Secretary-General, in his 2017 report on Children and Armed Conflict in the Philippines,434 found
that based on available information, rape and other forms of sexual violence were not systematically
carried out against children by any of the armed groups, and only one rape was verified by the UN
Country Task Force between 1 December 2012 and 31 December 2016. This is however, unlikely to
represent the total level of rape and other forms of sexual violence: there is reluctance to report
sexual assaults, particularly in indigenous communities, as the child may be stigmatised and his or
her future prospects damaged. Cases of rape and sexual assault are often dealt with informally, with
compensation paid by the perpetrator. There are no figures available on the number of cases of rape
and sexual assault dealt with through the informal system.
Attacks on schools and hospitals
The targeting of civilian objects, and the deliberate targeting of schools and hospitals in the absence
of military necessity is prohibited under the general legal principle of distinction, meaning that civilian
objectives must be distinguished from military objectives and protected against the consequences of
military operations. This is a customary norm of international law, which means that it is applicable
to all parties to a conflict in all situations.435 In addition, under Article 8(2)(e)(iv) of the Rome Statute
of the International Criminal Court, intentionally attacking a school or a hospital where the building
is not a military objective is a serious violation of the common article 3 to the Geneva Conventions
and constitutes a war crime.
Under Article X, Section 22 of Republic Act 7610, the Special Protection of Children against Abuse,
Exploitation and Discrimination Act 1991, military use of schools, hospitals and rural health units for
military purposes such as command posts, barracks, detachments and supply depots is prohibited.
The purpose of this section is to ensure that schools, hospitals and health units cannot be treated as
a military objective and will benefit from protection in the conflict. Despite this, between 1 January
2012 and the 31 December 2016, the UN Country Task Force verified 32 attacks on schools and
hospitals, which resulted in 24 schools being damaged. Six incidents were attributed to the NPA, five
to the Magahat group, four to BIFF and two each to the Alamara group, the AFP and the Abu Sayyaf
Group.436 In addition, the country task force verified, but could not attribute, attacks on 11 schools
in Maguindanao and Lanao Del Sur Provinces that were being used as polling stations during the
national election in May 2016. 437
433
Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Philippines, S/2017/294, 5 April 2017 para. 35.
434
435
See Article 48 and 52, Additional Protocol I, Article 13(1) Additional Protocol II, Common Article 3 to the Geneva
Conventions and ICRC Customary Rule 7.
436
Twelve incidents could not be attributed to a specific entity.
437
Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Philippines, S/2017/294, 5 April 2017.Para 42.
88
April 2018
The verified attacks on schools are, once again, likely to be a significant underestimate of the level of
damage to schools on the ground. According to the Child Protection Cluster Philippines, 52 cases of
attack and military use of schools were reported between 2014 and mid-2015 alone. Most of these
reports concerned private schools in remote indigenous communities, and most of the attacks were
allegedly perpetrated by paramilitary groups in Mindanao.
Displacement
Armed conflicts between the government and armed groups, between armed groups or between
clans have, over the years, caused prolonged and multiple displacements of the civilian population.
The armed conflict is overwhelmingly internal armed conflict (i.e. takes place between groups within
the Philippines); though in March 2013, a conflict between the Philippines and Malaysia over the
territory of Sabah led to 19,000 Filipinos who had resided in Sabah being displaced to ARMM.
The Protection Cluster in the Philippines which coordinates humanitarian efforts amongst its
neighbours has been collecting information on displacement in Mindanao since 2007,438 and provides
a displacement dashboard every month. It considers that conflicts have displaced some 3.5 million
people since 2000, some of them multiple times. Between 1 January 2017 and 31 March 2017, 50,109
persons were displaced, 22,972 of whom were displaced in the month of March 2017. Many
displaced persons were able to return to their homes after a period of time. However in March 2017,
there were a total of 53,036 IDPs in Mindanao, some of whom had been displaced more than once.
Table 3.6. March 2017 Dashboard of the Protection Cluster on displacement month
Province Nature of conflict Numbers displaced (each
family has on average 5
members)
Sultan Kudarat Clan feud 35 families
Sulu AFP v Aby Sayyaf 1,290 families
Compostela Valley AFP v NPA 155 families
Maguindanao and North AFP v BIFF 1,218 families
Cotabato
Agusan del Norte AFP v NPA 91 families
Maguindanao Clan feud 200 families
North Cotabato AFP v NPA 200 families
Davao City AFP v NPA 160 families
Maguindanao Clan feud 86 families
North Cotabato Clan feud 20 families
Davao Oriental AFP v NPA 809 families
Following the outbreak of hostilities in Marawi in May 2017 when the Maute Group ambushed a
military vehicle that was reportedly on a mission to serve a warrant of arrest on the leader of the Abu
438
See protectionclusterphilippines.org.
89
Sayyaf Group, there has been intense fighting in the city. This has led to another round of significant
displacement. On 30 June, the government estimated that there were 72,897 families (349,989
individuals) displaced. At that time 3,437 families (16,070 individuals) were in 77 evacuation centers
and 69,460 families (333,919 individuals) were with host families.
3.2.2. Barriers and bottlenecks
Displacement and especially repeated displacement means loss of livelihood for the family,
disruption of agricultural activity placing food security and income generation at risk, as well as loss
of education for children and potentially loss of their home, family networks and community. The
protection cluster figures do not provide any detail on how many of the displaced are women and
children; but as children form over 40 per cent of the population, it is not unreasonable to assume
that those displaced are at least 40 per cent children and possibly more.
UNHCR noted in its report that the displaced population, particularly those who in host communities
(95 per cent), continued to face mounting protection concerns such as the non-recognition of
informal settlements, congestion in the evacuation centers, lack of identification, lack of
prioritization of persons with specific needs in the relief assistance, and a lack of information for IDPs.
There were also particular concerns relating to displaced children, including the risk of gender based
violence due to the lack of privacy and security in evacuation centres; separation from the family;
lack of clean drinking water and food; lack of sanitation, acute diarrhea, chicken pox and colds. There
were further concerns relating to access to education. Some of the children displaced from Marawi
were not able to attend school, either because the schools were being used as evacuation centres,
the lack of familiarity with the language of instruction (Bisaya instead of Maranaw) and in some cases
parents were unwilling to allow their children to attend due to concern about the conflict erupting
once more. There are no specific figures on the number of children in the camp, nor on the ages or
gender of the children.
The UNHCR IDP Assessment for 30 June 2017 notes that the Philippine government had established
the National Emergency Operations Center, to serve as the central coordination hub for government
and humanitarian responders, and that the different clusters have been activated at sub-national
level. The government had already identified areas for possible relocation of IDPs and reconstruction
plans had been discussed by government officials. A decision had been made to establish a tent city
in Marawi City as soon as the fighting stopped. An oversight committee to focus on a reconstruction
program for Marawi was formed by the Office of the President, and it was stated that a multi-agency
task force would soon be convened to assess the situation. By mid-July, fighting was continuing and
no resolution had been reached.
Providing for such large numbers of IDPs over a long period of time is costly and places a significant
burden on duty bearers and stakeholders who are tasked with providing for IDPs. The information
contained in the publications from the Protection Cluster provide regular information on barriers and
bottlenecks to protection of IDPs and sets out the action needed to address them. For instance, in
relation to the IDPs from Marawi, there was initially a requirement that they produce identification
in able to access relief, but many had left with nothing, leaving all their belongings behind. The
members of the Protection Cluster were able to advocate with government to draw their attention
to these issues, setting out what needed to be done, and linking up the relevant bodies.
90
April 2018
3.3. The particular vulnerability of indigenous children: exclusion, discrimination and unfulfilled
rights
Indigenous people in the Philippines continue to face marginalization, exclusion and discrimination,
and are particularly impacted by conflict and displacement – especially in Mindanao. As examined
throughout this report, children from indigenous communities appear to have some of the worst
development outcomes of all children in the country.
There are no accurate data on the number and distribution of indigenous peoples in the Philippines,
due to variations and lack of consensus on how to define indigenous peoples/populations, and also
due to a lack of comprehensive mappings of indigenous populations.439 Further, the tenuous ways in
which indigenous peoples’ identities have been constructed by themselves and others (for political,
religious and other reasons) has made it difficult to identify and map indigenous populations in a
meaningful way.440 Insufficient data on indigenous peoples and lack of disaggregated data on child
rights and outcomes for children has rendered the particular deprivations and issues faced by
indigenous children largely invisible. This lack of data is evidence of the low priority given to these
issues by the Government. It has also limited the ability of Government policies and programmes to
respond effectively to issues facing indigenous populations, including indigenous children.
While the number of indigenous people in the Philippines is unknown, estimates put them between
14 to 17 million, belonging to 110 ethnolinguistic groups.441 According to recent estimates by the
National Commission on Indigenous Peoples, indigenous people represent around 15 per cent of the
population.442 Indigenous peoples are mainly concentrated in Northern Luzon (Cordiellera
Administrative Region, 33 per cent) and Mindanao (61 per cent), with some groups also located in
the Vasayas area.
Table 3.7. Map of distribution of Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines
439
Asian Development Bank, Indigenous Peoples / ethnic minorities and poverty reduction: Philippines (2002), p. 4;
TEBTEBBA, Situation of Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines: Submission to the 59 th Session of CESCR, 26 September
2016.
440
Asian Development Bank, Indigenous Peoples / ethnic minorities and poverty reduction: Philippines (2002), p. 4
441
UNDP, Fast Facts: Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines (2013), available at:
http://www.ph.undp.org/content/philippines/en/home/library/democratic_governance/FastFacts-IPs.html. Note that
population statistics on Indigenous Peoples do not appear to be published with the Census data (which was last carried
out in 2015).
442
Government of the Philippines, National report submitted in accordance with paragraph 5 of the annex to Human
Rights Council resolution 16/21: Human Rights Council, Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review, 27th Session, 1
May 2017, para. 83.
91
Source: Foundation for Philippine Environment (2000)
The Indigenous peoples residing in the northern mountains of Luzon are collectively known as Igorot,
and groups residing in Mindanao are known collectively as Lumad.443 There are also a number of
smaller groups in the central highlands known collectively as Mangyan, along with a number of
smaller and more scattered groups in the central islands and Luzon.444
Table 3.8. Major Indigenous Groups in Philippines

Location and (major Indigenous Groups
grouping)
443
International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines, available at:
http://www.iwgia.org/regions/asia/philippines.
444
International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines, available at:
92
April 2018
Luzon - Cordillera (Igorot) Bontoc, Ibaloi, Ifugao, Isneg, Kalinga, Kankanay,

Tingguian, Yapayao
Luzon – central mountains Agta, Gaddang, Ibanag, Ikalahan, Ilongot, Isinai
(Caraballo)
Luzon – central hinterland Aeta / Negrito, Agta
Mindanao (Lumad) Bagobo, Banwayon, B’laan, Bukidnon, Dibabawon,
Higaonon, Mamanua, Mandaya, Manguangan,
Mansaka, Manobo, Subanon, Tagkaolo, Talaandig,
T’bolo, Tiruary
Vasayas – Mindoro Islands Alangan, Batangan, Buhid, Iraya, Hanunoo, Ratagnon,
(Mangyan) Tadyawan
Vasayas – Palawan hills Batak, Cuyonin, Kalamianes, Ken-uy, Tagabanna,
Source: Jose Mencio Molintas, ‘The Philippine Indigenous Peoples’ struggle for land and life: Challenging legal texts’,
Arizona Journal of International and Comparative Law, Vol. 21 (1) (2004), p. 274 – 6
Indigenous peoples have retained much of their traditional, pre-colonial cultural practices,
institutions and livelihoods.445 However, it has been noted that there is wide disparity among
different Indigenous groups in terms of social organization and cultural expression, and also in terms
of the level of integration with other Filipinos.446
Historical discrimination, land dispossession and marginalisation from political processes and
economic benefits has had a profound impact on indigenous populations that continues today.
Before colonization by the Spanish, indigenous communities had customary concepts of land use and
ownership, based on collectivism (though this concept took different forms among the many
different Indigenous groups). Notions of private land and resource ownership were not recognised.447
Following colonization, the Spanish crown claimed rights over the Philippine islands, including the
authority to dispose of land. Later, US authorities claimed the right to dispose of all land, and voided
previous land claims made by Indigenous peoples. The US authorities instituted a land title system
that only allowed land to be held by individuals or corporations. 448 In Mindanao, a steady migration
of Christian lowland Filipinos into areas previously dominated by the Lumad and Moro occurred
throughout the twentieth century, encouraged by US authorities. Following independence, “the
development of plantation agriculture, logging concessions and hydro-electric and geothermal
energy schemes” gave further impetus for this trend and contributed to the ‘minoritisation’ of the
Lumad in their ancestral lands.449
445
International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs, Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines, available at:
446
Minority Rights Group, Philippines – Indigenous Peoples, available at
http://minorityrights.org/minorities/indigenous-peoples-6/.
447
Asian Development Bank, Indigenous Peoples / ethnic minorities and poverty reduction: Philippines (2002)
448
http://minorityrights.org/minorities/indigenous-peoples-6/.
449
http://minorityrights.org/minorities/indigenous-peoples-6/; Asian Development Bank, Indigenous Peoples / ethnic
minorities and poverty reduction: Philippines (2002).
93
Several significant developments in the 1980s and 1990s recognised the legal identity of indigenous
people and provided them with a range of human rights. In 1987, the Constitution provided legal
recognition of indigenous people through two key provisions. Article XII(5) obliges the Government
to “protect the rights of indigenous cultural communities to their ancestral lands to ensure their
economic, social and cultural wellbeing”, and Article XIV(17) obliges the State to “recognize, respect
and protect the rights of indigenous cultural communities to preserve and develop their cultures,
traditions and institutions.”
The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) was passed in 1997 (Republic Act 8371). At the time, the
Act was the first of its kind in the South-East Asia region. It recognises the collective and individual
rights of indigenous people, including the right to manage their ancestral lands/domains (Chapter
III); and provides rights to self-governance and empowerment (Chapter IV) including rights to
participate in decision-making in decisions affecting them (section 16) and to decide on priorities for
development (section 17), rights to social justice and human rights (Chapter V) and rights to cultural
integrity (Chapter VI). The National Commission on Indigenous Persons was created with a mandate
to facilitate full delineation of Indigenous ancestral lands and domains through the issuance of
Certificates of Ancestral Domain Title.
Despite these legal developments, IPs continue to be vulnerable to land dispossession and an inability
to access their collective cultural rights. The process for issuing Certificates of Ancestral Domain Title
is burdensome and overly bureaucratic.450 Only 182 Certificates had been issued as of 2016 out of the
248 ancestral domain claims, and less than 50 of these had been registered with the Registry of
Deeds.451 This represents a problem as it means indigenous peoples are less able to prevent intrusion
into their ancestral domains by migrants and corporations.452 The National Commission of Indigenous
Persons, which is the organization mandated to implement the IPRA, lacks influence and capacity.
According to an assessment by World Bank in 2007, the National Commission experiences
organizational challenges due to inadequate human, logistics and financial resources, limiting its
ability to carry out its functions effectively.453
Even where certificates are issued, economic development projects and activities of extractive
industries can compromise access to ancestral domains. In order for such activities to be carried out
in Indigenous peoples’ territories, companies are required to obtain a Compliance Certificate for Free
and Prior Informed Consent; however, in practice, this consent is often not obtained by mining
450
UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Situation of Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines: Statement
by TEBTEBBA – Indigenous Peoples’ International Center for Policy Research and Education Philippines to 59 th session,
26 September 2016.
451
Nester Castro, University of the Philippines, Assessing the status of Indigenous People’s rights during the Aquino
administration (2016), available at http://www.halalan.up.edu.ph/viewpoints/by-experts/248-assessing-the-status-of-
indigenous-people-s-rights-during-the-aquino-administration; UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
Situation of Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines: Statement by TEBTEBBA – Indigenous Peoples’ International Center
for Policy Research and Education Philippines to 59th session, 26 September 2016.
452
by TEBTEBBA – Indigenous Peoples’ International Center for Policy Research and Education Philippines to 59th session,
26 September 2016.
453
World Bank, Philippines: The Indigenous People’s Rights Act: Legal and institutional frameworks implementation and
challenges (2007).
94
April 2018
companies.454 Community leaders and human rights defenders who lead community processes of
obtaining consent have reported facing harassment, threats and attacks.455 This has included 76
documented cases of killings of Indigenous human rights defenders from 2010 to 2016.456
This encroachment of corporate mining operations onto the lands of Indigenous people has limited
their ability to work their land and has caused indigenous children to drop out of school.457 Mining
has also resulted in environmental degradation, causing a reduction of agricultural production, water
pollution, decreased fish catch and health problems.458 The Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food
has noted that the loss of ancestral lands by Indigenous people in the Philippines caused by economic
development projects and extractive industries has undermined their capacity to survive.459
Indigenous people have also been heavily impacted by conflict and displacement, particularly in
Mindanao. The Special Rapporteur on Internally Displaced Persons noted in 2016 that Indigenous
people in Mindanao had been “disproportionately affected by the long-standing conflict between the
Government and the New People’s Army.”460 Many Indigenous people are located in areas of
Mindanao in which the NPA and the counter-insurgency are active, and Indigenous people are often
stigmatized and harassed, and sometimes attacked for their perceived association with or support
for the NPA’s agenda. In addition, many Indigenous communities have been negatively impacted by
‘the militarization of their territories’: the military are permanently based within some Indigenous
territories and have conducted operations including unwarranted searches of homes, imposition of
food blockages and curfews.461 The activities of the military and para-military in Lumad communities
in Eastern Mindanao have included conducting raids on schools and villages, extrajudicial killings and
displacement of thousands of Indigenous people.462
The historical and continuing exclusion and discrimination faced by Indigenous people in the
Philippines has had a profoundly negative impact on Indigenous children. As examined throughout
this report, Indigenous children suffer severe forms of deprivation, including poor educational and
454
26 September 2016.
455
UN Human Rights Council, Working Group on Universal Periodic Review, Summary of stakeholders’ submissions –
the Philippines, 27 February 2017, A/HRC/WG.6/27/PHI/2, para. 121.
456
26 September 2016.
457
26 September 2016.
458
26 September 2016.
459
UN Human Rights Council, Working Group on Universal Periodic Review, Compilation on the Philippines: Report of
the Office of the United National High Commissioner for Human Rights, 27 February 2017, A/HRC/WG.6/27/PHI/2,
para. 91.
460
UN Human Rights Council, Working Group on Universal Periodic Review, Compilation on the Philippines: Report of
the Office of the United National High Commissioner for Human Rights, 27 February 2017, A/HRC/WG.6/27/PHI/2,
para. 91.
461
462
95
health outcomes and exposure to violence and abuse. They tend to be concentrated in the most
disadvantaged parts of the country, and their vulnerability is compounded by a lack of Government
services in areas where Indigenous people live – these areas are often geographically isolated and
remote, with limited economic opportunities.463 Government policies and services have also been
recognized as lacking sensitivity to Indigenous cultural practices and traditions, resulting in exclusion
of IPs from essential services, including health, education and protection services.
463
International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs, Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines, available at:
96
April 2018
4. Health
Key Health-related SDGs
SDGs Targets Indicators
3.1 By 2030, reduce the maternal Maternal mortality ratio
mortality ratio to less than 70 per Proportion of births attended by skilled
100,000 live births health personnel
3.2 By 2030, reduce neonatal Under-five mortality rate
mortality to at least as low as 12 Neonatal (0-28 days) mortality rate
per 1,000 live births and under-5
mortality to at least as low as 25
per 1,000 live births
3.3 By 2030, end the epidemics of Number of new HIV infections per 1,000
AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and uninfected population, by sex, age and key
neglected tropical diseases populations
Tuberculosis incidence per 1,000 population
Malaria incidence per 1,000 population
3.6 By 2020, halve the number of Death rate due to road traffic injuries
deaths and injuries from road
traffic accidents
3.7 By 2030, ensure universal access Proportion of women of reproductive age
to sexual and reproductive health- (aged 15-49 years) who have their need for
care services family planning satisfied with modern
methods
Adolescent birth rate (aged 10-14 years;
aged 15-19 years) per 1,000 women in that
age group
Key CRC Articles
Article 2: Every child has the right to enjoyment of CRC provisions without discrimination on
the ground of a child’s or his or her parent’s or guardian’s race, colour, sex, language, political
or other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other status
Article 6 (1): Every child has the inherent right to life; (2) States parties shall ensure to the
maximum extent possible the survival and development of the child
Article 17: States shall ensure that the child has access to information aimed at the promotion
of his or her social, spiritual and moral well-being and physical and mental health
Article 24 (1) Every child has the right to the highest attainable standard of health and to
facilities for the treatment of illness and rehabilitation of health; (2) In particular, States must:
(a) diminish infant and child mortality; (b) Ensure necessary health care for all; (c) Combat
disease and malnutrition, including through the provision of adequate nutritious foods and
clean drinking-water, taking into consideration the dangers of environmental pollution; (d)
97
Ensure appropriate pre- and post-natal health care for mothers; (e) Ensure that all segments
of society, in particular parents and children, are informed, have access to education and are
supported in the use of basic knowledge of child health and nutrition, the advantages of
breastfeeding, hygiene and environmental sanitation and the prevention of accidents; (f)
Develop preventative health care, guidance for parents and family planning education and
services.
Article 27: States recognize the right of every child to a standard of living adequate for the
child’s physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development
Article 33: States shall take all appropriate measures to protect children from the illicit use of
narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances
According to the CRC and ICESCR, every child has the right to ‘the highest attainable standard of
physical and mental health’.464 The right to health is an inclusive right, encompassing not only the
right to appropriate and timely health care, but also to the ‘underlying determinants’ of health,
including access to safe and potable water and adequate sanitation, an adequate supply of safe food,
nutrition and housing, healthy occupational and environmental conditions, and access to health-
related education and information, including on sexual and reproductive health.465 The right to health
encompasses a number of components, and the analysis accordingly covers the following broad
areas: child mortality, communicable disease and immunisation, maternal health, sexual and
reproductive health, HIV/AIDS, substance abuse and mental health.
4.1. Legislative and policy framework
The right to health is protected under the Philippine Constitution in Article II, Section 15 which states
that “The State shall protect and promote the right to health of the people and instil health
consciousness among them.” Article XIII, Sections 11-13 of the Constitution sets out further
provisions related to health. In the PDP for the 2017–2022 period, the State has committed to
accelerating Human Capital Development and this includes improvements to health. The targets set
out in the PDP are reflected in the Philippines Health Agenda 2016-2022.466 There are a number of
laws on health in Philippines, including legislation of broad reach such as RA 10606, the National
Health Insurance Act of 2013, and legislation that is more targeted, such as RA 10152, the Mandatory
Infants and Children Health Immunization Act of 2011 and RA 8504, the Philippine AIDS Prevention
and Control Act of 1998. Additional ‘subject specific’ laws are set out in the relevant sub-sections
within this Chapter.
In the Philippines there is a government mandate to ensure Universal Health Care, also referred to
as Kalusugan Pangkalahatan (KP). KP mandates the “provision to every Filipino of the highest possible
464
CRC, article 24, ICESCR, article 12.
465
CESCR General Comment No 14: The Right to the Highest Attainable Standard of Health (Art 12), 11 August 2000,
E/C.12/2000/4, para 11.
466
The Philippines Youth Development Plan 2017-2022 also contains sector specific information, including in relation to
health.
98
April 2018
quality of health care that is accessible, efficient, equitably distributed, adequately funded, fairly
financed and appropriately used by an informed and empowered public.”467
PhilHealth, the Philippines’ national health insurance programme, is governed by the National Health
Insurance Act of 1995 which replaced the Medicare Act of 1969.468 In 2012, there was a landmark
tobacco and alcohol excise tax increase (the Sin Tax Law) which earmarked the majority of revenues
for health insurance for the poor. This meant that, in 2014, coverage was extended to 14.7 million
poor families under the 2013 Amendment to the National Health Insurance Act of 1995 (RA 10606).
Republic Act 10645, passed in November 2014, grants automatic coverage in PhilHealth to Filipino
citizens who have reached the age of 60, extending coverage further.469 As of December 2016, 91 per
cent of the total population were covered by PhilHealth: 36 per cent of PhilHealth members were
indigents; 35 per cent were in the formal economy; 15 per cent were senior citizens; 8 per cent were
in the informal economy; 3 per cent were lifetime members; and 3 per cent were sponsored.470
PhilHealth benefits include inpatient care; maternity and newborn care; outpatient treatment for
tuberculosis, rabies and leptospirosis. The catastrophic ‘z-benefit’ package includes coverage for
certain cancers, cardiovascular surgeries, dialysis and kidney transplants; primary care benefits
include screening for breast cancer and cervical cancer; and small medicines benefit.471
Indigent PhilHealth members benefit from no-balance billing, which prohibits providers from
charging the poor any fees or charges over and above what is reimbursed by PhilHealth.472 There have
been initiatives to reduce the price of drugs through the Cheaper Medicines Act 2008 and improve
the availability of cheap medicines through the Botikang Barangay, Botikang Bayan and PhP100-
treatment pack initiatives.473
Policy around health services in Philippines is also shaped by an acute awareness of the impact of
climate change upon the health sector, and public health outcomes. The National Climate Change
Adaptation in Health Strategic Plan 2014-2016 was developed following an assessment of Climate
Change Adaptation for Health (CCAH) initiatives that highlighted both strengths and gaps in CCAH,
and which settled upon three main objectives: 1) improving the adaptive capacity of the health care
delivery system; 2) enhancing support mechanisms to adaptation and mitigation efforts on climate
change in the health sector; and 3) empowering communities to manage health impacts of climate
change.474
In May 2017, in response to the destruction caused by Super-Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan), the
Department of Health (DOH) issued Guidelines on the Provision of Essential Health Service Packages
in Emergencies and Disasters. The Guidelines set standards for the delivery of essential health
services in emergencies and disasters, define essential service components (for health, nutrition,
467
DoH. Universal Health Care http://www.doh.gov.ph/universal-health-care
468
WHO & DoH. 2012. Philippines Health Service Delivery Profile. Available at:
http://www.wpro.who.int/health_services/service_delivery_profile_philippines.pdf?ua=1
469
Universal Health Coverage in the Philippines- Progress on Financial Protection Goals, Policy Research Working Paper
7258, World Bank Group
470
https://www.philhealth.gov.ph/about_us/statsnTables/snc2016.pdf
471
7258, World Bank Group, p 3
472
473
474
DoH, National Climate Change Adaptation in Health Strategic Plan 2014-2016, ix.
99
WASH, and mental health), and delineate roles and responsibilities between different national and
LGUs and non-governmental actors.475 These 2017 Guidelines were developed in addition to a series
of emergency preparedness policies developed as part of the 2012 DOH-HEMS (Health Emergency
Management Staff), which included, for example ‘Public Health Policies in Emergencies and Disasters’
and ‘Implementing Guidelines on Safe Hospitals in Emergencies and Disasters’.476
Children with disabilities

In 2016, a UNICEF commissioned and validated study attempted to estimate prevalence rates of
disabilities among children in the Philippines. This study, which included children and young people
below the age of 19, found the following prevalence rates, among this age group:
- Visual impairment of some form: approximately 80,000 (0.2 per cent)
- Hearing impairment of some form: approximately 1.5 million (3.9 per cent),
- Profound hearing impairment: 16,000 (0.03 per cent)
- Difficulty moving around: 140,000
- Neurodevelopmental impairment of some form: 1.6 million477
In conclusion, the study noted that around 80,000 children with visual impairment, 1,516,000
children with hearing impairment, all 140,000 children with mobility impairment, and all 1,600,000
children with neurodevelopmental impairment would require some form of medical or health-
related intervention.478
4.2. Child Mortality
Article 24(2)(a) of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) states that States Parties shall take
appropriate measures to diminish infant and child mortality. SDG 3.2 includes the target to end, by
2030, preventable deaths of newborn and children under 5 years of age, with all countries aiming to
reduce neonatal mortality (0–28 days) to at least 12 per 1,000 live births and under-5 mortality to at
least as low as 25 per 1,000 live births.
4.2.1. Child mortality trends
Neonatal (0–28 days) mortality in the Philippines has decreased slightly over the last decades. While
in 1993 neonatal mortality stood at 18 deaths per 1,000 live births, it stood at 13 deaths per 1,000
live births as of 2013, which is still one percentage point above the SDG target for 2030. 479 The goal
in the PDP is to reduce neonatal mortality to 10 per 1,000 live births by 2020;480 and goes beyond the
requirement in SDG 3.2 to reduce neonatal mortality to 12 per 1,000 live births by 2030.
475
DoH. May 23, 2017. Administrative Order No. 2017-0007. Guidelines in the Provision of Essential Health Service
Packages in Emergencies and Disasters.
476
DoH Policy and Standards Development, Dissemination and Monitoring Committee, DOH-HEMS Policy Agenda,
January 2012.
477
John Q. Wong, MD, MSc, commissioned by UNICEF and Physicians for Peace, Prevalence of Children with disabilities
in the Philippines, 2016, p. 25.
478
John Q. Wong, MD, MSc, commissioned by UNICEF and Physicians for Peace, Prevalence of Children with disabilities
in the Philippines, 2016, p.27-28.
479
Table 10.1, Philippine Development Plan 2017-2022, National Economic and Development Authority, 2017, (PDP)
p139
480
Table 10.4, PDP, p147
100
April 2018
Infant (under-1 year) mortality also decreased over the last decades. The infant mortality rate was
41 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1990481 and had reduced to 21 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2015.482
In the PDP, the goal is to reduce the infant mortality rate to 15 deaths per 1,000 live births by 2020. 483
The SDGs do not include an explicit target linked to infant (under-1) mortality, but instead focus on
under-5 mortality and neonatal mortality.
The under-5 mortality rate has been decreasing in similar fashion, from 59 deaths per 1,000 live births
in 1990,484 to 27 per 1,000 live births in 2015, which is still above the SDG target of 25 per 1,000 live
births by 2030. 485 In the PDP, the goal is to reduce the under-5 mortality rate to 22 deaths per 1,000
live births by 2022.486
Overall, child mortality rates in the Philippines compare unfavourably to the wider regional averages
for East Asia and Pacific, where, as of 2015, neonatal mortality was estimated to stand at 9 deaths
per 1,000 live births, infant mortality stood at 15 deaths per 1,000 live births, and under-5 mortality
stood at 18 deaths per 1,000 live births.487 Table 4.1 below shows the progress achieved by the
Philippines in terms of reducing child mortality rates since the early 1990s.
Table 4.1. Progress on under-5, infant and neonatal mortality in the Philippines
90
80
80
70
57
60 54.2
48.4
Percentage
50
40
40 33.6 35.1 34
32 30 31
29 27
30 24 25 23
22 21
20
10 17.7 17.8 17 16
13 14 13
0
1990 1993 1998 2003 2006 2008 2011 2013 2015
Year
Infant Mortality Under Five Mortality Neonatal Mortality
Source: UNICEF Philippines/UNDP/PDP
481
Table 1, The State of the World’s Children 2016, A fair chance for every child, UNICEF, 2016 (SOWC 2016)
482
483
484
Table 1, SOWC 2016
485
486
487
State of the World’s Children 2016 data: http://data.unicef.org/resources/state-worlds-children-2016-statistical-
Tables/ [03.07.17]
101
Existing data suggest that interventions aimed at reducing (infant and under-5) child mortality will
need to target the underlying causes of neonatal mortality in particular, as deaths shortly after birth
account for a large proportion of childhood deaths in the Philippines. Table 4.2 below shows that the
largest proportion of overall infant deaths (56.2 per cent) occur in the first 27 days after birth.
Furthermore, within the first 27 days after birth, the greatest proportion of infants die in the first six
days of life (43.3 per cent), and proportions decrease relative to age.
Table 4.2. Infant Mortality by Age Groups, 2012
0-6 days,
Under 28 43.30%
28 days to days, 56.2%
<1 year,
43.2%
7-13 days,
6.80%
21-27 days,
2.60% 14-20 days,
3.50%
Source: PHS 2012
4.2.2. Disparities in child mortality
Existing data suggest that child mortality rates are significantly higher in rural areas compared to
urban areas. According to the Philippines National Demographic and Health Survey 2013 (NDHS) the
neonatal mortality rate was 9 deaths per 1,000 live births in urban areas, but stood at 18 deaths per
1,000 live births in rural areas. The region with the highest neonatal mortality was SOCCSKSARGEN
at 29 deaths per 1,000 live births. The lowest rate was found in NCR and Cordillera Administrative
Region (CAR), with 7 deaths per 1,000 live births each.488
Similar to the neonatal mortality rate, the infant mortality rate is higher in rural areas, at 28 deaths
per 1,000 live births, as of 2013, compared to 19 deaths per 1,000 live births in urban areas. The
region with the highest infant mortality was (again) SOCCSKSARGEN at 37 deaths per 1,000 live births.
The lowest rate was (again) in NCR and CAR, with 16 deaths per 1,000 live births each.489
Lastly, the under-5 mortality rate was also found to be higher in rural areas, at 38 deaths per 1,000
live births, as of 2013, in comparison to 25 deaths per 1,000 live births in urban areas. 490 The region
488
Table 8.2, Philippines National Demographic and Health Survey, 2013, Philippines Statistics Authority, (NDHS)
http://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR294/FR294.pdf
489
Table 8.2, NDHS, 2013,
490
Table 8.2, NDHS, 2013,
102
April 2018
with the highest under-5 mortality rate was ARMM with 55 deaths per 1,000 live births. The lowest
was the Cagayan valley with 21 deaths per 1,000 live births.491
Existing data shows that the educational status of the mother has an impact on child mortality in the
Philippines. The highest rate of under-5 mortality in 2013 was found to be among those children born
to mothers with no formal education (61 deaths per 1,000 live births). For those children born to
mothers with elementary education the under-5 mortality rate stood at a lower 53 deaths per 1,000
live births, dropping to 30 deaths per 1,000 live births for those children whose mothers went to high
school, and again to 16 deaths per 1,000 live births for those whose mothers went to college.492
Household wealth is also a significant predictor of child mortality in the Philippines. Children born in
the lowest wealth quintile have a higher level of under-5 mortality, at 52 deaths per 1,000 live births,
than those children in the highest wealth quintile, where the rate stood at 17 deaths per 1,000 live
births, as of 2013.493 A similar association exists between household wealth and infant mortality:
According to 2013 NDHS data the infant mortality rate amongst households in the poorest wealth
quintile stands at 36 deaths per 1,000 live births, dropping significantly to only 13 deaths per 1,000
live births for infants on the richest wealth quintile.494
Across the East Asia and Pacific region, child mortality rates are, on average, somewhat higher for
male children than for female children.495 This typical pattern of higher mortality for male children is
not strongly reflected in the gender-disaggregated NDHS data on child mortality from 2013.496
4.2.3. Causes of child mortality
According to a report by the Philippines Child Health Epidemiology Reference Group (CHERG) in 2010,
the main causes of death for children under 1 month were pre-term birth complications (39.3 per
cent), intrapartum complications (25.4 per cent), congenital abnormalities (14.6 per cent) and sepsis,
meningitis or tetanus (13.2 per cent). For children under 5 years, the main causes of death in 2010
were pneumonia (27.4 per cent), injury (15.1 per cent) and diarrhoea (10.7 per cent) according to the
CHERG estimates.497
More recent estimates from WHO Global Health Observatory (2015) suggest that the main causes of
death for children under 1 month were prematurity (32.7 per cent), birth asphyxia and trauma (23.1
per cent), congenital abnormalities (17.2 per cent) and sepsis and infections (13 per cent).498 For
children under 5 years, the main causes of death were acute lower respiratory infections (29.5 per
cent), injuries (15 per cent), diarrhoeal disease (13.6 per cent), and other communicable, perinatal
and nutritional conditions (12.2 per cent), according to WHO estimates from 2015.499
491
Table 2, National Statistics Office, Family Health Survey, 2011,
http://psa.gov.ph/sites/default/files/attachments/hsd/pressrelease/Table%202%20Infant%20and%20Under-
Five%20Mortality%20Rates%20by%20Region%2C%20Philippines%202011.pdf
492
Table 8.2, NDHS, 2013, p.93
493
Table 8.2, NDHS, 2013, p.93
494
Table 8.2, NDHS, 2013, p.93
495
Tables/ [03.07.17]
496
NDHS, 2013, p.94
497
CHERG Child Causes of Death Annual Estimates by Country 2000-2010
498
Global Health Observatory data repository - http://apps.who.int/gho/data/view.main.ghe3002015-PHL?lang=en
499
Global Health Observatory data repository - http://apps.who.int/gho/data/view.main.ghe3002015-PHL?lang=en
103
The impacts of road traffic accidents and air pollution on child mortality
Under SDG 3.6 the Philippines should, by 2020, halve the number of deaths and injuries from road
traffic accidents. According to the Philippine Health Statistics, transport accidents caused 8.7
deaths per 100,000 population in 2012. For children under 1 year transport accidents accounted
for 1.2 per 100,000 deaths, and for those aged 1–4 they accounted for 1.8 per 100,000 deaths. For
children aged 5–9 years old transport accidents are the sixth most common cause of death, and
for those aged 10–14 they are the fourth most common cause of death.500
While up-to-date data on the impacts of air pollution on child mortality in the Philippines are
limited, existing evidence suggests that air pollution is a significant concern in relation to child
health. Estimates from the WHO Global Health Observatory indicate that ambient air pollution (for
example, from traffic, industrial sources, waste burning or residential fuel combustion) accounted
for a total of 129 deaths in under-5-year-olds in 2008 (a rate of 1 death per 100,000). The WHO
data also suggest an upward trend in relation to under-5 deaths attributable to air pollution in the
Philippines: in 2004 air pollution was estimated to account for a total of 81 deaths, suggesting an
increase by around 38 per cent within only four years.501
4.3. Communicable disease and immunisation
Article 24(2)(c) of the UNCRC obliges States Parties to take appropriate measures to combat disease.
The target under SDG 3.3 is, by 2030, to end the epidemics of AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and
neglected tropical diseases, and combat hepatitis, water-borne diseases and other communicable
diseases.
4.3.1. Malaria
The goal set out in the PDP is to reduce the malaria prevalence in the Philippines to less than 1 case
per 100,000 population by 2022. 502 The Philippines appear to be on good track to meet this goal. The
mortality and morbidity rates attributable to malaria have been decreasing relatively steadily since
the early 1990s (see Table 4.3 below). Indoor residual spraying with Dichloro-diphenyl-
trichloroethane, which was the primary vector control measure until the late 1980s, and scale-up of
case finding and treatment, are reported to be among the contributing factors that led to the
eventual decline of malaria mortality and morbidity in the Philippines.503
Table 4.3. Malaria Morbidity and Mortality rate/100,000 Population, Philippines, 1992-2012
500
PHS 2012, p.106
501
Global Health Observatory data repository - http://www.who.int/gho/phe/outdoor_air_pollution/burden/en/
502
503
WHO. 2012. Eliminating Malaria. Case-study 6 Progress towards subnational elimination in the Philippines
http://www.wpro.who.int/philippines/mediacentre/features/phileliminationmalaria.pdf p.6
104
April 2018
120 1.6
1.4
100
Cases
1.2
Deaths
80
1
60 0.8
0.6
40
0.4
20
0.2
0 0
Source: PHS 2012
The malaria mortality rate in the Philippines decreased from 0.01 deaths per 100,000 in 2011 to 0.008
deaths per 100,000 in 2014. However, this increased again slightly, to 0.019 deaths per 100,000 in
2015. The malaria morbidity rate in 2011 was 9.5 cases per 100,000, and this decreased to 4.9 cases
per 100,000 in 2014, but increased again slightly to 8 cases per 100,000 in 2015. 504 According to the
PDP, the relatively small increases in malaria morbidity and mortality between 2014 and 2015 were
concentrated in endemic areas and among indigenous peoples and mobile populations.505
The geographic range and incidence of malaria is dependent on weather and climate. With increasing
temperatures and shifting agro-ecological zones, the geographic prevalence of malaria is likely to
spread into higher altitudes. Climatic events such as El Niño may also contribute to malaria
epidemics.506
4.3.2. Tuberculosis
Tuberculosis (TB) has been one of the leading causes of mortality in the Philippines, although the
mortality rate attributable to TB has been decreasing steadily over the last decades. In 1992, TB
accounted for 23,356 deaths in total (or 35.7 per 100,000 deaths), but decreased to 22,693 deaths in
total (or 23.6 per 100,000 deaths) by 2012.507 The 2015 MDG goal in relation to TB reduction was met
by the Philippines. Much of the decrease in TB-related mortality can be attributed to efforts by the
National TB Control Programme to improve access to diagnostic and treatment services, especially
for the vulnerable sectors. Examples of these initiatives include the expansion of laboratory services
504
Table 10.1, PDP, p. 139.
505
PDP, p. 138.
506
UNICEF. 2015. Unless we act now,
https://www.unicef.org/publications/files/Unless_we_act_now_The_impact_of_climate_change_on_children.pdf
507
The 2012 Philippine Health Statistics, Department of Health Epidemiology Bureau, (PHS 2012) Figure 20, p 200
105
and establishing partnerships with public and private health providers. 508 The TB case detection rate
was 82 per cent in 2012, and increased to 94 per cent by 2015.509
The target in the PDP in relation to TB incidence (new cases per year) is a rate of 225 per 100,000 by
2022.510 The TB incidence was 322 cases per 100,000 population in 2015, which is still significantly
above the PDP target. It was estimated that children aged 0–14 years accounted for 9.5 per cent of
all TB incidence in 2015.511
4.3.3. Immunisation
The Expanded Program on Immunization (EPI) was launched in the Philippines in 1976 to ensure that
all Filipino children and mothers have access to routinely recommended vaccines. The current
standard immunization schedule includes BCG, OPV, DPT, Hepatitis B, Haemophilus Influenzae type
B (HiB), IPV and Measles (MMR) vaccines. This year has also seen a policy shift from the provision of
Tetanus (TT) to Tetanus and Diphtheria (Td) vaccines for pregnant women and women of
reproductive age.512 PCV, Rotavirus and Dengue vaccines have been piloted in some regions. School-
based immunization was introduced in 2013 to deliver routine immunizations to school-aged children
and catch up on missed doses.513
The Philippines has been cited by the WHO Strategic Advisory Group of Experts on Immunization as
being among the group of five countries in the world (together with Nigeria, Pakistan, Indonesia and
the DRC) with the highest number of unimmunized children for three doses of Diphtheria-tetanus-
pertussis (DTP3) in 2015.514 DTP3 is used by UNICEF as an indicator of how well countries are providing
routine immunization services. Worryingly, the nationwide DTP3 coverage rate has dropped from 89
per cent in 2013 to around 60 per cent in 2015.515 Only 70 per cent of children were fully immunized
according to the FHSIS report 2014.516 Table 4.4 presents trend data on immunisation coverage for 12
universally recommended vaccines from the WHO Global Health Observatory.517
Low immunization coverage rates (and in some cases declining immunization coverage rates) have
resulted in increased incidence of vaccine-preventable diseases in the Philippines with, for example,
two major outbreaks of Rubella in 2001 and 2011, and a measles outbreak in 2014.518 Underlying
causes of low vaccination coverage are discussed in the barriers and bottlenecks chapter below.
508
Vianzon R et al. 2013. The tuberculosis profile of the Philippines, 2003–2011: advancing DOTS and beyond. Western
Pacific Surveillance and Response Journal. http://www.wpro.who.int/wpsar/volumes/04/2/2013_VBD_SR_Vianzon/en/
509
Table 10.1, PDP, p. 139.
510
Table 10.4, PDP.
511
WHO Tuberculosis country profiles -
https://extranet.who.int/sree/Reports?op=Replet&name=%2FWHO_HQ_Reports%2FG2%2FPROD%2FEXT%2FTBCountr
yProfile&ISO2=PH&LAN=EN&outtype=html.
512
Information provided by UNICEF Philippines.
513
UNICEF internal briefer on national immunisation program of the Philippines, p 5.
514
UNICEF internal briefer on national immunization program of the Philippines, p 2.
515
WHO and UNICEF estimates of immunization coverage – 2015 revision -
http://www.who.int/immunization/monitoring_surveillance/data/phl.pdf.
516
Figure 2D.1, Field Health Service Information System 2014 Annual Report, Philippines Department of Health (FHSIS)
517
WHO Global Health Observatory data repository - http://www.who.int/gho/immunization/en/
518
UNICEF internal briefer on national immunisation program of the Philippines, p 3; see also http://news.abs-
cbn.com/nation/regions/08/20/15/why-immunization-campaign-armm-delayed [19.05.17].
106
April 2018
Table 4.4. Immunization coverage in the Philippines, 2000-2015
Source: WHO Global Health Observatory
Disparities in immunization coverage
According to 2013 NDHS data, there are significant disparities in vaccination coverage based on
geographical location. Urban children were more likely to have had all basic vaccinations519 (72.7 per
cent) in comparison to rural children (64.7 per cent). However, these aggregate findings in relation
to rural-urban disparities in immunization coverage need to be qualified, as there are some pockets
of unimmunized children in urban and peri-urban settlements, particularly in the metropolitan area
of Manila. For example, of a total of 64 diphtheria cases reported throughout the Philippines between
1 January and 30 July in 2016, around one third of all cases (21) were reported in NCR.520 The majority
519
Basic vaccinations are: BCG, measles and three doses each of DPT, polio and Hepa-B vaccine (either Hepa-B0, B1,
and B2 or Hepa-B1, B2 and B3); excludes HiB vaccine. See also WHO vaccine-preventable diseases: monitoring system.
2017 global summary, http://apps.who.int/immunization_monitoring/globalsummary/estimates?c=PHL.
520
DoH 2016 Diphtheria Morbidity Week 30
http://www.doh.gov.ph/sites/default/files/statistics/DIPHTHERIA%20MW30.pdf.
107
of reported diphtheria cases (in the same time period) were found in males (52 per cent) and the
majority were found in young children (in the 1- to 5-year-old age group).521
The rapid urbanization experienced in the Philippines poses an added challenge to immunization
coverage, complicating the urban/rural divide such that children in urban slums experience lower
immunization rates and, therefore, higher risk of illness and death. A recent working paper on Urban
Health and Immunization in East Asia highlights a very high risk for vaccine preventable diseases
outbreak in the urban slums;, noting, for example, that “tuberculosis has been confirmed to be much
worse in the urban slum population as compared to the general population.”522
According to 2013 NDHS data, the region with the highest level of children who had all their basic
vaccinations was CAR with 83.6 per cent, compared to ARMM where only 29.4 per cent of children
had all their basic vaccinations.523
According to the 2013 NDHS data there are also differences in vaccination coverage based on the
child’s and mother’s background characteristics. Where the child is the firstborn it is more likely to
have had all its basic vaccinations (73.6 per cent) compared to the sixth or higher child (52.8 per cent).
The NDHS data also suggest that mothers with no education are less likely to have their child receive
all basic vaccinations (30 per cent) compared to mothers with college education (75 per cent). There
is very little difference in immunization coverage between male and female children, with 69.6 per
cent of male children and 67.5 per cent of female children having received all basic vaccinations. 524
4.3.4. Neglected tropical diseases
Neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) such as Schistosomiasis, Lymphatic Filariasis, or Soil-transmitted

helminths are endemic in many of the poorest provinces in the Philippines.525 Because NTDs do not
cause instant death, they tend to be neglected by policymakers.526 Nevertheless, the DOH has
implemented the Soil Transmitted Helminthiasis Control Program in 2002, the National Filariasis
Elimination Program (NFEP) in 2000 and, the Schistosomiasis Control Program in 2001.527
Somewhat outdated DOH estimates from 2005 suggest that lymphatic filariasis, also known as
elephantiasis, is endemic in 40 provinces in the Philippines: 76 per cent of the municipalities in these
provinces are considered ‘poor’, and 56 per cent of all reported lymphatic filariasis infections were
in Mindanao.528 As of 2011, only nine provinces have been able to eliminate lymphatic filariasis
completely.529
521
DoH 2016 Diphtheria Morbidity Week 30
http://www.doh.gov.ph/sites/default/files/statistics/DIPHTHERIA%20MW30.pdf.
522
UNICEF, Working Paper on Urban Health and Immunization in East Asia (Draft), p. 48, citing Tupasi TE(1),
Radhakrishna S, Quelapio MI, Villa ML, Pascual ML, Rivera AB,
Sarmiento A, Co VM, Sarol JN, Beltran G, Legaspi JD, Mangubat NV, Reyes AC, Solon.
Tuberculosis in the urban poor settlements in the Philippines. Int J Tuberc Lung Dis. 2000 Jan;4(1):4-11.
523
NDHS 2013, p.125.
524
NDHS 2013, p.125.
525
http://www.wpro.who.int/philippines/areas/communicable_diseases/mvp/story_ntd/en/.
526
527
528
DoH. 2008. Health Policy Notes. Volume 1: Issue 4 (April 2008). Department of Health, Manila, Philippines.
http://www.doh.gov.ph/sites/default/files/publications/Vol1Issue4April2008_1.pdf.
529
108
April 2018
According to the 2006 data, schistosomiasis (a disease caused by parasitic flatworms) remains
endemic in 12 regions in the Philippines, affecting 28 provinces, 15 cities, and 190 municipalities. 530
The national schistosomiasis prevalence rate has declined slightly from 4.5 per cent in 1997 to 3 per
cent in 2006.531 Mass drug administration aimed at combatting lymphatic filariasis and
schistosomiasis have been hampered due to lack of political and financial support in the endemic
regions, as well as insufficient drug supplies and a lack of reliable and accurate disease surveillance
data.532
4.4. Maternal Health
4.4.1. Maternal mortality
According to SDG 3.1, the Philippines should aim to reduce the maternal mortality ratio to less than
70 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births by 2030. The PDP in turn sets a target of 90 maternal
deaths per 100,000 live births by 2022.533
Maternal mortality in the Philippines has declined somewhat since the early 1990s, but remains at a
relatively high level, suggesting that the country is unlikely to achieve this important international
development target. Estimates from the UN Maternal Mortality Estimation Inter-Agency Group
suggest that as of 2015, maternal mortality ratio in the Philippines stood at 114 deaths per 100,000
live births, which is significantly higher than the regional average for East Asia and Pacific of 62 deaths
per 100,000 live births, and still short of the reduction targets set out in the PDP and SDGs. 534 The
Inter-Agency Group produces internationally comparable sets of maternal mortality data that
account for the well-documented problems of under-reporting and misclassification of maternal
deaths by national authorities.535
The Philippines’ progress in reducing maternal mortality has been relatively limited over the last
decades, as the ratio stood at 152 deaths per 100,000 live births in 1990, suggesting a decrease of
only 25 per cent over a period of 25 years (see Table 4.5 below).536 However, it should be noted that
the data between 2010 and 2015 showed the first decrease in maternal mortality ratio since 1995.
Underlying factors contributing to the Philippine’s relatively slow progress in reducing maternal
mortality are explored in the barriers and bottlenecks chapter below.
Table 4.5. Maternal Mortality Ratio in the Philippines, 1990–2015
530
531
532
533
Table 10.4 PDP.
534
Tables/ [27.06.17].
535
See https://data.unicef.org/topic/maternal-health/maternal-mortality/ [25.04.17].
536
Data are available at: http://www.who.int/gho/maternal_health/countries/phl.pdf?ua=1 [27.06.17].
109
160 152
140
127 129
122 124
120 114
100
80
60
40
20
0
1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Source: UN Maternal Mortality Estimation Inter-Agency Group
Data from the 2012 Philippines Health Statistics (PHS) report show that almost two in five maternal
deaths were from complications related to pregnancy occurring in the course of labour, delivery and
the puerperium.537 These complications were the leading cause of maternal deaths in the Philippines
as of 2012 (accounting for 39.9 per cent of all maternal deaths). Other leading causes of maternal
death were hypertension complicating pregnancy, childbirth and the puerperium (34.8 per cent),
postpartum haemorrhage (15.3 per cent) and pregnancy with abortive outcome (9.7 per cent). 538
Note that the PHS figures are based on administrative data transmitted by the City or Municipal Civil
Registrars, and may be susceptible to misclassification and underreporting.539 2012 PHS data also
suggest that women in older age groups (40–49 years) had higher risk of dying from complications of
pregnancy, childbirth and puerperium, than those women at the beginning of their reproductive
years (15–39).540
4.4.2. Antenatal care
Under Article 24(2)(d) of the UNCRC and CRC GC No.15 paras 51-57, the Philippines has an obligation
to ensure appropriate pre- and post-natal health care for mothers.
Antenatal care in the Philippines has improved markedly over the last decades: the percentage of
women who had at least one antenatal care visit from a health professional increased from 83 per
cent in 1993 to 95 per cent in 2013, according to National Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS)
data. Similarly, the percentage of women with four or more antenatal care visits rose substantially
537
The period of about six weeks after childbirth during which the mother's reproductive organs return to their original
non-pregnant condition.
538
PHS 2012 p.79.
539
PHS 2012 p.79.
540
PHS 2012, p.79.
110
April 2018
from 52 per cent in 1993 to 84 per cent in 2013.541 Note that data from the 2014 Field Health
Information System (FHSIS) records an antenatal care coverage rate for at least four visits of only
58.99 per cent in (which is much lower than the rate in the 2013 NDHS).542 However, the FHSIS data
is limited as it only covers pregnant women who access care through the public health sector and not
data from private health providers.543
According to 2013 NDHS data, there is not much variation in antenatal care coverage rates across
regions (rates for at least one visit are above 90 per cent throughout); except for ARMM, where only
52.8 per cent of women received at least one antenatal care visit from a skilled healthcare provider.544
However, the NDHS data reveal that the educational status of the expectant mother is a significant
predictor of access to antenatal care. While 98 per cent of women with a college degree received at
least one visit by a skilled healthcare provider, this proportion drops to a much lower 61 per cent for
women with no formal education.545
4.4.3. Delivery care
One of the guiding principles of the DOH is that “every delivery is facility-based and managed by
skilled health professionals”.546 Existing data suggest that there has been a remarkable increase in the
proportion of live births delivered in a health facility as well as the proportion of births attended by
a skilled health professional. However, the Philippines is still far from the goal of achieving universal
coverage for skilled birth attendance and institutional delivery.
According to NDHS data, the proportion of deliveries in a health facility (institutional delivery)
increased from a very low 44 per cent in 2008 to 61 per cent in 2013 – an increase by more than 30
per cent over only five years.547 However, this is still a long way from universal coverage and
significantly below the regional average for East Asia and Pacific of 88 per cent (as of 2015).548 Table
4.6 below shows that, as of 2013, the proportion of births delivered in a public facility (43 per cent)
is more than two times higher than those delivered in a private facility (19 per cent). However, home
deliveries make up a significant proportion (38 per cent) of all births in the Philippines, as of 2013. 549
541
Table 2, https://psa.gov.ph/content/six-ten-births-are-delivered-health-facility-preliminary-results-2013-national-
demographic.
542
Table 2G.1 FHSIS report 2014.
543
FHSIS report 2014.
544
NDHS 2013 p.100.
545
NDHS 2013 p.100.
546
NDHS 2013, p.106.
547
NDHS 2013, p.106.
548
Tables/ [27.06.17].
549
NDHS 2013, p.106.
111
Table 4.6. Place of Birth
Others, 0.40%
Home, 38.20% Public hospital

Public hospital,
42.70% Private hospital
Home
Others
Private hospital,
18.70%
Source: National Demographic Health Survey 2013
As with institutional delivery coverage, the proportion of women delivering in the presence of a
skilled health professional has increased markedly over the last years: from 62 per cent in 2008 to 73
per cent in 2013, according to NDHS data.550 However, the current skilled birth attendance coverage
rate is still far short of universal coverage and significantly below the regional average for East Asia
and Pacific of 93 per cent (as of 2015).551
NDHS data suggests that there was a substantial decrease in deliveries assisted by Traditional Birth
Attendants or ‘hilots’, from 36 per cent in 2008 to 26 per cent in 2013.552 Whereas 34 per cent of
deliveries in rural areas were assisted by a ‘hilot’, as of 2013, this figure is almost halved for deliveries
in urban areas (16 per cent).553
4.4.4. Disparities in delivery care
An analysis of the 2013 NDHS data reveals significant disparities in institutional delivery and skilled
birth attendance coverage along geographical, educational and wealth divides. For example, the
percentage of births delivered in a health facility varies significantly between regions, from a very
low 12 per cent in ARMM to 82 per cent in NCR.554 Similarly, the proportion of births attended by a
skilled health professional ranges from a near-universal 90 per cent in NCR to a significantly lower 20
per cent in ARMM.555
Disparities in delivery care also exist between urban and rural areas with women in rural areas, on
average, being significantly less likely to access professional delivery care. While institutional delivery
550
NDHS 2013, p.108.
551
Tables/ [27.06.17].
552
NDHS 2013, p.108.
553
NDHS 2013, p.108.
554
NDHS 2013, p.107.
555
NDHS 2013, p.109.
112
April 2018
coverage stands at an estimated 72 per cent in urban areas, coverage falls to a much lower 51 per
cent in rural areas.556 Similar disparities are revealed in relation to skilled birth attendance coverage:
at 83 per cent in urban areas and 64 per cent in rural areas.557
Educational status of the mother appears to affect access to/use of professional delivery care in the
Philippines: women with more education being, on average, more likely to access these health
services. While 84 per cent of women with at least a college degree delivered their baby in a health
facility, this figure drops dramatically when looking at women with no formal education, among
whom only 11 per cent delivered their baby in a health facility. 558 Similar disparities are revealed in
relation to skilled birth attendance coverage: at 90 per cent for women with at least a college degree,
and at 17 per cent for women with no formal education.559 This suggests that in order to increase
delivery care coverage in the Philippines, targeting women of lower educational status will need to
be key priority.
According to the 2013 NDHS, household wealth of the mother is also a significant predictor of the
likelihood of accessing/using professional delivery care. Just over 30 per cent of women from the
lowest wealth quintile gave birth in a health facility, whereas over 90 per cent of those in the highest
wealth quintile gave birth in a health facility (see Table 4.7 below). 560
Table 4.7. Percentage of Births in a Health Facility (disaggregated by wealth quintile)
100 91.2
Percentage of births in health facility
90 81.5
80
69
70
60 55
50
40 32.8
30
20
10
0
Lowest Second Middle Fourth Highest
Wealth Quintile
Source: National Demographic and Health Survey 2013
A similar association between household wealth and delivery care is revealed in relation to skilled
birth attendance coverage. According to the 2013 NDHS data, only around 40 per cent of women
from households in the lowest wealth quintile were assisted in giving birth by skilled health
556
NDHS 2013, p.107.
557
NDHS 2013, p.109.
558
NDHS 2013, p.107.
559
NDHS 2013, p.109.
560
NDHS 2013, p.107.
113
professional, in comparison to over 96 per cent of women from households in the highest wealth
quintile (see Table 4.8 below).561
Table 4.8. Percentage of births attended by skilled personnel (disaggregated by wealth

quintile)
100 96.2
Percentage of births attended by skilled
92.4
90 83.8
80
71.9
70
60
personnel
50
42.2
40
30
20
10
0
Lowest Second Middle Fourth Highest
Wealth Quintile
Source: National Demographic and Health Survey 2013
2013 NDHS data on the use of Caesarean sections (C-sections) also reveal stark disparities by
household wealth and between rural and urban areas, highlighting differences in access to modern
maternal health care in the Philippines. In urban areas, 11 per cent of women give birth using C-
sections, compared to 7 per cent in rural areas.562 While 29 per cent of women from households in
the richest wealth quintile give birth using C-sections, this figure drops dramatically for women from
households in the poorest wealth quintile (1 per cent).563
4.4.5. Postnatal care
The FHSIS 2014 annual report notes that 65.28 per cent of women had at least two post-partum
visits.564 According to the 2013 NDHS data, 78 per cent of women aged 20–35 had their first postnatal
check-up carried out by a professional health provider (doctor, nurse or midwife). First time mothers
were most likely to see a health professional for their first postnatal check-up (86 per cent), while
those delivering their sixth or higher child were the least likely to see a health professional (50 per
cent).565 The place of delivery also appears to determine whether a woman receives her first
professional postnatal check-up. Almost all women who delivered in a health facility (97 per cent)
561
NDHS 2013, p.109.
562
Table 9.9 NDHS 2013.
563
564
Table 2G.2 FHSIS.
565
114
April 2018
also received their first postnatal care after their last birth from a health professional, compared with
only 30 per cent of those who delivered at home.566
According to NDHS data from 2013, rural women were, on average, less likely to have a postnatal
check-up (71 per cent) compared to those in urban areas (84 per cent).567 The data also reveal regional
variations within the Philippines, with 93 per cent of mothers in NCR receiving a postnatal check-up,
compared with only 22.5 per cent in ARMM – meaning that around 77 per cent of women in this
region did not receive any postnatal check-up.568
4.5. Violence against Women and Girls
Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is a key public health concern: VAWG can lead to violent
deaths either directly (through homicide) or indirectly, through suicide, maternal causes and
HIV/AIDS. Furthermore, VAWG is also an important cause of morbidity, from multiple mental,
physical, sexual and reproductive health outcomes, and it is also linked with known risk factors, such
as alcohol and drug use, smoking and unsafe sex. Violence during pregnancy is associated with an
increased risk of miscarriage, premature delivery and low birth weight.569
Available data on VAWG suggest that it is a significant problem in the Philippines. For example,
according to the 2013 NDHS, around 20 per cent of ever-married women aged 15–49 reported having
experienced emotional, physical, and/or sexual violence from their husbands, and seven per cent
reported having experienced physical or sexual violence in the past twelve months.570 The 2013 NDHS
data also suggest that 4 per cent of women aged 15-49 experience violence during pregnancy, which
also poses health risks to their unborn child.571 A more detailed discussion of the extent and
underlying causes of VAWG, and violence against child (VAC) is provided in Chapter 7 on ‘Child
Protection’.
4.6. Sexual and Reproductive Health
4.6.1. Legal and policy framework572
Article 24(2) of the UNCRC requires state parties to take appropriate measures to develop
preventative health care, guidance for parents and family planning education and services. Under
SDG 3.7 states are encouraged to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health-care
services by 2030, including for family planning, information and education, and the integration of
reproductive health into national strategies and programmes.
In the Philippines, RA 10354, the Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act of 2012 (RHA)
guarantees ‘universal access to medically-safe, non-abortifacient, effective, legal, affordable and
566
567
568
569
WHO. 2011. Violence against women: an urgent public health priority.
http://www.who.int/bulletin/volumes/89/1/10-085217/en/ [30.06.17].
570
NDHS 2013, p.185.
571
NDHS 2013, p.193.
572
Note that this section is based in part on a recent report written by the authors for the International Planned
Parenthood Federation: IPPF ESAOR & Coram International. 2017. Overprotected and Underserved: The Influence of
the Law on Young People’s Access to Sexual and Reproductive Health in the Philippines. Available at:
http://www.ippfeseaor.org/resource/overprotected-and-underserved-influence-law-young-peoples-access-sexual-and-
reproductive [14.09.17].
115
quality reproductive care services, methods, supplies.’573 The RHA recognizes the right to
reproductive health as well as the rights to access services, make informed decisions, receive
reproductive health education and determine family size. The principle of non-discrimination is
articulated throughout the law and implementing regulations, as well as that of equitable access for
adolescents and other marginalised populations.574 The implementing guidelines for the RHA, the
Implementing Rules and Regulations of Republic Act No. 10345 (IRR), state that discrimination on the
basis of marital status is not permitted in the provision of reproductive health care.575 Republic Act
1161, the Social Security Law576 and Republic Act 8187 on Paternity Leave provide for 60 days and 7
days of paid leave following a child’s birth respectively, subject to restrictions.
Despite the guarantee of a right to reproductive health for all, several provisions of the RHA and the
IRR restrict this right indirectly through measures that place a greater burden on adolescents seeking
independent access to contraceptive services or information, and limit the availability of
contraceptives. In addition, a legal challenge to the RHA’s constitutionality led to eight provisions of
the law being struck out by the Supreme Court in 2014; many of which may directly impact on access
of vulnerable adolescents to services, information and referrals for reproductive health services.
Restrictions on availability of contraceptives: Access to contraceptives is limited to those that are
classified as ‘non-abortifacient’ by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). Section 7.04 of the IRR
gives the FDA the power to determine whether any given drug is, in fact, abortifacient. This has
resulted in the prohibition on several types of contraceptives. Emergency contraception has not been
legally available in the Philippines since 2001 when the drug, Positer, was delisted by the FDA from
the drug registry.577 The RHA also explicitly prohibits the purchase or acquisition of emergency
contraceptives by national hospitals.578
In addition, a Supreme Court decision in 2015 issued a temporary restraining order on the DOH in
‘procuring, selling, distributing, dispensing or administering, advertising and promoting’ two implant
contraceptive products in the Philippines: Implanon and Implanon NXT. A temporary restraining
order also put on hold the issuing and renewing of licenses for the distribution and sale of all family
planning commodities. The restraining order was upheld again in August 2016, despite an appeal
573
Congress of the Philippines (2012) The Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act of 2012, Available at:
http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2012/12/21/republic-act-no-10354/ Section 2.
574
http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2012/12/21/republic-act-no-10354/ . See inter alia Sections 2, 3(b), 4(g), 4(s), 4(w),
14, 17. Department of Health of the Philippines (2013) Implementing Rules and Regulations of Republic Act No. 10345,
Available at: http://pcw.gov.ph/sites/default/files/documents/laws/republic_act_10354_irr_0.pdf, Section 4.03.
575
Department of Health of the Philippines (2013) Implementing Rules and Regulations of Republic Act No. 10345,
Available at: http://pcw.gov.ph/sites/default/files/documents/laws/republic_act_10354_irr_0.pdf, Section 2.01 (e): The
provision of reproductive health care shall not discriminate between married or unmarried individuals, for all individuals
regardless of their civil status have reproductive health concerns.
576
As amended by Republic Act 7322 – An Act Increasing Maternity Benefits in Favour of Women Workers in the Private
Sector, amending for the purpose of Section 14-A of republic Act No 1161, as Amended, and for other Purposes.
577
Bureau of Food and Drugs, Delisting of Levonorgestrel 750 mcg (Postinor) from Bureau of Food and Drugs Registry of
Drug Products, Bureau Circular No. 18 of 2001 (7 December 2001), available at
http://www.fda.gov.ph/attachments/article/28978/bc%2018%202001.pdf.
578
Section 9, RHA; Rule 7.01 IRR.
116
April 2018
from the Health Secretary.579 It has been estimated that the resultant contraceptive stock depletion
could affect more than 13 million Filipino women.580
Furthermore, municipalities and cities have enacted ordinances that limit the distribution of
contraceptives within their jurisdiction (however, the legality of these ordinances have been
questioned by the Commission on Human Rights).581 In Sorsogon City (Bicol Region), Mayor Sally Lee
issued an executive order in February 2015 declaring the city a ‘pro-life city’, which has reportedly
resulted in poor women having to buy their own family planning commodities as the city has stopped
providing them.582
Conscientious objection: The IRR states that private health facilities do not have to provide family
planning services if they are affiliated with a religious group. However, to opt out of providing
contraceptive services, religiously-affiliated health facilities must apply for an exemption through the
Department of Health.583 As a result of the 2014 Supreme Court ruling, private health facilities (or
those run by religious groups) no longer have to refer patients for services at other facilities unless it
is an emergency or life-threatening situation, and providers may no longer be punished for failing or
refusing to provide information or referrals.584
Parental consent requirements: While stating that no person shall be denied access to family
planning services and information, Section 7 of the RHA requires parental (or guardian) consent for
minors (under 18) to access modern methods of family planning in the Philippines.585 While the RHA
initially exempted minor parents and minors who had experienced a miscarriage from the parental
consent requirement, this provision was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in 2014.
However, if the situation is one of emergency or is life-threatening, parental or guardian consent is
not required.586
Spousal consent requirements: The 2014 Supreme Court ruling on the RHA also resulted in Section
23(a)(2)(i) being struck down, which in its original form prohibited the requirement of spousal
consent for an individual to undergo a reproductive health care procedure.587 It is unclear whether
the term ‘procedure’ in the Act refers solely to permanent contraceptive procedures such as
sterilisation, or whether it is broadly applicable to all reproductive health services.
579
Philippines News Now (2016) DOH Appeals SC to lift TRO vs contraceptive Implanon, Available at:
http://www.philippinenewsnow.com/2016/10/doh-appeals-sc-to-lift-tro-vs-contraceptives-implanon/.
580
Philippine Legislators’ Committee on Population and Development. March 2017. Supreme Court justices urged to lift
TRO affecting family planning. http://www.plcpd.com/supreme-court-justices-urged-to-lift-tro-affecting-family-
planning/ [30.06.17].
581
See Commission on Human Rights and UNFPA, National Inquiry on Reproductive Health Rights (2016), available at
http://www.asiapacificforum.net/media/resource_file/CHR_National_Inquiry_on_Reproductive_Health.pdf
582
See http://sorsogoncity.gov.ph/?issuance=eo-no-3-an-executive-order-declaring-sorsogon-city-as-a-pro-life-city and
http://www.rappler.com/nation/137269-doh-case-sorsogon-city-mayor-violation-rh-law.
583
Department of Health of the Philippines (2013) Implementing Rules and Regulations of Republic Act No. 10345,
Available at: http://pcw.gov.ph/sites/default/files/documents/laws/republic_act_10354_irr_0.pdf (Last access 7
November 2016), Section 5.22.
584
http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2012/12/21/republic-act-no-10354/.
585
http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2012/12/21/republic-act-no-10354/ section 7.
586
587
117
4.6.2. Contraceptive prevalence
Contraceptive prevalence588 in the Philippines has improved between 2011 and 2013; but this positive
trend was reversed again in 2015, according to the PDP 2017-2022.589 In 2011, the contraceptive
prevalence rate (including modern and traditional methods) for married women stood at 48.9 per
cent.590 The rate increased to 55.1 per cent in 2013, but decreased again to 42.8 per cent in 2015, 591
which is significantly lower than the regional average of 63 per cent for East Asia and the Pacific (as
of 2015).592 The PDP states that the reduction in the overall contraceptive prevalence rate between
2013 and 2015 was at least partly due to a weak family planning service delivery network and the
lack of a national advocacy campaign.593
The goal in the PDP is for the modern contraceptive prevalence rate to be 65 per cent by 2022. 594
However, according to the PDP, the use of modern methods of contraception stood at only 35.7 per
cent in 2015, which suggests that the Philippines is still a long way from achieving this goal.595
4.6.3. Disparities in contraceptive prevalence
Analysing disparities in contraceptive use by background characteristics is important for identifying

targets for family planning services. The 2013 NDHS data reveal stark disparities in contraceptive use
between Filipino women of different educational status and geographical location. While more than
half (53 per cent) of all women with at least a college degree used contraceptives, only 29 per cent
of women with no formal education did so.596 Contraceptive prevalence also differs markedly
between regions, with the lowest rate found in ARMM (24 per cent) and the highest rate found in
Eastern Visayas (62 per cent).597 The 2013 NDHS data also suggest that contraceptive prevalence is
slightly higher in urban areas (56 per cent) compared to rural areas (54 per cent). Household wealth
does not appear to be significantly associated with contraceptive use.598
4.6.4. Adolescent fertility
According to World Bank estimates from 2015, the adolescent fertility rate in the Philippines stands
at a high 62 (births per 1,000 women aged 15–19), which is significantly above the regional average
of 22 (births per 1,000 women aged 15–19) for East Asia and Pacific.599 The World Bank data also
reveal that, while adolescent fertility declined rapidly between the 1960s and the mid-1990s, this
trend has since been reversed with a steep increase over the last 20 years, from a low 49 births per
588
Contraceptive prevalence is typically defined as the percentage of women of reproductive age who use (or whose
partners use) a contraceptive method at a given point in time. Women ‘of reproductive age’ is usually defined as
women aged 15 to 49. See e.g. http://indicators.report/indicators/i-29/ [21.03.17].
589
PDP, p.138.
590
PDP, p.139.
591
PDP, p.139.
592
State of the World’s Children 2016 data; the regional average excludes China. Available at:
http://data.unicef.org/resources/state-worlds-children-2016-statistical-Tables/ [21.03.17].
593
PDP, p.138.
594
Table 10.4 PDP, p147.
595
PDP, p.138.
596
NDHS 2013, p.75.
597
NDHS 2013, p.75.
598
NDHS 2013, p.75.
599
World Bank data http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.ADO.TFRT?locations=PH [07.03.17].
118
April 2018
1,000 women aged 15–19 in 1997 to levels that are comparable to those in the 1960s (see Table 4.9
below).
Table 4.9. Adolescent fertility rate in the Philippines 1960–2014
68
66
64
62
60
58
56
54
52
50
48
1960 1963 1966 1969 1972 1975 1978 1981 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008 2011 2014
Source: World Bank
Based on 2013 NDHS it appears that early childbearing rates vary by geographical location as well as
women’s socio-economic background characteristics. For example, the proportion of young women
aged 15–24 who have begun childbearing stand at 25 per cent in urban areas, compared to 29 per
cent in rural areas.600 Early childbearing appears to be most common in the Caraga Region (38 per
cent) and relatively low in NCR, CALABARZON and ARMM (24 per cent).601
Early child bearing is less common among women (aged 15–24) with a college degree (20 per cent)
compared to women who have no formal education (43 per cent). Similarly, early childbearing is
significantly less common amongst women in the highest wealth quintile (13 per cent) compared to
women in the lowest wealth quintile (37 per cent).602
Citing trend data from the Young Adult Fertility Surveys (YAFS), the PDP suggests that poor access to
contraceptives, especially amongst Filipino youth, has led to the recent increase in the prevalence of
teenage pregnancies (amongst women aged 15–19), though it fails to establish direct causality.603
Similarly, a recent study by the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) suggests that
high rates of adolescent fertility in the Philippines may in part result from restrictions on access to
600
NDHS 2013, p.53.
601
NDHS 2013, p.53.
602
NDHS 2013, p.53.
603
PDP, p.138.
119
contraception and quality education about sexual and reproductive health (discussed below), in a
context where adolescents are increasingly exposed to (often misleading) portrayals of sex and
sexuality through the internet, pornography and peers.604
4.6.5. Adolescent contraceptive use
Existing data sources suggest that access to contraception is particularly restricted for Filipino
adolescents (aged 15–19), despite high levels of demand for family planning in this age group. This
becomes particularly evident when disaggregating 2013 NDHS data on ‘unmet need for family
planning’ by age groups. Unmet need for family planning refers to fertile women who are not using
contraception but who express a wish to postpone the next birth (i.e. have a need for spacing) or
stop childbearing altogether (have a need for limiting).605
Overall, around 30 per cent of all young women aged 15–19 years were considered to have an unmet
need for family planning, according to 2013 NDHS data. However, this figure drops significantly for
women in older age groups, down to only 15 per cent for women aged 30–34 years (see Table 4.10
below).606 Amongst women aged 15–19 years, unmet need for family planning is primarily made up
of an unmet need for spacing (15 per cent), rather than an unmet need for limiting (4 per cent) – a
pattern which is reversed for women in older age groups.607 Importantly, data on contraceptive use
among adolescent boys are lacking.
Table 4.10. Unmet need for family planning (disaggregated by age group)
604
IPPF ESAOR & Coram International. 2017. Overprotected and Underserved: The Influence of the Law on Young
People’s Access to Sexual and Reproductive Health in the Philippines, p.31. Available at:
605
NDHS 2013, p.83.
606
NDHS 2013, p.84.
607
NDHS 2013, p.84.
120
April 2018
35
30 28.7
25
22.2
20 18.2
16.8 16.6
16.1
14.7
15
10
0
15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49
Source: NDHS 2013

Qualitative evidence suggests that dominant socio-religious norms that stigmatise sexual activity
among young (unmarried) Filipinos have a significant impact on restricting access to family planning
services, for example, by suppressing demand among adolescents and leading service providers to
deny access.608 In addition, there is some evidence to suggest that parental consent requirements for
under-18s have a restrictive impact on adolescents wanting to access family planning services
independently.609 This barrier was also highlighted by a key informant from UNICEF’s Adolescence
and Agency Officer interviewed for this study:
“The Reproductive Health Act became a deterrent for young people, as it really set in stone
that young people [under 18] cannot have access to sexual and reproductive health care
without parental consent. This became a huge deterrent for young people.”610
Information on access to family planning services for adolescents with disabilities was not obtainable,
which represents a significant data gap. A more detailed discussion of demand- and supply-side
constraints in accessing family planning is provided below, in the section on ‘Barriers and
Bottlenecks’.
608
People’s Access to Sexual and Reproductive Health in the Philippines. Available at:
609
610
Key Informant Interview with the Adolescence and Agency Officer, UNICEF, 22 July 2017, Manila.
121
4.6.6. Access to comprehensive sexuality education
The 2012 RHA mandates the provision of comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) in schools.611 A
recent Executive Order issued by the Office of the President also instructs the Department of
Education (DepEd) to implement CSE in the school curriculum.612 While the DepEd has taken first steps
towards implementation (e.g. it has commissioned a study on gaps in health service provision in
schools), it is yet to fully implement CSE in the school curriculum, as of mid-2017.613
Adolescents’ access to CSE is also restricted indirectly by provisions in the law and socio-cultural
barriers. The law allows private educational institutions (such as religious schools) to develop their
own curriculum on CSE, so that adolescents’ access to CSE can vary from school to school.
Adolescents’ access to CSE also appears to be hampered by a lack of skills and training on the part of
teachers, and is compounded by social stigma and taboos associated with adolescents’ sexuality,
which appear to inhibit teachers from speaking openly about CSE topics. In addition, sex is rarely
talked about in young people’s families, with only 10 per cent of respondents from the 2013 YAFS
reporting that sex was ever discussed at home while they were growing up.614
Myths and misperceptions about sex and sexuality appear to be widespread amongst adolescents,
negatively impacting on their service-seeking behaviour.615 In addition, there is some evidence to
suggest that a lack of CSE in schools may lead to earlier sexual initiation and higher rates of risky
sexual activity amongst less-informed young adults.616
2013 NDHS data suggest that teenage girls aged 15–19 are the age group that is least likely to have
been exposed to family planning messages (29 per cent were not exposed to any of the four main
media sources), compared to women in older age groups (22 per cent amongst 20- to 24-year-olds,
and 20 per cent amongst 25- to 29-year-olds).617 Evidence from the 2013 YAFS suggests that actual
knowledge about sex is very poor overall among young Filipinos as measured by the extremely low
percentages of respondents aged 15–24 years (12 per cent amongst males and 18 per cent amongst
females) who correctly identified the time during the menstrual cycle when a woman is most likely
to conceive if she has sexual relations. The YAFS data also reveal that young people themselves feel
611
http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2012/12/21/republic-act-no-10354/ Section 2 and Section 4.
612
Office of the President, Executive Order No 12, “Attaining and sustaining ‘Zero unmet need for modern family
planning’ through the strict implementation of the Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act, providing
funds therefor, and for other purposes”, January 2017, available at:
http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/downloads/2017/01jan/20170109-EO-12-RRD.pdf.
613
614
YAFS 2013, p.142.
615
616
Philippine Institute for Development Studies. 2017. Unintended Consequences: The Folly of Uncritical Thinking. Page
5. Available at: https://pidswebs.pids.gov.ph/CDN/PUBLICATIONS/pidsbk2017-unintended_fnl.pdf [29.06.17]
617
NDHS 2013, p.87.
122
April 2018
like they do not receive sufficient information about sexual and reproductive health. For example,
only 27.4 per cent of survey respondents thought that they ‘have enough knowledge about sex’.618
4.6.7. Sexually transmitted infections
Available data on the prevalence of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in the Philippines are limited
and out of date, but the little data that are available suggest that STIs are a significant problem and
that knowledge of STIs is very limited. As of 2006, the nationwide prevalence of STIs among sex
workers was estimated to stand at a very high 40 per cent.619 In 2002, the prevalence rate for
chlamydia infections among women was reported to stand at 5.6 per cent, with a higher rate amongst
youth. A study among men who have sex with men (MSM) showed that around 30 per cent MSM has
had STIs.620
Worryingly, knowledge about STIs appears to be quite limited among young Filipinos. According to
the 2013 YAFS survey, less than half (47 per cent) of all young Filipinos aged 15–24 years are aware
of STIs. The proportion of those aware of STIs is somewhat higher among young men (50.5 per cent)
compared to young women (44.5 per cent). The 2013 YAFS data also reveal regional differences in
relation to young people’s knowledge about STIs, with 70.5 per cent of young people in NCR knowing
about STIs, in comparison to only 15.8 per cent in ARMM.621 More young people from urban areas
had an awareness of STIs (63 per cent) compared to young people in rural areas (41.5 per cent).
Similarly, those young people from households in the lowest wealth quintile had lower knowledge of
STIs (28.1 per cent) compared to young people in the highest wealth quintile (64.6 per cent).622
4.7. HIV/AIDS
4.7.1. Legislative and policy framework
Children’s access to HIV testing in Philippines is regulated in part by Republic Act 8504, the Philippine
AIDS Prevention and Control Act of 1998. According to this Act, persons may consent to HIV testing
if they are ‘of legal age’ or if they have obtained parental consent (in the case of a ‘minor’). The Act
does not contain a definition of ‘legal age’ or ‘minor;’ however, the Act is interpreted in line with the
age of majority in the Family Code of the Philippines (which is 18 years), which means that children
require parental consent for HIV testing. In contrast to HIV testing, there do not appear to be any
laws or policies that explicitly regulate children’s access to STI testing in the Philippines. In 2015,
PhilHealth updated its Outpatient HIV/AIDS Treatment (OHAT) Package, issuing a circular clarifying
the medical interventions and support covered under OHAT.623
618
YAFS 2013, p.130.
619
UNICEF. 2006. East Asia and Pacific Regional Consultation on Children and HIV/AIDS Hanoi, Viet Nam 22-24 March
2006. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/eapro/11_philippines.pdf [19.05.17].
620
As cited in UNICEF. 2006. East Asia and Pacific Regional Consultation on Children and HIV/AIDS Hanoi, Viet Nam 22-
24 March 2006. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/eapro/11_philippines.pdf [19.05.17].
621
YAFS Table 8.6, p.124.
622
YAFS Table 8.6, p.124.
623
Compare Outpatient HIV /Aids Treatment (OHAT) Package (Phi/Health Circular 19; S 2010) Revision 1 (11-2015),
https://www.philhealth.gov.ph/circulars/2015/circ011-2015.pdf, to Outpatient HIV /Aids Treatment (OHAT) Package
(Phi/Health Circular 19; S 2010), (19-2010) https://www.philhealth.gov.ph/circulars/2010/circ19_2010.pdf Part IV
‘Specific Rules’.
123
4.7.2. Status of the epidemic
SDG 3.3 calls on States to end the epidemic of HIV/AIDS by 2030. After more than two decades of
low HIV prevalence and slow expansion, the Philippines is now has one of the fastest-growing HIV
epidemics in the world.624 According to UNAIDS Data 2017, the country experienced the highest
increase in HIV infections across Asia and the Pacific between 2010 and 2016.625
The overall prevalence of HIV/AIDS in the Philippines remains below 1 per cent of the population. 626
However, there has been a steady increase in the number of newly diagnosed HIV cases (HIV
incidence) over recent years, from one case per day in 2008 to 26 cases per day in 2016 (see Table
4.11 below). Around 96 per cent of newly diagnosed cases in 2016 were male, the average age at
diagnosis was 28 years, and there were 22 new cases for those under 15. 627 With the increase in
diagnoses, come concerns over stigmatisation and discrimination, which, though illegal under Section
2(b)(3) of RA 8504, is still reported to be prevalent, and increasing, acting as a harm to those
diagnosed with HIV/AIDS but also acting as a barrier to testing and treatment.628
Table 4.11. Number of HIV cases reported in the Philippines, 1991-2016

10000
9000
Number of reported cases
8000
7000
6000
5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
2005
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
AIDS Asymptomatic
Source: Department of Health, December 2016
624
See WHO country profile on HIV/AIDS http://www.wpro.who.int/hiv/data/countries/phl/en/ and UNAIDS
Philippines. 2015. Investment Options for Ending AIDS in the Philippines by 2022. Available at:
http://www.aidsdatahub.org/sites/default/files/publication/Investment_Options_for_Ending_AIDS_in_the_Philippines
_by_2022.pdf [27.06.17].
625
UNAIDS Data 201, p. 77. http://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/media_asset/2017_data-book_en.pdf.
626
http://www.unaids.org/en/regionscountries/countries/philippines.
627
HIV/AIDS and ART Registry of the Philippines, December 2016,
http://www.aidsdatahub.org/sites/default/files/publication/NEC_HIV_Dec-AIDSreg2016.pdf, p2.
628
ABC News, “HIV rates rise in Philippines amid stigma concerns”, 24 July 2014, http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-
07-24/aids-stigma-in-philippines/5619918.
124
April 2018
4.7.3. Regional disparities in HIV/AIDS
Data from the DOH suggest that ARMM is the region with the lowest HIV incidence in the whole
country, accounting for less than 1 per cent of all newly diagnosed cases as of March 2016. However,
these estimates may also be biased by lower service-seeking and detection rates in ARMM, as
compared to other regions. From January 1984 to December 2016, the regions with the highest
number of reported HIV cases were NCR (40 per cent of all cases), CALABARZON (15 per cent), and
Central Visayas (10 per cent).629
4.7.4. HIV/AIDS among adolescents and children
Of all reported HIV-positive cases in the whole country, only 4 per cent were in individuals aged 19
years old and below. Among all HIV-positive adolescents (aged 10–9 years) identified between 1984
and 2016, the vast majority (90 per cent) were male.630 Worryingly, data from both the HIV/AIDS &
ART Registry of the Philippines (HARP) and the 2015 Integrated HIV Behavioural and Serologic
Surveillance (IHBSS) indicate an escalating HIV problem among Filipino adolescents. From 2011 to
2015, newly diagnosed HIV cases among young key affected populations631 increased by 230 per
cent.632 As of 2016, more than half of all new infections belonged to the 25- to 34-year age group
while 29 per cent were youth aged 15-24 years.633
Findings from the 2015 IHBSS suggest that, while most MSM, female sex workers and people who
inject drugs start engaging in high-risk behaviours during their adolescent years, protective
behaviours (such as condom use) are only adopted two to three years later, which makes adolescents
particularly vulnerable to HIV/AIDS transmission.634 Gateway behaviours such as drinking alcoholic
beverages and taking recreational drugs were also found to place young key affected populations at
an increased risk of HIV/AIDS.635
4.7.5. Knowledge about HIV/AIDS among adolescents
Comprehensive knowledge about HIV/AIDS636 appears to be very limited among young Filipinos,
which is likely to contribute to the escalating HIV problem among Filipino adolescents. For example,
the 2013 YAFS survey revealed that only 17 per cent of survey respondents aged 15–24 have
629
HIV/AIDS and ART Registry of the Philippines, December 2016 p.2.
630
http://www.aidsdatahub.org/sites/default/files/publication/NEC_HIV_Dec-AIDSreg2016.pdf, p.4.
631
The term refers to young people aged 15 to 24 years who are members of key affected populations, such as young
people living with HIV, young gay men and other men who have sex with men, young transgender people, young
people who inject drugs and young people (18 years and older) who sell sex. See
http://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/media_asset/2015_terminology_guidelines_en.pdf p.50.
632
DOH-Epidemiology Bureau. The Growing HIV Epidemic among Adolescents in the Philippines.
http://www.aidsdatahub.org/sites/default/files/publication/2015_Briefer_on_Young_Key_Affected_Populations.pdf.
633
http://www.aidsdatahub.org/sites/default/files/publication/NEC_HIV_Dec-AIDSreg2016.pdf, p.1.
634
http://www.aidsdatahub.org/sites/default/files/publication/2015_Briefer_on_Young_Key_Affected_Populations.pdf
635
http://www.aidsdatahub.org/sites/default/files/publication/2015_Briefer_on_Young_Key_Affected_Populations.pdf
636
Comprehensive knowledge of HIV/AIDS is defined as ‘correctly identifying the two major ways of preventing the
sexual transmission of HIV (i.e., using condoms and limiting sex to one faithful, uninfected partner), rejecting the two
most common local misconceptions about HIV transmission, and knowing that a healthy looking person can be HIV
positive. See YAFS 2013, p.126.
125
comprehensive knowledge of HIV/AIDS, a level which is far below the 95 per cent target set at the
2001 United Nations General Assembly Special Session on HIV and AIDS.637 Worryingly, the YAFS data
also suggest that general awareness about HIV/AIDS among Filipino youth is declining, with 95 per
cent of youth expressing general awareness of HIV/AIDS during the 1994 YAFS, compared to a
significantly lower 83 per cent during the 2013 YAFS.638 The downward trend in general awareness of
HIV/AIDS appears to be steeper for young men, compared to young women.639 Lack of knowledge
about HIV/AIDS among the adolescent population could be compounded by poor access to
information about HIV/AIDS, but even where children and young people do have awareness of
HIV/AIDS, the legal requirement for parental consent for testing is likely to inhibit children and young
people from receiving a diagnosis, or treatment.640
4.7.6. Modes of HIV transmission
Between 1984 and 2016, almost all children aged below 10 years of age (81 of all 84 HIV positive
under-10 cases) were infected through mother-to-child transmission, and only one child was infected
through blood transfusion (for two children the mode of transmission was not specified).641
Moreover, 90 per cent of HIV-positive adolescents (aged 10–19) were infected through sexual
contact (130 through male-to-female sex, 562 through male-to-male sex, 253 through sex with both
males and females), 8 per cent were infected through sharing of infected needles and only 1 per cent
through mother-to-child transmission.642 Table 4.12 below shows the proportions attributable to
different modes of HIV-transmission for children and adolescents between 1984 and 2016.
Table 4.12. Modes of Transmission Among Children (<10 years) and Adolescents (10-19 years),
Jan 1984-Dec 2016
7%
Sex with Both Males
6% and Females
23%
Male-Female Sex (F)
Male-Female Sex (M)
7% Male-Male Sex
4% Sharing of Infected
Needles
52% Mother-to-Child
Transmission
Source: HIV/AIDS & ART Registry of the Philippines, December 2016
637
YAFS 2013, p.126.
638
YAFS 2013, p. 125.
639
YAFS 2013, p. 125.
640
See Section 4.1.7, above.
641
HIV/AIDS and ART Registry of the Philippines, December 2016. p.4.
642
HIV/AIDS and ART Registry of the Philippines, December 2016. p.4.
126
April 2018
4.7.7. Future outlook
As of 2013, it is estimated that only 20 per cent of all people living with HIV in the Philippines had
been diagnosed and were accessing anti-retroviral treatmentv(ART).643 According to projections by
UNAIDS Philippines, maintaining a ‘business as usual’ approach (i.e. sustaining current ART treatment
levels and prevention coverage) would result in the Philippines witnessing an explosion of the total
number of people living with HIV to more than 350,000 by 2030, falling far short of SDG target 3.3,
despite an annual resource need of $19 million.
In contrast, adopting an ‘Ending AIDS’ approach (i.e. scaling up to universal access to ART treatment
while optimizing prevention interventions for high-risk groups) would require an annual investment
of $51 million until 2030, but see the annual number of infections (the incidence rate) beginning to
decline in 2029.644 UNAIDS Philippines estimates that the ‘Ending AIDS’ approach will save more lives
and yield the greatest cost-benefits in terms of disability-adjusted life-years,645 income and treatment
costs saved.646
4.8. Substance abuse
4.8.1. Status at a glance
According to SDG target 3.5, the Philippines should strengthen the prevention and treatment of
substance abuse, including narcotic drug abuse and harmful use of alcohol. Republic Act
9165 or the Comprehensive Dangerous Drugs Act of 2002 imposes the penalties of life imprisonment
or death, as well as fines, for any person bringing any amount of drugs into Philippines; as well as life
imprisonment or death for possession offences as set out in Section 11 of the Act. Section 21 of the
Republic Act 9165 which focuses on processing and seizure of drugs, was ‘strengthened’ by Republic
Act 10640. Reducing the use of illegal drugs has also been identified in the PDP as a priority of the
current government.647 The approach being advocated in the PDP is an intensification of law
enforcement operations, as well as drug rehabilitation, preventative education and awareness
programs.648
According to data from the Philippines Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA), as cited in the PDP, nearly
half (47 per cent) of barangays throughout the country are drug-affected and it is estimated that
there are around 4 million drug users in the Philippines.649 The National Capital Region has the most
643
UNAIDS Philippines. 2015. Investment Options for Ending AIDS in the Philippines by 2022. Available at:
_by_2022.pdf [27.06.17], p.7.
644
_by_2022.pdf [27.06.17], p.7.
645
One disability-adjusted life year (DALY) can be thought of as one lost year of "healthy" life. The sum of these DALYs
across the population, or the burden of disease, can be thought of as a measurement of the gap between current
health status and an ideal health situation where the entire population lives to an advanced age, free of disease and
disability. See http://www.who.int/healthinfo/global_burden_disease/metrics_daly/en/ [03.07.17].
646
_by_2022.pdf [27.06.17], p.15.
647
PDP p 52.
648
PDP p 275.
649
PDP p.272.
127
number of drug-affected barangays, with 99 per cent of its barangays being classified as drug-
affected by the PDEA.650 As of 2016, there are 14 DOH treatment and rehabilitation centres in the
Philippines with programmes to reintegrate recovering drug addicts.651
In 2015, the majority of people arrested for using illegal drugs were male (17,018), with only 2,414
females arrested;652 221 minors were arrested in 2015, the highest number since 2003; 50.68 per cent
of minors were aged 17, 26.7 per cent were aged 16, 15.8 per cent were aged 15, 5.4 per cent were
aged 14, and 1.3 per cent were aged 11.653
4.8.2. Substance abuse among adolescents
According to 2013 YAFS data only 3.9 per cent of young people aged 15–24 years admitted to having
ever used any drugs (Marijuana, Shabu/Methamphetamine, ‘Rugby’/inhalants, or cough syrup).
However, due to reporting bias, these figures are likely to underestimate the true prevalence of drug
use among young people. Significantly more males admitted to having ever used drugs (7.1 per cent)
than females (0.9 per cent). Marijuana and Shabu/Methamphetamine were identified as the most
commonly used illicit drugs, regardless of gender.654
While educational background appears to not be a significant predictor of (reported) drug use,
household wealth appears to be associated with (reported) drug use. Young people from households
in the richest wealth quintile were more likely to report having used drugs (4.2 per cent) compared
to young people from households in the lowest wealth quintile (2.7 per cent). 655
Alcohol abuse among young people is a serious public health concern in the Philippines. According
to 2013 YAFS data, 68 per cent of young people aged 15–24 years have ever drunk alcohol, and 37
per cent currently drink.656 Drinking is significantly more prevalent among males: 53 per cent of males
currently drink, while only 21 per cent of women currently drink.657 Further, drinking is more
prevalent among those with a higher socio-economic status. Those in the highest wealth quintile
were more likely to have ever drunk (86.4 per cent) or to be currently drinking (60.3 per cent),
compared to those in the lowest quintile, where 63.4 per cent had ever drunk and 41 per cent were
currently drinking.658
Current alcohol consumption is more prevalent among urban youth (46 per cent currently drink)
compared to rural youth (33 per cent currently drink).659 Drinking is also more prevalent in particular
regions of the Philippines. In NCR, 88 per cent of young people had ever drunk, compared to only 8
per cent of young people in ARMM, a majority-Muslim region.660
The YAFS 2013 survey also showed that the mean age when young people started to drink was 16.
Worryingly, 23 per cent of male and 14 per cent of female respondents reported to having started to
650
Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA) Annual Report 2015, p.15.
651
PDP p.294.
652
PDEA annual report 2015 p31.
653
PDEA annual report 2015 p33.
654
YAFS p 74.
655
YAFS p 74.
656
YAFS p 70.
657
YAFS p 70.
658
YAFS p 70.
659
YAFS p 71.
660
YAFS p 70.
128
April 2018
drink before the age of 15.661 Further, 6.1 per cent of 15- to 19-year-olds and 11.3 per cent of 20- to
24-year-olds reported having ‘gotten in trouble in connection with drinking’, while 8.1 per cent of 15-
to 19-year-olds and 16.6 per cent of 20- to 24-year-olds had passed out in a drinking session because
they drank too much, suggesting relatively high levels of binge drinking.662
Betel nut chewing is also prevalent in certain parts of the country, especially remote mountainous
areas, although robust quantitative data on use among Filipino youth are not available.663
4.9. Mental Health
4.9.1. Legal and policy framework
SDG 3.4 encourages States to promote mental health and wellbeing. Steps have been taken in the
Philippines to consolidate mental health provisions in existing laws (the Revised Penal Code, the
Magna Carta for Disabled Persons, and the Family Code) into one Mental Health Act to establish a
unified legal framework for the provision care and services to those with mental illness.664 Senate Bill
No. 1345 (Philippine Mental Health Act) was approved on 2 May 2017, but at the time of writing had
not been passed in the House of Representatives.665
The PDP accepts the emerging incidence of mental health and 666 recognises the importance of
including mental health services in disaster response efforts. The PDP also commits to increasing
public awareness of mental health and psychosocial support services (MHPSS), capacity-building of
local implementers, and ensuring that facilities and relocation sites are MHPSS-friendly.667 In addition,
the NDRRMC recently approved a Memorandum on National Guidelines on Mental Health and
Psychosocial Support in Emergencies and Disaster Situations. The development of the Guidelines was
led by DOH and supported by UNICEF Philippines,668 and focuses on improving the coordination of
MHPSS services in the context of emergencies and disasters.669
4.9.2. Prevalence of mental health problems
Data on mental health problems in the Philippines are very limited; but existing evidence suggests
that mental health problems affect a significant proportion of the population, including young
people. Neuropsychiatric disorders are estimated to contribute to around 14 per cent of the overall
burden of disease in the Philippines.670 According to a WHO report, there were 2558 suicides in the
Philippines in 2012, of which the overwhelming majority (78.5 per cent) were committed by men.671
The nationwide suicide rate in 2012 was 2.5 per 100,000 population for men and 1.7 per 100,000
661
YAFS p 72.
662
YAFS p 73.
663
See e.g. http://www.lasieexotique.com/mag_betel/mag_betel.html [03.07.17].
664
Table 10.7, PDP, p159.
665
“Senate passes Mental Health Act”, CNN Philippines, May 3, 2017,
http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2017/05/02/senate-passes-mental-health-act-third-reading.html.
666
PDP, p. 140.
667
PDP, p. 176.
668
UNICEF Annual Report 2015, Philippines, p. 41-42.
669
See National Guidelines on Mental Health and Psychosocial Support in Emergencies and Disaster Situations
https://mhpss.net/?get=219/ndrrmc-memorandum-no.62-s.-2017-national-guidelines-on-mhpss.pdf
670
WHO. 2011. Mental Health Atlas 2011 - Department of Mental Health and Substance Abuse. Philippines Profile:
http://www.who.int/mental_health/evidence/atlas/profiles/phl_mh_profile.pdf.
671
WHO. 2014. Preventing Suicide - A global imperative, p.85
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/131056/1/9789241564779_eng.pdf?ua=1&ua=1 [28.06.17]
129
population for women.672 For those aged 5–14 years the rate was 0.3 per 100,000, for those aged 15–
29 years it was 4.3 per 100,000, with 2.2 per 100,000 for women aged 15–29 and 6.4 per 100,000 for
men aged 15–19. 673
Evidence from the 2013 YAFS study suggests that 8.7 per cent of adolescents aged 15–24 years have
thought of committing suicide.674 Disparities between genders in relation to suicide are also revealed
in the 2013 YAFS data, with 13 per cent of women aged 15–24 reporting that they had thought of
committing suicide, compared to only 4.5 per cent of men in the same age group.675 Family problems
and quarrels with partners were the main reasons cited for attempted suicide.676 The gender
disparities in relation to suicidal thoughts stand in contrast to gender disparities in relation to
completed suicides, which are primarily committed by men.
4.9.3. Mental health support system
At present, there are only an estimated 490 psychiatrists and 1,000 nurses working in psychiatric care
in the Philippines, and even less general practitioners trained in early assessment and management
of common mental health problem in the community. It was argued in the explanatory note to Senate
Bill No. 1345 that the number of addiction specialists, psychologists, occupational therapists,
guidance counsellors and social workers are extremely inadequate to meet the mental health needs
of 100 million Filipinos. 677
According to a 2007 WHO report, there were two mental hospitals for the whole of the Philippines,
46 outpatient facilities, four day-treatment facilities, 19 community-based psychiatric in-patient
facilities, and 15 community residential facilities.678 The explanatory note to Senate Bill No. 1345
notes that almost all mental health facilities are in the country’s major cities. 679 Unfortunately,
information on available mental health facilities is not broken down by region. 680
Data on mental health financing indicate that spending is biased towards the larger mental health
facilities located in the country’s urban centres (which are likely to be to the detriment of remote,
rural areas). For example, a 2007 WHO assessment report noted that, while only 5 per cent of all
public health care expenditure was directed towards mental health, 95 per cent of the mental health
budget was spent on the operation, maintenance and salary of personnel of the country’s two mental
hospitals.681
A psychosocial care system in schools has been established by the DOH in collaboration with the
different government agencies and NGOs. Psychosocial support in schools is mainly delivered by
672
Table 1.3 Basic Indicators, WHO AIMS Mental Health systems in selected low- and middle-income countries: a WHO-
AIMS cross-national analysis, 2009, p. 15.
673
WHO. 2014. Preventing Suicide - A global imperative, p. 85.
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/131056/1/9789241564779_eng.pdf?ua=1&ua=1 [28.06.17]
674
DRDF Inc. 2016. The 2013 Young Adult Fertility and Sexuality Study in the Philippines. Demographic Research and
Development Foundation Inc. University of the Philippines Population Institute Diliman, Quezon.
675
YAFS 2013, p.79.
676
YAFS 2013, p.80.
677
Explanatory note to Philippine Mental Health Act- https://www.senate.gov.ph/lisdata/2385220552!.pdf
678
WHO-AIMS report on Mental Health System in The Philippines, 2007, p10.
http://www.who.int/mental_health/evidence/philippines_who_aims_report.pdf
679
Explanatory Note to the Philippines Mental Health Act- https://www.senate.gov.ph/lisdata/2385220552!.pdf.
680
Ibid.
681
WHO-AIMS report on Mental Health System in The Philippines, 2007, p10.
http://www.who.int/mental_health/evidence/philippines_who_aims_report.pdf.
130
April 2018
teachers and only a few schools have part-time or full-time mental health professionals.682 Besides
strengthening referral systems between schools and professional MHPSS services, it there is a need
to strengthen community-based mental health services, in line with the WHO guidelines on MHPSS.683
4.10. Key Barriers and Bottlenecks in Health
The key barriers and bottlenecks in the health system were mapped out by a group of key
stakeholders at the consultation workshop that informed this Situation Analysis. They were identified
using a methodology that involved selecting a key deprivation within the field of health and
identifying a causality chain of immediate, underlying and structural causes. The maps are presented
below, while the existing literature and key informant interviews are used to elaborate the key
barriers and bottlenecks in the health system.
682
WHO-AIMS report on Mental Health System in The Philippines, 2007, p24
http://www.who.int/mental_health/evidence/philippines_who_aims_report.pdf.
683
See e.g. Action Sheet 5.2 in IASC Guidelines for mental health and psychosocial support in emergency settings.
https://interagencystandingcommittee.org/system/files/legacy_files/guidelines_iasc_mental_health_psychosocial_june
_2007.pdf.
131
Table 4.13. Health sector causality map
4.10.1. Enabling environment
Governance
The existing literature on governance in the Philippines identifies corruption, misallocation of

resources, political instability, and uncoordinated government agencies as some of the key
governance challenges that slow down or obstruct developmental progress in the Philippines,
including in the health sector.684
Devolution (or decentralisation), in particular, appears to represent a key structural bottleneck in
relation to improving the performance of the health system in the Philippines. Health service delivery
was devolved to the LGUs in 1991,685 and available evidence suggests that the health sector has not
completely surmounted the fragmentation problems entailed in this devolution.686 According to a
recent World Bank report, devolution has led to the fragmentation of health service delivery, as
public health functions and primary care (the responsibility of municipalities) were delinked from
primary and secondary hospitals (the responsibility of provinces), which were in turn delinked from
tertiary and national referral hospitals (the responsibility of the DOH).687 It needs to be noted that in
this respect, ARMM – with its unique governance structure – has retained a centralized health care
system, with the ARMM DOH being directly responsible for the provincial hospitals and the municipal
health centres.688
Devolution was also highlighted as a key bottleneck in the health sector by several key informants
interviewed for this report.
“Policies are generated at the national level, but the effective dissemination of national policy
is the first bottleneck. Policies may be well crafted and aligned with global goals, but it is about
the policy being cascaded to local levels that is the problem. We are in a devolved system, and,
where the local authorities are the ones that have the power to allocate resources to
accomplish that policy, the quality suffers due to variations in interpretations of the policies.
Even for PhilHealth, the national level policies are subject to local interpretation. This hampers
the reach of well-meaning policies.
The lack of integration affects access to health care and its quality. When you go down to the
[local level], health care delivery falls on the shoulders of the same midwife, the same nurse,
the one municipal health officer. The struggle to get out of vertical programme
684
See e.g. Mendoza, et al. 2017. Governance and Institutions in the Philippines. ASOG Working Paper 17-002. Available
at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2873942.
685
Specialty hospitals, regional and training hospitals, as well as health facilities for the treatment of leprosy patients
were retained under the responsibility of the national DoH. As of 2011, there are around 70 retained hospitals. See
WHO. 2011. The Philippines Health System Review. Health Systems in Transition Vol. 1 No.2, p.54.
http://www.wpro.who.int/philippines/areas/health_systems/financing/philippines_health_system_review.pdf
686
See DoH. Undated. The Philippine Health System at a Glance. http://www.doh.gov.ph/sites/default/files/basic-
page/chapter-one.pdf, p. 5.
687
World Bank. 2011. Transforming the Philippine Health Sector: Challenges and Future Directions. P.108. Available at:
http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/500561468295233918/pdf/635630WP0Box361516B0P11906800PUBLIC0
0ACS.pdf [04.07.17].
688
WHO. 2011. The Philippines Health System Review. Health Systems in Transition Vol. 1 No.2, p.21
http://www.wpro.who.int/philippines/areas/health_systems/financing/philippines_health_system_review.pdf.
Situation of Children and Women in the Philippines
implementation is one obstacle to achieving universal health coverage and quality of care; It
is the lack of integration and integrated programme development.”689
Concerns over decentralisation and subsequent governance issues have also been raised in relation
to vaccination. The National Immunization Program cites lack of accountability and ‘no clear
leadership and stewardship’690 as clear challenges to the implementation of the immunization
program which is currently underperforming, leaving only 70 per cent of children fully immunized
according to the FHSIS report 2014.691
Furthermore, decentralisation has raised equity concerns in relation to health care service delivery
as well as health financing. For example, the WHO notes that well-resourced areas with strong LGUs
can provide comprehensive services comparable to those in upper middle-income countries, but that
LGUs with more limited budgets may opt not to prioritize health care.692 Wide variation in LGU health
spending occurs mainly because LGU budgets rely heavily on internal revenue allotment, which is
beyond the control of the DOH and does not take local health needs into account.693
There is also no accountability for health expenditure [at the local level]. It is largely about
whether you can burn your budget for the year, and if you don’t, you can’t ask for more in
the following years. It’s not tied to [indicators such as] did mortality rate go down? Did more
children get vaccinated? It’s not tied to actual results.694
Governance, and community engagement, around health care in urban slums is also a concern. As
noted in the recent Working Paper on Urban Health and Immunization in East Asia,
Management, information, and financing is fragmented across a range of actors, and there
are multiple players in service delivery in public, private, and civil society sectors. Equally,
there is no obvious method for community engagement in the urban setting. This is a ‘messy’
management challenge for an expanding urban population, 44% of which (17 million) are
hidden away in slums.695
Data management and availability
The WHO suggests that devolution has also impacted the quality of the Philippines’ health
information system, with national and local health information systems said to be ‘poorly integrated
and weakly governed’, leading to data gaps, redundancies and duplications.696 This problem was also
highlighted in an interview with key informants from UNICEF’s Health and Nutrition Section:
Information systems are uneven in the Philippines. There are certain areas that are using an
electronic health information management system. All players at the local level are looking
to the DOH for leadership, but they are not providing it. The central government developed
689
Interview with two Health Officers, Health and Nutrition Section, UNICEF. Tuesday, 13 June, UNICEF Manila
690
UNICEF internal briefer on national immunisation program of the Philippines, p 12.
691
Figure 2D.1, Field Health Service Information System 2014 Annual Report, Philippines Department of Health (FHSIS)
692
WHO & DOH. 2012. Philippines Health Service Delivery Profile. Available at:
http://www.wpro.who.int/health_services/service_delivery_profile_philippines.pdf?ua=1, p.9.
693
World Bank. 2011. Transforming the Philippine Health Sector: Challenges and Future Directions. P.108.
694
695
UNICEF, Working Paper on Urban Health and Immunization in East Asia (Draft), p. 50.
696
134
July 2017
their separate information system that confused the LGUs, who were already using their own
systems.697
Similarly, the PDP suggests that data gaps and inconsistencies constrain decision-making in the areas
of health and nutrition. It highlights the “need to resolve quality issues on coverage, timeliness,
reliability, consistency, and coherence of administrative and survey data” in the areas of health and
nutrition.698 Data integrity is essential for targeting, planning resource allocation, accountability and
transparency.
Weak enforcement of information-sharing regulations in the private sector, which constitutes a large
bulk of transactions with general practitioners, has resulted in significant data gaps, such as for
example, in the TB Registry or the Malaria Information System.699 Further, the WHO also notes that
there is very limited information on the financing status of local hospitals, which are the responsibility
of the LGUs.700 At present, the national DOH cannot require LGUs and the private sector to submit
health sector data, which, according to the World Bank, creates huge challenges for the DOH to
exercise its ‘stewardship and oversight’ function in the health sector.701
Financing
A fundamental barrier to more rapid progress in the Philippines’ health system is the inadequate
financing of health services, which has failed to keep up with growing demand. The WHO has noted
that health financing in the Philippines is “fragmented, with insufficient government investment,
inappropriate incentives for providers, weak social protection and high inequity.”702 The World Bank
also notes that a progressively aging population, together with an increasing burden of non-
communicable diseases, can be expected to put additional pressure on the Philippines’ health
budget.703 Concerns over health financing also have implications in relation to emergency
preparedness and the extent to which the health sector is able to respond to and finance vital health
services during emergencies.704
According to 2014 WHO estimates, total health expenditure (THE) in the Philippines equates to
around 4.7 per cent of GDP.705 While this represents an increase from around 3.9 per cent in 2007, it
is still one of the lowest rates in the Western Pacific Region, which averaged 7.7 per cent of GDP as
of 2011.706 Nominal THE per capita has increased steadily over the last decades and stands at 329 (Intl
USD) as of 2014. However, it has been noted that increases in nominal spending have mostly been
due to inflation rather than service expansion.707
697
698
PDP, Chapter 10, p.141.
699
WHO. 2011. The Philippines Health System Review. Health Systems in Transition Vol. 1 No.2, p. 24
700
WHO. 2011. The Philippines Health System Review. Health Systems in Transition Vol. 1 No.2, p. 56.
701
702
http://www.wpro.who.int/health_services/service_delivery_profile_philippines.pdf?ua=1, p. 6.
703
704
Notes from validation workshop Aug 2017.
705
http://www.who.int/countries/phl/en/
706
WHO. 2013. Philippines Living HiT Update.
http://www.wpro.who.int/asia_pacific_observatory/hits/series/phl_living_hits_3_2_health_expenditure.pdf.
707
WHO. 2013. Philippines Living HiT Update.
http://www.wpro.who.int/asia_pacific_observatory/hits/series/phl_living_hits_3_2_health_expenditure.pdf.
135
Devolution also appears to impact health financing in the Philippines negatively, as it reduces the
potential benefits from pooling resources in the public sector. For example, the WHO notes that
PhilHealth is unable to exercise its significant purchasing power in order to reduce costs, as balanced
billing is allowed and prices charged by health care providers are not negotiated at the national
level.708 This challenge was also highlighted by a key informant from the DOH interviewed for this
study:
Currently, PhilHealth only pays for around 14 per cent of total health expenditure so they
cannot be a purchaser [of medical supplies and commodities]. In contrast, LGUs pay around
30 per cent. So, we are looking to shift money to PhilHealth – they should be able to hold 50
per cent of the market, so that they can bring down the costs of purchasing supplies.709
The World Bank observes that “LGUs in underserved regions face fiscal constraints in financing health,
and that health financing is characterized by the co-existence of highly fragmented and sometimes
overlapping streams of funding.”710 Concerns over funding for health services by LGUs are also
referenced within the PDP 2017-2022, which notes that health funding is inadequate, and hugely
variable, with allocation dependent upon priorities held by local chief executives. 711
4.10.2. Supply
Existing evidence suggests that health interventions in the Philippines are constrained by bottlenecks
on the supply side, especially in rural areas. Inadequate supply and logistics management systems
lead to lack of necessary medical equipment and drugs and failure to deliver essential health
interventions. Limited health facility coverage and remoteness create significant barriers to access,
especially in rural areas.
Lack of health facilities
In relation to delivery care for expectant mothers, the 2013 NDHS data reveals that lack of health
facilities, linked to remoteness of communities and limited transportation to the nearest health
facility, are key barriers to access. Among those women who did not deliver in a health facility, 24
per cent indicated that the main reason for this was too fa” or no transportation, with rates being
significantly higher in rural areas (29 per cent) compared to urban areas (16 per cent).712 This suggests
that supply side barriers to accessing health services are particularly pronounced in rural areas of the
Philippines. According to the DOH, the average travel time to the nearest health facility is longest in
ARMM (83 minutes) and shortest in NCR and Northern Mindanao (28 minutes).713 However, it should
be noted that, according to the PDP 2017-2022, “7,713 health facilities were constructed and
upgraded from 2010 to 2016, half of which are barangay health stations providing primary health
care closer to people within the community.”714,While acknowledging this progress, the Plan also
708
709
Key Informant Interview with a representative from the Health Policy and Development Bureau, Department of
Health, 16 June 2017, Manila.
710
World Bank. 2011. Transforming the Philippine Health Sector: Challenges and Future Directions. p.3.
711
Philippine National Development Plan 2017-2022, p.140.
712
NDHS 2013, p. 108.
713
DOH. Undated. The Philippine Health System at a Glance. http://www.doh.gov.ph/sites/default/files/basic-
page/chapter-one.pdf, page 9.
714
Philippine Development Plan 2017-2022, p. 138.
136
July 2017
noted delays in project implementation that had resulted in fewer health facilities being upgraded
than planned.715
The impact of the Philippines’ unique geography on equitable access to health services was also
highlighted by a key informant from the Disease Prevention and Control Bureau of the DOH: “The
Philippines is an archipelago, so it is very hard in some communities to provide quality health services
to all.”716
Capacity of health facilities
The Philippines’ hospital network appears to have insufficient capacity to meet demand. As of 2012,
there were approximately 1,800 hospitals in the Philippines, of which around 40 per cent were public
hospitals. 717 However, according to the DOH, only four regions (NCR, Northern Mindanao, Southern
Mindanao and CAR) had more than two hospital beds per 1,000 population, which is the minimum
bed-to-population ratio recommended by the WHO.718 Among all 17 regions, ARMM has the lowest
bed-to-population ratio (0.17 beds per 1,000 population), which is significantly lower than the
national average of 1.04 beds per 1000 population.719
Using 2009 DOH administrative data, Table 4.18 shows that Level 1 and 2 hospitals, which have
relatively low service capacity, are well-distributed across the Philippines. In contrast, Level 3 and 4
hospitals, with higher service capacity, are concentrated in the Central Luzon Region and NCR. 720
Table 4.14. Distribution of hospitals by level and geographical distribution, 2009
715
Philippine Development Plan 2017-2022, p. 138.
716
Key Informant Interview with a representative from the Disease Prevention and Control Bureau, DoH, 23 June 2017,
Manila.
717
http://www.wpro.who.int/health_services/service_delivery_profile_philippines.pdf?ua=1.
718
719
720
page/chapter-one.pdf, page 6. Note that the Philippines’ hospital classification rules were changed in 2012 by
Administrative Order No.2012-0012 and reduced to three levels. See
http://hfsrb.doh.gov.ph/images/Hospital/issuances/ao2012-0012.pdf [04.07.17].
137
Source: Department of Health 2009
Medical supply and equipment
Supply of essential medicines appears to be an issue in the Philippines, with only 25 per cent of
essential medicines available in the public sector.721 Limited availability of medicines in public facilities
is one reason why patients (even poor members of the PhilHealth Indigent Program) frequently
resort to higher-priced private hospitals and self-medication.722
In a recent assessment report, the World Bank casts doubts on the integrity of the national vaccine
cold-chain, owing to its break-up in the wake of devolution.723 The Philippines’ vaccine cold-chain is
also vulnerable to extreme weather events such as Typhoon Yolanda, which destroyed cold-chain
equipment and vaccines in Leyte and Eastern Samar.724
Furthermore, it appears that cumbersome procurement rules lead to a frequent shortage of essential
vaccines and inadequate/untimely response to emergencies, as highlighted by a key informant from
the national-level DOH:
“[In the Philippines] we have the issue of not having the vaccines in time for the next year
because we do not do multi-year procurement. Procurement is decentralized, so
municipalities have to do it on their own. They cannot do emergency procurement as they
need to put out a tender for 30 days, and if it fails, they have to wait a few months before re-
publishing.”725
According to a recent briefing document on the National Immunization Program in Philippines,
“inefficient vaccine procurement processes often leads to massive stock-outs and is one the main
721
http://www.wpro.who.int/health_services/service_delivery_profile_philippines.pdf?ua=1.
722
World Bank. 2011. Transforming the Philippine Health Sector: Challenges and Future Directions, p. 119.
723
World Bank. 2011. Transforming the Philippine Health Sector: Challenges and Future Directions, p. 116.
724
UNICEF Media Centre. 2014. Vaccines and immunization equipment to benefit children affected by Typhoon
Yolanda. https://www.unicef.org/philippines/media_22257.html#.WVuWSYjysdV [04.07.17].
725
138
July 2017
reasons for the increasing number of unimmunized children.”726 The briefer further asserts that stock-
outs are the main cause of missed opportunities for vaccination, alongside inadequate tracking of
defaulters (children who do not complete a vaccination programme) and limited capacity, and
windows of opportunity for vaccination provided to communities.727
A similar concern about procurement rules was raised by a representative from the DOH’s Health
Emergency Management Bureau, which coordinates health-related response and mitigation
interventions in emergencies and disasters:
“Much of the equipment we need in emergencies is funded from the capital outlay budget
line. But in the capital outlay budget line we cannot buy equipment worth more than
PhP15,000. Most of the equipment costs much more than that!”728
It has also been suggested, based on observations made by UNICEF staff during visits to LGUs, that
lack of supplies is not only limited to vaccines but also include vitamins and minerals, antibiotics and
other essential commodities and equipment such as height boards and weighing scales.729
There are also concerns that the entire supply chain faces challenges, for example in relation to
forecasting and distribution and that the problem is not limited to stocking and procurement. 730
Supply of basic medical equipment also appears to be skewed in favour of highly urbanized areas,
often to the detriment of remote rural areas. For example, of the 3,860 general radiography devices
in the country, more than 30 per cent were found in NCR, even though NCR is only home to around
13 per cent of the total population of the Philippines.731
Human resources
The Philippines’ health workforce coverage is insufficient to meet demand, especially in rural areas.
Over the last decade, the Philippines has experienced increasing out-migration of its health
professionals, with consequent shortages nationwide.732 According to the WHO, there are insufficient
doctors, dentists and therapists for the needs of the population, and many nurses and midwives train
specifically to work overseas on a temporary basis.733
There is no authoritative and up-to-date information on the number of active health workers in the
Philippines, as this data is not regularly collected and data from the private sector is not readily
available. The most recent World Bank estimates suggest that there are only 1.15 physicians per
1,000 population in the Philippines as of 2004.734 This ratio compares very unfavourably to the wider
regional average for East Asia and the Pacific, which stood at 1.62 physicians per 1,000 population as
726
UNICEF internal briefer on national immunisation program of the Philippines p. 1.
727
UNICEF internal briefer on national immunisation program of the Philippines p. 9-11.
728
Key Informant Interview with a representative from the Health Emergency Management Bureau, Department of
729
Notes provided from UNICEF EAPRO consultation, July/Aug 2017.
730
Notes provided from Validation Workshop, Aug 2017.
731
http://www.wpro.who.int/philippines/areas/health_systems/financing/philippines_health_system_review.pdf; See
also PSA 2015 Census data for NCR: https://psa.gov.ph/content/population-national-capital-region-based-2015-census-
population-0 [04.07.17].
732
733
734
World Bank. 2017. http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS?locations=PH-Z4 [04.07.17].
139
of 2011.735 Furthermore, according to 2014 World Bank estimates, there were only 9.56 surgical
specialists per 100,000 population in the Philippines, compared to the wider regional average for East
Asia and the Pacific of 36.6 surgical specialists per 100,000 population.736
In contrast to physicians and surgical specialists, there appears to be a relatively good supply of
nurses and midwives in the Philippines. According to the WHO, nurses and midwives constitute the
largest category of health workers in the Philippines, as a result of overseas demand for Filipino
nurses.737 World Bank estimates from 2004 suggest that there were 6 nurses and midwives per 1,000
population in the Philippines, compared to the much lower regional average for East Asia and the
Pacific, which stood at 2.5 nurses and midwives per 1,000 population as of 2011.738 It should be noted,
however, that the health workforce ratios for the Philippines are likely to overestimate the actual
supply of health workers in the country, as ratios are calculated based on the number of ‘ever-
registered’ health workers (which may include deceased, retired and overseas health workers). 739
Importantly, the aggregate health workforce figures also hide significant inequities within the
Philippines. 2006 administrative data on health workers in the public sector show that NCR and
Central Luzon have a much higher proportion of health workers, compared to more remote regions
such as ARMM, CARAGA or Davao (see Table 4.18 below).740 NCR, for example, is home to 22 per cent
of all doctors, even though its population only amounts to around 13 per cent of the total population
of the Philippines.741 Regional data on health workers in the private sector is not available, a significant
data gap.
Table 4.15. Public health workers per region, 2006
735
World Bank. 2017. http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.PHYS.ZS?locations=PH-Z4 [04.07.17].
736
World Bank. 2017. http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.SAOP.P5?locations=PH-Z4 [04.07.17].
737
738
World Bank. 2017. http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.MED.NUMW.P3?locations=PH-Z4 [04.07.17].
739
740
741
140
July 2017
Source: WHO 2011
There have been some efforts at the central level to counteract the inter-regional and rural-urban
disparities in health workforce coverage, but their impact has so far been relatively limited, as
highlighted by a key informant from the DOH:
“The DOH has a midwife and nurse deployment programme, which aims to augment health
units in remote areas – health personnel are deployed to the LGUs and they are salaried by the
DOH. The objective is to get the LGUs to hire them, and give them a permanent position. But
there are only very few success stories!”742
4.10.3. Demand
“We need to work more on the demand side barriers. In terms of supply, we are doing what we
can, but we are missing a lot on how we can make people demand services – make people see the
value of these services.”743
742
Key Informant Interview with a representative from the Health Emergency Management Bureau, Department of
743
Key informant interview with representative from World Vision Philippines, 14 June 2017, Quezon City.
141
Financial access
Healthcare costs appear to play a significant role in suppressing demand for basic health care services
in the Philippines, including professional delivery care. NDHS data from 2013 indicate that, among
those women who did not deliver in a health facility, 37 per cent indicated that the main reason for
this was that it costs too much - the most commonly cited reason.744 Interestingly, women in urban
areas were significantly more likely to report ‘costs’ as the main reason for not delivering in a health
facility (40 per cent) compared to women in rural areas (35 per cent).745 According to 2013 NDHS data,
the average travel cost for a person visiting a public health facility or private provider is PhP69 .
Unfortunately, NDHS data on travel costs is not broken down by geographic location.746
Both public and private facilities operate on a fee-for-service basis, although public services receive
greater subsidies from PhilHealth.747 In public facilities, ‘informal payments’ or the collection of
‘donations’ is reported to be common, though robust quantitative evidence is lacking.748 As of 2011,
government funds accounted for 27 per cent of THE (split equally between national and local
government), while private sources accounted for 63 per cent of THE.749 Out-of-pocket payments still
account for a large proportion of (private) health care spending, at 52.7 per cent of THE, as of 2011. 750
The high level of out-of-pocket payments may lead to financial catastrophe and impoverishment
when family members fall ill, especially among the economically less secure sections of society.751
According to a recent WHO review report, the high level of out-of-pocket payments makes
individuals from poor households more vulnerable than those from wealthier households: they are
generally more prone to illness, their out-of-pocket payments are relatively larger, and they are
usually less able (e.g. because of lack of awareness) to maximize the use of social protection provided
by the government.752
Drugs and medicines account for an estimated 70 per cent of total out-of-pocket payments, while
less than 10 per cent is spent on professional fees.753 Importantly, households in the poorest income
stratum allot about 73 per cent of their out-of-pocket payments to drugs and medicines, which is
about 13 percentage points higher than the share among the richest households.754
Financial constraints were also considered a concern in relation to access to health services and
health outcomes in urban poor areas in Manila due, for instance, to “high opportunity and financial
costs for working mothers to visit health centre.”755 According to the 2013 NDHIS, 58 per cent of
PhilHealth members were paying members or their dependents, while 42 per cent were enrolled as
744
NDHS 2013, p. 108.
745
NDHS 2013, p. 108.
746
NDHS 2013, p. 168.
747
WHO & DoH. 2012. Philippines Health Service Delivery Profile. Available at:
748
749
WHO. 2013. Philippines Living HiT Update, p. 1
750
WHO. 2013. Philippines Living HiT Update, p. 1.
751
DoH. Undated. The Philippine Health System at a Glance. http://www.doh.gov.ph/sites/default/files/basic-
752
753
754
755
UNICEF, Working Paper on Urban Health and Immunization in East Asia (Draft), p. 50.
142
July 2017
indigent members, or were their dependents.756 Enrolment as an indigent member or dependent was
highest in ARMM (at 82 per cent), and 61 per cent of indigent members were based in rural areas.757
Traditional medicine practitioners continue to play an important role in the Philippines’ health care
system, with a 2010 study estimating that around 70 per cent of Filipinos make use of traditional and
complementary medicines.758 Most traditional medicine practitioners do not have set fees, and rely
instead on voluntary donations, which makes them attractive alternatives for individuals from poorer
sectors of society.759
Practices and beliefs
Existing evidence suggests that social and religious norms play an important role in determining
health outcomes in the Philippines. For example, conservative socio-religious norms that stigmatise
sexual activity among young (unmarried) people were found to have a significant restrictive impact
on access to family planning services, both in terms of suppressing demand among adolescents and
the cause of service providers denying access.760 A recent non-representative study conducted for
IPPF in Manila and Pampanga found that, among all surveyed health service providers, the majority
(56 per cent) reported that they had previously denied a young person access to condoms because
of their own religious beliefs.761 Similar concerns about the restrictive impact of socio-religious norms
on young people’s access to sexual and reproductive health services were also raised by a key
informant from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA):
“Our culture is conservative - either Catholic or Muslim - and this translates into conservative
professionals working within the health sector. The way these professionals deal with young
people trying to access sexual and reproductive health services is restrictive. Conservative
culture also affects the way young people perceive sexual and reproductive health – it is
something sinful and not to be talked about.”762
Conservative religious norms also appear to inform and reinforce legal restrictions on access to sexual
and reproductive health services in the Philippines, such as, for example, the blanket prohibition of
abortion services, or the legal exemption for private/religious schools to develop their own sexuality
education curriculum.763
Additionally, when developing the health sector causality analysis, the expert focus group noted that
a combination of ‘risky behaviours’ among adolescents, which might include, for example, drug
taking, smoking, alcohol consumption, anti-social behaviours and similar practices, combine with
756
NDHS 2013, p. 160.
757
NDHS 2013, p. 160.
758
As cited in WHO & DoH. 2012. Philippines Health Service Delivery Profile, p.10.
759
WHO & DoH. 2012. Philippines Health Service Delivery Profile, p.10
760
761
People’s Access to Sexual and Reproductive Health in the Philippines.
762
Key Informant Interview with a representative from the Reproductive Health section of UNFPA, 23 June 2017,
Manila.
763
People’s Access to Sexual and Reproductive Health in the Philippines.
143
poor caring practices and unclean and unhealthy living conditions to exacerbate health concerns
while occasionally also exacerbating barriers to accessing health services.764
4.10.4. Quality
The DOH and PhilHealth are mandated to accredit and regulate quality of care, service delivery and
health establishments in the Philippines.765 Health professionals are in turn regulated by the
Professional Regulations Commission, while the Food and Drug Administration regulates drugs,
health devices and equipment.766 Even though a detailed assessment of quality of care is difficult due
to limited and unreliable data, it is clear that quality of care remains a significant bottleneck in the
Philippines’ health sector.
Anecdotal evidence suggests that quality of care is generally (perceived to be) lower in rural areas of
the Philippines. For example, the 2012 WHO service delivery profile notes that “highly urbanized
metropolitan areas with higher income levels tend to and are perceived to have better quality health
service than the mainly rural impoverished and often isolated communities, where licensing standards
are absent, and accreditation rates are very low.”767
Primary care facilities and lower-level hospitals are frequently bypassed because of perceptions of
low quality, causing heavy traffic at the higher-level facilities and corresponding over-utilization of
resources.768 Similarly, nurses appear to be frequently bypassed in favour of doctors, even in cases of
minor illness, as the latter are perceived to be able to provide better quality of care:
“Filipinos want to be seen by a doctor. There is a cultural component: doctors are put on a
pedestal.”769
Furthermore, the World Bank observes that first-contact primary care in the Philippines is largely
perceived to be providing preventive (rather than curative) services and that therefore patients
prefer to seek care at the next level.770 Private providers are generally perceived to provide better
quality of care, compared to public providers. 771 However, data on quality of care in the private sector
is not readily available, so it is difficult to establish to what extent these perceptions correspond with
reality.772
In relation to the quality of maternal health care in the Philippines, it should be noted that the recent
increase in the proportion of births delivered in a health facility (from 44 per cent in 2008 to 61 per
764
Causality analysis map discussion; UNICEF notes, September 2017.
765
766
767
768
http://www.wpro.who.int/health_services/service_delivery_profile_philippines.pdf?ua=1, p.8; and WHO. 2011. The
Philippines Health System Review. Health Systems in Transition Vol. 1 No.2, p.92.
769
770
771
772
144
July 2017
cent in 2013) as well as the proportion of births attended by a skilled health professional (from 62
per cent in 2008 to 73 per cent in 2013) did not result in the expected decrease in the maternal
mortality ratio, which still stands at a very high 114 deaths per 100,000 live births (discussed in detail
above). While this pattern does not establish causality, it suggests that low quality of maternal care
in health facilities in the Philippines represents a bottleneck, which prevents the increased delivery
care coverage from translating into a reduction of maternal mortality. This is to some extent
confirmed by a recent World Bank study, which suggests that high levels of maternal mortality are at
least partially due to inadequate facilities for emergency obstetric care.773
Interestingly, (perceived) poor quality of care does not appear to be an important factor suppressing
demand for professional delivery care services in the Philippines. According to 2013 NDHS data,
among those women who did not deliver in a health facility, only a very small proportion (3.6 per
cent) indicated that the main reason for this was ‘Don’t trust facility/ Poor quality service’, with far
larger proportions citing costs and transportation difficulties as the main reason for not delivering in
a health facility.774
773
774
NDHS 2013, p.108.
145
5. Nutrition
As set out above in relation to child health rights, under the CRC and ICESCR, every child has the right
to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health. 775 This is an inclusive right and
encompasses several components, including an adequate supply of safe food, nutrition and
housing.776 The situation of child and maternal nutrition in the Philippines is analysed regarding the
six thematic areas described in the WHO’s Global Nutrition Targets: child stunting; micronutrient
deficiencies/anaemia; low birth weight; obesity/over-weight; breastfeeding; and wasting/acute
malnutrition.
Key nutrition-related SDGs

SDG Targets Indicators
2.1 By 2025, achieve a 40 per cent Prevalence of stunting (low height-for-age)

reduction in the number of in children under 5 years of age
children under-5 who are stunted
2.2 By 2025, achieve a 50 per cent Percentage of women of reproductive age
reduction of anaemia in women of (15-49 years of age) with anaemia
reproductive age
2.3 By 2025, achieve a 30 per cent Percentage of infants born with low birth
reduction in low birth weight weight (< 2,500 grams)
2.4 By 2025, ensure that there is no Prevalence of overweight (high weight-for-
increase in childhood overweight height) in children under 5 years of age
2.5 By 2025, increase the rate of Percentage of infants less than 6 months of
exclusive breastfeeding in the first age who are exclusively breast fed
6 months up to at least 50%
2.6 By 2025, reduce and maintain Prevalence of wasting (low weight-for-
childhood wasting to less than 5 height) in children under 5 years of age
per cent
Key CRC Articles
Article 2: Every child has the right to enjoyment of CRC provisions without discrimination
on the ground of a child’s or his or her parent’s or guardian’s race, colour, sex, language,
political or other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or
other status
Article 6 (1) Every child has the inherent right to life; (2) States parties shall ensure to the
maximum extent possible the survival and development of the child
775
CRC, article 24, ICESCR, article 12.
776
CESCR General Comment No 14: The Right to the Highest Attainable Standard of Health (Art 12), 11 August 2000,
E/C.12/2000/4, para 11.
146
July 2017
Article 17: States shall ensure that the child has access to information aimed at the
promotion of his or her social, spiritual and moral well-being and physical and mental
health
facilities for the treatment of illness and rehabilitation of health; (2) In particular, States
must: (a) diminish infant and child mortality; (c) Combat disease and malnutrition,
including through the provision of adequate nutritious foods and clean drinking-water,
taking into consideration the dangers of environmental pollution; (e) Ensure that all
segments of society, in particular parents and children, are informed, have access to
education and are supported in the use of basic knowledge of child health and nutrition,
the advantages of breastfeeding, hygiene and environmental sanitation and the
prevention of accidents.
Article 27: States recognize the right of every child to a standard of living adequate for
the child’s physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development
SDG 2.2 encourages States to end all forms of malnutrition by 2030, including achieving, by 2025, the
internationally agreed targets on stunting and wasting in children under five years of age (the ‘WHO
Global Nutrition Targets’), and addressing the nutritional needs of adolescent girls, pregnant and
lactating women, and older persons.777
According to the WHO’s Global Nutrition Targets, the Philippines should, by 2025, aim to: achieve a
40 per cent reduction in the number of children under-5 who are stunted; achieve a 50 per cent
reduction of anaemia in women of reproductive age; achieve a 30 per cent reduction in low birth
weight prevalence; ensure that there is no increase in childhood overweight; increase the rate of
exclusive breastfeeding in the first six months up to at least 50 per cent; and reduce and maintain
childhood wasting to less than 5 per cent.778
5.1.1. Legislative and policy framework

A number of laws and policy documents underpin programmes and services relating to nutrition in
Philippines. These are set out, in detail, in the DOH Strategic Framework for Comprehensive Nutrition
Implementation Plan 2014-2015, which lists a detailed history of nutrition law and policy making in
Philippines, including, for example, Republic Act No. 8172, An Act Promoting Salt Iodization
Nationwide and for Related Purposes 1995, Republic Act 10611, the Food Safety Act of 2013, as well
as Republic Act 7600, the Rooming-In and Breastfeeding Act of 1992. The Plan also lists influential
nutrition-linked policies, including the Healthy Lifestyle Policy Administrative Order 2011-0003 on
Strengthening the Prevention & Control of Chronic Lifestyle Related Non Communicable Diseases.779
The legislative and policy framework concerning nutrition in Philippines also includes Republic Act
8976, the Philippine Food Fortification Act of 2000, which sets out provisions to address nutritional
deficiency in Philippines, including, energy, iron, vitamin A, iodine, thiamine and riboflavin. 780 In
addition, the DOH has propounded a number of Administrative Orders in connection with nutrition,
777
See https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/sdg2 [10.04.17].
778
http://www.who.int/nutrition/global-target-2025/en/ [02.03.17].
779
DOH Strategic Framework for Comprehensive Nutrition Implementation Plan 2014-2015, p. 12-14 and 22-24.
780
RA 8976 Philippine Food Fortification Act of 2000.
147
and child nutrition, including, for instance, Administrative Order 2015-0055 on National Guidelines
on the Management of Acute Malnutrition for Children under 5 years of 2015. Republic Act 1161 or
the Social Security Law of 1954 (as amended by Republic Act 7322 on Increasing Maternity Benefits
in Favour of Women Workers in the Private Sectors), which provides for 60 days of paid leave
following a child’s birth is also an important part of the nutritional legislative landscape, enabling
mothers to breastfeed their babies at least for the initial 60 days of their lives, though, as set out in
section 5.1.8, the low prevalence rate of breastfeeding remains a challenge.
5.1.2. Malnutrition: Status at a glance
Malnutrition refers to deficiencies, excesses or imbalances in individual’s intake of energy and/or

nutrients. The term malnutrition covers two broad groups of conditions. On the one hand is
‘undernutrition’, which includes stunting (low height for age), wasting (low weight for height),
underweight (low weight for age) and micronutrient deficiencies (a lack of important vitamins and
minerals). ‘Over-nutrition,’ is at the opposite end of the spectrum and includes being overweight,
obesity and diet-related non-communicable diseases such as heart disease, stroke, diabetes and
cancer.781
Globally, malnutrition is estimated to contribute to more than one third of all child deaths, although
it is rarely listed as the direct cause of child mortality.782 As a key determinant of child health, this
chapter analyses child and maternal malnutrition in the Philippines with reference to the six thematic
areas described in the WHO’s Global Nutrition Targets: child stunting; child wasting, anaemia (and
other micronutrient deficiencies); low birth weight; obesity and over-weight and breastfeeding. In
addition, and where relevant, reference is made to the Philippine Plan of Action for Nutrition 2017-
2022 (PPAN).
The PPAN focuses on the first 1,000 days of life of the child, referring to the period of pregnancy up
to the first two years of the child. This is the period during which poor nutrition can have irreversible
effects on the physical and mental development of the child, the consequences of which are felt way
into adulthood.783
According to the 2014 Annual Poverty Indicators Survey, on average, around 5 per cent of families in
the Philippines had experienced hunger in the three months preceding the survey; however, this
figure increases to 10 per cent for families in the bottom 30 per cent of the income stratum. Of those
who had experienced hunger, 24 per cent experienced it at least once per week.784
Using trend data from the 2015 National Nutrition Survey (NNS), Table 5.1 below shows that, while
childhood stunting and underweight prevalence in under-5 year olds have been declining slowly
overall between 1989 and 2015 (albeit at very high levels), childhood wasting and overweight have
been increasing over the same time period (but at much lower levels).785
Table 5.1. Trends in the prevalence of malnutrition among children 0–59 months: 1989-2015
781
WHO. 2016. What is malnutrition? http://www.who.int/features/qa/malnutrition/en/ [29.06.17].
782
WHO http://www.who.int/maternal_child_adolescent/topics/child/malnutrition/en/ [29.06.17].
783
Philippine Plan of Action for Nutrition 2017-2022, p.36.
784
Highlights from 2014 Annual Poverty Indicators Survey (APIS) results, p33.
785
Note that the 2015 National Nutrition Survey data have not yet been validated and included in the UNICEF-WHO-
World Bank Joint Malnutrition Estimates (JME). The latest Philippines data included are from the 8th National nutrition
Survey Philippines 2013. See http://www.who.int/nutgrowthdb/estimates/en/ [29.06.17].
148
July 2017
50.0
44.5
40.5 40.0
38.8 38.9
40.0
35.9
33.8 32.9 33.7 33.4
32.2
30.3
30.027.3
26.6
25.6
23.8 23.6 23.0
20.7 21.5
20.0 20.0 20.2 20.0
20.0
10.0 7.5 7.8 7.3 8.0 7.1

6.2 6.2 6.8 6.8 6.1 6.0
5.8 5.1
3.5 4.3 3.9
2.1 2.3 2.9
1.1 1.1 1.7 1.7 1.9
0.0
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
Underweight Stunting Wasting Overweight-for-height
Source: National Nutrition Survey 2015
Worryingly, the last years have seen a reversal of downward trends in childhood stunting and
underweight, with statistically significant increases in both malnourishment indicators between 2013
and 2015. While the prevalence of childhood stunting increased from 30 per cent to 33 per cent
between 2013 and 2015, the prevalence of underweight increased from 20 per cent to 21.5 per cent
in the same time period (see Table 5.2 below). Possible causes of these trends are discussed
separately by issue below.
Table 5.2. Prevalence of malnourished children 0–59 months: 2013 and 2015
149
40.0
35.0 33.4*
30.3
30.0
25.0
Prevalence %
21.5*
20.0
20.0
15.0
10.0 8.0
7.1
5.1
5.0 3.9*
0.0
Underweight Stunting Wasting Overweight
2013 2015 * significant (p < 0.05)
5.1.3. Childhood stunting
High levels of childhood stunting are associated with a high risk of frequent and early exposure to
illness and/or inappropriate feeding practices. In the long run, stunted children are likely to have
reduced work capacity as adults which negatively impacts economic productivity.786
The stunting reduction target set out in the PDP as well as the PPAN 2017-2022 is to reach a stunting
prevalence rate of less than 21.4 per cent in under-5 children by 2022.787 As set out above, the current
prevalence of childhood stunting is estimated to stand at a very high 33 per cent, which is still far
from the PDP reduction target, and compares very unfavourably with the regional average for East
Asia and Pacific which stands at 11 per cent as of 2015.788
Data from the 2015 NNS reveal significant disparities in relation to childhood stunting rates along
gender lines, geographical location, as well as household wealth. As of 2015, boys under the age of 5
were slightly more likely to be stunted (at 34.3 per cent) compared to girls (32.5 per cent). 789 It
appears that children living in rural areas are also more likely to be stunted (at 38.1 per cent) than
those living in urban areas (28.3 per cent).790 The region with the highest level of childhood stunting
was ARMM (45.2 per cent), while Central Luzon was found to be the region with the lowest level of
stunting (23.1 per cent).791
786
See e.g. http://www.who.int/nutgrowthdb/about/introduction/en/index2.html [03.07.17]
787
Table 10.4 PDP & PPAN Executive Summary. P.8.
788
State of the World’s Children 2016 data http://data.unicef.org/resources/state-worlds-children-2016-statistical-
Tables/ [29.06.17].
789
NNS 2015.
790
NNS 2015.
791
NNS 2015.
150
July 2017
Perhaps unsurprisingly, household wealth was found to be one of the most significant predictors of
childhood stunting prevalence in the Philippines: Nearly 1 in 2 children from households in the
poorest wealth quintile (49.2 per cent) were found to be stunted, whereas only 15 per cent of
children from households in the richest quintile were found to be stunted. Table 5.3 below shows
that recent increases in childhood stunting prevalence have affected households across the wealth
divide with households from the poorest wealth quintile, however, being affected most severely.792
Table 5.3. Prevalence of stunting among children under-five years old (0-59 months) by
wealth quintile: 2013 vs 2015
60.0
49.2*
50.0
44.6
39.5
40.0
36.0
Prevalence%
31.5
30.0 28.4
22.1
20.4
20.0
14.8
13.3
10.0
0.0
Poorest Poor Middle Rich Richest
2013 2015 *Significant (p-value <0.05)
5.1.4. Childhood wasting
Childhood wasting (low weight for height or ‘acute malnutrition’) is estimated to affect around 7 per
cent of under-5 children in the Philippines, as of 2015, 793 which is still above the WHO’s target of 5
per cent for the year 2025 and also above the PPAN target of 5 per cent or less by 2022.794 Childhood
wasting prevalence rates in the Philippines also compare unfavourably with the regional average for
East Asia and Pacific which stood at 4 per cent as of 2015.795 It is important to recognise, when
considering childhood wasting in the Philippines, that “the risk of developing wasting increases during
792
NNS 2015.
793
NNS 2015.
794
PPAN Executive Summary, p.8.
795
State of the World’s Children 2016 data http://data.unicef.org/resources/state-worlds-children-2016-statistical-
Tables/ [29.06.17].
151
humanitarian emergencies”,796 making wasting a particular concern and risk in the Philippines, which
is prone to natural disasters.
Disparities between genders, wealth and geographical divides appear to be relatively minor in
relation to childhood wasting prevalence in the Philippines. The percentage of children under the age
of five years who were wasted in 2015 was higher among male children (8.3 per cent) compared to
female children (7.6 per cent).797 It also appears that children living in rural areas are only slightly
more likely to be wasted (7.2 per cent) than those living in urban areas (7.0 per cent). 2015 NNS data
reveal that wasting prevalence rates are highest in MIMAROPA (9.7 per cent), Eastern Visayas (8.4
per cent), and ARMM (8.2 per cent); and lowest in Northern Mindanao (4 per cent) and CAR (4.5 per
cent).798
Table 5.4 below shows that children from households in the poorest wealth quintile are more likely
to be wasted (at 8.4 per cent) than those from households in the richest wealth quintile (6.3 per
cent). Interestingly, it appears that reductions in wasting prevalence among the poorest households
between 2013 and 2015 has been largely offset by an increase in wasting prevalence among the
richest households (see Table 5.4 below).799
Table 5.4. Prevalence of wasting among children under-five years old (0-59 months) by
wealth quintile: 2013 vs 2015
12
10 9.7
8.4 8.4
7.7 7.8
8 7.4
7.1
Prevalence%
6.3
5.8
6 5.4
0
2013 2015
796
Aashima Garg, Anthony Calibo, Rene Galera, Andrew Bucu, Rosalia Paje and Willibald Zeck, Management of SAM in
the Philippines: from emergency-focused modelling to national policy and government scale-up (Undated), p. 2.
797
NNS 2015.
798
NNS 2015.
799
NNS 2015.
152
July 2017
5.1.5. Micronutrient deficiencies
Anaemia
Globally, maternal anaemia accounts for around 20 per cent of maternal deaths.800 Maternal anaemia
may increase the risk of blood loss at delivery and postpartum haemorrhage.801 The nutritional status
of the mother during pregnancy and lactation can also impact on the health and nutritional status of
the child. For example, anaemic mothers are at greater risk of delivering premature and low-birth-
weight babies, who also have an increased risk of dying.802 Anaemia can be caused by infectious
diseases such as malaria, helminth infections, and other infections. Iron supplementation, food
fortification and de-worming can be effective in reducing anaemia in pregnant women as well as
children.803
The PPAN 2017-2022 sets out the target for reducing the prevalence of anaemia among women of
reproductive age to 6 per cent by 2022.804 The prevalence of anaemia among women of reproductive
age (15–49 years) has decreased steadily in the Philippines over the past decades, but remains
significantly above the PPAN target for 2022. While in 2000, the percentage of women of
reproductive age with anaemia in the Philippines stood at a very high 40 percent, by 2011 it had
decreased to an estimated 25 per cent (with severe anaemia at 1.6 per cent). 805 Based on the
estimates from 2011, the WHO classifies the Philippines’ level of public health significance in relation
to anaemia among women of reproductive age as ‘moderate’. The 25 per cent prevalence rate in the
Philippines is below the regional average of 32 per cent for Asia (as of 2011).806
Anaemia prevalence among pregnant women was estimated to stand at a relatively high 25 per cent,
according to NNS data from 2013. This means that the anaemia prevalence rate among pregnant
women has halved since 1998, when it stood at more than 50 per cent.807 The national Food
Fortification Programme, which was strengthened with the passage of the Food Fortification Law in
2000, is likely to have contributed to this decline in anaemia among pregnant women, though
causality is difficult to establish.808 Results from the 2013 NNS also suggest that teenaged girls (less
than 20 years of age) who are pregnant, are significantly more at risk of anaemia than pregnant
800
Black et al. 2008. Maternal and child undernutrition: global and regional exposures and health consequences.
801
See e.g. K4Health. Anaemia Prevalence, Causes, and Consequences. https://www.k4health.org/toolkits/anemia-
prevention/anemia-causes-prevalence-impact .
802
See e.g. K4Health. Anaemia Prevalence, Causes, and Consequences. https://www.k4health.org/toolkits/anemia-
prevention/anemia-causes-prevalence-impact.
803
WHO. 2014. WHA Global Nutrition Targets 2025: Anaemia Policy Brief. Available at:
http://www.who.int/nutrition/topics/globaltargets_anaemia_policybrief.pdf [25.04.17].
804
PPAN, Executive Summary, p.8.
805
Table A3.4, The Global Prevalence of Anaemia in 2011, World Health Organisation:
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/177094/1/9789241564960_eng.pdf [29.06.17].
806
Table A2.2. The Global Prevalence of Anaemia in 2011, World Health Organisation:
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/177094/1/9789241564960_eng.pdf [29.06.17].
807
Results of the Philippines 8th National Nutrition Survey:
http://www.fnri.dost.gov.ph/images/sources/anemia_revised.pdf [25.04.17].
808
WHO. Undated. Philippines Nutrition Overview. http://www.wpro.who.int/nutrition/documents/docs/phl.pdf
[25.04.17].
153
women who are 20 years and above.809 Anaemia prevalence among lactating mothers was estimated
to stand at a lower 17 per cent as of 2013 – a significant decrease from 46 per cent in 1998.810
Childhood anaemia prevalence remains very high in the Philippines. Table 5.5 below shows that,
while anaemia prevalence among children aged 6 months to 1 year decreased from a very high 66
per cent in 2003, it still stood at a high 39.4 per cent, as of 2013. 811 The data suggest that childhood
anaemia primarily affects children in the age group of 6 months to 1 year: Anaemia prevalence among
children on other age groups (1–5 and 6–12 years) is estimated to stand at a lower 11 per cent, after
having steadily decreased since 2003 (see Table 5.5 below).812
Table 5.5 Trends in anaemia prevalence among children, by age group: 1993-2013
70.0
66.2
60.0
56.6 55.7
50.0 49.2
Prevalence%
42.0
40.0
37.4 39.4
35.6
30.0 29.1
29.6
25.7
20.0 20.9
19.8
10.0 11.3
11.1
0.0
1993 1998 2003 2008 2013
6 months-<1 yr 1-5 yrs 6-12 yrs
NNS data from 2013 suggests that anaemia prevalence rates in children aged 6 months to 1 year are
significantly higher in rural areas of the Philippines (at 49 per cent), compared to urban areas (32 per
cent).813 Regions with the highest prevalence rate of anaemia in children aged 6 months to 5 years
809
As cited in PPAN 2017-2022, p.21.
810
811
812
813
154
July 2017
were Cagayan, ARMM, and MIMAPROPA.814 In this respect it is relevant to note that, according to
2013 NDHS data, ARMM and MIMAPROPA also have some of the highest under-5 child mortality
rates in the country (at 43/1000 and 55/1000 respectively),815 which suggests a strong association
between childhood anaemia and child mortality.816
Children from poorer households are, on average, more at risk of anaemia: While 43 per cent of
children (aged 6 months to 1 year) from households in the poorest wealth quintile are affected by
anaemia, this figure drops to 31 per cent for children in the same age group from households in the
richest wealth quintile.817
Vitamin A and Iodine deficiency
Globally, Vitamin A deficiency (VAD) is the leading cause of preventable blindness in children and
increases the risk of disease and death from severe infections. In pregnant women, VAD causes night
blindness and may increase the risk of maternal mortality.818 Iodine deficiency disorders (IDD), which
can start before birth, jeopardizes children’s mental health, with potentially fatal consequences.
Serious iodine deficiency during pregnancy can result in stillbirth, spontaneous abortion, and
congenital abnormalities.819
The PPAN sets a target of reducing the prevalence of VAD in children aged 6 months to 5 years old to
less than 15 per cent by 2022, and the percentage of children 6-12 years old with urinary iodine
concentration (<50 mcg/L) to less than 20 per cent by 2022.
According to 2013 NNS data, the Philippines as a whole has already reached the PPAN target for 2022
in relation to IDD, with an estimated 16 per cent of children (aged 6–12) having a urinary iodine
concentration of <50 mcg/L.820 However, the aggregate figures hide significant regional differences,
with the Mindanao Island group recording a prevalence rate of 25 per cent (5 percentage points
above the PPAN target), and the Luzon Island group recording a significantly lower prevalence rate
of 12 per cent.821 Regions with the highest prevalence rate were found to be Zamboanga Peninsula
(41 per cent), CAR (26 per cent), and Davao (24 per cent).822
In contrast to IDD, the Philippines has not yet met the PPAN target for 2022 in relation to VAD.
According to 2013 NNS data, 20.4 per cent of children aged 6 months to 5 years have Vitamin A
deficiency.823 Vitamin A deficiency prevalence in pregnant women is estimated to stand at around 9
per cent, and at 5 per cent among lactating mothers.824 Mandatory fortification of wheat flour and
814
http://www.fnri.dost.gov.ph/images/sources/anemia_revised.pdf [25.04.17]
815
NDHS 2013, p. 93.
816
PPAN, p.20.
817
http://www.fnri.dost.gov.ph/images/sources/anemia_revised.pdf [25.04.17]
818
WHO http://www.who.int/nutrition/topics/vad/en/ [29.06.17].
819
WHO http://www.who.int/nutrition/topics/idd/en/ [29.06.17].
820
Results of the Philippines 8th National Nutrition Survey: http://www.fnri.dost.gov.ph/images/sources/Iodine.pdf
[25.04.17].
821
[25.04.17].
822
[25.04.17].
823
2013 NNS data, as cited in the PPAN, p.18.
824
2013 NNS data, as cited in the PPAN, p.18.
155
vegetable oil, as well as some voluntary fortification, is believed to have contributed to recent falls
in vitamin A deficiency in the Philippines, but additional efforts will be necessary to meet VAD
targets.825
5.1.6. Low Birth Weight
Low birth weight is closely associated with foetal and neonatal mortality and morbidity.826 The WHO
defines low birth weight as weight at birth of less than 2.5 kilograms.827 According to the 2013 NDHS,
21.4 per cent of children in the Philippines had low birth weight.828 The low birth weight prevalence
in the Philippines compares unfavourably to the global average of 16 per cent as of 2015. 829
According to NDHS data, a child is more likely to be born underweight if the mother is under 20 years
old (25.1 per cent) or aged 35–49 (24.2 per cent), rather than aged 20–34 (20.2 per cent).830 There
appears to be no significant difference between rural and urban areas in relation to low birth weight
prevalence in the Philippines.831 The regions with the highest percentage of children with a low birth
weight are Central Visayas (25.5 per cent), MIMAROPA (25.3 per cent) and Caraga (25.1 per cent). 832
The lowest low birth weight prevalence was found in Davao (16 per cent).833
Note, however, that only 80.7 per cent of all births recorded in the 2013 NDHS had a reported birth
weight and that reporting rates differed significantly between regions, with 96.1 per cent of all births
weighed in NCR, in comparison to only 28 per cent weighed in ARMM. Babies are also more likely to
be weighed if they are born to women living in an urban area (90.1 per cent) as opposed to rural
areas (72.5 per cent); if the mother is better educated (94 per cent for women who had been to
college, compared to 27.6 per cent for those with no education), and if the mother is from a wealthier
household (95.6 per cent for those in the highest wealth quintile, compared to only 59.5 per cent for
those in the lowest).834
5.1.7. Childhood overweight and obesity
As noted earlier, overweight prevalence in children under 5 years has been increasing in the
Philippines since at least the early 1990s, albeit at a relatively low level. While in 1989, overweight
prevalence in under-5 children stood at only 1.1 per cent, this rose to 5.1 per cent by the year 2013.835
According to a 2015 report by the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, the gradual increase in
overweight and obesity levels (also among the adult population) corresponds to a change in
nutritional habits, with a move away from high-fibre healthier foods to meat, dairy and canned and
825
https://www.unicef.org/eapro/Vol_2_EAPR_strategic_approach_to_nutrition_programming.pdf p.36
826
NDHS 2013, p.121.
827
WHO http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/43184/1/9280638327.pdf
828
Table 10.1 p 122 NDHS, 2013.
829
A regional average for East Asia and Pacific is not provided. The global average excludes China. State of the World’s
Children 2016 data: http://data.unicef.org/resources/state-worlds-children-2016-statistical-Tables/ [29.06.17]
830
NDHS 2013 Table 10.1 p.122.
831
NDHS 2013 Table 10.1 p.122.
832
NDHS 2013 Table 10.1 p.122.
833
NDHS 2013 Table 10.1 p.122.
834
NDHS 2013 Table 10.1 p.122.
835
NNS 2015. Note, however, that since 2013, overweight prevalence decreased again, to 3.9 per cent in 2015.
156
July 2017
packaged foods. In addition, urban dwellers are increasingly vulnerable to food price hikes and in
such cases, opt for less nutritious foods which are usually cheaper.836
Data from the 2015 NNS suggest that overweight prevalence is only slightly higher among male
children under 5 years (4 per cent) than among female children in the same age group (3.8 per
cent).837 The NNS data also suggest that children are more likely to be overweight if they live in an
urban area (4.9 per cent) rather than in a rural area (3.0 per cent), and if they live in households in
the richest wealth quintile (8.9 per cent) rather than the poorest wealth quintile (1.7 per cent). 838
Data from the 2011 Philippines Global school-based health survey (GSHS), which was implemented
among a nationally representative sample of 5290 school children in Grades 1–4, suggest that only
2.8 per cent of students aged 13–15 years were obese,839 with no statistically significant difference
between girls and boys.840
5.1.8. Breastfeeding practices
The WHO recommends that infants are exclusively breastfed for the first six months of life to achieve
optimal growth, development and health.841 In addition, the WHO recommends that breastfeeding is
initiated within one hour after birth, continued for at least 24 months (with the introduction of
complementary foods after 6 months), and that bottle feeding is avoided during early infancy.842 The
PDP recognises that breastfeeding should be fully promoted and supported.843 Republic Act 10028
or the Expanded Breastfeeding Promotion Act of 2009 which amended Republic Act 7600,
the Rooming in and Breast Feeding Act of 1992, provides a legal basis for support to breastfeeding
mothers, and practices to facilitate breastfeeding, including ‘rooming-in’, which sees new-born
children placed with mothers as soon as possible after delivery in order to facilitate breastfeeding.
The DOH has adopted the WHO recommendations on breastfeeding practices in its National Policies
on Infant and Young Child Feeding.844
According to the most recent UN-validated estimates, only 34 per cent of children in the Philippines
are exclusively breastfed for the first six months after birth.845 However, the UN-validated estimates
for the Philippines are based on outdated NDHS data from 2008 (not the 2013 NDHS or the 2015
NNS), which constitutes a significant shortcoming in relation to data quality. The exclusive
breastfeeding rate in the Philippines is still likely, however, to be significantly below the 50 per cent
rate envisaged in the WHO nutrition targets for 2025, but already slightly above the regional average
of 31 per cent for East Asia and Pacific (as of 2015).846 Despite the relatively low exclusive
breastfeeding rate, almost all children in the Philippines are breastfed at some stage. According to
836
Report of the Special Rapporteur on the right to food on her mission to Philippines, 29 December 2015, para 41
https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G15/293/32/PDF/G1529332.pdf?OpenElement .
837
NNS 2015; It is not clear whether this difference is statistically significant.
838
NNS 2015.
839
Obese: >+2SD from median by BMI for age and sex.
840
GSHS 2011 Factsheet: http://www.who.int/chp/gshs/2011_GSHS_FS_Philippines.pdf?ua=1 [29.06.17].
841
WHO http://www.who.int/elena/titles/exclusive_breastfeeding/en/ [13.04.17].
842
WHO http://www.who.int/topics/breastfeeding/en/ [29.06.17].
843
PDP p 152.
844
Administrative Order 2005-0014.
845
Tables/ [29.06.17].
846
Tables/ [29.06.17].
157
2013 NDHS data, 94 per cent of children are breastfed at some stage. Only 6 per cent of children are
not breastfed at all.847
Early initiation of breastfeeding (i.e. the provision of mother’s breast milk to infants within one hour
of birth) ensures that infants receive colostrum (‘first milk’), which is rich in protective factors, and
recommended by the WHO.848 According to 2013 NDHS data only 50 per cent of Filipino infants
started breastfeeding within one hour of birth.849 However, the vast majority if infants (82 per cent)
start breastfeeding within one day of birth.850
Infants with mothers residing in an urban area were less likely to be initiated to breastfeeding within
one hour of birth (47.2 per cent) compared to those residing in a rural area (52.1 per cent), and were
also less likely to have started breastfeeding within one day of birth (79.8 per cent) compared to
those residing in a rural area (83.9 per cent).851 Significant disparities in relation to early breastfeeding
initiation are also notable across regions. The percentage of infants put to the breast within one hour
after birth ranges from a very low 26 percent in Central Luzon to 72 per cent in Western Visayas and
Central Visayas.852 Differences by the child’s sex, type of residence, assistance at delivery and place
of delivery appear to be insignificant.853
According to NDHS 2013 data, bottle-feeding is fairly common in the Philippines, with 34.4 per cent
of children aged 0–5 months, 50.1 per cent of those aged 6-9 months and 52.5 per cent of those aged
12-23 months being fed using a bottle.854
5.1.9. Immediate and underlying causes of malnutrition
The causes of childhood under- and over-nutrition in the Philippines are multifaceted and interlinked.
The PPAN notes that malnutrition in the Philippines is caused, on the one hand, by the immediate
causes of inadequate dietary intake, physical inactivity and disease; whereas, and on the other hand,
underlying causes of malnutrition are identified as sedentary lifestyle, food insecurity, poor caring
and breastfeeding practices (described above), inadequate access to water and sanitation (described
in Chapter 6 below), and poor access to health services (see Table 5.6 below for a conceptual
framework of malnutrition), which is also linked to governance and programming concerns
(discussed under 5.2. Key Barriers and Bottlenecks, below).855
The immediate, underlying and structural causes of malnutrition, as it links to water, sanitation and
hygiene, was mapped out by a group of key stakeholders at the consultation workshop that informed
this Situation Analysis. This map is presented in section 5.2, below.
Table 5.6. Conceptual Framework of Malnutrition
847
NDHS 2013, p.138.
848
WHO. Early initiation of breastfeeding to promote exclusive breastfeeding.
http://www.who.int/elena/titles/early_breastfeeding/en/ [31.05.17].
849
NDHS 2013, p.138.
850
NDHS 2013, p.138.
851
NDHS, 2013, Table 11.1, p.139.
852
NDHS, 2013, Table 11.1, p.139.
853
NDHS 2013, p.138.
854
NDHS, 2013, Table 11.2, p.140.
855
158
July 2017
Source: ASEAN/UNICEF/WHO 2016 Regional Report on Nutrition Security in ASEAN Volume 2
The PPAN 2017-2022 suggests that poor infant and young child feeding in the first two years of life,
coupled with bouts of infection can explain the high levels of childhood stunting in the Philippines.856
Furthermore, and as mentioned above, it appears that teenage pregnancies are an underlying
determinant of malnutrition in the Philippines. In response, the PPAN 2017-2022 highlights the need
for nutrition education and infant and young child feeding counselling programmes to reach more
teenage pregnant women.857
Economic insecurity at the household level also appears to play an important role as an underlying
determinant of child malnutrition. As described above, existing data reveals that household wealth
is one of the most significant predictors of childhood stunting prevalence in the Philippines, with
children from poor households being, on average, more at risk of malnutrition. A key informant from
the National Nutrition Council (NNC) also highlighted how economic pressures on households can
interact with a lack of knowledge about optimal breastfeeding practices to exacerbate malnutrition
among Filipino infants:
What are the causes of stunting?
856
857
159
Infants are not being breastfed optimally, and are being given food in addition to breastmilk
too early or too late. The kind of food given to them is not nutritious. They are given porridge
that is not thick enough and does not have vitamins.
Why are infants not fed well?
In higher income groups, it is a lack of knowledge and time. In lower income groups, it is a
lack of knowledge and not having the means.”858
Households with working mothers, in particular, will need to be supported in order to improve
breastfeeding practices in the Philippines:
“Working mothers say they stop breastfeeding as they have to go back to work. That is why
it is important to work with companies and workplaces to promote breastfeeding.”859
In addition, nutrition-related programming in the Philippines will need to alleviate women’s double-
burden, which results from traditional expectations to provide and nurture children, while also being
increasingly expected to earn income to support the household:
“There is the idea that taking care of children and nutrition is a mother’s responsibility.
Traditionally, women nurture and men have an economic role. Now, more women are
working, but they also have to take care of the home and the children, even though they are
working. What we want is that more fathers become involved in the care of the child.”860
Besides individual- and household-level factors, macro-level factors also play an important role in
explaining the problem of malnutrition in the Philippines. For example, a recent report by the
Philippines Institute for Development Studies suggests that the Philippines’ pursuit of rice self-
sufficiency programmes has led to the unintended consequences of increasing overall food prices,
which in turn has contributed to high levels of malnutrition among Filipino children.861
Given the importance of underlying, structural drivers in relation to malnutrition, a key informant
from the NNC interviewed for this study argued that malnutrition in the Philippines should not be
viewed just as a health issues, but also as a more fundamental, social issue: 862
“When you talk about food intake, you have to talk about physical and economic access to
food and this opens up a lot of discussions. Physical access is about farm to market roads,
inter-island transport systems, the need for good storage facilities for agricultural products,
irrigation, seeds, inputs for the farmers, access to credit and technology, access to
information on markets. And you have to talk about whether people are earning enough to
be able to buy the food. Do they have enough resources to grown their own food? Then you
need to talk about poverty alleviation and economic development.”863
Lastly, it needs to be stressed that climate-related disasters may exacerbate the risk of malnutrition
in the Philippines. For example, it was noted in a recent report by the UN Special Rapporteur on the
Right to Food, that after Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) in 2013, an estimated 2.94 million individuals
858
Key informant interview with representative from the National Nutrition Council, 14 June 2017, Manila.
859
860
861
Philippine Institute for Development Studies. 2017. Unintended Consequences: The Folly of Uncritical Thinking.
Available at: https://pidswebs.pids.gov.ph/CDN/PUBLICATIONS/pidsbk2017-unintended_fnl.pdf [29.06.17].
862
863
160
July 2017
were at risk of undernutrition, including about 320,000 children under the age of 5 and up to 210,000
pregnant and lactating women.864
5.2. Key Barriers and Bottlenecks in Nutrition
The key barriers and bottlenecks in the relation to nutrition outcomes were mapped out by a group
of key stakeholders at the consultation workshop that informed this Situation Analysis. The group
focused on nutrition and WASH as a combined analysis. Causality was identified using a methodology
that involved selecting a key deprivation within the field of nutrition/WASH, and identifying a
causality chain of immediate, underlying and structural causes. The map is presented below (see
Table 5.7). The existing literature and key informant interviews is also used to elaborate these key
barriers and bottlenecks in relation to nutrition in Philippines.
864
Report of the Special Rapporteur on the right to food on her mission to Philippines, 29 December 2015, para 49
161
Table 5.7. Nutrition / WASH causality map
5.2.1. Enabling environment
Governance
The existing literature on governance in the Philippines identifies a number of concerns in relation to
administration, organization and provision within all outcome areas, including the nutrition sector.
These concerns include corruption, misallocation of resources, political instability, and
uncoordinated government agencies, as well as challenges faced as a result of decentralisation, all of
which are considered to have a negative impact upon progress, and, ultimately, outcomes in sectors
including health and nutrition.865 As suggested in the causality map above, nutrition outcomes are
inextricably linked to health sector governance concerns.
As set out above in relation to health sector barriers and bottlenecks, devolution (or
decentralisation), acts as a key structural bottleneck within the health system, and it is likely that this
challenge is also experienced within the nutrition sector. In relation to governance challenges in the
nutrition sector, the PDP 2016-2020 notes that limited progress in improving nutritional outcomes in
the Philippines has partly been due to the weak multisectoral and multilevel approach to address
malnutrition.866 Similarly, the PPAN 2017-2022 suggests that weak response of local governments to
national nutrition programming and lack of robust LGU mobilisation strategies remain key unresolved
governance bottlenecks in the sector.867
Data management and availability
The causality map analysis identifies data gaps in relation to ‘essential indicators and programmes’
for nutrition and WASH, a concern that it is also noted within the PDP, which notes that data gaps
constrain decision-making for nutrition and health.868 The causality analysis also mentions, in
particular, a data gap in relation to indigent persons and the urban poor.
Financing
Inadequate financing is a concern in relation to several sectors or outcome areas in Philippines, and
in relation to nutrition. Inadequate funding in health, which has been noted to be a problem by the
WHO, and which is discussed in the Health chapter of this report, is a barrier to successful prevention
and treatment of nutritional concerns. As noted earlier, the World Bank has suggested that an
increasing burden of non-communicable diseases, many of which will be linked to nutrition can be
expected to put additional pressure on the Philippines’ health budget.869 The PDP also makes note of
concerns over funding for nutrition services, explaining that that health and nutrition funding is
inadequate, that, as allocation is dependent upon priorities held by local chief executives, it is
variable across LGUs.870
865
See e.g. Mendoza, et al. 2017. Governance and Institutions in the Philippines. ASOG Working Paper 17-002. Available
at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2873942.
866
PDP, p.138.
867
PPAN, p.32.
868
PDP, Chapter 10, p.141.
869
870
Philippine National Development Plan 2016-2020, p.140.
5.2.2. Supply
It is important to recognise that most nutrition-related interventions in Philippines are delivered

through the health sector, and the supply-side analysis set out in the Health section of this Situation
Analysis is therefore crucial to understanding nutrition challenges.871
There are a number of important gaps in relation to the supply side of the nutrition sector. The PPAN
notes that it has been a challenge to find adequate staff to fill positions in the Basic Needs Services,
and as District /City Nutrition Program Coordinators, local Nutrition Action Officers, members of local
Nutrition Committees, and Regional Nutrition Program Coordinators.872 There is also a lack of
equipment in relation to supply of nutritional resources.
A further factor that may affect supply-side implementation of nutrition services is the perceived
focus upon health-side interventions, particularly in relation to the ‘direct’ causes of maternal and
neonatal deaths, rather than on nutritional causes of poor health outcomes, morbidity and death. 873
5.2.3. Demand
Financial costs, access and food security
The financial cost of accessing food is as a major nutrition-related demand-side barrier in the
Philippines. According to the PPAN 2017-2022, “while recent poverty and hunger reports in 2016
show a decline in the incidence of poverty and hunger, food security is precarious, particularly among
the poor who constitute a significant proportion of Filipino households.”874 The PPAN assessed
different modes of analysis of poverty and food security in Philippines and came to the conclusion
that:
whichever set of food deprivation estimates produced using different methodologies,
inadequate access to food is a serious problem for a substantial number of Filipino families.
The estimated number of families that remained income poor is 4.7 million, of which 43.6 per
cent or a little over 2.0 million are food-poor in 2015.875
This suggests the food insecurity faced by a large number of families in the Philippines is a significant
barrier to adequate nutrition, with such food insecurity exacerbated by financial burdens and access
constraints. It is also important to note that access to food is affected during emergencies, reducing
food security, particularly among the most vulnerable members of the community. 876
Further, as set out by the Special Rapporteur on the right to food in the report on her mission to the
Philippines:
Food security becomes more critical an issue as the rate of urban poverty rises. In fact,
evidence indicates that food security and nutrition are worse among the urban poor than the
rural poor…. The urban poor certainly face a daily struggle to feed their families. Without a
871
DOH Strategic Framework 2014-2015, p. 11.
872
PPAN, p. 32.
873
874
PPAN, p. 14
875
PPAN, p. 14
876
164
July 2017
stable and sufficient income, these households struggle to provide their children with
nutritious and adequate food, often resorting to processed and junk food as an alternative.877
Social and religious behaviours
Social behaviours, including behaviours influenced by religious beliefs, can act as demand-side
barriers or bottlenecks to adequate nutrition. During the data collection phase for this SitAn, for
example, a key informant from the NNC highlighted that, while there have been efforts to mobilise
wet nurses in conflict-affected ARMM, this was not accepted by the local Muslim communities, as
there appears to be a belief that a wet nurse becomes related to the baby.878 Where breastfeeding is
limited this can lead to stunting and, as set out above, can have implications in relation to child
development.
5.2.4. Quality
Unfortunately, there is a data gap in relation to quality of nutrition-focused services in Philippines

and it is therefore not possible comment in relation to quality of nutrition services.
877
Report of the Special Rapporteur on the right to food on her mission to Philippines, 2015, para. 59.
878
Key informant interview with representative from the National Nutrition Council, 14 June 2017, Manila
165
6. Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH)

Ensuring that all children have access to safe and affordable drinking water, as well as adequate
sanitation and hygiene (WASH), is crucial for achieving a whole range of development goals including
those related to health and nutrition, education and child and social protection. For instance,
evidence suggests that poor water, sanitation and hygiene access is linked to growth stunting.879 while
there is growing evidence that clean water and sanitation facilities (at home and in schools) can
improve school attendance and even learning outcomes for boys and girls. 880 The achievement of
sustainable access to WASH for all also makes a critical contribution to poverty reduction, gender
equality, sustainable and resilient cities and communities, and environmental protection. This
chapter assesses the situation in the Philippines regarding children’s access to improved water
sources and sanitation facilities, as well as children’s hygiene practices, using SDG 6 (ensure
availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all) and the rights to water and
sanitation as benchmarks.
Key WASH-related SDGs
1.4 By 2030 ensure all men and women, in Proportion of population living in
particular the poor and vulnerable, households with access to basic services
have equal rights to economic (including basic drinking water,
resources as well as access to basic sanitation and hygiene)
services
6.1 By 2030, achieve universal and Proportion of population using safely
equitable access to safe and affordable managed drinking water services
drinking water for all
6.2 By 2030, achieve access to adequate Proportion of population using safely
and equitable sanitation and hygiene managed sanitation services
for all and end open defecation, paying Proportion of population with a basic
special attention to the needs of hand-washing facility with soap and
women and girls and those in water available on premises
vulnerable situations
Proportion of population practising open
defecation
Key CRC Articles
Article 2: Every child has the right to enjoyment of CRC provisions without discrimination on
the ground of a child’s or his or her parent’s or guardian’s race, colour, sex, language, political
or other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other status
Article 6 (2) States parties shall ensure to the maximum extent possible the survival and
development of the child
879
UNICEF, Looking back, moving forward. A snapshot of UNICEF’s work for Pacific Island children 2015-16, 2006.
880
UNICEF, Looking back, moving forward. A snapshot of UNICEF’s work for Pacific Island children 2015-16, 2006.
166
July 2017
Article 17: States shall ensure that the child has access to information aimed at the promotion
of his or her social, spiritual and moral well-being and physical and mental health
facilities for the treatment of illness and rehabilitation of health; (2) In particular, States must:
(a) diminish infant and child mortality; (c) Combat disease and malnutrition, including through
the provision of adequate nutritious foods and clean drinking-water, taking into consideration
the dangers of environmental pollution; (e) Ensure that all segments of society, in particular
parents and children, are informed, have access to education and are supported in the use of
basic knowledge of child health and nutrition, the advantages of breastfeeding, hygiene and
environmental sanitation and the prevention of accidents.
Article 27: States recognize the right of every child to a standard of living adequate for the
child’s physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development
6.1. WASH in the Philippines: an overview
6.1.1 Infrastructure and institutions

In 2010, the public water supply in the Philippines was provided by around 5,400 water service
providers.881 While in urban communities, water districts, LGUs and private operators run urban water
systems, in rural communities, these are run by community based organizations including Barangay
Water and Sanitation Associations, Regional Water and Sanitation Associations and co-operatives.882
There are three levels of water supply service in the Philippines. Barangay Water and Sanitation
Associations run mostly Level I facilities, which are mainly protected wells with hand pumps that
serve around 15 households.883 Level II facilities, which are run by Regional Water and Sanitation
Association, are mostly piped systems with communal or public faucets that serve around 4–6
households.884 Level III facilities are waterworks systems with connections for individual households,
and are often run by private organizations such as the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage
System.885 Those without access to any of these three levels of facility are forced to use alternative
sources of water including private wells or fetching water from a river or spring system. There are
also some informal providers of water supply services such as small-scale independent providers,
entrepreneurs with water tankers or neighbourhood water vendors.886
In the Philippines, there are very few sewerage systems, with most of the country’s sewage being
discharged into open water bodies, which contributes heavily to the pollution of water sources. 887 In
881
National Economic and Development Agency, Philippines Water Supply Sector Road Map, Second Edition, 2010, p xv.
882
883
884
National Economic and Development Agency, Philippines Water Supply Sector Road Map, Second Edition, 2010, p
xvi.
885
xvi.
886
887
Department of Health, Philippines Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap, April 2010, p 27.
167
2015, only 2.4 per cent of the population had a sewer connection. 888 Many of the drainage systems
in town centres are open earth canals with few concrete lined canals, all of which discharge into
rivers and creeks that traverse the towns.889
6.1.2 Legal and policy framework

The Philippines has recognised, implicitly, the human right to safe drinking water and sanitation on
several occasions at the international level. A representative from the Philippines was present at the
adoption of Human Rights Council resolutions 21/2 of September 2012, 24/18 of September 2013
and 27/7 of September 2014, as well as General Assembly resolution 68/157 of December 2013, all
of which were adopted without a vote. These resolutions affirm the human right to safe drinking
water and sanitation under the right to an adequate standard of living, which is enshrined in the CRC,
ICESCR and CRPD.890
On a national level, the Philippines Constitution states that water belongs to the State, and that the
disposition, exploitation, development or utilisation shall be limited to citizens of the Philippines. 891
There is a large amount of legislation relating to WASH in the Philippines, the key pieces of which are
set out in Figure 6.1 below.
Table 6.1: Key WASH-related Legislation and Policy in the Philippines

Magna Carta of Women (RA Defines ‘marginalised’ people as those who have little or no
9710) (2009) access to land and other resources such as health care,
education and water and sanitation. Provides equal rights to
women to access natural resources, including water and
gives responsibility to the State to develop housing
programs for women with potable water.
Clean Water Act (RA 9275) Provides for management of water quality and pollution.
(2004)
Social Reform and Policy States that the Government should adopt an area-based,
Alleviation Act (RA 8425) sectoral and focused intervention to poverty alleviation to
(1997) meet the minimum basic needs of health, water and
environmental sanitation.
Indigenous Peoples Rights Includes the rights to basic services, including sanitation for
Act (RA 8371) (1997) indigenous peoples.
Local Government Code (RA Requires that LGUs shall be responsible for providing basic
7160) (1991) services and facilities, including water and sanitation,
including providing basic hygiene services.
Rainwater Catchment Law, Requires DPWH to construct water wells, springs and
(RA 6716) (1989) rainwater collectors in all barangays to ensure that each
888
Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply, Sanitation and Hygiene, Estimates on the Use of water, sanitation
and hygiene in Philippines, Updated July 2017, WHO/UNICEF, accessed at https://washdata.org/data#!/phl, accessed
22 August 2017.
889
890
Amnesty International and Wash United, recognition of the human rights to water and sanitation by UN Member
States at the international level, 2015.
891
Philippines Constitution Article XII Section 2.
168
July 2017
barangay has at least one potable water source. It also

defines the community’s role in operation and maintenance
of such facilities and sets out that the DPWH should provide
training for communities on water system operation and
maintenance.
National Policy on Water Sets out a national policy to require all drinking water
Safety Plan (2014), DOH service providers to develop and implement water safety
Administrative Order No. plans.
2014-0027
Philippine National Sets quality standards for drinking water supply.
Standards for Drinking
Water (2007), DOH
Administrative Order No.
2007-0021
Building Code, PD 1096 of Requires the inclusion of adequate and potable water
1977 supply, plumbing, waste water treatment and storm water
drainage in buildings for human habitation.
Code on Sanitation of the Prescribes standards and procedures on water, hygiene and
Philippines, PD 856 of 1975 sanitation including setting standards for drinking water,
and hygiene and sanitation requirements for locations such
as restaurants, schools etc.
National Sustainable States that sustainable sanitation is a national policy and
Sanitation Policy, DoH AO program priority, anchored on the principle that sustainable
2010-0021 sanitation is a public good and a fundamental human right.
Outlines strategies, roles and responsibilities for achieving
sustainable sanitation goals.
WASH in Schools Policy and Prescribes standards, roles and responsibilities for ensuring
Guidelines, DepED AO 10 the promotion of correct sanitation and hygiene practices
s.2016 among school children and a clean environment in and
around schools to keep learners safe and healthy.
Accreditation of Day Care Provides standards on the availability of safe water supply,
Centres and Day Care functional toilets and hand washing sinks and prescribes
Workers, DSWD hand-washing practice in day care centres that cater to
Administrative Order No. 15 children aged 3–4 years old.
s. 2011
Lead responsibility for WASH in the Philippines is held by the Department of Health, but seven other
departments are involved in the WASH sector, including Department of the Interior and Local
Government , Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) and the Department of
Education. Co-ordination between stakeholders, including NGOs, is done through the Inter-agency
169
Committee on Environmental Health (IACEH) and the Philippines Development Forum Working
Group on WASH.892 Both water and sanitation are devolved to LGUs.893
The IACEH was established under Executive Order No. 489, 1991. It is chaired by the Secretary of
Health, with the vice chair held by the Secretary of Environment and Natural Resources. The
members of the Committee are the Secretaries of: Public Works and Highways; Interior and Local
Government; Agriculture; Trade and Industry; Transportation and Communications; Science and
Technology; and Labor and Employment, as well as the Director Generals of the National Economic
and Development Authority and the Philippine Information Agency.894 The Committee is responsible
for formulating policies, promulgating guidelines and developing programmes for environmental
health protection; coordinating environmental health programmes initiated by the Government and
private agencies to achieve environment protection for health promotion; raise awareness of
environment health control measures through information and education campaigns; coordinating,
assisting and supporting the conduct of research and activities on environmental maintenance and
protection; and any other necessary and incidental tasks.895 The Committee has five sectoral task
forces, one each for solid waste; water air, toxic and hazardous wastes; occupational health; food
safety; and sanitation.896 However, according to government and sector experts who participated in
the validation workshop for this report, there are a number of key concerns over the efficacy of the
IACEH, which, discussions suggested, focuses on environmental health and does not engage in WASH
coordination.897 It is also reported that key agencies in the delivery of WASH sector services are not
members of IACEH, including, for example, DepEd, DSWD, The Local Water Utilities Administration
(LWUA) and the National Water Resources Board (NWRB) and that it does not include external
partners, which is seen as a shortcoming.898 According to the same group, the Philippines
Development Forum Working Group has minimal functionality, as it only meets once per year.899
The NWRB and the LWUA are the primary regulatory institutions in the water supply services sector,
although LGUs also regulate water service provision in their respective areas.900 However there is also
a range of other regulatory units which regulate water utilities by contract. It is clearly recognised in
the Philippines Water Supply Sector Roadmap that such a multiplicity of regulation can lead to
fragmentation.901
LGUs also have a sanitation related mandate. At provincial, city and municipal level, LGUs are
responsible for preparation of water supply, sewerage and sanitation sector plans, monitoring local
water and sanitation coverage and providing support to water service providers including Rural
Waterworks and Sanitation Associations and Barangay Water and Sanitation Associations, co-
operatives and water user’s groups.902 Barangay-level LGUs can initiate local ordinances and
coordinate closely with the municipal government in addressing the needs of their constituents,
892
GLAAS Country Highlights, Philippines, 2013/4
http://www.who.int/water_sanitation_health/monitoring/investments/philippines-01-jul-16.pdf?ua=1.
893
Section 17, Local Government Code of 1991, Republic Act no. 7160.
894
Executive Order No. 489, s. 1991, section 1.
895
Executive Order No. 489, s. 1991, section 2.
896
Department of Health, Philippines National Environmental Health Plan 2010-2013, July 7, 2010, p 6.
897
Validation workshop with Government and Key Experts, Manila, August 2017.
898
899
900
National Economic and Development Agency, Philippines Water Supply Sector Road Map, Second Edition, 2010, p 9.
901
National Economic and Development Agency, Philippines Water Supply Sector Road Map, Second Edition, 2010, p 9.
902
170
July 2017
meaning that they can, to some extent, influence policy.903 However, the National Government
continues to play a major role in the sector in terms of policy formulation, facilitating investments in
the sector and building capacities of LGUs.904
Seventy-nine provinces had developed provincial water supply, sewerage and sanitation sector plans
in 2005.905 These plans were developed with the intention that they would guide LGUs in prioritising
areas for development and accessing funds. However, the plans have reportedly not been
mainstreamed into the LGU development plans, and, as they have not been updated since 2005, are
now very out of date.906
NEDA has the responsibility for coordinating the preparation and monitoring of LGU’s investment
plans, including in relation to sanitation, but it lacks the manpower, budget and resources to address
growing sanitation concerns.907 The agency has created a sub-committee on Water Resources to
ensure the sector plans, as set out in the various roadmaps, are followed through. However, there
are concerns that the sub-committee will focus more on the water supply agenda as opposed to
sanitation targets.908
WASH Committees have been created at provincial, municipal and barangay levels to provide
oversight for WASH services in pilot areas supported by development partners.909 At all levels, WASH
Committees comprise staff drawn from across different government departments, while, at barangay
level, Committees also include community members.910 WASH Committees develop annual WASH
plans based on needs in their area and are responsible for providing training and mobilising
communities to support progress to WASH targets, including, for example, becoming open
defecation-free.911
6.2. Access to safely managed water services
According to SDG 6.1, the Philippines should aim to achieve universal and equitable access to safe
and affordable drinking water by 2030. Progress towards, or achievement of this target is measured
by the proportion of the population that has access to ‘safely managed’ drinking water. According to
the WHO and UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply, Sanitation and Hygiene (JMP),
in order to meet the criteria for a safely managed drinking water service an improved water source912
should fulfil three criteria:
1) It should be accessible on premises (in the home);
2) It should be available when needed;
903
904
905
906
907
908
909
UNICEF field notes on Complete Approaches to Total Sanitation, Learning from five country programmes, June 2017,
p 31.
910
p 31.
911
p 31.
912
Improved water sources include: piped water, boreholes or tubewells, protected dug wells, protected springs, and
packaged or delivered water. Progress on drinking water, sanitation and hygiene. World Health Organization (WHO)
and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), 2017 update and SDG baselines. 2017, p 8.
171
3) It should be free from contamination.913

If the improved water source fails to meet one of these criteria, but the time it takes to conduct a
round trip to collect water is 30 minutes or less, the water source will be classified as a ‘basic drinking
water service’, which would meet the requirements of SDG 1.4.914 If, however, the time taken to
collect water from an improved source is greater than 30 minutes, the source is categorized as a
limited service.915 According to the JMP Report, the immediate priority in many countries will be to
ensure universal access to at least basic level services.916
Table 6.2. JMP service ladder for improved water sources917
913
WHO and UNICEF, Progress on drinking water, sanitation and hygiene: 2017 update and SDG baselines, 2017, p 8.
914
Under target 1.4 of the SDGs, all men and women should have equal rights of access to basic services, including basic
drinking water.
915
916
917
Although JMP definition includes packaged or delivered water under ‘improved water source’, it is important to note
that the Philippines Government classifies this as an ‘unimproved water source’.
172
July 2017
Source: JMP Report 2017
The PDP 2017-2022 sets a goal of increasing the percentage of households with access to ‘safe
water’918 from 85.5 per cent in 2014 to 95.16 per cent in 2022.919 The Philippines Water Supply Sector
Roadmap 2010 sets out the goal of having access to safe, adequate and sustainable water supply for
all by 2025.920 However, at the time of writing, a new Water Supply Sector Roadmap was being
developed.
6.2.1. Safely managed water in Philippines
According to JMP estimates published in 2017, 90.5 per cent of the population of Philippines had
access to a basic drinking water service, while a further 2.83 per cent had access to a limited drinking
water service. This left only 6.66 per cent using unimproved or surface water supplies.921
As set out above, there are three necessary elements to a safely managed water system (accessibility
on premises, availability when needed and freedom from contamination). Despite the high levels of
access to a basic water service, it is not possible to identify the proportion of the population in the
Philippines with access to safely managed drinking water from the 2017 JMP data because there is a
data gap in relation to the third of these criteria. Therefore, while data from 2015 show that 60.8 per
cent of the population were using an improved water source in the home (on premises), and that
82.9 per cent had access to improved water when needed, the lack of information on whether
improved water sources are free from contamination means an assessment of progress towards a
918
‘Safe water’ supply refers to water accessed through a pipe system into dwellings, yards or plots; through public tap;
and through protected wells, as per Philippine Statistics Authority, Annual Poverty Indicator Survey, 2014.
919
National Economic and Development Agency, Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, p 297.
920
National Economic and Development Agency, Philippine Water Supply Sector Roadmap, 2010, p 36,
http://www.lwua.gov.ph/downloads_14/Philippine%20Water%20Supply%20Sector%20Roadmap%202nd%20Edition.pd
f.
921
WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply, Sanitation and Hygiene, Estimates on the Use of water,
sanitation and hygiene in Philippines, Updated July 2017, accessed at https://washdata.org/data#!/phl, accessed 22
August 2017.
173
safely managed water source is not possible.922 These figures in relation to use of improved water in
the home and with availability when needed suggest that, despite the high proportion of the
population with access to improved water in some form, it may be difficult for the Philippines to
achieve the SDG of universal access to safely managed water sources by 2030.923
According to the 2017 JMP Report, figures for the Philippines stand only just below the regional924
average for use of improved water sources (93.3 per cent compared to 95 per cent regionally). 925
However, the Philippines is slightly further behind in relation to use of basic drinking water (90.5 per
cent in the Philippines compared to 95 per cent regionally).926
Figure 6.3, which uses data from the 2017 JMP Report shows that there has been a steady
improvement in the use of improved water sources since 2000 in the Philippines. There has also been
a reduction in the proportion of the population using surface water. Interestingly, there has been a
small decrease in the proportion of the population using a piped water source, but an increase in the
proportion of the population using an improved water source which is accessible on the premises.
This may reflect the challenges in building piped infrastructure to accommodate the growing
population, but an increase in provision of improved water through other means, such as water
delivery service, for example.
Table 6.3. Drinking Water Estimates in the Philippines, 2000-2015

Drinking Water
Estimated coverage 2015, published 2017
Population using an improved source which is:
more
water
Improved within 30
Unimproved water
than 30 minutes
on
from
Available when
minutes (Basic)
contamination
Surface water
Non Piped
Accessible
Improved
Improved
premises
(Limited)
needed
source
Piped
Year
2000 88.7 86.1 2.6 6.0 5.3 46.8 41.9 39.3 78.8 Free
n/a
2005 90.2 87.5 2.7 5.9 3.8 45.6 44.6 45.3 80.2 n/a
2010 91.8 89.0 2.8 6 2.3 44.5 47.3 52.8 81.5 n/a
2015 93.3 90.5 2.8 5.9 0.7 43.5 49.9 60.8 82.9 n/a
Source: JMP Estimates 2017
922
August 2017.
923
For reference, in 2015, the Philippines was considered to have met the MDG target for access to safe water sources
because 41 per cent of the population in 2015 had gained access to safe water sources since 1990. UNICEF and WHO,
25 years Progress on Sanitation and Drinking Water, 2015 Update and MDG Assessment, 2015, p 69.
924
Eastern Asia and the South-East Asia Region.
925
926
174
July 2017
Table 6.4. Drinking water service in Philippines, 2000 to 2015 estimates as published in 2017
100 2.3 0.7
5.3 3.8
5.9
6
5.9 2.8
6 2.8
90 2.7
2.6
80
70
Percentage of population
60
50
89 90.5
86.1 87.5
40
30
20
10
0
2000 2005 2010 2015
Basic Limited Unimproved Surface Water
6.2.2. Geographical disparities
There is a disparity between availability of improved water sources in urban and rural areas, with
98.4 per cent of the urban population using improved water sources in 2015, compared to 89.3 per
cent of the rural population.927 Some of this may be due to the increase in the proportion of the urban
population using packaged (i.e. bottled or otherwise contained) water in the Philippines, which rose
from around 20 per cent in 2005 to over 40 per cent in 2010.928
927
August 2017.
928
UNICEF and WHO, Safely managed drinking water – thematic report on drinking water 2017, p 37
175
There is also a large difference between the use of water piped onto the premises in rural and urban
areas. According to the 2017 JMP Report, it was estimated that 58.8 per cent of the urban population
had access to water piped into their premises in 2015, compared to only 31.2 per cent of the rural
population.929 Interestingly, as seen in Figure 6.4, below, the proportion of the urban population with
access to piped water decreased between 2000 and 2015.930 As mentioned above, this may be due to
the challenges in developing piped infrastructure sufficiently quickly to serve the needs of a rapidly
urbanising population.
The table also shows that the use of surface water has reduced in both rural and urban areas but that
disparities between urban and rural areas remain, with use at zero per cent in urban areas and 1.3
per cent in rural.931
Table 6.4. Drinking water service in Philippines, Rural and Urban areas, 2000 to 2015 estimates
as published in 2017
929
Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply and Sanitation, Estimates on the use of water sources and sanitation
facilities, updated June 2015, Philippines data: https://www.wssinfo.org/.
930
Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply and Sanitation, Estimates on the use of water sources and sanitation
facilities, updated June 2015, Philippines data: https://www.wssinfo.org/.
931
August 2017.
176
July 2017
100 0.7 1.3 1.5 2

5.3 5.9 4.4 1.6
8.8
9.4 1.9
6 2.8
90
2.6 7.5 3.5
3.3
80
70
Percentage of population
60
50
96.4
90.5 92.2
86.1 85.8
40 80.4
30
20
10
0
2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015
Total Rural Urban
Basic Limited Unimproved Surface water
Table 6.5. Drinking Water Estimates in Rural areas of the Philippines, 2000–2015
Rural Drinking Water
Population using an improved source which
30 minutes (Limited)
Improved more than
is:
Improved within 30
Unimproved water
Improved water
minutes (Basic)
Available when
contamination
Surface water
Accessible on
Non Piped
Free from
premises
needed
source
Piped
Year
2000 83.7 80.4 3.3 7.5 8.8 31.6 52.1 25.6 73.9 n/a
177
2005 85.6 82.2 3.4 8.1 6.3 31.5 54.1 31.6 75.6 n/a
2010 87.5 84.0 3.4 8.7 3.8 31.4 56.1 39.1 77.2 n/a
2015 89.3 85.8 3.5 9.4 1.3 31.2 58.1 46.9 78.9 n/a
Table 6.6. Drinking Water Estimates in Urban areas in the Philippines, 2000-2015
Urban Drinking Water
than 30 minutes Population using an improved source which is:
more
water
Improved within 30
Unimproved water
on
from
Available when
minutes (Basic)
contamination
Surface water
Non Piped
Accessible
Improved
Improved
premises
(Limited)
needed
source
Piped
Year
Free
2000 94.1 92.2 1.9 4.4 1.5 63.2 30.9 54.2 84.2 n/a
2005 95.5 93.6 1.9 3.5 1.0 61.8 33.8 61.0 85.4 n/a
2010 97.0 95.0 2.0 2.6 0.5 60.3 36.7 69.5 86.7 n/a
2015 98.4 96.4 2.0 1.6 0 58.8 39.6 78.2 87.9 n/a
According to the 2017 JMP Report, there was also a disparity in the use of water sources between
regions in the Philippines. In 2013, ARMM was the lowest-performing region with only 62.27 per cent
of the population using at least a basic water supply, compared to 99.81 per cent of the population
of the NCR, the highest-performing region.932
Table 6.7. Drinking water service in Philippines by region, 2013 estimates as published in 2017
932
August 2017.
178
July 2017
100
Coverage (percentage)
80
60
40
20
At least basic Limited Service Unimproved Surface Water
In addition to the JMP Report, the 2013 Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey
(FLEMMS), which was carried out in 26,000 households across the Philippines, recorded disparities
between regions in relation to water supply. It reported that NCR (47.8 per cent) and CALABARZON
(47.1 per cent) had the largest proportion of households with piped water into the dwelling. 933 The
use of bottled water was most common in NCR (46.3 per cent) and Central Visayas (40.5 per cent). 934
Further, the 2016 Multiple Indicator Survey (MIS), which was carried out in a non-representative
sample of 36 municipalities in the Philippines, showed that remote, island municipalities were least
likely to have access to improved water sources. 935 In Sulu, Siasi and Parang, tankers or trucked water
were the most common source of drinking water (up to 89 per cent in Parang), while unprotected
wells were the most common source of water in Languyan (51 per cent). 936 In these areas, around 8
in 10 households boiled their drinking water. In contrast, all urban cities surveyed in the 2016 MIS
had near-universal use of improved sources for drinking water.937
The disparities in water service access set out above suggest a need to focus on increasing access to
improved water sources in rural and remote areas, and also in peri-urban areas, in order to reduce
the proportion of the population relying on surface water or unimproved sources, and the quality of
933
Philippines Statistics Authority, Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey 2013, Chapter 4
https://psa.gov.ph/sites/default/files/2013%20FLEMMS%20Final%20Report.pdf.
934
Philippines Statistics Authority, Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey 2013, Chapter 4
935
Demographic Research and Development Foundation, 2016 Multiple Indicator Survey Final Report, 21 November
2016, p 83.
936
2016, p 83.
937
2016, p 83.
179
access to improved sources, as measured in the context of ‘safe water’. Without such targeted
efforts, it will be difficult for the Philippines to meet SDG targets by 2030.
6.2.3. Economic disparities
According to the 2017 JMP data, 99 per cent of the richest wealth quintile in the Philippines were
using at least basic drinking water in 2013, in comparison to only 80 per cent of the poorest wealth
quintile.938 Additionally, zero per cent of the richest wealth quintile used unimproved drinking water
sources or surface water, compared to 17 per cent of the poorest wealth quintile who used
unimproved drinking water sources, and 1 per cent who used surface water.939
Table 6.8: Drinking water service in Philippines by wealth quintile, 2013 estimates as published in
2017
100 0.06 0.24
0.57 0.35 1.74 2.24
5.67 0.95
2.02 0.53
16.85 0.81
80 2.86
Coverage (Percentage)
60
96.02 98.59 98.81

91.96
40 79.72
20
0
Poorest Poorest Middle Rich Richest
At least basic Limited Service Unimproved Surface Water
Source: JMP estimates 2017
938
939
180
July 2017
The interaction between economic and rural/urban disparities suggests that the wealthiest quintile
of the population feels the impact of the rural/urban divide least acutely, while on the other hand,
those living in rural areas are worse off across all wealth quintiles. Of the rural population who are in
the poorest wealth quintile 74.51 per cent are using basic water sources, 20.98 per cent use
unimproved water sources and 1.02 per cent use surface water, compared to 92.06 per cent of the
urban population in the poorest wealth quintile who were using basic water sources, 6.12 per cent
who used unimproved water sources and 0.21 per cent who used surface water.940 Among the highest
wealth quintiles, of those living in rural areas and in the richest quintile, 97.93 per cent were using
basic water sources, 1.53 per cent used limited water sources, 0.42 per cent used unimproved water
sources and 0.12 per cent used surface water. In comparison, of those in the richest quintile living in
urban areas, 99.44 per cent use basic water sources, 0.5 per cent use limited water sources and .05
per cent use unimproved sources.941 These discrepancies suggest a need to focus on improving access
to improved sources of drinking water for those in the lower wealth quintiles in order to meet
international development targets.
Table 6.9. Drinking water service in Philippines by wealth quintile and rural or urban, 2013
estimates as published in 2017
940
August 2017.
941
August 2017.
181
6.3. Access to improved sanitation facilities
Poor sanitation can have substantial health impacts for children, including a higher prevalence of
diarrheal disease, intestinal worms, enteropathy, malnutrition, and death.942 According to the WHO,
most diarrheal deaths in the world (88 per cent) are caused by unsafe water, sanitation, or hygiene. 943
More than 99 per cent of these deaths are in developing countries, and about 8 in every 10 deaths
942
UNICEF, WSP, World Bank Group, Child Faeces Disposal in Philippines, February 2015, p 3.
943
WHO, Global Health Risks: Mortality and Burden of Disease Attributable to Selected Major Risks. Geneva: World
Health Organization, 2009, p. 23
http://www.who.int/healthinfo/global_burden_disease/GlobalHealthRisks_report_full.pdf [07.07.17].
182
July 2017
are children.944 Diarrhoea also has an economic impact because it obliges households to incur costs
on medicine, transportation, health facility fees, and more, and can mean lost work, wages, and
productivity among working household members.945 Stunting and worm infestation has also been
linked to reduced intellectual capacity among children, which affects their development and
productivity later in life.946 The WHO estimates that the average IQ loss per worm infection is around
3.75 points.947
According to SDG target 6.2 the Philippines should aim to achieve access to adequate and equitable
sanitation for all by 2030. The measure of whether they have met this target is the proportion of
population using safely managed sanitation services. As with drinking water, JMP has set out three
qualifying elements of a safely managed sanitation service, which are fulfilled when access to
‘improved facilities’ (which include flush/pour flush to piped sewer systems, septic tanks or pit
latrines; ventilated improved pit latrines, composting toilets or pit latrines with slabs) 948 that are not
shared with other households, and where:
1) Excreta are ‘treated and disposed of in situ’
2) Excreta are stored on site and then emptied for transportation and treatment off site
3) Excreta are transported through a sewerage system alongside wastewater and then
treated offsite.949
Households with access to improved sanitation services in which excreta are not managed in line
with one of these three methods are considered to have access to a basic service. Households with
access to improved sanitation that is shared is considered ‘limited’. 950 An unimproved sanitation
service is one that involves the use of pit latrines without a slab or platform, hanging latrines or
bucket latrines.951
Table 6.10: JMP service ladder for improved sanitation facilities
944
WHO, Global Health Risks: Mortality and Burden of Disease Attributable to Selected Major Risks. Geneva: World
Health Organization, 2009, p. 23
http://www.who.int/healthinfo/global_burden_disease/GlobalHealthRisks_report_full.pdf [07.07.17].
945
Favin, M., G. Naimoli, and L. Sherburne, Improving Health through Behaviour Change: A Process Guide on Hygiene
Promotion. Joint Publication, Washington, DC: Environmental Health Project (EHP), 2004, p. 7.
946
WHO, Report of the Third Global Meeting of the Partners for Parasite Control: Deworming for Health and
Development. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2005, p 15.
947
WHO, Report of the Third Global Meeting of the Partners for Parasite Control: Deworming for Health and
Development. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2005, p 15.
948
949
950
951
183
Source: JMP 2017
6.3.1. Access to sanitation in the Philippines
The PDP includes a sanitation-specific goal to increase the percentage of households with access to
‘basic sanitation’952 to 97.46 per cent by 2022.953 It should be noted that the reference to basic
sanitation in the PDP includes shared toilets, while basic sanitation as measured by the JMP does not
952
‘Basic sanitation’ refers to flush toilet (either owned or shared) and closed pit facilities – National Economic and
Development Authority, Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, p 351.
953
National Economic and Development Authority, Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, Table 19.4.
184
July 2017
include shared toilets. The 2010 Philippines Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap and the National
Sustainable Sanitation Plan (NSSP) set out key sanitation development goals, in addition to detailing
the roles and responsibilities of the main sanitation stakeholders.954 These goals include having
universal (100 per cent) access to safe and adequate sanitary facilities within communities by 2028.955
Evidence suggests that, while good progress has been achieved over the past decades, the Philippines
still has a long way to go to meet SDG 6.2.956 As of 2015, only 75 per cent of the Philippines’ population
was using basic sanitation services, 16.5 per cent was using limited sanitation services and 2.7 per
cent was using unimproved sanitation. It was not possible to estimate the proportion of the
population using safely managed sanitation because data on the method of disposal of waste were
not available.957 Figure 6.11 below shows that there had been a steady increase in the use of improved
sanitation facilities between 2000 and 2015 (open defecation is discussed in more detail in the next
section).
Table 6.11: Sanitation services in Philippines, 2000 to 2015 estimates as published in 2017
100
9.5 7.6 5.7
10.9 2.7
90 4.3
7.5 5.7
16.5
80 15.9
15.3
Proportion of population
14.7
70
60
50
40
72.2 75
67 69.5
30
20
10
0
2000 2005 2010 2015
Basic Limited Unimproved Open defecation
Table 6.12: Sanitation coverage in the Philippines, 2000-2015
954
Robinson, A, Enabling Environment for scaling up sustainable sanitation and hygiene in the Philippines, 2012, p 10.
955
Department of Health, Philippines Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap, April 2010, p 14,
http://www.wpro.who.int/philippines/publications/philippine_sanitation_roadmap.pdf?ua=1.
956
Based on an MDG assessment carried out by JMP in 2015 the Philippines did not meet the MDG sanitation target for
2015, with only an additional 39 per cent of the population having gained access to improved sanitation facilities since
1990, but the country was still considered to have made ‘good progress’ towards the sanitation-related MDG. WHO and
UNICEF, Progress on drinking water, sanitation and hygiene: 2017 update and SDG baselines, 2017, p 68.
957
August 2017.
185
Sanitation
Year Total Improved Improved Unimproved Open Population using an improved and
improved and not and sanitation defecation not shared sanitation facility:
sanitation shared shared Latrines Septic Sewer
(Basic) (limited) and other tank connection
2000 81.6 67.0 14.7 7.5 10.9 9.8 53.5 3.7
2005 84.8 69.5 15.3 5.7 9.5 13.1 53.3 3.1
2010 88.1 72.2 15.9 4.3 7.6 10.5 59.0 2.8
2015 91.5 75.0 16.5 2.7 5.7 6.0 66.6 2.4
Figures for the Philippines stand slightly below the regional average for usage of basic sanitation (75
per cent compared to 77 per cent), and considerably higher than the regional average for usage of
improved sanitation (91.5 per cent compared to the regional average of 83.08 per cent).958
6.3.2. Open defecation

According to SDG target 6.2, the Philippines should end all open defecation by 2030. This target is
reflected in the DOH’s document “12 Legacies for 2022”, which includes the goal of achieving ‘Zero
Open Defecation by 2022.’959 Open defecation poses a serious threat to public health and the
environment, potentially leading to groundwater pollution as well as spread of water- and faecal-
borne illnesses such as diarrhoea, intestinal worms, and cholera. It can also affect economic and
social development, because, for example, when children suffer ill-health, they may not be able to
attend school, or to engage as actively in their schooling, which eventually limits their productivity as
adults.960
As of 2015, it was estimated that around 5.74 per cent of the Philippines’ population still practiced
open defecation.961 According to the 2017 JMP Report, open defecation rates have declined in both
urban and rural areas between 2000 and 2015 (by 7.7 percentage points in rural areas and 2.7
percentage points in urban areas).962 However, as of 2015, there was still a difference in the
prevalence of open defecation in urban and rural areas, with a rate of 2.7 per cent in urban areas,
compared to 8.2 per cent in rural areas.963 The national prevalence of open defecation in Philippines
(5.74 per cent) is greater than the regional average for open defecation in 2015, which is estimated
958
959
See e.g. The Mindanao Daily Mirror, “12 legacies for health pushed”, April 2017,
http://mindanaodailymirror.com/12-legacies-health-pushed-35713/.
960
REECS, WSP, UNICEF, Department of Health, Scaling up demand and supply for rural sanitation, Final Report, April
2013, p 4.
961
August 2017.
962
August 2017.
963
August 2017.
186
July 2017
at 3.28 per cent.964 In terms of disparities across income quintiles, according to the 2017 JMP data, in
2013, zero per cent of the richest wealth quintile was practising open defecation, compared to 22.38
per cent of the poorest wealth quintile.965
Table 6.13. Proportion of population practicing open defecation in Philippines, 2013 estimates
18
16
14
12
10
8 15.9
6 10.9
4 8.2
5.7 5.4
2
2.7
0
2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015
Total Rural Urban

The 2017 JMP Report also recorded a regional disparity in the practice of open defecation in the
Philippines. In 2013 in ARMM, the lowest-performing region, 39.4 per cent of the population
practised open defecation, compared to only 0.62 per cent of the population of Ilocos, the highest-
performing region.966 This is likely to be linked to the lack of sanitation facilities available in ARMM,
as shown by Figure 6.17, for example. Regional data in relation to open defecation are set out in
Figure 6.14 below.
Table 6.14: Proportion of population practicing open defecation in Philippines by region, 2013
964
August 2017.
965
August 2017.
966
August 2017.
187
50
39.44
40
30
20 15.59 17.25
9.6310.61 8.12 9.72 9.49

10
3.46 4.08 3.00 3.95
0.63 0.62 1.39 1.37 1.92
0
A 2017 UNICEF study found that the main reasons for continuing open defecation in the Philippines
were a ‘lack of available toilets or a lack of household toilet ownership’, compounded by the view
that shared toilet facilities were undesirable.967 The study also cited additional reasons for continuing
open defecation, including ‘lack of water availability, perceptions that open defecation by small
children is acceptable and a lack of sanitation facilities when people are not at home.’ 968
These figures and analysis indicate that the Philippines still has work to do to meet the SDG and DOH
targets in relation to open defecation, and that increasing access to improved sanitation facilities in
poor, rural communities will need to be prioritised alongside social behaviour change programmes
that encourage the use of sanitation facilities. Additionally, those regions and areas with the highest
rates of open defecation should be prioritised.
6.3.3. Geographical disparities
There is a relatively small difference between rural and urban areas in the Philippines in relation to
usage of basic sanitation, as compared to the larger discrepancy noted earlier in relation to usage of
basic water sources. According to the 2017 JMP estimates, as of 2015, 79.8 per cent of the population
in urban areas used improved sanitation facilities, compared to 71.9 per cent of the population in
rural areas. A higher proportion of the rural population of the Philippines used unimproved sanitation
967
p 33.
968
p 33.
188
July 2017
(3.5 per cent) than the urban population at only 1.8 per cent.969 Data recorded between 2000 and
2015 shows an improvement in usage of basic sanitation services across the Philippines, with a
greater increase in rural areas, where usage rose from 59.15 per cent in 2000 to 71.87 per cent in
2015, compared to urban areas in which the increase was from 75.44 per cent in 2000 to 78.88 per
cent in 2015.970 This may reflect the challenges in dealing with rapid urbanisation which may slow the
rate of improvement in urban areas.
Table 6.15. Sanitation services in Philippines in urban and rural areas, 2000 to 2015 estimates
100 5.4 2.7
5.7 8.2 1.8
10.9
2.7 15.9 3.3
3.5
16.6
7.5
16.5 15.9
80 16.5
11.4
14.7
13.5
60
40 79.8
75 75.4
71.9
67
59.1
20
0
2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015
Total Rural Urban
At Least Basic Limited Unimproved Open Defecation
969
August 2017.
970
August 2017.
189
There appears to be an historical difference between the type of sanitation facilities used in rural and
urban areas which, though lessened over time, continues to exist. For example, in 2000, 39 per cent
of the population in rural areas used a septic tank, while in urban areas, this stood at 69.5 per cent.
This difference had decreased in 2015, by which point 62.5 per cent of the rural population was using
a septic tank, compared to 71.7 per cent of the urban population.971
Table 6.16. Estimated coverage of sanitation services in Philippines in urban and rural areas,
2000 to 2015 estimates as published in 2017
Rural Sanitation
Year Improved Improved Improved Unimproved Open Population using an improved and
sanitation and not and sanitation defecation not shared sanitation facility:
shared shared Latrines Septic Sewer
2000 72.7 59.1 13.5 11.4 15.9 18.6 39.0 1.6
2005 77.9 63.4 14.5 8.4 13.7 22.6 39.0 1.8
2010 83.1 67.6 15.5 5.9 11.0 16.1 49.4 2.1
2015 88.3 71.9 16.5 3.5 8.2 7.0 62.5 2.4
Urban Sanitation
Year Improved Improved Improved Unimproved Open Population using an improved and
sanitation and not and sanitation defecation not shared sanitation facility:
shared shared Latrines Septic Sewer
2000 91.4 75.4 15.9 3.3 5.4 0 69.5 6
2005 92.8 76.6 16.2 2.7 4.6 2.0 69.8 4.8
2010 94.1 77.7 16.4 2.2 3.6 3.5 70.6 3.6
2015 95.5 79.8 16.6 1.8 2.7 4.8 71.7 2.4
According to the 2017 JMP data, there was also a disparity in use of sanitation services between
regions in the Philippines. In 2013, ARMM was the lowest performing region with only 21.72 per cent
of the population using at least basic sanitation, compared to 86.14 per cent of the population of
CALABARZON, the highest performing region.972
971
August 2017.
972
190
July 2017
Table 6.17. Sanitation services in Philippines by region, 2013 estimates as published in 2017
100
80
60
40
20
At Least Basic Limited service Unimproved Open Defecation
6.3.4. Economic disparities
According to the 2017 JMP Report, in 2013, 93 per cent of the richest wealth quintile in the
Philippines were using at least basic sanitation, in comparison to only 45 per cent of the poorest
wealth quintile.973 Further, 23 per cent of the poorest wealth quintile used limited sanitation services,
in comparison to 7 per cent of the richest wealth quintile.974 None of the richest wealth quintile used
unimproved sanitation, compared to 9 per cent of the poorest wealth quintile.975
973
August 2017.
974
August 2017.
975
August 2017.
191
Table 6.18. Sanitation services in Philippines by wealth quintile, 2013 estimates as published in
2017
100 1.98 1.66 0.19 0.44
7.03 3.03 6.54
4.39 14.85
22.38
24.29
80
28.35
9.47
60
23.47
93.02
83.30
40
70.70
60.23
44.68
20
0
Poorest Poorest Middle Rich Richest
At least Basic Limited service Unimproved Open Defecation
In addition to the discrepancies identified through the JMP Report, the 2014 Annual Poverty
Indicators Survey (APIS) which included 10,469 households from across the Philippines, also found
differences in use of sanitation services based on wealth. The APIS Report found that families in the
bottom 30 per cent of the income stratum were more likely to use ‘unsanitary’ types of toilet facilities
compared to families in the top 70 per cent of the income stratum.976 Among households in the
bottom 30 per cent of the income stratum, 7.5 per cent had no toilet or used a field or bush for a
toilet, compared to only 1.1 per cent of households in the top 70 per cent of the income stratum. 977
The 2013 FLEMMS data recorded a similar finding, noting that 83.7 per cent of households in the top
976
Annual Poverty Indicators Survey, Open pit, drop or overhang and pail systems are considered as ‘unsanitary’, 2014,
p 17, https://psa.gov.ph/sites/default/files/2014%20APIS%20Final%20Report.pdf.
977
Annual Poverty Indicators Survey, Open pit, drop or overhang and pail systems are considered as ‘unsanitary’, 2014,
p 17.
192
July 2017
70 per cent of the income stratum owned a flush toilet, compared to 16.3 per cent of households in
the bottom 30 per cent owned a flush toilet.978
When taking into account both wealth and geography, the data suggest that those living in urban
areas show greater usage of basic sanitation across all wealth quintiles. It is possible that the
difference in use of improved sanitation in poor and rural areas may be caused by the high cost of
materials for improved sanitation facilities, as well as challenges in transporting materials to rural
and remote areas. The discrepancy in outcomes at present suggests a need to focus on improving
usage of basic sanitation for those in the poorest quintiles and in particular, for the poorest quintiles
living in rural areas.
Table 6.19. Sanitation services in Philippines by wealth quintile and urban or rural areas, 2013
100 1.24 0.91 0.190.63
2.29 4.51 2.72 0.28 1.68
7.68 5.31
4.15
12.83 13.02 4.08
13.34
18.56 18.26
27.70
5.77 7.20
80 29.36 23.69
10.29 25.68
33.83
60
19.52
92.13 94.05
85.75
40 78.45 78.83
67.73
64.20
54.10
47.57
42.49
20
0
Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban
At Least Basic Limited Unimproved Open Defecation
978
Philippines Statistics Authority, Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey 2013, p 20,
193
6.4. Hygiene practices
According to SDG target 6.2, by 2030 the Philippines should aim to provide access to adequate and
equitable hygiene for all, paying special attention to the needs of women and girls and those in
vulnerable situations. Hygiene promotion that focuses on key practices in households and schools
(washing hands with soap after using the toilet and before handling food, and the safe disposal of
children’s faeces) is an effective way to prevent diarrhoea (and other diseases), which in turn affect
important development outcomes such as those related to child mortality or school attendance.979
The UN estimates that in the Philippines in 2012, a total of 2,239 children below the age of 5 (19.8
per 100,000 children under 5) died from diarrhoea due to inadequate access to WASH. 980
6.4.1. Handwashing and dental hygiene
There are no UN verified data available on handwashing in the Philippines, including in the 2017 JMP
Report, which makes it impossible to measure progress in the Philippines towards the SDG targets.
However, there are non-national data relating to handwashing and dental hygiene that provide some
insight into the situation in the country. In the non-random sample of 36 municipalities surveyed by
the 2016 MIS, almost all households used a cleansing agent, usually bar soap or detergent. 981 Most
adult household members surveyed in the MIS claimed that they wash their hands before preparing
food, feeding children or eating and after going to the toilet.982
According to the 2011 Philippines Global School-based Health Survey (GSHS), which was
implemented among 5,290 students in Grades 1–4, only 2.9 per cent of students aged 13–15
reported that they usually clean their teeth less than once per day, with a significantly higher
percentage of boys reporting such sub-optimal dental hygiene behaviour (4.1 per cent) compared to
girls (1.8 per cent).983 The GSHS data also revealed that 2.6 per cent of students never or rarely washed
their hands after using the toilet, with 3.1 per cent of boys and 1.8 per cent of girls reporting this sub-
optimal hand-washing behaviour.984
Importantly, this data is self-reported, so it does not necessarily accurately capture hygiene practices,
and it is likely to overestimate the proportion of pupils washing their hands or cleaning their teeth
after toilet use, due to social desirability bias. Unfortunately, the GSHS data also only capture
reported hygiene behaviour of school children in Grades 1–4, so very little is known about hygiene
practices of children in other age groups and children that do not attend school (i.e. out-of-school
youth).
979
See e.g. UN-Water Decade Programme on Advocacy and Communication Information Brief. Available at:
http://www.un.org/waterforlifedecade/waterandsustainabledevelopment2015/images/wash_eng.pdf
980
UN Water Global Analysis and Assessment of Sanitation and Drinking-Water GLAAS 2017 report, p 61.
981
Demographic Research and Development Foundation, Inc., 2016 Multiple indicator survey in 36 municipalities in the
Philippines Final Report, 21 November 2016, p 85.
982
Demographic Research and Development Foundation, Inc., 2016 Multiple indicator survey in 36 municipalities in the
Philippines Final Report, 21 November 2016, p 85.
983
Note that, whilst the Fact Sheet reports confidence intervals, the level of confidence is not reported. Global School
Based Health Survey, Philippines 2011 Fact Sheet, http://www.who.int/chp/gshs/2011_GSHS_FS_Philippines.pdf?ua=1.
984
Note, however, that this difference is not statistically significant, as confidence intervals overlap. Global School
Based Health Survey, Philippines 2011 Fact Sheet, http://www.who.int/chp/gshs/2011_GSHS_FS_Philippines.pdf?ua=1.
194
July 2017
6.4.2. Safe disposal of children’s stools
As noted earlier, most cases of diarrhoea worldwide are caused by unsafe water, inadequate
sanitation or poor hygiene. Safe disposal of children’s stools is crucial in preventing the spread of
diarrheal disease.985 If stools are left uncontained, disease may spread by direct contact or through
animal contact. A child using a toilet directly, or rinsing a child’s stools into a toilet or latrine is
considered safe disposal.986
According to NDHS data, safe disposal of the stools of children aged 3 and under has been declining
in the Philippines in recent years, reducing from 42.5 per cent in 2003 to 37.0 per cent in 2008 and
31.3 per cent in 2013.987 Out of nine countries in East Asia and the Pacific with available comparable
Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) or DHS data, the Philippines ranked third-worst in relation
to the proportion of children whose faeces are safely disposed of.988
According to the 2013 NDHS report, there are notable differences in the proportion of children under
the age of 5 whose stools were disposed of safely based on the age of the child. Only 9.1 per cent of
children in the youngest age group (<6 months) had their stools disposed of safely, compared to 88.4
per cent of children in the oldest age group (48-59 months).989 This is almost certainly because
children aged under 6 months do not use toilets so their stools are caught by nappies or cloths and
then thrown in the garbage or rinsed, which is not considered to be safe disposal; whereas children
aged 48–59 months are more likely to use a toilet or latrine, which is considered safe disposal.990
The 2013 NDHS data also reveal regional differences in relation to safe stool disposal practices in the
Philippines. In MIMAROPA, 62.2 per cent of children under the age of 3 have their stools disposed of
correctly, compared to only 17.2 per cent of children under the age of 3 in ARMM.991
Where households have access to an improved toilet facility, they are more likely to safely dispose
of stools of children under the age of 3. 33.2 per cent of those with an improved (not shared) toilet
and 30.2 per cent of those with an improved (shared) toilet disposed of children’s faeces safely. This
compared to only 24.1 per cent of those with access only to a non-improved public toilet.992
Disposal of faeces in the garbage – an unsafe disposal practice – is more prevalent among households
in urban areas, wealthy households and those who use improved sanitation.993 Its classification as
unsafe reduces the differences seen between urban and rural households and along other socio-
economic lines. According to the 2013 NDHS data, the wealthiest households had the lowest level of
safe disposal of stools for children under the age of 3 at 26.2 per cent compared to 36.6 per cent for
households in the lowest wealth quintile.994 This is likely to be because of the high proportion of
wealthy households throwing stools into the garbage (69.6 per cent) compared to only 28.4 per cent
of households in the lowest wealth quintile. In comparison, 15.8 per cent of households in the lowest
wealth quintile bury stools and 16.8 per cent rinse them away, both of which are considered safe
985
NDHS report 2013, p 134.
986
987
NDHS data from 2003, 2008 and 2013 accessed at http://www.statcompiler.com/en/ on 18 August 2017.
988
Child Faeces Disposal in Philippines, UNICEF, WSP, World Bank Group, February 2015, p 2.
989
990
991
NDHS data from 2003, 2008 and 2013 accessed at http://www.statcompiler.com/en/ on 18 August 2017.
992
NDHS data from 2013 accessed at http://www.statcompiler.com/en/ on 18 August 2017.
993
994
195
disposal, compared to 0.9 per cent of households in the highest wealth quintile who bury stools and
2.6 per cent who rinse them away.995
6.4.3. Menstrual hygiene management
Limited access to sanitary protection materials and a lack of appropriate WASH facilities in schools
have been shown to affect girls negatively, leading in some cases to bullying or harassment, reducing
girls’ self-confidence, concentration and school attendance during menstruation, or even leading to
school dropout.996 In a survey of girls, boys, teachers and mothers at 10 schools in Masbate Province
and the NCR in 2012, it was found that the negative impacts of poor menstrual hygiene management
included girls’ self-exclusion from school and reduced participation in school including distraction,
missing class and absenteeism.997
According to a recent regional report on menstrual hygiene management in East Asia and Pacific, the
Philippines has made ‘significant progress’ on stakeholder engagement and formative research on
menstrual hygiene management.998 The report also suggests that the Philippines has achieved ‘good
progress’ in government leadership on menstrual hygiene management, coordination and menstrual
hygiene management in policies, and having teaching and learning materials on menstrual hygiene
management.999 Lastly, ‘reasonable progress’ has been achieved in placing menstrual hygiene
management into the curriculum for teacher training and for school WASH facilities.1000
However, despite these positive reports, it is clear that challenges still remain in implementation. In
the survey of girls, boys, teachers and mothers at 10 schools in Masbate Province and the NCR in
2012, it was found that the major challenges to menstrual hygiene management were the inability
of girls to manage their menses in school discretely, leading to feelings of stress, shame and
embarrassment.1001 Lack of access to adequate WASH facilities in school was considered to be a
determinant of menstruation-related challenges for girls.1002 In addition, girls were reported to have
difficulty obtaining sanitary pads, which are often not available at school or are too expensive for
995
996
See e.g. UNICEF, Supporting the Rights of Girls and Women through Menstrual Hygiene Management (MHM) in the
East Asia and Pacific Region: Realities, progress and opportunities, UNICEF East Asia and Pacific Regional Office
(EAPRO), Bangkok, Thailand, 2016,
https://www.unicef.org/eapro/MHM_Realities_Progress_and_OpportunitiesSupporting_opti.pdf [05.05.17].
997
WASH in schools, Empower Girls Education in Masbate Province and Metro Manila, Philippines, an assessment of
menstrual hygiene management in schools, UNICEF, 2013, p 9.
998
UNICEF, Supporting the Rights of Girls and Women through Menstrual Hygiene Management (MHM) in the East Asia
and Pacific Region: Realities, progress and opportunities, UNICEF East Asia and Pacific Regional Office (EAPRO),
Bangkok, Thailand, 2016, p 14.
999
UNICEF, Supporting the Rights of Girls and Women through Menstrual Hygiene Management (MHM) in the East Asia
and Pacific Region: Realities, progress and opportunities, UNICEF East Asia and Pacific Regional Office (EAPRO),
1000
UNICEF, Supporting the Rights of Girls and Women through Menstrual Hygiene Management (MHM) in the East
Asia and Pacific Region: Realities, progress and opportunities, UNICEF East Asia and Pacific Regional Office (EAPRO),
1001
UNICEF, WASH in schools, Empower Girls Education in Masbate Province and Metro Manila, Philippines, an
assessment of menstrual hygiene management in schools, 2013, p 1.
1002
196
July 2017
girls to afford, so many used cloths, which need more regular changing.1003 In the face of these
challenges, it was reported that girls would go home instead of using school toilets, meaning they
would miss out on class time.1004
In the 10 schools surveyed, the student-to-toilet ratio was found to be much higher than the WHO-
UNICEF standards of 25 girls per school toilet: the mean ratio being 325 girls per toilet in primary
school and 207 per toilet in secondary school.1005 It was also found that there were a number of toilets
which were not functioning or not clean, which, in practice, reduced the student-to-toilet ratio even
further.1006 Additionally, some toilets had a lack of privacy due to gaps in the structures, or doors that
did not lock.1007
Another cause of inadequate menstrual hygiene management identified in the UNICEF report was
the lack of knowledge about menstruation among girls. This was combined with misinformation from
friends, family and even teachers, often based on traditional practices such as not bathing for the
first three days of menstruation, not doing heavy lifting or physical work, not interacting with boys
and not consuming sour foods.1008 Although menstrual hygiene management is part of the curriculum
in the Philippines, it is reported that there is a lack of learning materials for pupils to access and a
lack of accountability mechanisms to ensure that the correct information is being provided by
teachers, some of whom revert to the traditional beliefs set out above due to a lack of confidence in
or about the MHM curriculum.1009
6.5. WASH in Schools
UNICEF Philippines is currently working with DepEd to improve school-based management of WASH,
with national policy and guidelines that will see a staged approach to gradually improving WASH in
schools.1010 The DepEd goal is to have 100 per cent of schools with access to water, sanitation and
hygiene facilities, with a standard of 1:50 toilet-to-pupil ratio.1011 Importantly, national standards on
the toilet-to-pupil ratio are lower than international standards, which require one toilet per 25 girls
and one toilet and one urinal per 50 boys.1012
At present, a large number of schools fail to meet national DepEd standards regarding sanitation
facilities: according to the PDP for 2017-2022, 3,819 schools in the Philippines still lack water supply
1003
1004
1005
1006
1007
1008
1009
1010
Key Informant Interview with representative from UNICEF, Friday, 16 June 2017, Manila.
1011
Policy and Guidelines for the Comprehensive Water, Sanitation and Hygiene in Schools (WINS) Program, p 5.
1012
UNICEF and WHO, Water, Sanitation and Hygiene Standards for Schools in Low-Cost Settings, 2009, Guideline 5, p.
22.
197
and sanitation facilities.1013 In 2014, 38.5 per cent of high schools had more than 50 girls per toilet and
37 per cent of high schools had more than 50 boys per toilet, failing to meet the DepEd standard. 1014
At elementary school level, 22 per cent of schools had more than 50 girls per toilet, and 19 per cent
had more than 50 boys per toilet.1015 70 per cent of high schools in highly urbanized cities had more
than 50 female students per toilet, compared to a lower 32 per cent in the more rural
municipalities.1016
Although high schools tend to be better equipped than elementary schools, one third of high schools
have no safe source of drinking water.1017 High schools are more likely to be located in urban areas,
where they rely on piped water and do not have access to alternative sources such as drinking wells.
Where schools do not have access to safe drinking water, this can be detrimental to pupils’
attendance and learning, particularly if students and teachers have to leave the school premises to
collect water.1018 There may also be health impacts due to lack of safe drinking water including
dehydration or illness.
Infrastructure in schools is identified as an issue in the education chapter of this report (see section
7). In 2015, the DepEd target was to build 30,506 water and sanitation facilities in schools, but only
3,330 were built; 545 facilities were repaired, which met the DepEd target for 2015.1019 It appears that
infrastructure for children with disabilities is limited due to a lack of classrooms and facilities,
appropriate toilets, that are accessible to children with disabilities.1020
6.6. WASH in Day Care Centres and Early Child Care and Development
DSWD Administrative Order No. 15 series of 2011 (Guidelines for the Accreditation of Day Care
Centres and Day Care Workers) provides standards on the availability of safe water supply, functional
toilets and hand washing sinks and prescribes hand-washing practice in day care centres (DCCs)1021
that cater to children aged 3–4 years old.1022 However, it is not clear how and to what extent these
Guidelines have been implemented in practice, and quantitative data on WASH in DCCs are not
available.
Under the DILG-DepEd Joint Memorandum Circular for Water, Sanitation and Hygiene in Early Child
Care and Development (ECCD), there is a commitment to have access to safe, clean water for
1013
National Economic and Development Authority, Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, p 294.
1014
World Bank, Assessing Basic Education Service Delivery in the Philippines, June 2016, p 58.
1015
1016
1017
1018
1019
Department of Education, FY 2015 Physical Report of Operation as of December 31 2015.
1020
Five Year Development Plan for the Education of Children with Disabilities (CWD) SYs 2014-15 through 2018-19. A
Plan prepared for the Department of Education by the Advisory Council for the Education of Children and Youth with
Disabilities and Asian Institute of Management, Presentation delivered June 2014.
1021
UNICEF, et al, WASH (water, sanitation and hygiene) in Day Care Centres power point presentation (undated)
http://www.itnphil.org.ph/docs/WinD%20Intro%20long%20version.pdf.
1022
DILG-DepEd Joint Memorandum-Circular for Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene in early child care and development
(ECCD), Paragraph D.5, p.4, available at: http://www.dilg.gov.ph/issuances/jc/DILG-DepEd-Joint-Memorandum-Circular-
for-Water-Sanitation-and-Hygiene-wash-in-early-child-care-and-development-ECCD/68.
198
July 2017
drinking, handwashing and tooth brushing materials in all early learning centres, specifically day care
centres and child development centres, as well as at least one functional sanitary toilet per centre.1023
The Early Years Act of 2013 recognises 0 to 8 years as the first crucial stage of educational
development, of which the 0- to 4-year-old age range falls under the responsibility of the ECCD
Council, and the 5–8 years age range falls under the responsibility of DepEd.1024 In practice, it appears
that in most LGUs, WASH-related programming and activities in ECCD include the provision of toilet
and handwashing facilities, hygiene education and provision of hygiene kits.1025
In a recent, non-representative ECCD Longitudinal Study, which followed a cohort of approximately
4500 students from Kindergarten to Grade 2 elementary school, 77 per cent of the 65 facilities
surveyed had piped water, a water tank or a spring to access water, and 65 per cent had access to
safe drinking water.1026 The ECCD Longitudinal Study also found that 80 per cent of surveyed facilities
had a handwashing station, and nearly all, 92 per cent, had toilets. However, only 8 per cent had
made adequate arrangements for students with disabilities.1027 The ECCD Longitudinal Study also
found a relationship between the school’s basic facilities and pupils’ performance in literacy and
mathematics such that when children, particularly those of low socio-economic status, attended
schools with basic facilities, they demonstrated higher levels of growth than those attending schools
without such facilities.1028
In a recent UNICEF study on ECCD budgeting at LGU level in 36 cities and municipalities across the
Philippines, it was found that the WASH budget component showed the lowest share of the total
budget, especially during the first two budget years (2013–2014) analysed, when very few WASH
facilities were built (0.2 per cent of the budget). The overall LGU ECCD budget spent on WASH
increased to 1.8 per cent in 2015, but decreased again to 1.1 per cent in 2016.1029 The study also found
differences between LGUs in terms of WASH expenditure with, for example, Siayan spending 87 per
cent of its ECCD budget on WASH but several surveyed LGUs spending none at all on WASH.1030 While
some LGU WASH budgets will be lower than others because they will already have the infrastructure
in place, in other cases, this disparity highlights the extent to which spending autonomy among LGUs
could contribute to inequities in access to WASH in ECCD across the Philippines.
1023
DILG-DepEd Joint Memorandum-Circular for Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene in early child care and development
(ECCD).
1024
Republic Act No.10410 (Early Years Act) of 2013. Available at:
http://www.eccdcouncil.gov.ph/cmsms/uploads/downloads/RA-10410.pdf [07.07.17].
1025
A study on Factors Affecting Local Government Budgets and Expenditures for Early Childhood Care and
Development (ECCD) at City and Municipal Levels, Philippines, Final Report May 2016, p 14.
1026
Philippines Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD) Longitudinal Study, Round 1 and 2 Longitudinal Report,
Final 29 May 2017, p 89.
1027
Final 29 May 2017, p 89.
1028
Final 29 May 2017, p 89.
1029
1030
199
6.7. WASH in Health Care Facilities
The provision of adequate WASH in health care facilities serves to prevent infections and spread of
disease, protect staff and patients, and uphold the dignity of vulnerable populations, including
pregnant women and the disabled.1031 The Philippines Water Supply Sector Roadmap 2010 lists the
goal of reducing maternal mortality ‘by ensuring that water is available in health centres for pregnant
mothers.’1032 Furthermore, DOH Administrative Order 2010-0021 declared sustainable sanitation a
National Policy and a National Priority Program of the DOH, with the goal of achieving universal
access to safe and adequate sanitary facilities by 2028.1033 It is not possible to assess the situation and
progress in the Philippines in relation to WASH in health care facilities, as quantitative data are not
available.
6.8. Barriers and Bottlenecks in WASH
The key barriers and bottlenecks in WASH (and the intersections between nutrition and WASH
outcomes) were mapped out by groups of key stakeholders at the consultation workshop that
informed this SitAn using a methodology that involved selecting a key deprivation within the field of
nutrition/WASH, and identifying a causality chain of immediate, underlying and structural causes.
The map for WASH/nutrition is presented above in the previous chapter (Table 5.7). The causality
chain that the stakeholders developed for WASH shows that the poor WASH practices highlighted in
this Chapter contribute to an unhealthy household and community environment.
In addition to the barriers and bottlenecks mapped by the key stakeholders, existing research and
key informant interviews carried out for this study indicate that are other barriers and bottlenecks
contributing to poor WASH outcomes.
6.8.1. Enabling Environment
Governance
The multitude of departments with accountabilities for water and sanitation contributes to
fragmentation and lack of coordination in the sector. While the Government has stated that the DOH
has responsibility for WASH as it relates to environmental health,1034 it would appear that the DOH
has not yet fully absorbed this responsibility in practice. For example, the only unit of DOH dealing
with sanitation is the Environment and Occupational Health Office of the National Disease Control
and Prevention Center, whose mandate in sanitation is limited to policy formulation. 1035 Further,
according to key informant interviews, DOH accountability and enforcement for WASH only extends
as far as the regional level. At the provincial and municipal levels, Health Offices report to the
Governor and Mayor respectively, meaning that implementation of national WASH policies at sub-
regional levels may be inconsistent and fragmented.1036
1031
WHO/UNICEF, Water, sanitation and hygiene in health care facilities Status in low- and middle-income countries
and way forward, 2005, P.1 http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/154588/1/9789241508476_eng.pdf.
1032
National Economic and Development Agency, Philippines Water Supply Sector Road Map, 2010, p 36.
1033
Department of Health Administrative Order 2010-0021, Sustainable Sanitation as a National Policy and a National
Priority Program of the Department of Health (DOH), June 25 2010..
1034
1035
1036
200
July 2017
There are a number of government departments and other agencies involved in the implementation
of WASH policy and strategy nationwide, with the Inter-Agency Committee on Environmental Health
acting as the coordinating body. However it appears that this Committee is not used for coordination
in practice, that key departments such as DepEd, are not members1037 and that the Philippines
Development Forum Working Group on WASH (discussed in section 6.2) rarely meets.1038
At present, the Philippines does not have a comprehensive and transparent policy setting out
institutional responsibilities for sanitation. This contributes to fragmented accountability and
implementation. Although there is a 1975 Sanitation Code, it was recognised in the Philippines
Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap 2010 that this Code should be revisited in light of the growing
concerns of the country, including population stresses, water pollution and climate change.1039 In
relation to climate change in particular, the Roadmap notes that more sustainable sanitation services
that are resistant and resilient in the face of natural disasters will be increasingly important in the
future.1040 Despite these growing needs, Republic Act 9275 or the Clean Water Act 2004, focuses
mainly on conventional sanitation services that are prohibitively expensive for most LGUs. 1041 This
makes it difficult for LGUs to implement the Clean Water Act 2004, and for them to turn their
attention to alternative sanitation systems which may be more appropriate to local circumstances.1042
Although both sanitation and water are supposed to be devolved to LGUs under the 1991 Act, the
major agencies have not changed their processes and continue to directly plan and implement
projects rather than providing support to and developing the capacity of LGUs to plan and implement
projects themselves.1043 This may be one reason why implementation of WASH policy at LGU level is
reported to be limited.1044 Fragmented accountabilities across government agencies, and a lack of co-
ordination, leads to different agencies giving different directions to LGUs, resulting in overlaps and
gaps in policy and approach.1045 LGUs are reported to lack the skills and knowledge needed to plan
appropriate approaches for both rural and urban areas.1046
One main governance challenge in relation to sanitation in particular, is that most sanitation planning
is incorporated within water planning, and this can result in sanitation getting ‘left behind’. 1047
Although various government departments, including DOH and the DILG have developed sanitation
strategies, these are not mainstreamed into other areas of their work, meaning sanitation is not
afforded sufficient attention.1048 In relation to open defecation, although DOH has strong policy
backing to eliminate open defecation, it has faced challenges in doing so. It is only responsible for
1037
Comment, key informant August, 2017.
1038
Comment, key informant August, 2017.
1039
1040
1041
1042
1043
26.
1044
Robinson, A. Enabling Environment for scaling up sustainable sanitation and hygiene in the Philippines, 2012, p iv.
1045
1046
Department of Health, Philippines Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap, April 2010, p 30-31.
1047
1048
Department of Health, Philippines Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap, April 2010, p 49 and National Economic and
Development Agency, Philippines Water Supply Sector Road map, Second Edition, 2010, p 29.
201
establishing policies and guidelines, while accountability for delivering sanitation is decentralised,
meaning the systems and processes required do not always reach all communities.1049
Political commitment
The WASH sector faces further barriers due to a reported lack of political commitment to WASH. 1050
Because WASH is an area that has been devolved to LGUs, it is primarily the responsibility of mayors
who serve a three-year term. Plans and priorities are therefore likely to change every three years,
making long-term planning difficult.1051 In addition, it is reported that, from a political standpoint,
projects that provide more tangible infrastructure improvement receive more attention and
financing, compared to projects and programmes that involve investment in behaviour change. 1052
There has been a reported lack of interest in sanitation among decision makers and ordinary citizens,
and it is often not recognised by the community as a problem.1053 The low priority for WASH also
means there is negligible, or no, budget allocation for sanitation programmes and infrastructure. 1054
This has resulted in a lack of development of local sanitation policies, plans and programmes, and a
lack of focus on improving sanitation standards.1055
Such a lack of interest can be addressed. When political advocacy has been undertaken with LGUs
under the UNICEF Community Approaches to Total Sanitation programme, which raises awareness
of WASH, this has had a positive impact on mayors, who have created local WASH committees,
passed local ordinances in support of WASH and developed WASH plans with allocated budgets. 1056
Financing
A further barrier to improving WASH in the Philippines is both insufficient funding and a lack of the
absorption of funding. According to the 2017 Global Annual Assessment of Sanitation and Drinking-
Water (GLAAS) report, the budget in the Philippines for WASH was $210 million in 2016.1057 However,
there is a significant difference between expenditure on water and expenditure on sanitation. As of
2015, PhP12 million was spent on water, whereas only PhP526 million were spent on sanitation.1058
The WASH sector faces difficulties in absorbing and using domestic funding due to delays and short
timeframes for procurement. Less than 50 per cent of domestic funding commitments were used in
1049
UNICEF field notes on Complete Approaches to Total Sanitation, Learning from five country programmes, June
2017, p 31.
1050
Robinson, A. Enabling Environment for scaling up sustainable sanitation and hygiene in the Philippines, 2012, p iv.
1051
1052
Theory of Change Pathway and Narrative for Integrating WASH and Nutrition Programming In the Philippines
[DRAFT] March 2016, p 4.
1053
1054
1055
1056
2017, p 34.
1057
UN Water Global Analysis and Assessment of Sanitation and Drinking-Water GLAAS 2017 report, p 11
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/254999/1/9789241512190-eng.pdf?ua=1.
1058
Philippines GLAAS Country Survey – Long form, 2016, p 60.
202
July 2017
2014.1059 External funds are also not absorbed or used well, with only an estimated 50-75 per cent of
external funds utilised in 2014.1060
Water supply investments are reported to have been low relative to overall public infrastructure
spending, and there is a reported bias towards spending in Metro Manila and other urban areas, with
rural areas left behind.1061 LGUs in rural areas need financial and technological assistance in the
planning and development of water supply systems, as do the organizations who are operating and
managing these systems.1062 Many small water districts (those with less than 3,000 connections) and
utilities operated by LGUs are reported to have difficulty sustaining operations and generating capital
for expansion due to low tariffs and consumers’ low willingness to pay.1063
In addition, community water management groups are reported to have struggled to operate and
maintain their systems, with a consequent failure in functioning and the provision of poor quality
water.1064 There are no formal support mechanisms in place for these groups, and, in some poorer,
remote areas, it is not feasible for them to raise money for maintenance of water and sanitation
systems.1065 There is also a reported lack of interest from the private sector in investing in sanitation
due to insufficient incentives and efficiency issues.1066 However, there have been examples of
successful public-private partnerships for financing WASH in the Philippines. The ‘pro-poor water
supply’ project in Cebu uses a microfinance system where users make small daily payments for water
consumption to help fund the connection fee and ensure the provision of safe and affordable water
to the city’s poorest.1067 It is estimated that the project will eventually connect around 80,000 people
to the drinking water network.1068
There are no financing schemes that families can access for sanitation services support, and a lack of
pro-poor sanitation financing, including, for example, promotion of sanitation entrepreneurship. 1069
There have, however, been schemes to provide subsidies and resources to build toilets, but handouts
of physical equipment for toilets can damage local businesses who are then unable to sell their similar
equipment.1070 Government department policies are inconsistent on subsidies. While the DOH’s open
defecation programme advocates for no subsidies to achieve zero open defecation, the DILG has a
fund that LGUs can access to construct toilets.1071 Further, there is no proper guidance for LGUs on
1059
http://www.who.int/water_sanitation_health/monitoring/investments/philippines-01-jul-16.pdf?ua=1
1060
Investing in Water and Sanitation: Increasing Access, Reducing Inequalities, UN-Water Global Analysis and
Assessment of Sanitation and Drinking Water GLAAS 2014 report, p 83.
1061
National Economic and Development Agency, Philippines Water Supply Sector Road map, Second Edition, 2010, p
xvi.
1062
National Economic and Development Agency, Philippines Water Supply Sector Road map, Second Edition, 2010, p
27.
1063
National Economic and Development Agency, Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, p 304.
1064
1065
1066
1067
Financing Universal Water, Sanitation and Hygiene Under the Sustainable Development Goals, UN Water Global
Analysis and Assessment of Sanitation and Drinking-Water GLAAS 2017 report, p 29.
1068
Financing Universal Water, Sanitation and Hygiene Under the Sustainable Development Goals, UN Water Global
Analysis and Assessment of Sanitation and Drinking-Water GLAAS 2017 report, p 29.
1069
Philippines Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap, April 2010, Department of Health, p 39.
1070
1071
203
bulk procurements in order to help them combine, increase their bargaining power and benefit from
economies of scale.1072
Data
Data is available from both the Philippines Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap 2010 and the Philippines
Water Supply Sector Roadmap 2010. As these documents were both published in 2010 the data may
now be regarded as being of limited use. Further it has been suggested that some of the information
included in these Roadmaps may not reflect fully the challenges faced in this area.1073
While the 2017 JMP Report contains some national level data on WASH, including data disaggregated
by wealth quintile, rural/urban and region, the data is still not up to date. National level data is
available up to 2015, but the disaggregated data is only available up to 2013. Further, the data are
not aligned with the new SDG indicators. For example, there is no data on whether water is free from
contamination, making it impossible to assess progress towards the WASH SDG targets.
In some areas of WASH, there appears to have been very little data collection or analysis: for instance,
it has not been possible to find quantitative data on WASH in health care facilities, and the DOH does
not have any mechanism in place to track progress against the National Sustainable Sanitation Policy
targets (such as number of communities that have been declared zero open defecation). Additionally,
information about disadvantaged groups is not easily accessible, for example access to WASH for
children with disabilities, or data disaggregated by disability. This gap results in these issues being
‘hidden’.
Human resources
Personnel working on sanitation and water are based in a range of agencies and therefore come from
a variety of different backgrounds. Although this can be an advantage because it creates a
multidisciplinary environment, the lack of uniform knowledge and training may also result in gaps in
the skills and expertise available within the sector.1074
There is reported to be a particular lack of capacity within the sanitation field. Very few universities
offer Sanitary Engineering courses, and those courses that are on offer have recorded declining
attendance levels.1075 The decline may be due to the fact that LGUs do not require candidates for the
post of Sanitary Inspector at local level to have a sanitary engineering degree. In 2010, less than 40
per cent of Sanitary Inspectors had a Sanitary Engineering degree.1076 An additional barrier, is that the
few skilled graduates in the WASH field prefer to work in urban areas or abroad, where salaries are
higher, rather than in rural areas where demand is highest.1077
According to one key informant from the UNICEF WASH section, the prevailing view within the field
is that the number of staff at national, sub national and provincial level working on WASH is
inadequate, and the available staff are often the lowest paid and lowest grade. 1078 Their work is
1072
Key Informant Interview with representative from UNICEF, Tuesday, 13 June 2017, Manila.
1073
Key informant interview, August, 2017.
1074
1075
1076
1077
1078
204
July 2017
reportedly given a low priority, and they are frequently allocated to other work. There is also little
support for staff, with limited continuing education or performance monitoring.1079
The lack of human resources does not only affect those working in the public sector. Many water
utilities lack staff with the capability to undertake the various regulatory requirements they are
required to comply with.1080
6.8.2. Supply and Demand
WASH, and the achievement of WASH-related development goals, relies on both supply side
infrastructure (i.e. physical presence of and access to water, toilets, etc.) and on demand-side use of
these services and systems, as well as personal practices.
Infrastructure
There are barriers and bottlenecks in the provision of water and sanitation infrastructure in the
Philippines. Piped water systems in the Philippines are limited, are not always linked to key facilities
such as health centres and schools, and where there are piped systems, poor maintenance impacts
on usability.1081 As a result, there is limited access to piped water systems outside of city areas.
In the sanitation sector, there has been a focus on large scale infrastructure such as centralised
treatment and sewerage facilities, which tend to be very costly and which do not generally recover
full costs through user fees.1082 This results in limited sanitation infrastructure being funded or
constructed and a lack of sustainability in sanitation projects.1083 The geography of the Philippines also
creates challenges for WASH infrastructure development and for the provision of basic water and
sanitation services, particularly in rural areas and remote islands.1084
Behaviour change
According to a key informant from UNICEF’s WASH section, improving sanitation and hygiene is not
just about having the right infrastructure, but also about behaviour change in communities.1085 The
provision of materials alone is insufficient as sanitation or hygiene materials are not always used even
where supplied. Although the National Sustainable Sanitation Policy highlights the importance of
behaviour change programing, there has been under investment in this area, and many LGUs
continue to spend their limited sanitation funds on distribution of hardware materials (such as toilet
bowls). Piloting of the Phased Approach to Total Sanitation (PhATS) by DOH, UNICEF and the World
Bank has demonstrated that demand creation via Community-Led Total Sanitation (CLTS), combined
with support to strengthen WASH governance at the local level, is a viable approach to sustainable
sanitation behaviour change in the Philippines.1086
1079
Key informant at validation workshop, August 2017.
1080
National Economic and Development Agency, 2010, p 10.
1081
1082
1083
1084
1085
1086
p26.
205
Equity
There are a number of equity issues that require consideration in relation to WASH in the Philippines.
These include, for example stark disparities in access to safe water and adequate sanitation between
rural and urban areas. These disparities become more pronounced when looking at specific sub-
indicators, such as access to water piped onto the premises or the practice of open defecation.
Concerns have been raised, in particular, about access to safe drinking water and sanitation in urban
slums.1087 In urban centres, especially in informal settlements, there is often no space for sanitation
facilities and so open defecation is practiced.1088 There are particular challenges in urban informal
settlements where people do not own the land and there is a reluctance on behalf of the government
to provide any services, out of concern that doing so may encourage people to stay in these informal
settlements.1089 It is likely that with continued rapid urbanization, ensuring the provision of even basic
services to these populations will be a growing challenge and, given the rights implications and health
concerns, an increasing need.
The costs of poor sanitation are not evenly shared, with a much greater burden falling on poor people
in terms of their health, lost time for productive work and lost income. Poor sanitation impacts on
health due to increased incidence of illness, on fisheries due to pollution, on tourism due to pollution
(affecting occupancy), and other damage due to environmental degradation, which impacts on
income and livelihood.1090 Improving sanitation is not seen as a top priority among households in the
lower income brackets, whose finances are directed towards other priorities, such as food.1091 Open
defecation is cheap, and spending money on sanitation is not a priority, especially as sanitation
products are not affordable to poor households and financing is not available to help build improved
toilets.1092
There are also gender issues to be overcome in the WASH sector, as women in the Philippines
traditionally bear responsibility collecting water for households, often from locations far from
home.1093 In addition, women and female children can be exposed to harassment and danger when
practising open defecation or when using poorly constructed or shared toilet facilities which offer
limited privacy.1094 As set out above, girl children in schools may also continue to face stigma and
practical concerns around their periods due to inadequate MHM programming.
Although there are procedures in place for the participation of disadvantaged groups in sanitation
governance, the extent to which these procedures are implemented in practice is questionable,
according to the 2014 GLAAS assessment.1095 Existing complaints mechanisms are reported to be
1087
CRC concluding observations Philippines, 2009, para 59-60.
1088
1089
1090
Department of Health, Philippines Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap, April 2010, p 36-37.
1091
1092
REECS, WSP, UNICEF, Department of Health, Scaling up demand and supply for rural sanitation, Final Report, April
2013, p 6.
1093
Fritzie Rodriguez, A thirsty world and the PH water problem, June 25, 2014, http://www.rappler.com/move-
ph/issues/hunger/61480-access-water-sanitation-philippines.
1094
1095
206
July 2017
ineffective, especially in rural areas.1096 In contrast, there is relatively high participation in drinking-
water governance and access to effective complaints mechanisms in urban areas.1097
6.8.3. Quality
Lack of adequate monitoring and evaluation systems makes it hard to obtain reliable data on
WASH.1098 According to the 2014 GLASS Report, rural drinking water quality is not usually tested due
to a lack of staff and the prohibitive costs of testing all water quality parameters.1099 The Report found
that in rural areas of the Philippines, drinking water providers are not audited against recommended
management procedure.1100 There is also no monitoring of sanitation or drinking water for
populations living in slums or informal settlements, or populations in remote or hard-to-reach
areas.1101 Effective national monitoring of sanitation programmes is lacking and initiatives delivered
by the LGUs rarely collect data about impact.1102 This means that, for some of the relevant
development indicators, the Philippines does not have baseline data collected at national level in a
systematic manner.1103 Additionally, the lack of national plans, programmes and budgets means there
is no monitoring and evaluation of national targets and plans.1104 This leads to a lack of transparency
on the performance of the sector, making it difficult to hold service providers accountable, and
impedes effective regulation.1105
6.8.4. Climate change and disasters
Climate change has an impact on WASH, as rising temperatures and droughts can lead to the
depletion of the country’s water resources. El Niño is likely to increase the demand for water, which
is a considerable concern as meeting the growing demand from the population is already a
challenge.1106 Natural hazards and disasters are also likely to affect the delivery of safe water and can
damage water and sanitation infrastructure. This can result in increased incidence of disease in the
immediate aftermath of a disaster, as unsafe water sources are used and affected areas see an
increase in unsanitary practices, such as open defecation. Additionally, as discussed in the climate
change section above, the impacts of climate change are often felt hardest by the poorest
households. With increased impacts from climate change on WASH services, there is a risk that
improving services to the poorest households will face additional challenges.1107
1096
1097
1098
Robinson, A, Enabling Environment for scaling up sustainable sanitation and hygiene in the Philippines, 2012 p v.
1099
1100
1101
1102
Philippines Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap, April 2010, Department of Health, p 33.
1103
1104
1105
Philippines Water Supply Sector Road map, Second Edition, National Economic and Development Agency, 2010, p
29.
1106
Philippines GLAAS Country Survey – Long form, 2016, p 56.
1107
Key informant interview, August, 2017.
207
Lack of adequate water and sanitation facilities after a disaster can lead to protection concerns for
children and young people. Where water sources or toilets are located far from emergency
accommodation, or where sanitary facilities are not private, there is an increased risk of violence en
route to, or while using facilities.
There is recognition in the Philippines that WASH systems need to be emergency-proofed and made
resilient, and that each water district/barangay should have a DRRM plan. However, there is limited
technical support available to help them to develop these.1108
Sanitation and hygiene promotion has been identified as critical both during relief and rehabilitation
phases due to increasing cases of water-borne diseases, health risks due to open defecation, ground
water contamination and generally unsanitary conditions in evacuation centres and resettlement
areas. In some evacuation centres, the toilet to population ratio is as high as 1:116, compared to a
target of ratio of 1:20.1109 There is a lack of policy, practice and coordination for sanitation and hygiene
promotion in different types of emergency situations.1110 This is a barrier to ensuring high standards
of sanitation and hygiene during an emergency.
One goal set out in the Philippines Sustainable Sanitation Roadmap 2010, is to have institutionalised
national and local broad-based sanitation alliances to respond to emergency situations, and to have
a 1:20 toilet-to-people ratio in emergencies, by 2028.1111 The Roadmap recognises that providing
adequate WASH in emergencies is a challenging task. For example, it highlights recurring challenges
in providing sanitation in emergency situations and in providing toilets segregated by sex. To
overcome this challenge, the Roadmap suggests that it will be necessary to invest in more mobile
sanitation facilities for immediate deployment and regular capacity development for WASH in
emergency situations.1112
The fragmentation of responsibilities for WASH compounds the impacts of disasters. For example,
although the DOH has a national DRRM plan, it does not have a mandate for all components of
WASH.1113 Additionally, LGUs vary significantly in their knowledge and capacity, and often LGU DRRM
plans do not consider the WASH sector as a whole.1114
There are also opportunities in the disaster response setting. It has been noted that following
Typhoon Haiyan, UNICEF and the DOH, in the recovery phase, provided materials to construct
communal latrines which allowed not only the households with storm damaged latrines to rebuild,
but also those who had no access to latrines before the Typhoon.1115
1108
1109
1110
1111
1112
1113
1114
1115
2017, p 29.
208
July 2017
7. Education
The right to education is a fundamental human right, enshrined in Articles 28 and 29 of the CRC and
article 13 of ICESCR. According to the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the
right to education encompasses the following ‘interrelated and essential features’: availability;
accessibility; acceptability; and adaptability.1116 The right to education is also contained in the SDGs,
where it is recognised that “quality education is the foundation to improving people’s lives and
sustainable development.” Goal 4 requires States to ensure inclusive and quality education for all and
promote lifelong learning.
Key Education-related SDGs

4.1 By 2030, ensure that all girls and boys Proportion of children and young people:
complete free, equitable and quality in grades 2/3; at the end of primary; and
primary and secondary education at the end of lower secondary achieving at
leading to relevant and effective least a minimum proficiency level in
learning outcomes reading and mathematics, by sex
4.2 By 2030, ensure that all girls and boys Proportion of children under 5 years of
have access to quality early childhood age who are developmentally on track in
development, care and pre-primary health, learning and psychosocial well-
education so that they are ready for being, by sex
primary education Participation rate in organized learning
(one year before the official primary entry
age), by sex
4.3 By 2030, ensure equal access for all Participation rate of youth and adults in
women and men to affordable and formal and non-formal education and
quality technical, vocational and tertiary training in the previous 12 months, by sex
education, including university
4.4 By 2030, substantially increase the Proportion of youth and adults with
number of youth and adults who have information and communications
relevant skills, including technical and technology (ICT) skills, by type of skill
vocational skills, for employment,
decent jobs and entrepreneurship
4.5 By 2030, eliminate gender disparities in Parity indices (female/male, rural/urban)
education and ensure equal access to all
levels of education and vocational
training for the vulnerable, including
persons with disabilities, indigenous
peoples and children in vulnerable
situations
1116
UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment No. 13 (1999), The Right to Education, 8
December 1999, E/C.12/1999/10 (CESCR GC No. 13 (1999)), para 6.
209
4.6 By 2030, ensure that all youth and a Percentage of population in a given age
substantial proportion of adults, both group achieving at least a fixed level of
men and women, achieve literacy and proficiency in functional literacy and
numeracy numeracy skills, by sex
4.A Build and upgrade education facilities Proportion of schools with access
that are child, disability and gender to: electricity; the Internet for pedagogical
sensitive and provide safe, non-violent, purposes; computers for pedagogical
inclusive and effective learning purposes; adapted infrastructure and
environments for all materials for students with disabilities;
basic drinking water; single-sex basic
sanitation facilities; and basic
handwashing facilities (as per the WASH
indicator definitions)
4.B By 2020, substantially expand globally Volume of official development assistance
the number of scholarships available to flows for scholarships by sector and type
developing countries, for enrolment in of study
higher education, including vocational
training and information and
communications technology, technical,
engineering and scientific programmes
4.C By 2030, substantially increase the Proportion of teachers in pre-primary;
supply of qualified teachers primary; lower secondary; and upper
secondary education who have received at
least the minimum organized teacher
training for teaching at the relevant level
Key CRC Articles
Article 2: Every child has the right to enjoyment of CRC provisions without discrimination on the
ground of a child’s or his or her parent’s or guardian’s race, colour, sex, language, political or
other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other status
Article 6(2): States parties shall ensure to the maximum extent possible the survival and
Article 18(3): States shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that children of working
parents have the right to benefit from child-care services and facilities for which they are eligible
Article 23(3): States shall ensure that every child with a disability has effective access to and
received education, training, health care services, rehabilitation services, preparation for
employment and recreational opportunities in a manner conducive to the child’s achieving the
fullest possible social integration and individual development, including his or her cultural and
spiritual development
Article 28(1): Every child has the right to education on the basis of equal opportunity. States shall:
(a) Make primary education compulsory and available free to all; (b) Encourage the development
of different forms of secondary education, making them accessible to every child; (c) Make higher
210
July 2017
education accessible on the basis of capacity; (d) Make educational and vocational information
and guidance available and accessible to all children; (e) Take measures to encourage regular
attendance at schools and the reduction of drop-out rates
Article 29: Education shall be directed to: (a) the development of the child’s personality, talents
and mental and physical abilities to their fullest potential; (b) The development of respect for
human rights; (c) The development of respect for the child’s parents, his or her own cultural
identity, language and values; (d) The preparation of the child for responsible life in society, in
the spirit of peace, tolerance, equality of the sexes and friendship among all peoples, ethnic,
national and religious groups and persons of indigenous origin; (e) The development of respect
for the natural environment
Article 30: Every child belonging to an ethnic, religious or linguistic minority or persons of
indigenous origin shall have the right, in community with other members of his or her own culture,
to profess and practice his or her own religion, or use his or her own language
8.1.1 7.1. Early education
According to the SDGs, by 2030, States are required to ensure that “all girls and boys have access to
quality early childhood development, care and pre-primary education so that they are ready for
primary education.”
7.1.1. Early years education: legislation and policy
Early years education applies to zero to eight-year-olds, with this period being recognised as a crucial
time for education. The government’s policy on early years’ education is set out in Republic Act
10410, the Early Years Act, 2013:
The State shall institutionalize a National System for Early Childhood Care and Development
(ECCD) that is comprehensive, integrative and sustainable, that involves multisectoral and
interagency collaboration at the national and local levels among government; among service
providers, families and communities, and among the public and private sectors,
nongovernment organizations; professional associations and academic institutions.
The System shall promote the inclusion of children with special needs, provide for
reasonable accommodation and accessible environments for children with disabilities…1117
The Philippines divides early years into two. Responsibility for zero- to four-year-olds sits with the
Early Childhood Care and Development Council (ECCD Council) and through them with ECCD
Committees at local level, while responsibility for four- to eight-year-olds is placed on the DepEd. The
early childhood care and development system (under the ECCD Council) is defined in the Act as
referring to “the full range of health, nutrition, early education and social services development
1117
Republic Act 10410, The Early Years Act 2013, section 2.
211
programs that provide for the basic holistic needs of young children from age zero (0) to four (4) years;
and to promote their optimum growth and development.”1118
The role of the ECCD Council is to set standards for early years providers, develop policies and
programmes and provide technical assistance and support to the ECCD service providers in
consultation with coordinating committees at the provincial, city, municipal and barangay levels. 1119
It is also responsible for developing: “a national system for the recruitment, registration,
accreditation, continuing education and equivalency, and credential system of ECCD service
providers, supervisors and administrators to improve and professionalize the ECCD sector and
upgrade quality standards of public and private ECCD programs.”1120
Under Section 7(b) of the Act, LGUs are required to utilize funding from their Special Education Fund
and the Gender and Development Fund to support the implementation of the ECCD programme and
for the provision of facilities. The extent to which they are required to do this is not, however,
specified.
7.1.2. Participation in day care centres

There is a lack of national data on participation in ECCD. In particular, there is a lack of national level
disaggregated data on enrolment rates, student to teacher ratios and the situation of disadvantaged
groups. The data that is available from the DSWD for 2011 shows that there were 1,699,888 three-
to four-year-olds enrolled in day care centres, a figure that increased to 1,778,274 by 2013.1121 This
would appear to represent around 42 per cent of three- to four- year- old children.1122
Little is known about the reasons for the geographical variance in the rates of enrolment, although it
is likely to be related to availability and accessibility of day care centres. However, there is some
limited information available on ECCD participation from the Multiple Indicator Survey (MIS) carried
out in 2016. As this survey only covered 36 municipalities, it is important to recognise that it has
limited value and cannot be considered representative. The MIS shows that in the 36 municipalities
surveyed, there is significant variation in the numbers of children attending, with an overall low
prevalence of attendance in pre-school for children aged 3–4. The two municipalities with the highest
rates of attendance were Bobon and Milagros where attendance was 82.4 and 82.5 per cent
respectively.1123 In four municipalities, the prevalence was below 30 per cent: Cotabato City with 21.1
1118
Republic Act 10410, The Early Years Act 2013, section 4(a).
1119
Republic Act 10410, The Early Years Act 2013, section 7(a).
1120
Republic Act 10410, The Early Years Act 2013, section 10. Education of 4-8 year olds is the responsibility of the
DepED.
1121
Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) figures as set out in Education for All 2015 National Review
Report: Philippines, http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002303/230331e.pdf p 14.
1122
The figures available showed that around 58 per cent of children do not attend day care: A Study on Factors
Affecting Local Government Budgets and Expenditures for Early Childhood Care and Development at City and Municipal
levels, Philippines, Final Report, May 2016, p 2.
1123
2016 Multiple Indicator Survey Final Report, Demographic Research and Development Foundation, Inc, 21
November 2016 table 8.13 p 194.
212
July 2017
per cent, Paracale at 26.2 per cent, Siasi 26.8 per cent and Mamasapano 28.6 per cent.1124 The
remaining areas had an average of 58 per cent attendance.1125
7.1.3. Barriers and bottlenecks
Enabling Environment
Governance
Although the Early Years Act 2013 includes provisions relating to health, nutrition, early education
and social services,1126 the focus of ECCD has been on the implementation of early education: health,
nutrition and social services have not been given the same emphasis and priority.1127 There is no
agreed or standardised approach to ECCD, nor is there a national plan for ECCD or a National ECCD
Monitoring and Evaluation framework or system. This represents a considerable governance gap, as
a national plan or similar strategic policy document would enable the different departments involved
to work together towards a common national goal.1128
The ECCD Council formed under the Early Years Act also has weaknesses. In particular, the DILG,
which has responsibility for oversight and supervision of LGUs, is not part of the governing board of
the ECCD council. It was suggested in the 2016 study on Factors Affecting Local Government Budgets
and Expenditures for ECCD at City and Municipal Levels, that DILG has a vast organizational structure
at the regional, provincial, city and municipal levels, and could assist with the effectiveness of the
programmes, for instance by ensuring that national policies such as ECCD are communicated to all
LGUs.1129
A further issue, is that the Early Years Act does not require the creation of local ECCD coordinating
committees. These were formed under the Early Childhood Care and Development Act 2000 Act and
provided important governance mechanisms in harmonising local ECCD inter-sector interventions
planning, programming and budget.1130 However, these Committees ceased to exist when the Early
Childhood Care and Development Act 2000 was repealed by the Early Years Act of 2013.
Funding for ECCD

The funding available to LGUs to spend on ECCD comes from the national government, with ECCD
funding coming out of the 20 per cent of the Internal Revenue Allotment allocated to be spent on
development projects.1131 However there is no requirement to spend a particular proportion of that
1124
November 2016 table 8.13 p 194.
1125
November 2016 p 156.
1126
Early Years Act, section 4.
1127
1128
Key Informant Interview with representatives from UNICEF, Tuesday 13 June, Manila.
1129
1130
1131
213
money on ECCD.1132 The share that each LGU receives depends upon population size and land area,
with the result that highly urbanized cities receive a larger share.1133
In some cases, it is reported that the Special Education Fund, which is a 1 per cent tax on real property
in each LGU, is not being used for ECCD, but for public elementary and secondary school
education.1134 There is a lack of clarity in the Early Years Act whether the Special Education Fund can
be used for centre-based or home-based play as well as school-based ECCD.1135
It appears that there was an increase in funding to LGUs for ECCD over the 2013–2016 period. In a
study of 36 LGUs carried out between 2013 and 2016, it was found that the budget allocations for
ECCD has doubled during this time, with the budget share increasing from 1.88 per cent in 2013 to
2.7 per cent in 2016.1136 However, the proportion of the ECCD budget allocated to early years
education has decreased from 61.74 per cent in 2013 to 29.8 per cent in 2016. 1137 Although early
education was the second biggest recipient of the ECCD budget in 2016 (receiving 29.8 per cent of
ECCD funding), this was less than half of the budget allocated to health and nutrition.1138
Underspending is also a problem within ECCD. According to the study mentioned above, only 64 per
cent of the budget for ECCD was spent in 2015, which was a drop from 84 per cent spent in 2014.1139
This may be due to poor planning or low absorptive capacity.1140
Administrative processes
There can be difficulties for students in transferring from a preschool (Tahderriyah) into the public
education system, especially for those who spend the kindergarten year at a preschool. In the 36
Municipalities in which UNICEF has been working, securing accreditation from the local government
was identified as a problem. The lack of accreditation, which is often due to a lack of knowledge
about accreditation requirements and procedures, means that students are not given a learner’s
reference number, and so cannot be registered in Year 1 of the public education system. 1141 DepEd
allows students who have completed kindergarten at a non-recognised provider such as a preschool
1132
A study on Factors Affecting Local Government Budgets and Expenditures for Early Childhood Care and Development
(ECCD) at City and Municipal Levels, Philippines, Final Report May 2016, p 56.
1133
1134
1135
1136
1137
1138
1139
1140
(ECCD) at City and Municipal Levels, Philippines, Final Report May 2016, p vi.
1141
Evaluation of the UNICEF Philippines Country Office ‘Early Childhood Care and Development’ and ‘Basic Education’
components of the 7th GPH-UNICEF Country Programme 2012-2016 Final Report, March 2017, Oxford Policy
Management, p iv.
214
July 2017
to take a validation assessment in order to be issued with a Learner’s reference number. However,
there have been problems with DepEd’s ability to deploy staff to administer the assessment.1142
Supply and Demand
Although all barangays are required to have a day care centre,1143 by 2011, 4,570 out of 42,026
barangays (10.87 per cent) had yet to establish one. 1144 The total number of day care centres rose
from 51,797 in 2011 to 53,436 in 2013.1145 Even where a day care centre has been established in a
barangay, the growth in the population in the Philippines means that in some areas one day care
centre per barangay is not enough to guarantee the delivery of quality ECCD to all children aged 0–
4.1146
The accessibility of day care centres, and particularly the distance between the child’s home and the
day care centre, raises issues of cost and time. Some parents consider that their children are too
young to travel the long distances to get to a day care centre, while others cannot afford the travel
costs.1147 In a 2016 study of LGU budgets and expenditures on Early Childhood Care and Development
covering 36 municipalities and cities in the Philippines, it was found that parents were paying
between PhP2,334 and PhP8,233 for food and transportation for each child attending public day care.
Transportation for those in rural areas and conflict-affected barangays was even more difficult, with
limited transport available and at higher cost. It is likely that families are unwilling or unable to bear
these costs, especially as children only spend two to three hours per day at a day care centre.1148
There are also reported to be social barriers to children accessing ECCD. Some parents view children
at the age of 3 or 4 as being too young to go to day care. 1149
Disasters and conflict frequently disrupt early education. Staff in the ECCD sector may be redeployed
to assist in distribution and relief efforts or may themselves be displaced. 1150 It is common for ECCD
classes to be put on hold following a disaster or an emergency and it can take some time for them to
resume after a disaster.1151 Premises in which ECCD takes place, may also be used for evacuees.
Quality
The PDP recognises that quality ECCD programmes help to prepare young children for formal
education. Studies in the Philippines have shown that where children have attended preschool they
perform better at kindergarten and at grade 1.1152 In the ECCD Longitudinal Study it was found that
1142
Management report, p 36.
1143
Republic Act 6972, the Barangay Level Total Development and Protection of Children Act 1900 required every
barangay to establish and run at least one day care centre.
1144
DSWD figures as referenced in Philippines Education for All 2015 Review Report, p 14.
1145
DSWD figures as referenced in Philippines Education for All 2015 Review Report, p 14.
1146
Education for All 2015 National Review Report: Philippines,
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002303/230331e.pdf, p15.
1147
Key Informant Interview with representatives from UNICEF, Tuesday, 13 June, Manila.
1148
A Study on Factors Affecting Local Government Budgets and Expenditures for Early Childhood Care and
Development at City and Municipal levels, Philippines, Final Report, May 2016, p 43.
1149
1150
1151
1152
215
growth in literacy and social and emotional skills in children in Kindergarten to Grade 2 increased as
the percentage of students who attended preschool increased.1153
However, the quality of day care staff can be a barrier to children’s development. There is no
requirement for day care centre staff to have a college degree or even a professional qualification
before they are hired.1154 It appears that in 2011, the DSWD issued setting out standards for day care
centres and staff on how to deliver services efficiently and effectively, and a quality assurance process
for ECCD services.1155 It has not been possible to access these guidelines or details of the assurance
process. This raises questions as to whether the Guidelines are sufficiently accessible, understood
and applied in day care centres. There also appears to be no data on the take up or effectiveness of
the accreditation scheme.
The limited resources of LGUs mean that day care staff are poorly paid, with a salary of around $10
per month. Many of these positions are part time positions, or the staff are just paid an honorarium.
1156 This is likely to impact on the quality of early education as it is difficult to recruit and retain quality
staff and reduces the morale of staff.1157

There is some limited provision for continuing professional development for day care staff. DSWD,
with support from UNICEF, developed and adopted a standard training programme for day care staff.
However, it is envisaged that there may be challenges in rolling out this training programme given
the limited capacity of DSWD to identify trainers and the lack of resources within LGUs
nationwide.1158 Further, it appears that even where there is training of day care centre staff there
has been little evaluation of its impact, with systematic and effective monitoring, supervision and
mentoring of staff after the initial training process.1159
UNICEF has been supporting training teachers in 36 municipalities to use an ECCD checklist in order
to monitor child performance in class. It is used by kindergarten teachers, day care workers and
preschool teachers and most found it to be useful in assessing children’s performance. However
there have been challenges for some teachers in understanding the checklist, as it is printed in
English, and is lengthy. Additionally, teachers or parents have to pay for the checklist to be
photocopied or printed as there is no funding available to provide a copy for each child. 1160
There is currently no measure of the quality of ECCD at national level. This makes it difficult to show
how the Philippines has met the requirements of SDG 4.2 which is measured by the proportion of
1153
Philippines Longitudinal Study of the Effects of Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD) on the Learning
Experiences and Performance of Kindergarten Pupils through Grade 2 in the Philippines, Round 1 & 2 Longitudinal
Report, Final 29 May 2017, p 77.
1154
1155
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002303/230331e.pdf, p15.
1156
1157
Management, p 40.
1158
Key Informant Interview, 13 June, Manila.
1159
DFAT Independent Review Report 2015, as cited in Evaluation of the UNICEF Philippines Country Office ‘Early
Childhood Care and Development’ and ‘Basic Education’ components of the 7th GPH-UNICEF Country Programme 2012-
2016 Final Report, March 2017, Oxford Policy Management, p 35.
1160
Management, p 47.
216
July 2017
children under 5 years of age who are developmentally on track in health, learning and psychosocial
well-being, by sex. It is not yet clear how the Philippines government plans to measure progress
against this indicator.
7.1 Basic education
7.2.1. Legislation and policy
The right to education is protected in the Philippines Constitution under Article XIV Section 1, which
provides that the State shall protect and promote the right of all citizens to quality education at all
levels, and shall take appropriate steps to make such education accessible to all. Additionally, the
Constitution requires the establishment, maintenance and support of a complete, adequate and
integrated system of education relevant to the needs of the people and society under Article XIV
Section 2.
Republic Act 9155, the Governance of Basic Education Act 2001, confirmed the constitutional right
to free basic education.1161 Republic Act 10157, the Kindergarten Education Act 2012, made
kindergarten for five-year-olds free, mandatory and compulsory.1162
The basic education system was further developed through Republic Act 10533 or the Enhanced Basic
Education Act 2013 which requires the government to establish a functional basic education system
that will develop productive and responsible citizens equipped with the essential competencies, skills
and values for both lifelong learning and employment. In particular, it established the K-12
program.1163
The new K-12 system introduced in 2011 extends the length of compulsory basic education in the
Philippines to 13 years. Kindergarten is compulsory for children aged 5, with elementary school for
those aged 6–11 and secondary school for those from age 12–18. Children aged 12–16 are educated
in Junior High Schools and those aged 16-18 in Senior High Schools.1164 The curriculum for basic
education and the K-12 programme is set by the Department for Education.1165
7.2.2. K-12 program
The K-12 system was introduced in order to improve the quality of the basic education system and,
in doing so, improve the employment opportunities for Filipinos. Introducing a 13-year programme
of compulsory education makes the length of free and compulsory basic education in the Philippines
significantly longer than that in neighbouring countries. In a 2014 report, the average duration of free
and compulsory education in ASEAN+6 countries (ASEAN member states plus Australia, China, India,
Japan, New Zealand and the Republic of Korea) is only 7.7 years.1166
The new K-12 system involves the introduction of compulsory senior high school from 2016 for those
aged 16–18. The education offered consists of both core modules and the choice to follow one of
four tracks: academic; technical-vocational and livelihood; sports; and art and design.1167 As of
1161
Governance of Basic Education Act of 2001, section 2.
1162
Kindergarten Education Act, section 4.
1163
Enhanced Basic Education Act, section 4.
1164
1165
1166
Education Systems in ASEAN+6 countries: A Comparative Analysis of Selected Educational Issues, Education Policy
Research Series Discussion Document No. 5, Education Policy and Reform Unit, UNESCO Bangkok, p 8.
1167
Transitions to K-12 Education Systems: Experiences from five case countries, ADB, 2015, p 29.
217
January 2015 it was estimated that 50.6 per cent of students would follow the academic programme,
46.5 per cent would follow the technical, vocational and livelihood program and 1.4 per cent each
would follow the art and design and sports programs.1168
It is intended that by increasing the length of compulsory basic education, the quality of education
will improve and the Philippines will have a better educated population, ready to work with 21st
Century technological advances. According to an Asian Development Bank Report on K-12 education
systems, the addition of senior high school for two years beyond Grade 10 is likely to increase wage
income adjusted by probability of employment by 56 per cent.1169 It should also make Philippines
graduates more competitive domestically and globally.1170
Implementing the K-12 education programme however, is likely to pose a number of challenges. The
sheer size of the basic education system in the Philippines has made implementing change
simultaneously across the country difficult, as has the inequality in enrolment and completion rates
between regions and socio economic classes.1171
Additional teachers are needed to teach the senior high school curriculum in a system where there
are already teacher shortages. Retaining students in school for two additional years also requires the
provision of additional infrastructure in schools to support the additional number of students, in a
system in which there is already a lack of infrastructure, including classrooms and WASH facilities.1172
A further issue relates to economic reality. Before K-12 was introduced, many young people would
have been entering the job market at 16 and potentially earning money to help support their families.
Adding an additional two years of education will require families or young people to support their
children for two more years, and will result in a loss of potential income from the child.1173
There was initial resistance to the K-12 programme from parents, teachers, private school providers,
higher education institutions, legislators and the general public. However public opinion has shifted
over time and to acceptance and approval of the changes. Private higher education institutions
however, continue to be resistant, largely due to the potential financial loss. By extending compulsory
education for a further two years, students will no longer move into higher education establishments
at age 16 but rather at age 18 resulting in a significant reduction in the number of new starters in
higher education between 2016 and 2020.1174 Although higher education institutions could offer
senior high school programmes, this may pose difficulties for private higher education institutions
due to contractual arrangements.1175
1168
K-12 Midterm report to Congress (10 March 2015)
http://www.deped.gov.ph/sites/default/files/K%20to%2012%20Midterm%20Report%20to%20Congress%20%2810%20
March%202015%29.pdf ), p24.
1169
1170
1171
1172
Arthur S. Abulencia, the Unravelling of K-12 Program as an education reform in the Philippines, South-East Asian
Journal for Youth, Sports and Health Education, 1(2) October 2015.
1173
http://www.philstar.com/cebu-news/2014/06/27/1339633/k-12-effect-teachers.
1174
1175
218
July 2017
7.2.3. Mother Tongue-Based Multi-lingual Education
Mother tongue-based multilingual education was officially recognised and supported in the formal
education system from 2009.1176 Under Republic Act 10157 or the Kindergarten Education Act 2012,
the mother tongue of the learner is to be the primary medium of instruction for teaching and learning
at the kindergarten level.1177 Under Republic Act 9155, the Enhanced Basic Education Act 2001,
instruction, teaching materials and assessment are to be in the regional or native language of the
learners until Grade 3. From Grades 4 to 6, a mother language transition programme introduces
Filipino and English as languages of instruction, so that by secondary level, Filipino and English are
the primary languages of instruction.1178
The intention in introducing multilingual education is to help students to learn basic skills more
quickly: use of their mother tongue which they use and understand at home is believed to promote
this.1179 Studies have shown that multi-lingual programmes encourage those from minority language
backgrounds to participate and engage more in class.1180 Additionally, children learning in multilingual
programmes have a higher proficiency in speaking, reading and writing the official school/national
language and learn more quickly and with better comprehension than those from a minority
language background learning solely in the official school/national language.1181 Further, multilingual
teaching also aids the Indigenous Peoples Education initiatives as instructional materials and teaching
can be delivered in indigenous languages in indigenous communities encouraging take up of public
education.1182
Although there are benefits to children from the multilingual programme, there have been challenges
in implementing it. Where other countries have introduced similar schemes, it has been introduced
gradually and in stages throughout the country. 1183 The Philippines have taken a different approach,
requiring mother tongue education across the whole country at the same time. Some of the
challenges that have been faced include the limited resources in certain languages: the few audio
recordings and textbooks in some minority languages, and a limited number of teachers in school
who speak the relevant language. 1184 Providing mother-tongue education poses a particular challenge
in the Philippines with its wide range of spoken languages, including a number of dialects of the same
language. In some cases, the regional mother tongue may be used, when in fact at local level this is
not the language spoken by the children at home. 1185 Additionally, some teachers find themselves
having to teach their subject in a language which is foreign to them, and in which they are not fluent,
1176
Issues and Challenges in Teaching Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education in Grades II and III: The Philippine
Experience, Rosario P Alberto, Sunny G Gabinete, Vanessa S Ranola, April 2016.
1177
Republic Act 10157, Kindergarten Education Act 2012, section 5.
1178
Republic Act 9155 Enhanced Basic Education Act 2001, section 4.
1179
The Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE) In the K to 12 Program, Felicitas E Pado, PHD,
University of the Philippines, http://www.ceap.org.ph/upload/download/20136/417420447_1.pdf.
1180
MTB-MLE Resource Kit; Including the Excluded: Promoting Multilingual Education, UNESCO 2016 p 23.
1181
MTB-MLE Resource Kit; Including the Excluded: Promoting Multilingual Education, UNESCO 2016, p 29.
1182
DepEd Order No. 32 s. 2015, p 16.
1183
1184
1185
Investigating best practice in MTB-MLE In the Philippines, Phase 2 progress report: Patterns of challenges and
strategies in the implementation of mother tongue as the medium of instruction in the early years: A nationwide study,
p3-4.
219
reducing the effectiveness of their teaching.1186 Further, some schools have faced challenges in
standardising the medium of instruction between Grades 4 and 6 with the move to teaching in
Filipino and English rather than the mother tongue. An additional problem arises when children are
displaced, a particular problem in Mindanao, when children are unable to attend grades 1-3 as the
language of instruction at the available schools is one with which they are not familiar.
There has been limited support for teachers in implementing multilingual education in the classroom
from DepEd. It has, however, introduced a programme of in-school training and mentoring to
teachers in implementing multilingual education through “school learning action cells”. The idea is
that these cells will provide localised training and mentoring tailored to the local context. There are
concerns about the effectiveness of this approach. Training modules to be used are developed at
national level for the whole country and are not always suitable for the local context.1187
7.2.4. Disaster Response and Risk Reduction

Disasters and climate change are significant challenges to education development and represent a
general barrier to attaining the education SDGs.
The Philippines government developed the National Climate Change Action Plan 2011–2018 to
mitigate the impact of climate change in the country, and has adopted a management framework
and national plan on disaster risk reduction through the Philippines Disaster and Risk Reduction
Management Act of 2010. This builds on previous legislation such as DepEd Order No. 55 s.2007
which prioritised the mainstreaming of disaster risk reduction management in the school system.1188
The Act goes further, and requires DRRM to be mainstreamed into the curricula of secondary and
tertiary learning and training institutions.1189 In 2015, DepEd adopted the Comprehensive DRRM in
Basic Education Framework to guide the implementation of DRRM. This is based on the global
Comprehensive Safe Schools Framework and the four thematic areas of prevention and mitigation,
preparedness, response, and recovery and rehabilitation.1190
DRRM is included in the new K-12 programme and is embedded in certain subjects. For example the
K-12 science curriculum requires students to discuss scientific principles such as force motion and
energy in the context of disaster risk reduction and mitigation.1191 In the K-12 health curriculum
students are required to learn about staying safe in disasters.1192 However, concerns have been raised
about the capacity of teachers to teach these subjects due to their lack of training on DRRM. 1193 At
tertiary level, DRRM is a component of the National Service Training Programme and there is a course
on Disaster Risk Management.1194
1186
1187
Key Informant Interview, 13 June, Manila.
1188
DepEd Order No. 55 s. 2007.
1189
Philippines Disaster and Risk Reduction Management Act of 2010, RA 10121, section 14.
1190
DepEd Order No 37 s.2015 The Comprehensive Disaster Risk Reduction and management (DRRM) in Education
Framework, 12 August 2015, http://www.deped.gov.ph/sites/default/files/order/2015/DO_s2015_37.pdf.
1191
K to 12 Curriculum Guide Science, (Grade 3 to Grade 10), August 2016.
1192
K to 12 Curriculum Guide Health, (Grade 1 to Grade 10), August 2016.
1193
Philippines National Progress Report on the implementation of the Hyogo Framework for action, p 23.
1194
Philippines National Progress Report on the implementation of the Hyogo Framework for action, p 23.
220
July 2017
In addition to incorporation of DRMM in the curriculum, schools are also required to undertake
preparedness activities.1195 Under DepEd Order 48 s.2012, schools are required to participate in
quarterly national school-based earthquake and fire drills. This not only ensures awareness of
evacuation policies but also allows for assessment of the capacity of the school and community to
respond to disasters and emergencies.1196 Additionally, DepEd is required to ensure that teachers
receive in-service disaster preparedness training.1197
In 2011 DepEd established the DRRM Office (DRMMO) under DepEd Order 50 s.2011. The DRRMO’s
role is to institutionalise the culture of safety at all levels, systematise the protection of education
property and ensure continued delivery of quality education services. It co-ordinates DepEd’s DRRM
activities and cooperates with other government agencies, NGOs and civil society, inter-agency and
cluster groupings.1198 It also issues early warning messages about incoming storms, which allows the
community and members of the education cluster to act in order to mitigate potential impacts,
leading to earlier recovery.1199
School attendance is disrupted when schools are used as emergency evacuation shelters. As of 2
December 2013, three weeks after Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan), 59 per cent of evacuation centres were
schools, sheltering 21,230 individuals or 61 per cent of displaced persons living in displacement
sites.1200 IDPs were encouraged to leave evacuation centres located in schools and DepEd resumed
classes in early 2014. 1201 The percentage of IDPs living in schools decreased from 40 per cent on 20
December 2013 to 14 per cent as of 28 April 2014. This equated to only two evacuation centres in
schools being open, and only one of those was using classrooms to house displaced persons.1202
The recently passed Republic Act 10821, the Children’s Emergency Relief and Protection Act (2016)
addresses the use of schools as evacuation centres. The Act only permits the use of a school or child
development centre as an evacuation centre in cases where there is no other available place or
structure. Auditoria and open spaces must be utilised first, with classrooms only used as a last resort.
If the use of school premises is going to last for more than 15 days, the LGU must provide information
to the DepEd and the DILG, including information on how they are preventing interference or
disruption to the school and educational activities of children.1203 One of the upcoming items on the
Legislative Agenda, as set out in the PDP, is the Evacuation Centre Act which would establish
permanent, typhoon-resilient evacuation centres to avoid the need to use classrooms as evacuation
centres during calamities.1204
1195
National Disaster Preparedness Plan 2015-2028, p 39.
1196
Dep Ed DO. 48, s2012 – Quarterly Conduct of the National School-Based Earthquake and Fire Drills, June 15, 2012.
1197
National Disaster Preparedness Plan 2015-2028, p 44.
1198
DO 50 s. 2011 – Creation of Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Office (DRRMO), July 1 2011,
http://www.deped.gov.ph/orders/do-50-s-2011.
1199
Education Disrupted: Disaster impacts on education in the Asia Pacific region in 2015, Save the Children, p 23.
1200
1201
The evolving picture of displacement in the Wake of Typhoon Haiyan, an Evidence Based overview, May 2014, p 29.
1202
The evolving picture of displacement in the Wake of Typhoon Haiyan, an Evidence Based overview, May 2014, p 29.
1203
Children’s Emergency Relief and Protection Act 2016 (RA 10821), section 5.
1204
Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, p178.
221
After a disaster, it is not unusual for teachers and students to spend longer hours in school during
weekends or have class hours extended to complete missed lessons and make up the required
number of school days. 1205
Climate and disaster risks may also cause disruption to online remote learning programmes which is
currently being developed for those living in remote areas or areas without good accessibility to a
school, as depend on good connectivity.
The general view on DRRM measures, is that more can be done in the education sector, and
particularly in relation to the impact of small scale disasters, which are often poorly documented.
The cumulative impact of such occurrences, however, can be significant and can result in many days
of student absences as well as damages to school facilities, equipment and learning materials.1206
7.2.5. Participation in basic education
Participation in Kindergarten
The DepEd requires that all children enrolled in Grade 1 should have completed Kindergarten.
Enrolment in Kindergarten in the Philippines has almost doubled from 2005 to 2013, with the largest
increases within the poorest and most vulnerable sections of society. In 2008, the gross enrolment
rate in Kindergarten for the poorest 20 per cent of the population was 33 per cent, but this had risen
to 63 per cent by 2013.1207 The rate of enrolment in Kindergarten for all children was 57.2 per cent in
2010 which increased to 79.3 per cent in 2014, but dropped back to 74.65 in 2015.1208 The increase in
Kindergarten enrolment since 2010 is likely to be due to the introduction of compulsory and free
Kindergarten education in 2012, as well as the increase in public sector spending on education
between those dates, and the fact that attendance is tied to the payment of a conditional cash
transfer.1209 It is not clear why enrolment rates were lower in 2015, but must be regarded as a cause
of concern. The goal in the PDP is to reach 95 per cent enrolment by 2022.1210
The MIS 2016 Survey carried out in 36 municipalities, shows that, although Kindergarten has become
compulsory, there are large disparities in the level of attendance at kindergarten between regions.
The number of six-year-olds who had completed preschool or Kindergarten was found to be below
100 per cent in all 36 municipalities In two municipalities, Capalonga and Mapanas the recorded
attendance rate was 93 per cent and in 29 others municipalities, the proportion was over 70 per
cent.1211 However in two municipalities, Mamasapano and Languyan, the proportion was 36 per cent
and 35 per cent respectively.1212 Worryingly, attendance at preschool or Kindergarten had decreased
in seven municipalities between the baseline survey (carried out in 2012 for 18 municipalities, in 2013
1205
Education Disrupted: Disaster impacts on education in the Asia Pacific region in 2015, Save the Children, p 20.
1206
Gaillard, JC et al 2014, Impact of 2013/2014 Floods on Education Sector in Metro Manila and Impact on Education in
Emergency Policies, Practices and Capacity on Disaster Response to Manila Floods, page 3 as referenced in Education
Disrupted: Disaster impacts on education in the Asia Pacific region in 2015, Save the Childre, p 24.
1207
Assessing Basic Education Service Delivery in the Philippines, World Bank, June 2016, p 18.
1208
Table 10.2 Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022.
1209
1210
1211
November 2016, p 150-151.
1212
November 2016, p 150-151.
222
July 2017
for the six cities and in 2014 for the remaining 12 municipalities), while the end-line survey in 2016,
showed an even bigger drop: most dramatically in Mamasapano where the rate of attendance had
dropped from 63 per cent to 36.2 per cent and in Upi where it had dropped from 81.7 per cent to
55.2 per cent.1213
It is not clear why enrolment has dropped, especially as the MIS Survey in 2016 showed that in 36
municipalities a very high proportion of parents of children aged 3–5 were aware that five-year-olds
were required to attend Kindergarten.1214 Rates ranged from 100 per cent in Basud, Capalonga, Labo
and Mercedes to 76.2 per cent and 73.5 per cent in Parang, Sulu and Siasi respectively.1215
The MIS Survey of 2016 showed that social reasons were the main reason for five-year-old children
not attending Kindergarten, followed by financial reasons and the child’s lack of interest in school.1216
This remains a prevailing view and one that did not change over the course of the survey period
between 2012 and 2016.
DepEd runs a Kindergarten Catch-Up Programme as an alternative model for children aged 5 and
over who were unable to attend or finish kindergarten during the school year. 1217 There is a lower rate
of awareness of the Catch-up programme than the requirement for a child to attend kindergarten,
pointing to a need to disseminate this information more widely. Rates of awareness among parents
of children aged 3-5 ranged from 26.2 per cent in Siayan to 78.9 per cent in Mapanas.1218
There was been a reduction in delivery of the Catch-Up Programme in many of the 36 municipalities,
largely because Kindergarten has now been made compulsory. A lack of teaching space and teachers
also meant that the programme was only implemented as a two-month course over the summer.1219
An evaluation of the UNICEF Philippines Country Office ‘Early Childhood Care and Development’ and
‘Basic Education’ components of the 7th GPH-UNICEF Country Programme 2012-2016 found that in
the 36 municipalities covered by the MIS survey there was a significant proportion (43 per cent; 15.1
per cent boys, 13.5 per cent girls) of six-year-olds enrolled in early education rather than Grade 1.1220
This is a matter of concern because it means that children are not entering primary education at the
1213
November 2016 p 150-151.
1214
November 2016, p 161.
1215
November 2016, table 8.18.
1216
November 2016, p 152
1217
November 2016 p 161.
1218
November 2016, table 8.18.
1219
Management p 48.
1220
Management, p 51.
223
correct age.1221 Where children enter school late they are more likely to drop out of school or to repeat
grades.1222
Participation in elementary education

Elementary or primary education is compulsory for all children of school age under the Philippines
Constitution and is provided for free according to Article XIV section 2(1). Elementary school is for
children aged 6–11.
The net enrolment rate in elementary education in 2010 was 95.9 per cent. This decreased to 92.57
per cent in 2014 and 91.05 per cent in 2015.1223 The goal in the PDP is to the net enrolment rate to 95
per cent by 2022.1224 It has been suggested that enrolment may not have decreased in practice, but
rather that the improvements to the Learner Information System which tracks students through the
school system, may have removed duplicate and non-existent students.1225 As EBEIS is not published
or open to public, disaggregated data is not readily available to show how net enrolment rates vary
between regions.
In 2013, there were similar enrolment rates for girls and boys attending elementary school, with a
net enrolment rate of 91.8 per cent for boys and 93.5 per cent for girls.1226 However, the MIS data
from 36 municipalities shows that in many municipalities there are significant gender differences in
attendance at Grade 1. These vary from Upi in Maguindanao, where there are almost twice as many
boys studying as girls (80 per cent of boys and 45.5 per cent of girls), to Parang in Sulu with many
more girls than boys (51.9 per cent of boys and 76.5 per cent of girls).1227 Boys are considered to be
less ready for school at a young age. They are more likely to get sick and be malnourished, and there
are low parental expectations of boys in terms of schooling,1228 all of which lead to lower enrolment
rates of boys in formal education.
Although the net enrolment rate is high, this is not reflected in the elementary school completion
rate. The Functional Literacy, Education, and Mass Media Survey (FLEMMS) survey showed that in
2013 the percentage of the population who had attended elementary school but did not graduate
was 22 per cent. A further 11.6 per cent of the population had graduation from elementary school as
their highest educational attainment.1229
1221
Management, p 51.
1222
UNESCO report 2006, as cited in Evaluation of the UNICEF Philippines Country Office ‘Early Childhood Care and
Development’ and ‘Basic Education’ components of the 7th GPH-UNICEF Country Programme 2012-2016 Final Report,
March 2017, Oxford Policy Management, p 51.
1223
Table 10.2, Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022.
1224
1225
1226
2013 Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey, 2013, Final Report, Philippines Statistic Authority, p 25.
1227
November 2016, p 174.
1228
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002303/230331e.pdf, p 45.
1229
The figures from the FLEMMS survey should be treated with caution as it refers to the population without counting
children aged 1-5.
224
July 2017
The numbers completing elementary education have, however, been rising. The completion rate for
elementary education in 2010 was 72.1 per cent. This rose to 83.04 per cent in 2014 and 83.43 per
cent in 2015.1230 The goal in the PDP is to increase this to 90 per cent by 2022.1231 The cohort survival
rate in elementary education was 74.2 per cent in 2010. This rose to 85.08 per cent in 2014 and 87.07
per cent in 2015.1232
Dropout rates have also been decreasing. In school year 2010–2011 the dropout rate in elementary
school was 6.29 per cent. This decreased to 2.7 per cent by school year 2015–2016.1233 It is likely the
rates are improving due to increased investment in education in recent years, which has resulted in
fewer congested classrooms and an improved learning environment. The introduction of compulsory
Kindergarten and investment in early years education may also have reduced dropouts as Grade 1
students are better prepared for school. The Government’s flagship social protection programme,
the 4Ps conditional cash transfer programme, may also have helped encourage children to stay in
school; this programme provides cash transfers to poor households provided certain conditions are
met, including requirements for school enrolment and attendance of children in the family up to 18
years.1234
According to the FLEMMS survey carried out in 2013, the main reasons for children aged 6–11 not
attending school are: lack of personal interest (24.9 per cent) and illness or disability (20.4 per cent).
1235 Though it has been suggested that the social norm (that the child is too young for school) also
applies to this age group. More boys than girls are likely to drop out, with 0.65 per cent of boys and
0.36 per cent of girls dropping out at elementary level.1236 Boys are also more likely to be taken out of
school to work: education is seen as less important for boys who are more likely to be employed in
jobs that do not require high academic skills, and boys can help in supporting the family, particularly
in rural areas. It has also been suggested that boys are more likely to lose interest in traditional
routine and passive classroom tasks.1237 This is a particular issue for boys because teaching is a sector
dominated by women, and it has been alleged that there is a gender bias towards girls in schools.1238
Participation in secondary education
Secondary education is compulsory for all children of school age under the Philippines Constitution
and is provided for free (Article XIV Section 2[1]). Until mid-2016, secondary education was
compulsory for children aged 11–16. Under the new K-12 programme, secondary school is now
compulsory for children aged 11–18.
The net enrolment rate in secondary education has fluctuated, decreasing from 64.7 per cent in 2010
to 63.26 per cent in 2014, but increasing again to 68.15 per cent in 2015. The goal in the PDP is to
reach 75.44 per cent by 2022.1239 It is not clear why the net enrolment rate has fluctuated, but as
discussed above, the 2015 figures may be more reliable due to the introduction of the new learner
1230
1231
1232
1233
Philippines Development Plan 2017-2022, p 141-142.
1234
See Chapter 8 for more detail on this programme.
1235
1236
1237
1238
Last-mile learners situational analysis report, DepEd Project Development Division, June 2016, p 8.
1239
225
information system. It should also be noted that this data will not reflect attendance at Senior High
School under the K-12 Program as this was only introduced in mid-2016.
There is an interesting and significant difference between the attendance rates of girls and boys at
secondary school level. In 2013 a far higher percentage of girls attended secondary school (71.2 per
cent) than boys (58.9 per cent).1240
Both the completion rate and cohort survival rate have fluctuated since 2010. The completion rate
in 2010 was 75.1 per cent. This rose to 78.7 per cent in 2014 but dropped to 73.97 per cent in
2015.1241 The goal in the PDP is to increase this to 78.48 per cent by 2022.1242 Similarly the cohort
survival rate in 2010 was 79.4. This increased to 81.24 in 2014 and then decreased to 80.75 in
2015.1243
In the FLEMMS survey, the percentage of the population who graduated from elementary school but
did not proceed to secondary school was 11.6 per cent in 2013; 15 per cent reached but did not finish
high school, while 20.3 per cent completed high school.1244 Dropout rates have decreased at the
secondary level, but by less than at primary level. In school year 2010–2011 the dropout rate was
7.79 per cent. This dropped to 6.65 per cent in school year 2015–2016. 1245 In school year 2015–2016
the dropout rate for males was 3.32 per cent and 1.64 per cent for females. 1246 The FLEMMS survey
showed a variation between regions in high school graduation. Ilocos and CALABARZON had the
highest proportions with 39.3 per cent and 39 per cent respectively. ARMM had the lowest
proportion with just 26.4 per cent.1247 There is a lack of information on the underlying reasons for
the regional variation which suggests that further research is needed in this area.
According to the FLEMMS survey, for children aged 12–15 the main reasons for not attending school
were a lack of personal interest (46.1 per cent) followed by family income not being sufficient to send
the child to school (19.8 per cent) and illness or disability (10.3 per cent).1248 A survey published in
2013 by the Philippines Statistics Authority showed a slightly different breakdown of reasons for
children dropping out of school. For children aged 12–15, the main reasons for leaving education
were a lack of money to pay for it (19.8 per cent) and the need to find work (7.7 per cent).1249 This
appears to be reflected in the available data on working children. Boys are considered to be more
likely to get a job which does not require academic skills and. as a result, remaining in school when
they could be earning is less attractive.1250 At the same time, there is a social expectation that girls
will persevere with their education and seek a job that requires qualifications.1251 The pattern of
attendance and dropout, with more girls in school than boy and less dropout among girls is unusual
in developing States. International research evidence indicates that children’s level of education is
1240
1241
1242
1243
1244
1245
1246
1247
1248
1249
1250
Education for All 2015 National Review Report: Philippines
1251
226
July 2017
most closely linked to the educational level of their mother, and thus, the better education of girls
provides an interesting possibility for improving the education level of the next generation.
It is likely that some of the children who drop out have undiagnosed special educational needs and
are not able to keep up with the class, but it may also be indicative of poor teaching and a syllabus
that is seen as irrelevant by children.
Table 7.1. Percentage of Population who have reached high school or graduated from high
school by region, Philippines, 2013
ARMM 26.4
Caraga 34.2
XII 31.1
XI 33.8
X 34.9
IX 30.3
VII 33.2
VI 32.8
Region
V 34.9
IV-B 33.1
IV-A 39
III 38.1
II 33.6
I 39.3
CAR 32.3
NCR 37.6
Philippines 35.4
0 10 20 30 40 50
Percentage
Source: Functional Literacy, Education, and Mass Media Survey, 2013
Out-of-school children
There were an estimated 2.85 million children aged 5–15 who were ‘out of school’ (i.e. not attending
school) in the school year 2015-2016. The prevalence was generally higher among the older age
groups. However, Grade 1 (for seven-year-olds) generally has the highest dropout rate both
nationally and in all regions. 1252 This may be due to the often held view that children are too young
to start education, and children in Grade 1 who have not participated in kindergarten or early
education are not able to keep up with others in the class. What is not known, is whether any of
these children re-enrol the following year.
1252
Last-mile learners situational analysis report, DepEd Project Development Division, June 2016, p 7-8.
227
Many outof-school youth are from pockets of the population living below the poverty line who face
challenges in accessing education. These include children living in geographically isolated areas,
children with no families (for example, street children) and children in conflict areas. 1253 This is
supported by the fact that ARMM has the highest rates for dropouts at both primary and secondary
school. 1254
Alternative learning system
Many out-of-school children are located in geographically remote areas where, due to the
requirement that there must be a minimum of 100 pupils in the area before a school is
constructed,1255 there are fewer schools, and longer distances for children to travel to reach available
schools. Where schools have a low number of pupils, a small number of multigrade teachers may be
allocated instead of one teacher per grade.1256 In 2008–2009, multigrade schools comprised 33 per
cent of the total number of public elementary schools and served 8 per cent of the total number of
elementary students.1257 The children in these schools are often disadvantaged children, including
indigenous peoples and those living in conflict areas.
The Alternative Learning System (ALS), run by the DepEd in parallel to formal basic education, offers
both non-formal and informal education to children who are out of school and adults.1258 ALS is
delivered by a mixture of DepEd provision, for example by using regular teachers as mobile teachers,
and external procurement of NGOs and others to deliver education through alternative delivery
methods. The ALS is open to anyone who is above the school age of formal elementary or secondary
education respectively, but has not achieved the final years of that school level.1259 The Enhanced
Basic Education Act affirmed that ALS is considered to be part of the basic education sector. 1260 In
2015 the budget allocated to ALS was around 0.14 per cent of DepEd’s total budget.1261
There are two strands to the ALS system. One is the Basic Literacy Program which is designed to
eradicate illiteracy among both children and adults and is community-based. The second is structured
informal education leading to the completing of the Accreditation and Equivalence Test and the
awarding of an elementary or secondary level diploma to those who pass it.1262 The programme is
free and learners are instructed in groups by facilitators using self-learning modules. Classes are held
in a wide variety of locations from church halls to prisons.1263 Different delivery modes are used to
reach different target beneficiaries including face to face, radio based instruction, computer based
instruction, independent learning and TV episodes.1264
1253
Key Informant Interview with Representative from DepEd, Wednesday, 14 June 2017, Manila.
1254
Last-mile learners situational analysis report, DepEd Project Development Division, June 2016, p 7-8.
1255
Key Informant Interview with representatives from UNICEF, Tuesday 13 June 2017, Manila.
1256
1257
Based on school year 2008-2009 data, Education for All 2015 National Review Report: Philippines,
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002303/230331e.pdf p 20.
1258
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002303/230331e.pdf.
1259
Philippines, Alternative Learning System Study, World Bank, May 2016, p 5.
1260
1261
1262
1263
1264
228
July 2017
While the alternative learning system has been effective it has faced challenges. There is limited data
available about participation in ALS. In 2016, there were 691,461 learners enrolled in ALS, 43 per cent
of whom were female.1265 In 2014, only 10 per cent of potential learners were enrolled in the
programme. Many of the target group are employed, meaning that they are less likely to wish to
return to studying and to lose their source of income. However, those who left education for financial
reasons are more likely to participate successfully in the ALS program as the failure to complete
school is not related to their ability. It was suggested that those who stopped school for
marriage/pregnancy or behavioural reasons were the least likely to enrol and succeed in ALS.1266
While passing the secondary school equivalency test within the ALS programme can increase a child’s
employability and lead to increased wages, pass rate is low, at around 20 per cent. 1267 One of the
main reasons for this if likely to be the high number of learners per facilitator, and the lack of financial
support for those who chose to study in an ALS programme, meaning that they are working as well
as studying.1268 It was observed in a study carried out by the World Bank that an increase in pass rate
was observed in classes where the number of learners was below 50.1269
Other alternative delivery modes have been implemented by DepEd, and supported by NGOs and
international organizations such as UNICEF, to make education more flexible. Some details are set
out below, however there is limited information about the breadth and effectiveness of these
programmes and how they link up with the ALS and the formal basic education system.
The e-IMPACT programme is a technology-enhanced alternative delivery mode developed by the
SEAMEO Regional Centre for Educational Innovation and Technology to address issues of accessibility
and low quality in multi-grade schools. It is a very flexible programme allowing for self and group
learning, both at school and at home. It also allows students to drop in and out as it suits them.
However this approach is contrary to the general DepEd approach of having fixed enrolment periods
and attendance at a fixed percentage of classes.1270 It was first introduced in 1974 in five rural schools
and has been expanded in recent years.1271 In the 2012–2013 school year, it was implemented in 31
elementary schools with 4,932 people enrolled.1272 A UNICEF evaluation found that this programme,
although effective, had a high cost due to the technology requirements which limited the viability of
replicating the programme on a wider level.1273
The Modified In-School Off-School Approach (MISOSA) was introduced by the DepEd Bureau of
Elementary Education and piloted in 14 schools in 2005. It is implemented in large classes with more
than 50 students in Grades 4–6.1274 The programme consists of splitting the class into two groups of
students who alternate attending classes taught by a teacher, and out of school learning taught by a
volunteer teacher. Its purpose is to help address overcrowding, the lack of classrooms, learning
1265
Presentation by Assistant Secretary, Ms G.H. Ambat to DepEd donor coordination workshop, July 20, 2017
1266
1267
1268
1269
1270
UNICEF evaluation on Alternative Delivery Modes: MISOSA and e-IMPACT, p 4.
1271
1272
1273
UNICEF evaluation on Alternative Delivery Modes: MISOSA and e-IMPACT, p 4-5.
1274
229
materials and teachers. 1275 In the 2012–2013 school year there were 84,754 pupils in 117 schools
benefiting from MISOSA.1276 A UNICEF evaluation found that although the programme was effective,
there were challenges in recruiting and retaining volunteer teachers, and securing appropriate
locations for the out-of-school segments.1277
A UNICEF study on MISOSA and e-IMPACT found that these alternative delivery modes made notable
contributions to improving educational outcomes, especially in raising the level and achievement test
scores of learners, as well as reducing dropout and repetition rates, although to a lesser extent. This
may have been the result of a more varied and stimulating teaching and learning environment which
encourages learners to participate in an active fashion and the engagement of parents and
communities in education.1278 A particular benefit of these programmes is that they do not generally
need additional resources such as classrooms and teachers, and so could also benefit overcrowded
schools as well as those who are at risk of dropping out. 1279 However, the cost of additional inputs,
such as technology are likely to be a barrier to wider implementation.
A further alternative delivery mode in the Philippines is the Open High School Programme which does
not require regular class attendance, but uses flexible and distance learning strategies to
accommodate learners whose physical impairments, jobs, finances, remoteness or other factors
prevent them from attending regular school. There is limited data on the Open High School
Programme, but in the 2011–2012 school year there were 39,822 OHSP enrolees in 942 OHSP
implementing schools.1280 A SAMEO INNOTECH study carried out on a small sample of schools
implementing the open high school program in 2015 concluded that it does provide an effective
solution for some students who cannot attend regular school and helps in reducing dropouts.
However, there were areas that needed improvement, including the need for better support for
teachers to help students develop at their own pace, a lack of orientation for parents and learners
about how the programme worked and a lack of consistent monitoring and evaluation of the
programme. In particular, it was difficult to assess the academic performance of students in open
high school due to the lack of a standardised testing regime.1281
Madrasah Education
Steps have been taken by DepEd to increase the number of Muslim and Indigenous students receiving
formal education. Madrasah education has been introduced to both promote education for all and
contribute to the peace process. The Refined Elementary Madrasah Curriculum was implemented
through DO No. 40 s. 20111282 in elementary public schools which have at least 15 Muslim students
enrolled (also known as the ALIVE program) and private madaris. Some public school divisions have
used ALIVE in their ALS program to deliver Arabic Language and Islamic Values to Muslim out of
1275
1276
1277
UNICEF evaluation on Alternative Delivery Modes: MISOSA and e-IMPACT, p 4-5.
1278
UNICEF Evaluation on Alternative Delivery Modes: MISOSA and e-IMPACT, Final Report, December 2012, p 147.
1279
UNICEF Evaluation on Alternative Delivery Modes: MISOSA and e-IMPACT, Final Report, December 2012, p 148.
1280
1281
Evaluation of the Open High School Program in the Philippines, SAMEO INNOTECH, 2015, p xv.
1282
Amendment to DepEd Order No. 51, s. 2004 (Standard Curriculum for Elementary Public Schools and Private
Madaris).
230
July 2017
school youth.1283 In 2013–2014, there were 1,235,854 Muslim students enrolled in elementary and
secondary education.1284
DepEd will provide support to madrasahs if they adopt the Refined Elementary Madrasah Curriculum,
which includes both secular education and Arabic Language and Islamic students.1285 The DepEd
support is in the form of tuition fees, which goes to the school administration, for example to hire
teachers and build structures.1286 The reasons for introducing the refined elementary madrasah
curriculum include ensuring that children are more able to move between Madrasahs and regular
public schools, and to promote Filipino culture alongside preserving Filipino Muslim’s cultural
heritage.1287
Additionally, under the Philippine Response to Indigenous and Muslim Education programme, a
number of steps were taken to address the access to schools for Muslim boys and girls including
building dormitories, prayer rooms and learning centres to improve access and to indigenise learning
materials.1288
At tertiary level, ALIVE TVET was a partnership between DepEd and TESDA to implement Technical
and Vocational Education and Training with Arabic Language and Islamic Values Education for Muslim
Out of School Youth. However, there is very little information about this programme and it appears
to have been discontinued due to budget constraints.1289
Education programme for Indigenous Peoples
DepEd has a number of frameworks for education of indigenous persons. The National Indigenous
People Educational Policy Framework (DO No. 62 s. 2011) aims to make education culturally
responsive. It integrates Indigenous peoples’ learning systems into the standard basic education
curriculum and commits to providing culturally appropriate learning resources and environments to
indigenous learners.1290 In conjunction with this, the Indigenous Peoples Education Curriculum
Framework (DepEd Order No. 32 s.2015) provides guidance to schools and learning programmes
engaging with indigenous communities to localise, indigenize and enhance the K–12 Curriculum for
their local context.1291 There is very limited information on the quality of the education provided
under these frameworks. In the 2013–2014 school year, there were 997,138 elementary and 246,820
secondary Indigenous learners, with 21 per cent of all Indigenous students located in CAR.1292
1283
Baseline Study of DepEd’s Readiness to Provide and Sustain Basic Education Services to Disadvantaged Muslim
Communities as cited in Education for All 2015 National Review Report: Philippines,
1284
1285
Refined Elementary Madrasah Curriculum, DepEd Order No. 40, s.2011.
1286
Interview with Director Rodger Masapol, Planning Service, Department of Education, Wednesday, 14 June 2017,
DoE Complex, Manila.
1287
DepEd Order No. 40, s.2011.
1288
1289
1290
DepEd Order No. 62, s. 2011.
1291
DepEd Order No. 32, s.2015.
1292
231
There appears to have been limited monitoring of these forms of education and their impact on
children’s educational achievement.
7.2.6. Funding for basic education
The percentage of the national budget allocated to public education and overall funding for
education has been increasing. In 2014, the education budget was PhP309.43 billion,1293 which
increased to PhP435.9 billion in 2016.1294 The percentage of the national budget spent on public
education was 2.2 per cent of GDP in 2014. However, the Philippines is still falling short of the amount
of money spent on education by other similar countries. The average amount spent on education in
lower-middle income countries is almost 5 per cent.1295
Table 7.2. Public Spending on Education, Philippines, 2003–2015
The spending per student in the Philippines is also low compared to other middle-income
countries.1296
Table 7.3. Spending on Education as a share of GDP and total government spending, selected
countries, 2012
1293
“Education gets lion’s share of 2014 budget”, January 27, 2014, http://www.gov.ph/2014/01/27/education-gets-
lions-share-of-2014-budget/.
1294
“Education tops 2016 budget”, September 8, 2015, http://www.gov.ph/2015/09/08/education-tops-2016-budget/.
1295
1296
232
July 2017
Source: Assessing Basic Education Service Delivery in the Philippines, World Bank, June 2016
There is a significant disparity in the amount spent for each school-aged child in the regions, varying
from around PhP4,500 in the NCR to just over PhP7,600 in the CAR. This does not appear to correlate
with regional and provincial levels of poverty. 1297
Although many public services have been decentralised in the Philippines, basic education remains
largely under the control of the national government through DepEd. LGUs have a small amount of
responsibility as they maintain basic education infrastructure and fund sports activities. 1298 A Special
Education Fund was created by Republic Act 7160, an Act Providing for a Local Government Code of
1991, which is funded by a 1 per cent charge on real property.1299 The fund can be spent on operation
and maintenance of public schools, construction and repair of school buildings, facilities and
equipment, educational research, purchase of books and periodicals and sports development.1300
Funds from the special education funds are released to local school boards who determine how the
funds are spent.1301
As the Special Education Fund (SEF) is based on a 1 per cent surcharge on property taxes, and
property prices have risen in recent years, the funds available in the SEF have risen, but the spending
has declined. In 2014 this resulted in a surplus of over PhP63 billion. The reasons for this are likely to
be related to poor cash management and poor budgeting by local school boards and LGUs.1302 One of
the challenges in spending the funds effectively has been the lack of communication between schools
and the local school boards, with funds are not always being allocated to areas of most need. 1303
Table 7.4. Total public spending on education by LGUs between 2003 and 2013
1297
Assessing Basic Education Service Delivery in the Philippines, World Bank, June 2016, xxix.
1298
1299
An Act Providing for a Local Government Code 1991, section 309.
1300
1301
1302
1303
233
The decrease in spending on education at local level is in stark contrast to the increase in national
government funding for education.1304
Table 7.5. Public spending per student by LGUs 2003–2013
Table 7.6. Total local government spending on education per region, 2013
1304
234
July 2017
Although education is free, households spend a considerable amount of money on education. In

2015, 3.8 per cent of total family expenditure was spent on education,1305 but it is not clear to what
extent this was spent on public or private.1306 The private sector and NGOs also contribute funding
to schools, but there is a lack of consistent information on the amount they contribute and on what
it is spent.1307
In order to ensure that education is free for all children, DepEd prohibits the collection of fees for
schooling and regulates the collection of voluntary fees. The Revised Guidelines on the Opening of
Classes (DO No. 41 s. 2012) are intended to reinforce the policy that no fees are to be collected from
school children from kindergarten to Grade 4. From Grade 5 and up, voluntary contributions may be
sought, but collection of voluntary contributions from parents cannot begin until two months after
the start of class. The removal of fees for learners has helped to increase enrolment and has reduced
dropout rates by easing the financial burden on families.1308
The government is taking steps to mitigate some of the reasons for lack of attendance. The
Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programme provides the poorest households in the Philippines with
a PhP500 subsidy per month for healthcare and nutrition expenses and a PhP300 education subsidy
per month per child for a maximum of three children. These benefits are only released if three- to
five-year-old children in the family attend day care or preschool at least 85 per cent of the time and
6–14 year old children enrol in elementary or secondary school and attend at least 85 percent of class
meetings.1309
1305
2015 Family Income and Expenditure Survey Table 9, accessed at https://psa.gov.ph/content/statistical-tables-
2015-family-income-and-expenditure-survey.
1306
1307
1308
1309
235
In order for the CCT requirements to have effect there needs to be sufficient available space in all
levels of education for children to attend. It is not clear what happens when there is no space in the
local day care centre, or if there is no day care centre in the area. 1310
Another programme providing financial support for education is the Government Assistance to
Students and Teachers in Private Education programme. This programme pays the fees for
‘deserving’ elementary graduates from low income families to continue their studies at private high
schools, especially where the child does not have access to a public high school. DepEd will cover the
tuition and other fees to enable a child to enrol in a private high school to enable the child to continue
into secondary education.1311 Under the K-12 program the Government Assistance to Students and
Teachers in Private Education programme has been extended to support those who have attended
public junior high school and wish to attend senior high school, but there is no availability in their
area.1312 The number of student beneficiaries of this programme has increased from 666,000 in
school year 2009–2010 to 809,000 in school year 2013–2014,1313 and to 910,312 in school year 2015–
2016.1314 The expectation is that DepEd will subsidise around 800,000 public school students to
attend a private school for senior high school each year.1315
7.2.7. Infrastructure for basic education
Concerns have been raised by the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child regarding poor school
facilities in the Philippines, including the insufficient number of classroom seats, text books and
school supplies, especially in remote areas.1316
Some schools in the Philippines have been so congested in the last 10 years that they have had to
run up to four shifts of classes each day. Running classes in shifts may increase the number of children
receiving some schooling, but can reduce the quality of education received, particularly if the same
teacher is teaching multiple shifts each day.1317 According to DepEd, there was a reduction in the
number of congested schools between 2011 and 2014.1318
Table 7.7. Number of congested elementary schools 2011–2014
1310
Key Informant Interview with representatives from UNICEF, 13 June 2017, Manila.
1311
An Act Providing Government Assistance to Students and Teachers in Private Education, and Appropriating Funds
Therefore, RA No. 6728, as amended by RA 8545, section 7.
1312
1313
DepEd figures cited in Education for All 2015 National Review Report: Philippines,
1314
DepEd FY 2015 Physical Report of Operation as of December 31 2015.
1315
1316
UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, concluding observations on the Philippines, 2009, para 65.
1317
Double Shift Schooling: design and operation for cost effectiveness, Mark Bray, UNESCO, p 20.
1318
K-12 Midterm report to Congress, slideshow
(http://www.deped.gov.ph/sites/default/files/K%20to%2012%20Midterm%20Report%20to%20Congress%20%2810%2
0March%202015%29.pdf )
236
July 2017
9000
8000 7638
7000
6000
5000
4000
3000
2000
1001 1203 1146
1000 461
83 52 15 81 3 0 0
0
2 Shifts 3 Shifts 4 Shifts
2011 2012 2013 2014
Source: Department of Education
Table 7.8. Number of congested secondary schools 2011-2014

600 569
512
500
446
421
400
2011
296
300 2012
2013
200 2014
100
53
17 15 4 2 0 0
0
2 Shift 3 shift 4 shift
According to the PDP, although the provision of educational facilities has improved through school
building programs and projects, the ratio of classroom to pupils remains low. The classroom to pupil
ratio decreased from 1:39 in 2010 to 1:34 in 2014 at primary level, and from 1:54 to 1:48 at secondary
237
level between 2010 and 2014.1319 The goal in the PDP is to have a classroom to pupil ratio of 1:25 in
kindergarten, 1:30 for Grades 1–3 and 1:40 for Grades 4–6 in junior and senior high school by 2022.1320
There have been difficulties in building enough classrooms to meet the needs of the growing school
age population. Between 2010 and 2016, 118,686 classrooms were constructed.1321 This construction
covered the classroom deficit of 66,800 in 2010, but another 34,057 classrooms are needed to allow
for the full implementation of the K-12 program.1322 Of the 15,025 classrooms planned to be built in
2015, only 900 were built. The goal was to build 3,003 classrooms to facilitate K to 10 classes, while
the majority (12,022) were for senior high school.1323 Slightly better progress was made in 2016, as
DepEd had planned to build 91,368 new classrooms, but by the end of the third quarter had only
built 33,230.1324 The lack of progress in hitting targets for building classrooms in 2015 and 2016 does
not appear to be due to lack of funds, as sufficient funds appear to have been allocated by DepEd to
build these classrooms. However, DepEd failed to utilize more than half its budget for capital outlay
between 2012 and 2015, 1325 indicating a lack of capacity to administer and utilize the funds to execute
the project. There appear to be a number of reasons for the failure to meet the targets. First, there
are often delays in receiving funds for planned projects which, combined with strict procurement
rules imposed, means schools cannot spend and account for the use of funds before the end of the
fiscal year.1326 Second, some schools, especially those in rural areas, lack administrative staff to
prepare the necessary accounts for their expenditure.1327 Failure to prepare accounts for previous
expenditure results in future funds being withheld, which is turn leads to an inability to spend
funds.1328 Additionally, school construction is implemented through the Department of Public Works
and Highways which does not always co-ordinate effectively with DepEd, leading to delays in
executing of projects.1329
School infrastructure (classrooms, desks and chairs) meet DepEd’s standards in 94 per cent of
elementary schools and 83 per cent of high schools. 1330 However in urban areas, standards of school
infrastructure are lower: 24 per cent of elementary and 30 per cent of high schools in highly urbanized
cities have student-classroom ratios well above the maximum.1331 Additionally, many fail to meet
sanitation facility standards, with 3,819 schools still lacking a water supply and sanitation facilities. 1332
Seventy per cent of high schools in highly urbanized cities fail to meet the sanitation facility standards
because they have more than 50 female students per toilet.1333 This is likely to be due to the high
population density in such cities and a lack of schools. High schools in highly urbanized cities tend to
1319
1320
1321
1322
1323
DepEd FY 2015 Physical report of operation as of December 31 2015.
http://www.deped.gov.ph/sites/default/files/page/2017/FY%202015%20Full%20Year.PDF
1324
DepEd Physical Report of Operation as of September 30 2016.
1325
1326
1327
1328
1329
1330
1331
1332
1333
238
July 2017
be more overcrowded, with higher student-teacher and student classroom ratios,1334 so it is

unsurprising they also fail to meet sanitation facility standards.
There are also problems with delivering electricity to schools. In the school year of 2013–2014, 1,308
public elementary schools (3.38 per cent of the total number of public elementary schools
nationwide, with a total enrolment of 220,883 students) were without access to electricity in the
Philippines.1335 The majority of these, 355 (16.06 per cent of elementary schools in the region), were
in the ARMM, followed by Region IV-B (164 or 8.9 per cent of schools in the region), Bicol Region (146
or 4.64 per cent of schools in the region), and CAR (132 or 8.66 per cent of schools in the region).1336
The lack of electricity reduces the opportunity for students to develop skills in technology, and can
limit teaching hours due to a lack of available light. However, the electrification of these schools
could, provide great opportunities for the promotion of renewable, cleaner and more resilient energy
sources like solar energy.
7.2.8. Quality of basic education
Educational achievement
One of the key concerns in the education sector is whether children are learning and achieving well.
The achievement rate in elementary education (the degree of performance in different subject areas
in various levels of education, as measured by DepEd) rose from 68.2 per cent in 2010 to 69.1 per
cent in 2014,1337 not a significant increase. The achievement rate is lower at secondary school, but has
increased from 47.9 per cent in 2010 to 49.48 per cent in 2014.1338
The Philippines has not participated in international assessments of academic performance since
2003, but when it did, its scores were among the lowest of all countries.1339 The Philippines is now
participating in the Southeast Asia Primary Learning Metrics at Grade 5.1340 In the 2008 national
achievement test there were low scores across mathematics (42.9 per cent mastery) and science
(46.7 per cent mastery), which is reflected in employers surveys of the low performance of students
in these areas.1341 In the national achievement test, girls generally perform better than boys.1342 It
should be noted that the data from National Achievement Test is not publicly available and is not
linked with the EBEIS system which makes it difficult to analyse the data.
Reasons given for the low achievement rates and low academic performance are a lack of teacher
competencies;1343 high student-teacher ratios; absence of basic educational facilities and the quality
of classrooms.1344 In a nationwide survey in 2015 of 2,762 respondents aged 15–30, that only 64 per
cent of respondents said they were satisfied with the quality of education in the Philippines. 1345
1334
Assessing Basic Education Service Delivery in the Philippines, World Bank, June 2016, p xxxvi.
1335
Last Mile Learners Situational Analysis report, DepEd June 2016, p 47.
1336
1337
1338
1339
1340
1341
1342
Key Informant Interview with representative from DepEd, Wednesday, 14 June 2017, Manila.
1343
Philippines Education Note, Developing a Proficient and Motivated Teacher Workforce in Assessing Basic Education
Service Delivery in the Philippines Policy No. 2, World Bank, June, 2016.
1344
1345
National Youth Assessment Study 2015, Philippines, National Youth Commission, p 21.
239
Teacher training and recruitment

The quality of teacher training provided in the Philippines remains a matter of concern. The pass rate
for teacher exams in March 2017 was 10.49 per cent for examinees applying to be elementary
teachers and 25.46 per cent for examinees applying to be secondary teachers.1346 In 2014, Philippine
Business for Education, a national NGO found that 59 per cent of teacher education institutions for
elementary teachers did not reach the national pass rate of 52 per cent of candidates passing first
time. Similarly, 63 per cent of teacher education institutions for secondary students did not meet the
national pass rate of 56 per cent for first time candidates; 68 per cent of the teacher training
institutions that did not meet the national pass rate were private schools. One of the reasons for such
low pass rates is the poor level of basic education in the Philippines, but also the low quality of
teacher training at many institutions.1347
DepEd is taking steps to improve the quality of teacher training. Teacher training institutions that fail
to meet the national pass rate will be shut down. 1348 DepEd have also tightened the hiring policies in
schools and now require those applying for teaching roles to demonstrate their skills rather than
relying on paper qualifications.1349
Although the pass rates for teaching exams are low, the recruitment of new teachers has increased.
According to DepEd, the number of new teachers hired has increased between 2010 and 2014,
peaking at 58,793 hired in 2013.
Table 7.9. Number of new teachers hired 2010-2014
1346
List of passers: March 2017 LET Results Teachers Board Exam (Elementary, Secondary), accessed at:
http://www.prcboard.com/2017/03/Results-March-2017-LET-Teachers-Board-Exam-Elementary-Secondary.html.
1347
‘Most schools for teachers perform badly in licensure exams’, Jee Y Geronimo, March 21 2014,
http://www.rappler.com/nation/53468-worst-schools-teachers-ph.
1348
Key Informant Interview, June 2017, Manila.
1349
Key Informant Interview June 2017, Manila.
240
July 2017
70000
58793
60000
Number of new teachers hired
50000
40000
29394
30000
20000 15253
13268
11347
10000
0
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Republic Act 8190, the Localisation Law, gives priority to the appointment and assignment of teachers
who are residents of the barangay, city or municipality in which the school is located.1350 Such a policy
supports mother tongue teaching and ensures that schools in remote areas have teachers in place,
but it is not always advantageous to the school.1351 Head teachers and school division superintendents
have raised concerns that focusing too much on local employment, means that the need for subject
specific teachers and geographical diversity take second place. Such issues are equally important and
need to be given consideration. 1352
The starting salary in the Philippines for new teachers is quite high compared to neighbouring
countries, at around 150 per cent of per capita GDP, however salaries only increase slowly over the
years. Teachers’ salaries only increase by about 15 per cent over 15 years, which is low compared to
similar countries. Around 20 per cent of teachers reported they had to take on another job to
supplement their earnings.1353 Working at a second job has the potential to reduce the quality of
teaching and the level of energy and commitment.
Teaching skills
Education in the Philippines has generally been rote-based, leaving learners with limited mastery of
and ability to apply knowledge and skills in further education and the work place.1354 The classic
pedagogy of the teacher standing at the front and talking, combined with overcrowded classrooms,
lack of interactive teaching and a lack of variety in the methods of delivery, often leaves children
1350
An Act Granting Priority to Residents of the Barangay, Municipality or City Where the School is Located in the
Appointment or Assignment of Classroom Public Schoolteachers, Republic Act No 8190, section 1.
1351
1352
1353
1354
241
bored and not focusing on the learning. 1355 In a formative assessment of 65 school classrooms in four
regions carried out by the Assessment Curriculum and Technology Research Centre, 1356 56 per cent
of teachers observed were only able to teach at class level and deliver their pre-prepared lesson
although teachers are encouraged by DepEd Order No 8. S. 2015 to take an interactive and
‘formative’ approach and to adjust their teaching style and strategy based on student responses..1357
In multigrade schools there is a need for teachers to be trained in intense pedagogy. Although around
33 per cent of elementary schools are multigrade, it would appear that the DepEd has given little
emphasis to the provision of such training, with only one person in DepEd allocated at national level
to support such training. 1358
Knowledge of subject matter is another challenge, as this has been shown to be low among teachers.
According to the Philippines Public Education Expenditure and Quantitative Service Delivery Study,
teacher content knowledge assessments carried out in 20141359 the average elementary or high school
teacher could answer less than half of the subject content test questions for their area correctly.
These are the tests which form the basis of the curriculum.1360
In order to qualify as a teacher an individual has to be a graduate with at least a bachelor’s degree in
elementary or secondary education, although secondary teachers can also have a bachelor’s degree
in arts and sciences provided at least 10 units cover professional education. Teachers must also pass
the licensure exam, which for secondary teachers includes a section on their proposed field of
specialisation.1361 Although secondary school teachers can qualify as teachers after having taken a
degree in sciences, many science teachers do not have a qualification in the subject area in which
they teach: 73 per cent of physics teachers and 66 per cent of chemistry teachers did not study the
subjects at university.1362 Limited mastery of the subject area is likely to be a growing concern with
the move to the K-12 programme, as years 11 and 12 will require teachers to teach their subjects at
a higher level that previously.
A World Bank report in 2016 indicates that the majority of teachers (75 per cent) received some form
of professional development, with high school teachers more likely to have received professional
development than primary school or Kindergarten teachers.1363 Kindergarten teachers were the least
likely to have received in-service training.1364 Although teachers were generally positive about the
1355
1356
Formative Assessment project, Phase 2 Research Report, Assessment Curriculum and Technology Research Centre,
2016, p 7
1357
Formative Assessment project, Phase 2 Research Report, Assessment Curriculum and Technology Research Centre,
2016, pp 18 and 19.
1358
Key Informant Interview June, Manila.
1359
As part of this study 377 grade 6 and 946 grade 10 teachers took two assessments, a subject-based content
assessment for measuring teachers’ knowledge of the content of the K-12 curriculum in English, Filipino, Mathematics
and Science, and a short form of the Philippine government’s Teacher Strengths and Needs Assessment based on the
National Competency Based Teacher Standards, Assessing Basic Education Service Delivery in the Philippines, World
Bank, June 2016, p 41.
1360
Assessing Basic Education Service Delivery in the Philippines, World Bank, June 2016, p xvii.
1361
Article 3, RA 7836, The Philippine Teachers Professionalization Act of 1994.
1362
1363
1364
242
July 2017
training they had received 40 per cent of teachers interviewed for the PETS-QSDS survey felt they
needed more and better quality in-service training to improve their classroom teaching.1365
It has proved difficult to find much information about school inspections and monitoring. Although
curriculum inspection is undertaken by supervisors with technical knowledge of each subject, it has
been suggested that the inspections are superficial and thinly spread and that overall, there is an
insufficient level of inspection and support. The head teacher in a school is the curriculum supervisor,
but there are often too many teachers within the school for the head teacher to provide effective
curriculum supervision.1366
Availability of teachers
In 2016, 29 per cent of elementary schools had too few teachers, a drop from 46 per cent in 2012.
Over the past 10 years, the student to teacher ratio in elementary schools has been decreasing, as is
shown in the table below. The average student-teacher ratio in elementary schools is 35 students per
teacher. In 52 per cent of elementary schools, the student-teacher ratio is lower than 35 students.
The lower student-teacher ratios can often be found in rural areas due to low numbers of students
falling within a school’s catchment area.1367
Table 7.10. Total Number of Teachers and Student-Teacher Ratio in Elementary Schools,
Philippines, 2013
In 2016, 37 per cent of secondary schools had too few teachers, a reduction from 70 per cent in 2012.
1368 The average student to teacher ratio has declined at high school level, from 40:1 in 2005 to 27:1
in 2014, and the student to classroom ratio at high school level has declined from around 69:1 to
1365
1366
1367
1368
243
around 48:1.1369 The DepEd goal is to have an average student-teacher ratio in high schools of 27
students per teacher.1370
Table 7.11. Total Number of Teachers and Student-Teacher Ratio in High Schools, Philippines, 2013
The distribution of teachers across the country is uneven. The student to teacher ratio is generally
higher in urbanized cities (averaging 39 students per teacher) and lower in municipalities (averaging
29 students per teacher).1371 However, it is easier to recruit and retain teachers in urban settings. It
has been become necessary to offer financial incentives, in the form of extra pay, to teachers working
in ‘hardship’ areas, which include the more remote areas, and those with a need for multigrade
teachers. It does not appear, however, that the extra pay has resulted in greater retention of
teachers, and many teachers in hardship posts request a transfer after six months.1372 The DepEd has
not conducted any research into why teachers choose not to work in remote areas, but the reasons
are likely to be the same as for other countries: isolation and separation from family and community.
1373 Another possible reason for the failure to retain teachers is that the formula for the financial
incentives has not been updated since it was introduced in 1996, and is not now seen as being such
an incentive as to make it worthwhile remaining in post.1374
Although urban schools have poorer facilities and are more overcrowded, the best teachers still
prefer to work in wealthier urban areas. The World Bank concluded that multiple dimensions of
inequality remain in education, which need to be addressed in order to ensure quality education is
available to all children across the Philippines.1375
1369
1370
1371
1372
1373
Key Informant Interview with representatives from UNICEF, Tuesday, 13 June, Manila.
1374
Draft, Data Must Speak in the Philippines, Baseline Analysis [DRAFT].
1375
Assessing Basic Education Service Delivery in the Philippines, World Bank, June 2016, p xxxi.
244
July 2017
During the PETS-QSDS survey in 2014 school principals reported having a shortage of subject
specialist teachers particularly of Filipino language teachers as well as mathematics, science and
English. No reasons are provided for the lack of Filipino and English language teachers in the survey,
but it is likely to be related to the possibility of obtaining alternative employment. Many of the
shortages are in municipalities,1376 which is unsurprising given that teachers prefer to work in an urban
environment. In addition, there are issues with the quality of materials used by teachers.
Attendance of teachers is measured at sub-national level, but is generally seen as not being a
problem.1377 Reported teacher absenteeism in elementary schools is low at around 7.6 per cent.
Teacher absenteeism is higher in the high schools, and particularly in those located in highly
urbanized cities – almost 1 in 10 in 2014, which is 53 per cent higher than the national average. This
may be due to the larger school size in these area, the greater student-teacher ratio, greater
difficulties in terms of traffic congestion in the city and greater demands on teachers’ time.
Interestingly, children in the bottom 20 per cent of households attend schools with lower rates of
teacher absenteeism.1378
7.2.9. Barriers and Bottlenecks: basic education
The education system faces many challenges, as do children seeking to access a quality education.
Poverty, climate change, devastating disasters, armed conflict and threats to the safety and security
of children all make universal education attainment a challenge.1379 Some of the underlying structural
challenges to education in the Philippines, such as the lack of resources and the unequal division of
resources across the regions, creates particular difficulties for children in rural communities.
Additionally, the Philippines has a fast-growing population, which requires planning to ensure that
educational places are increased in the right regions and municipalities. 1380 The sheer number of
children in the education system, around 25 million 5- to 18-year-olds, can also make implementing
whole-scale change a major challenge.
The key barriers and bottlenecks in the education system were mapped out by a group of key
stakeholders at the consultation workshop that informed this SitAn. The group selected a key
deprivation (unequal access to inclusive, quality education), and identified a causality chain of
immediate, underlying and structural causes. This map is presented below.
Table 7.12. Stakeholder causality map for education
Unequal access to inclusive quality education – Equity issues: children with disabilities, IP children,
children in poor, disadvantaged, rural areas, children in conflict with the law
Children not learning well (NAT results)
➢ Supplies: Lack of materials, textbooks
➢ Education financial system not efficient (WB-PETS, PER)
➢ Procurement and finance policies too difficult
1376
1377
1378
Assessing Basic Education Service Delivery in the Philippines, World Bank, June 2016, p xxx.
1379
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002303/230331e.pdf, xxii.
1380
245
➢ Low education investment (GAA)

➢ Low LGU investment (SEF)
➢ Learning is not fun, relevant to children
➢ Traditional teacher-centered teacher education
➢ Low capacity and quality of teachers teaching
➢ Low quality service grade
➢ Need for higher Education Reform (TE)
Dropouts. Repeaters (EBEIS, studies)

➢ Boys (mostly) need to work
➢ Higher non-completion and non-performance among boys
➢ Lack of interest of children to attend schools (2013 FLEMMS Survey)
➢ Malnourished children (DepED Health and Nutrition data)
➢ Lack of child-friendly/Nurturing School environment (e.g. WASH/MHM
➢ Young (3-5 years old) children are not ready for schooling (42%NER in DCC; 70%
Kinder NER)
➢ Parents do not send their young children to pre-school/ Kinder
➢ Lack of awareness on the importance of pre-school/ Kinder (including health,
nutrition, early learning, stimulation)
➢ Limited coverage of parenting programs
➢ ECCD-Early Learning not a LGU priority
➢ Existing Pre-school/ Kinder services not accessible to marginalised,
disadvantaged children
➢ Unable to meet standards set for quality ECCD (in facilities, teachers, etc.) -
monitoring data
➢ Low investment from National and Local Governments (center, home and
community-based ECCD services)
➢ Limited budget of LGU (UNICEF LGU Budget Study, Save the Children)
➢ ECCD/ Early Learning is not a priority of the LGU
➢ Lack of awareness of LGU on the importance of investing in ECCD
➢ Weak capacity of LGUs in planning, programming and implementation
➢ Weak/ absence of functional ECCD governance and management at mun./ city
and barangay level
➢ No clear policy on local ECCD governance mechanisms
➢ Lack of political will of LGUs (no organized data)
➢ Lack of budget from Natl.
➢ No/ lack of national policy to provide subsidy to poor LGUs (e.g. 4th, 6th class)
➢ Lack of accountability of LGUs to implement sustained ECCD programmes
➢ Lack of coordination leading to weak/ lack of accountability mechanisms -
national and local level
➢ Lack of national M&E Framework
➢ Mismatch of families and children expectations of the educational system (not
developmentally appropriate)
➢ Lack of transition package from Pre-K to Kinder to Grades

➢ Some schools are not PWD friendly
246
July 2017
➢ Schools and teachers lack of awareness in inclusive education

➢ Pupil placement policies keeps CWDs excluded
➢ Attitudes/ lack of awareness (inclusion for CWDs) – DepEDs
➢ Low awareness of family planning services
Children in remote/ poor areas

➢ Low adoption of homestead vegetable gardening
➢ No land for gardening
➢ No land ownership
➢ Lack of farming tools/ implements
➢ Schools have no electricity
➢ DepED has poor budget and procurement planning (cost of transport excluded)
➢ Inequitable policy of national government to support poor children.
Adolescents and OOSCY

➢ Children/ adolescents don't want/ not motivated to go to school (FLEMMS 2013)
➢ Adolescents who get pregnant do not continue schooling
➢ CSE not yet in school
➢ Life skills for children/ adolescents are not available
➢ No standards on school child- friendly services
➢ Child labor (ILO Study)
➢ Undocumented children
➢ Data collection of undocumented adolescents limited making it difficult to map
out services for them
➢ Teaching/ educational delivery is traditional, low quality, not child-friendly, low
learning achievement
➢ Social stigma
➢ Low level of knowledge of HIV among young key affected population (IHBSS,
YAFS)
➢ Limited curriculum coverage for HIV, Teenage pregnancy, Drug abuse
➢ Referral system in some schools are not existing
➢ Lack of investment in preventive interventions for teenage pregnancy, HIV,
substance abuse, mental health and violence
Children affected by Disaster, Conflict

➢ Children in armed conflict areas are recruited as soldiers
➢ Disregard of Children's Right and Child Protection; No Birth Registration
➢ Inflexible policy on acceptance to school of CICL
➢ Inflexible policy for accepting CWDs, IPs, children in conflict-affected areas
➢ Impact of emergency
➢ Schools are used evacuation centers
➢ Schools are not equipped appropriately to mitigate impact of emergencies
➢ Not a priority, no funds allocated
➢ Culture, beliefs, attitudes towards situations
➢ Children are forced to work whether paid or unpaid due to difficulties faced after
disasters/ conflict.
247
Data
The lack of properly disaggregated data is a key issue. In particular, data which is disaggregated by
socio-economic class and region and on vulnerable groups such as those with disabilities, indigenous
people and other minority groups is not available. In recent years, the availability of data on
education has improved with the E-BEIS and LIS systems as part of the broader movement in the
Philippines to improve transparency and accountability.1381 However the EBEIS data is not publicly
available.
There have also been challenges to ensuring the new system of data collection works. In particular,
the frequent changes of leadership at national, divisional and school levels can disrupt reform
processes and changes benchmarks for success.1382
Implementation of K-12 program

Although the aim of the K-12 programme is to improve the quality of education in the Philippines,
there are barriers and bottlenecks to its implementation. Progress was made in improving the basic
education system in the Philippines in the years before the K-12 programme. Since the plan to move
to K-12 was announced, there has been progress on recruiting teachers and building new classrooms.
However, given the existing shortage of classrooms, the high student teacher ratio and high drop-out
rates at secondary level, there is a risk that placing further and demanding requirements on the
education system may worsen the quality of education for children, and exacerbate the current
problems. As the K-12 requirement has only recently been introduced, there is limited data so far on
successful implementation and the impact that it has on schools and their ability to deliver quality
education to all their pupils.
A further bottleneck arises with keeping young people in education past the previous limit for
compulsory education (16). With a lack of classrooms and teachers, poor teaching methods and a
curriculum that does not interest a proportion of the children, when taken together with well as the
pull of possible paid employment for 16 years, retaining children in education up to the age of 18
may be difficult.
Supply-side bottlenecks
Facilities and infrastructure
The poor education infrastructure is also a barrier to education in the Philippines. There are a lack of
classrooms and basic facilities with many schools being overcrowded. Increasing the length of
schooling by two years under the K-12 program is likely to exacerbate this. A poor quality,
overcrowded environment lacking in basic facilities is likely to discourage children from attending
school and reduce their educational attainment. Classrooms are also regularly destroyed by disasters
and armed conflict, or used as evacuation centres, which further disrupts children’s education.
1381
Investigations into Using Data to Improve Learning: Philippines Case Study, March 2017, p 29.
1382
Investigations into Using Data to Improve Learning: Philippines Case Study, March 2017, p 29.
248
July 2017
Procurement systems
There are challenges in spending the education budget. The procurement system in the Philippines
has strict rules, it is bureaucratic and planning is reported to be poor, which leads to delays.1383 Much
of the procurement is centralised, meaning school supplies are purchased in Manila and school
construction has to be bid for in Manila, even when a school is many kilometres distant. 1384 In a key
informant interview with DepEd it was stated that this meant that there could be economies of scale
and consistency of design and this was an advantage.1385 While there may be some economies of
scale, the school time taken up by an overly burdensome procurement process, and the consequent
delay in tendering and reaching a decision on the provider and delivery of the goods, or the
completion of construction, is likely to outweigh any benefit from economies of scale. It has been
suggested that the centralisation and bureaucratic nature of the current procurement system is
blocking the development of the education system, and results in monies not being used efficiently
and preventing rural and disadvantaged areas from obtaining the funding they need. 1386
The failures in the procurement process have had a practical impact on children. One of many
examples, was a failure in the procurement process for the printing of an end of year accreditation
and equivalency test for the alternative learning system. This resulted in students being unable to
take the test, and as a result being unable to graduate for an additional year. This in turn meant that
the students were not able to proceed into formal education or the next level of education. In a
further example, in 2016, the government was not able to complete the procurement process for
textbooks for students starting grade 11. The students had to begin the year without the necessary
materials while external support was sought.1387 The procurement rules also have an impact on school
structure as a result of delays in obtaining the necessary materials to repair classrooms damaged by
conflict or disaster.1388
Demand-side barriers
Physical access
The geographical make-up of the Philippines as an archipelago with some small and remote islands
makes delivery of public services including education difficult.1389 It can also make getting to school
challenging for children. 1390 There is a lack of transport infrastructure to assist children to reach school
in some areas of the Philippines. In 2013, 6.2 per cent, or 2.4 million students aged 6-24, had to walk
to school because there was no alternative means of transport.1391 This increases to more than 1 in
10 for students in Bicol, CAR, ARMM, Caraga, Zamboanga Peninsula and MIMAROPA.1392
1383
Key Informant Interview, 13 June 2017.
1384
Key Informant Interview, 13 June 2017.
1385
Key Informant Interview, 14 June 2017, Manila.
1386
Key Informant Interview June 2017.
1387
Key Informant Interview, June 2017
1388
Key Informant Interview, June 2017
1389
1390
1391
1392
249
Social and cultural beliefs and practices

There are social barriers to children participating in school, particularly for younger children. The
belief by parents and teachers that primary school aged children are too young to attend school 1393
increases the likelihood of children not being enrolled. The MIS of 2016 showed that this was the
main reason for 5-year-old children not attending kindergarten.1394 The MIS points out that the child
being too young was still a significant reason for not sending children to school when they are aged
6–11. Further, the social view that children were too young did not shift between the beginning of
the survey period (2012) and 2016 when the survey was repeated.
If children miss out on crucial early learning opportunities they are less likely to achieve in school,
and may struggle to catch up with their peers, leading in turn to dropout being more likely. Although
there are high enrolment rates in elementary education, a significant number of children drop out of
school within the first few years. Most leavers and repeaters in elementary school were in Grades 1-
3, with the highest proportion in Grade 1.
Gender
There is a clear indication that boys are increasingly dropping out of basic education, particularly at
secondary level, which may be exacerbated with the introduction of the addition of senior high
school. Filipino males tend to leave the education system because they need to work to provide
financial assistance to the household or because they are not engaged in education and would rather
be working.1395 More needs to be done to encourage boys to remain in the education system, for
example introducing part work/part study programmes.
Access to education for vulnerable groups

One of the key bottlenecks to education in the Philippines is the lack of access for vulnerable groups
to education. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has raised concerns that vulnerable
groups of children such as those living in poverty, those with disabilities, working children, children
in armed conflict, indigenous children, children infected with or affected by HIV/AIDS and children
living on the street do not have equal access to education.1396
In addition, Human Rights Watch has reported that students who are lesbian, gay, bisexual and
transgender (LGBT) are often bullied and face discrimination, and in some cases are subject to
physical or sexual assault. Although DepEd has introduced an anti-bullying law in 2013, the policy has
not been adequately enforced.1397
There is a lack of data and information on the situation of vulnerable groups in the basic education
system, including those with disabilities (see below).
1393
1394
November 2016, p. 152
1395
Disaster management reference handbook, 2015, p 17.
1396
1397
“Just Let Us Be”, Discrimination Against LGBT Students in the Philippines, June 2017, Human Rights Watch, p 1.
250
July 2017
Quality
The low quality of education offered to Filipino children has been discussed in this chapter, and is not
repeated here. It is, quite clearly, a barrier to educational achievement and meaningful inclusion.
There are low achievement scores in basic education and teachers have limited knowledge of their
subject area. Low quality basic education leaves children ill-prepared to proceed to higher education,
or to proceed to employment. There are signs, however, that DepEd is addressing poor quality
teacher training.
7.2. Children with disabilities
Article 24 of the CRPD sets out the rights of children with disabilities to education. Children with and
without disabilities should have the same opportunities to attend schools within their own
community. Schools should be accessible to children including geographically accessible and
structurally accessible to ease enrolment of Children with Disabilities (CWD).1398
7.2.1. Legislation and Policy
Republic Act No 7277, the Magna Carta on Disability, requires the State to ensure that disabled
persons are provided with adequate access to quality education and ample opportunities to develop
their skills. This includes establishing a system of special education including special education
classes in public schools in cities and municipalities. The Act places a duty on the State to take into
account the requirements of persons with disabilities in formulating educational policies. Further,
the State is required to provide financial assistance to economically marginalised but deserving
students with disabilities to pursue post-secondary or tertiary education.
DepEd Order 26, s. 1997 institutionalised special education programmes in schools, requiring each
school division to have at least one special education center for children with special needs. Further,
DepEd Order 72, s 2009 guaranteed the right for CWD to receive appropriate education within regular
or inclusive classroom settings.1399 Republic Act No. 10533, the Enhanced Basic Education Act 2013,
provides that the new K-12 curriculum shall be inclusive,1400 providing opportunities for the needs of
CWD to be met in mainstream education.1401 Additionally, DepEd has formed an advisory council for
the education of Children and youth with disabilities in 2011 to look into ways to improve access to
education for CWD.
By 2018, DepEd plan to have 50 per cent of CWD (1 million CWD) enrolled in public or private schools,
to have CWD resourced schools in all districts, to outfit 10 per cent of schools with CWD friendly
infrastructure and facilities, to train 150,000 teachers and 10,000 school administrators in CWD-
related matters and social marketing programmes to gain general public support for the schooling
1398
CRPD general comment number 4 on the right to inclusive education, CRPD/C/GC/4, 25 November 2016.
1399
DepEd Order 72, s. 2009, Inclusive Education as Strategy for Increasing Participation Rate of Children, July 6, 2009.
1400
Enhanced Basic Education Act 2013, section 5.
1401
Basic Education Sector Transformation, Inclusive Education and Disability Mainstreaming – Philippines, Cardno,
2016, p 11.
251
and education of CWD.1402 DepEd also plans to provide mobile teachers and resources for CWD who
cannot or do not attend school.
DSWD is also supporting the education of CWD and has implemented the Tuloy-Aral Walang Sagabal
(TAWAG), a programme of Continuous Education to Mainstream Children with Disabilities. It offers
psychiatric, physical and medical examinations, counselling, early intervention activities,
occupational therapy, physical therapy, case management and the provision of assistive devices for
special cases.1403 Complementary to TAWAG, DSWD runs an early detection, early intervention and
education programme to raise the effectiveness and efficiency pf providing education to children
with disabilities.1404
The Philippines runs training programmes for educators and service providers on working with
children with disabilities, as well as offering courses to parents of children with disabilities, for
example in sign language. However financial constraints have limited the frequency of these
programmes.
7.2.2. Participation rates
According to the Philippines census in 2010 1,442,586 persons, or 1.57 per cent of the household
population of the country had a disability. This is a slight increase from 1.23 per cent in the 2000
census. 1405 The term disability is used to refer to any restriction or lack of ability (resulting from an
impairment) to perform an activity in the manner or within the range considered normal for a human
being. 25.8 per cent of those with disabilities were aged 19 or under. 1406 The disability figures
reported in the general population are significantly lower than the WHO finding that, on average, 15
per cent of the world’s population experience some form of disability, w0069th a higher prevalence
for developing countries.1407
There have been some steps taken in the Philippines to try to include CWD in basic education.
However, it was estimated in 2014 that 97 per cent of children with disabilities were not reached by
the public school system.1408
In the Philippines, inclusive education is generally considered to involve including CWD in the
education system, but not necessarily in mainstream schools. The options available for educating
CWD in the Philippines include: self-contained classes for CWD in special education centres or
schools; CWD are pulled out of regular classes to receive individual or small group instruction in
1402
Five Year Development Plan for the Education of Children with Disabilities (CWD) SYs 2014-15 through 2018-19. A
1403
Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, Initial State Report of the Philippines, 3 November 2015, para
154.
1404
Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, Initial State Report of the Philippines, 3 November 2015, para
156.
1405
Persons with Disability in the Philippines (results from the 2010 Census, January 10, 2013,
https://psa.gov.ph/content/persons-disability-philippines-results-2010-census.
1406
Persons with Disability in the Philippines (results from the 2010 Census, January 10, 2013,
https://psa.gov.ph/content/persons-disability-philippines-results-2010-census.
1407
World Report on Disability, World Health Organisation, 2011, p 27-29.
1408
Persons with disabilities: Status in the Philippines presentation, by Edgardo F. Garcia, MPA, 1 st International
Conference of Public Librarians, March 19-21 2014 -
http://web.nlp.gov.ph/nlp/sites/default/files/20Mar2014/Persons%20with%20Disabilities%20by%20Edgardo%20garcia
.pdf .
252
July 2017
resource rooms; mobile teachers who teach CWD in regular classes; and partial or full integration of
CWD in regular classes.1409 Additionally, distance education and programmes targeting out of school
youth with disabilities have been introduced.1410
According to Cardno, in order for CWD to be allowed to enter mainstream education they have to be
ready and considered capable of keeping up.1411 There is often little or no accommodation made to
address any additional needs of CWD in these mainstream classes.1412 Where CWD are placed in
mainstream classes it is based on their perceived ability, resulting in these children being placed in
classes with children who are a lot younger, increasing the likelihood of dropping out.1413
The difficulties CWD face in accessing mainstream classes results in many CWD being taught in special
education centres. In February 2017, there were 648 Special Education centres and regular schools
offering the Special Education programme – 471 at elementary level and 177 at high school level.1414
The majority of special educational centres are located in urban areas. 1415 84 per cent of municipalities
do not have a special education centre and 91 per cent of poor municipalities do not have one.1416
This suggests that CWD in poor and rural areas are less likely to be able to access basic education.
In financial year 2015, special education centres were spread across the regions of the Philippines as
set out in Table 7.13 below. As can be seen there are some regions such as ARMM and CAR where
there are very few special education centres. There are significantly fewer schools with SPED classes
at secondary school level than there are at elementary level. The lack of opportunities for CWD to
proceed to secondary education is likely to impact negatively on their ability to reach their potential
and to secure employment as an adult. Unfortunately, there are no data on how many schools
accommodate children with disabilities outside of SPED classes or special education centre provision.
Table 7.13. Number of SPED Centres and SPED classes for FY 2015
1409
2016, p 11.
1410
Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, Initial State Report of the Philippines, 3 November 2015,
CRPD/C/PHL/1, para 157-160.
1411
2016, p 13.
1412
2016, p 12.
1413
2016, p 13.
1414
‘DepEd ensures inclusive education for learners with special needs’ February 24 2017,
http://www.deped.gov.ph/press-releases/deped-ensures-inclusive-education-learners-special-needs.
1415
SPLID and UNICEF (2010), Global study on child poverty and disparities, National report Philippines, Makati City, as
cited in the Basic Education Sector Transformation, Inclusive Education and Disability Mainstreaming – Philippines,
Cardno, 2016, p 12.
1416
Government Spending and public resources for Filipinos with disabilities from 2007 to 2013: using the UNCRPD as
lens &guide for development, Philippines Coalition on the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities,
Presented at the Legislators Forum on Disability, Manila Hotel, 31 July 2014, http://crpdparallelreport.net.ph/wp-
content/uploads/2015/04/Coalition-2013-budget-proj.pdf p 3.
253
60
50
40
30
20
10
No. of SPED centres and implementing elementary schools

Secondary schools with SPED classes
Source: Last Mile Learners Situational Analysis Report

In School Year 2008-2009, 195,783 students were enrolled in special education centres, covering both
elementary and secondary levels. In school year 2012-13, 200,000 children with disabilities were
enrolled in elementary school and 8,443 in high school.1417 In school year 2015-2016, this had
increased to around 350,000 children with disabilities enrolled – around 250,000 at elementary level
and around 100,000 at high school level.1418
Data disaggregated to regional level is available for the school year 2013-2014. According to this,
there were a total of 162,782 learners at Kindergarten and elementary level who had disabilities.
These represented 1.08 per cent of the total enrolment of students at kindergarten and elementary
levels in school year 2013-2014. However, the way that CWD are recorded by schools, means that
these numbers include children who are gifted and talented. 51.6 per cent of the students who were
recorded as having a disability in school year 2013-2014 were classified as gifted or talented.1419 When
the data on these students is removed the total number of children with disabilities enrolled in school
year 2013-2014 comprised 0.52 per cent of the total number of students.1420 This is a very low level
of enrolment for children with disabilities.
Some regions in the Philippines have more gifted and talented students recorded as children with
disabilities than others, as can be seen in the tables below. This suggests that there is still significant
work to be done on including children with disabilities in the basic education system.
Table 7.14.Number of Children with disabilities in public schools at Kindergarten in school year
2013-2014
1417
Persons with disabilities: Status in the Philippines presentation, by Edgardo F. Garcia, MPA, 1st International
Conference of Public Librarians, March 19-21 2014 -
http://web.nlp.gov.ph/nlp/sites/default/files/20Mar2014/Persons%20with%20Disabilities%20by%20Edgardo%20garcia
.pdf.
1418
‘DepEd ensures inclusive education for learners with special needs’ February 24 2017,
http://www.deped.gov.ph/press-releases/deped-ensures-inclusive-education-learners-special-needs.
1419
1420
Last Mile Learners Situational Analysis report, DepEd June 2016, p 67-68.
254
July 2017
2000
1800
1600
1400
1200
1000
800
600
400
200
0
Gifted and Talented Children with Disabilities
Source: DepEd Research and Statistics Division, as presented during the DepEd Workshop on Last Mile Learners on
February 5-6, 2015 at DepEd as cited in Last Mile Learners Situational Analysis report.
Table 7.15. Number of Children with disabilities in public elementary school in school yea2013-
2014
18000
16000
14000
12000
10000
8000
6000
4000
2000
0
Gifted and Talented Children with Disabilities at Elementary level
Source: DepEd Research and Statistics Division, as presented during the DepEd Workshop on Last Mile Learners on
February 5-6, 2015 at DepEd as cited in Last Mile Learners Situational Analysis report.
255
7.2.3. Barriers and bottlenecks: education for children with disabilities
Although there is legislation in the Philippines on providing inclusive education for CWD, the UN
Committee on the Rights of the Child has raised concerns about the lack of a comprehensive policy
to ensure that children with disabilities have equal access to education services in the Philippines. 1421
Local DepEd offices often lack awareness on national inclusive education policies and the capacity to
translate these into local inclusive education strategies.1422 Additionally there is a lack of guidance for
LGUs on implementing disability related policies, and many of them consider education for CWD to
be expensive and complicated to implement.1423 This is likely to result in a lack of willingness to
implement policies on inclusive education.
There is a lack of good quality, disaggregated data on CWD in the education system, and it appears
that disability is underreported in the Philippines. There are socio-cultural barriers which lead to
underreporting of CWD, which is often regarded as a source of shame or embarrassment for families.
UNICEF and the Philippines national government are currently working on a system of early
identification, prevention and intervention for CWD.1424
In addition, there is concern about the accuracy of the data that is currently available on CWD. It is
unhelpful that the figures for CWD are often amalgamated with the figures for gifted and talented
children.1425 Given the high proportion of children who are gifted and talented enrolled in special
education schools, amalgamation of figures leads to a lack of clarity as to how resources are being
used within special education, and whether they are being used for both gifted and talented children
and children with disabilities in a somewhat equitable manner. Additionally, it is suspected that the
definitions of disability used when collecting data for the census leads to underreporting. Without
reliable data, it is difficult to plan effectively for inclusion of children with disabilities.1426
There is no budget allocated to implement inclusive education.1427 Presidential Proclamation 240 in
2002 declared that not less than one per cent of all Department’s annual budgets should be spent on
plans, programmes and activities for persons with disabilities. However, in 2011 DepEd spent only
0.05 per cent of its budget on disability specific appropriations.1428 This money is only provided to
special education centres, not to support mainstream schools in providing inclusive education, and it
1421
1422
2016, p vi.
1423
2016, p 10.
1424
Key Informant Interview, June, Manila.
1425
Five Year Development Plan for the Education of Children with Disabilities (CWD) Sys 2014-15 through 2018-19. A
1426
Interview with Social Policy Section, UNICEF Manila, June 2017.
1427
2016, p 30.
1428
2016, p 21.
256
July 2017
is unclear how it is spent.1429 Some special education centres are not registered with DepEd and so do
not receive any funding from central government. 1430
CWD often leave the education system early. Although there has been an increase in enrolment of
CWD, there is still a large discrepancy between the number of CWD enrolled in elementary school
and the number of CWD enrolled in secondary education. 1431 This may be due to secondary schools
being further from the homes of CWD or there being a lack of facilities to support them continuing
their education. CWD are also more likely to face discrimination and bullying which may increase the
likelihood of CWD not continuing to secondary education or dropping out. 1432
Supply and Demand barriers
Infrastructure in schools has already been identified as an issue earlier in this report, but
infrastructure for CWD is particularly lacking. There are a lack of classrooms and facilities which are
accessible for CWD, as well as a lack of tailored learning materials, assistive devices and specialists.1433
Field research carried out by Cardno suggested that a lack of funds impacted on the ability of schools
to improve the accessibility of classrooms and facilities.1434
There are also challenges for CWD managing the journey to school. CWD and their families often
face increased transport costs, as they may not be able to attend a local school, and may be unable
to use public transport where it is available. Additionally, families may face additional costs if they
are required to provide assistive devices.1435
CWD are often seen as not being in need of, or as unlikely to benefit from formal education. As a
result, families may not prioritise sending their disabled children to school, and schools do not
prioritise or seek to support families in educating their disabled children.1436 Further, many CWD are
not diagnosed and so their behaviour can be seen as poor or disruptive, rather than part of a learning
disability. 1437
1429
2016, p 21.
1430
2016, p 21.
1431
1432
2016, p 12.
1433
1434
2016, p 21.
1435
1436
1437
257
Quality
Children with physical disabilities are often treated in the same way as children with intellectual
disabilities, without any consideration of the intellectual abilities of each child and their individual
ability to learn.1438 This is likely to result in CWD not receiving quality education appropriate to their
abilities and may reduce their educational achievements.
There has been a focus on teaching CWD in special education centres where they are kept separate
from children without disabilities. While the DepEd want CWD to be in mainstream schools and only
to separate those who cannot be integrated into regular classes, this policy is not being implemented.
Currently, where there are no special classrooms in an area, disabled students miss out on going to
school.1439
According to field research carried out by Cardno, teachers in the Philippines have reported that they
are not sufficiently prepared to teach in inclusive classes. Many teachers had not received any pre-
service training on inclusive education at all, or had attended only a two-hour module on inclusive
education.1440 In-service training on inclusive education is based on the cascade model where a core
group of teachers are trained and they retrain their colleagues. However, the key message and skills
of the original training often get lost in the process.1441 The lack of training and support for teachers
on providing inclusive education in mainstream classes is likely to reduce the quality of education
provided to CWD in mainstream schools, resulting in CWD not being engaged and more likely to drop
out.
The general barriers to children receiving quality basic education in the Philippines are identified
above, and include large class sizes and teacher centred pedagogy, which also hinder the provision
of inclusive education.1442
7.3. Tertiary and Vocational Education
According to SDG 4.3, by 2030, all women and men should have access to affordable and quality
technical, vocational and tertiary education, including university.
7.4.1. Higher education
The Commission on Higher Education (CHED) is responsible for Higher Education Institutions in the
Philippines.
1438
1439
Key Informant Interview with Representative from DepEd, Wednesday, 14 June 2017, Manila.
1440
2016, p 16.
1441
2016, p 16.
1442
2016, p 22.
258
July 2017
Until mid-2016, students in the Philippines completed secondary school and began tertiary education
at age 16. In 2013, the net enrolment rate for tertiary education was 20.7 per cent of those aged 16-
24, with more women (22.7 per cent) than men (18.8 per cent) enrolled.1443
Table 7:16. Percentage of population who have some college or higher level of education by region,
Philippines: 2013
ARMM 11.6
Caraga 17.1
XII 17.1
XI 17.5
X 17.9
IX 19.4
VII 19
VI 19.4
Regions
V 14
IV-B 14.7
IV-A 20.3
III 19.6
II 22.5
I 20.2
CAR 25.6
NCR 33.1
Philippines 20.6
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Percentage
Source: Functional Literacy, Education, and Mass Media Survey, 2013
According to FLEMMS, in 2013, 25.1 per cent of the population had completed some form of post-
secondary education. 9.3 per cent had attended some college level education, while 11.3 per cent
1443
259
had graduated from college or higher.1444 More women had graduated college or higher, at 13.1 per
cent in comparison to 9.5 per cent of men.1445
The percentage of the population who had completed some college or higher education varied
between regions. The National Capital region had the highest percentage with 33.1 per cent. ARMM
has the lowest with 11.6 per cent. 1446
The percentage of students awarded scholarships, grants and other financial assistance for tertiary
education was 5 per cent in 2015. The goal in the Philippine Development Plan is to reach 10 per cent
by 2022.1447 The number of higher education graduates has also increased from 498,418 in 2010 to
632,076 in 2014 and 692,602 in 2015.1448
7.4.2. Technical and vocational education
Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA) is responsible for delivering Technical-
Vocational Education and Training (TVET) in the Philippines. The enrolment and number of graduates
in TVET increased between 2011 and 2015 from 1,344,371 in 2010 to 1,785,679 in 2014 and
2,129,758 in 2015.1449 The majority of graduates are in the age groups of 15-24 (61 per cent) and 25
to 34 (23 per cent) years old. The main income class of TVET graduates is middle socio-economic and
the gender balance is about equal.1450 In 2015, the percentage of tertiary graduates in science,
engineering, manufacturing and construction was 26 per cent. The goal is to increase this figure to
40 per cent by 2022.1451
Individuals can apply for TVET at tertiary level once they have finished high school or, if they have
not finished high school, they can take an aptitude test. 1452 However there can be challenges to
accessing training if an individual does not have the right documents, for example a birth certificate.
1453 There is also a cost to undertaking a TVET course, though some LGUs and NGOs provide
scholarships for training.1454
7.4.3. Quality of higher and vocational education
The proportion of higher education institution faculties offering a Master’s degree increased from
38.87 per cent in 2010 to 40.81 per cent in 2014, although this reduced slightly to 40.34 per cent in
2015. The proportion of higher education institution faculties with a PhD increased from 11.09 per
cent in 2010 to 12.54 per cent in 2014 and 12.62 per cent in 2015. 1455
1444
1445
1446
1447
1448
1449
1450
1451
1452
Key Informant Interview with representatives from UNICEF Thursday, 22 July 2017, Manila.
1453
1454
1455
260
July 2017
Although there are 10 times more higher education institutions in the Philippines than in
neighbouring countries,1456 the Philippines has a lacklustre performance in producing innovators (74
out of 128 in the 2016 Global Innovation Index), researchers (81 researchers per million population
versus 205 in Indonesia and 115 in Vietnam) and knowledge producers (28 out of 777 journals (3.6
per cent) are listed under Thompson Reuters, Scopus or both).1457 This is reflected in the lack of faculty
with advanced degrees.
Additionally, there is a low pass rate for licensure exams, although this has increased from 33.91 per
cent in 2010 to 61.45 per cent in 2014 but had decreased to 58.59 per cent in 2015.1458
7.4.4. Barriers and Bottlenecks: Higher and vocational education
The K-12 program may cause some challenges for higher education both in higher education
institutions and TVET as for a number of years there will be low or no enrolment, due to the increase
in length of basic education by 2 years. This may lead to staff being laid off. However, there may be
opportunities for higher education initiatives and technical and vocational colleges to get involved in
providing Senior High School classes which may ameliorate some of the impacts of the reduction in
tertiary level students.
There is often a mismatch between higher education and industry requirements.1459 This has resulted
in a lack of interest among young Filipinos in pursuing scientific, engineering and technical studies.1460
Where courses do not match market needs, this leads to a lack of employment opportunity for
tertiary graduates once they have completed their course. It has been suggested that this is likely to
reduce the number of students proceeding to tertiary education.1461 Additionally, if the quality of
teaching in science and maths in basic education is low, this is unlikely to inspire students to pursue
these subjects at tertiary level, and if they are interested they may lack the skills necessary to take
the course.
Another bottleneck is the lack of inclusive access for all to TVET programmes. Both TESDA and its
training institutions lack capacity to respond to the needs of persons with disabilities.1462
There are social barriers to more students taking TVET. For many students, a college degree is
considered to enhance employability and a TVET qualification is considered to be a lesser option that
does not result in the same opportunities. These are often misconceptions, and could be ameliorated
in part by increasing the quality of TVET education and teachers and offering higher level
qualifications which are more on a par with a college degree. 1463
1456
Philippines Commission on Higher Education (CHED) data show that the Philippines had 1,923 higher education
institutions in school year 2013-2014, which is more than ten times the number of institutions in Indonesia (191),
Thailand (159), Vietnam (148), and Malaysia (124).
1457
1458
1459
1460
1461
Key Informant Interview with representative from UNICEF Thursday, 22 July 2017, Manila.
1462
1463
261
7.4.5. Literacy
In 2013, 96.5 per cent of Filipinos aged 10 years and over were basically literate, an improvement
from 95.6 per cent in 2008. The proportion of basically literate women was higher (97 per cent) than
men (96.1 per cent). 1464 This discrepancy is likely to be linked to the higher levels of female
participation in formal education.
The proportion of basically literate 10-14 year olds was 97.4 per cent and for 15-19 year olds was
98.3 per cent.1465 The region with the lowest rate of basic literacy is ARMM with 86.1 per cent, while
the highest rate of basic literacy is in NCR with 99.5 per cent.1466
In 2013 90.3 per cent of Filipinos aged 10-64 years old were functionally literate, with 92 per cent of
women and 88.7 per cent of men functionally literate.1467 This has increased from 2008 when
functional literacy was 86.4 per cent. 1468
Table 7.17. Functional Literacy rate of population 10 to 64 years old by sex, Philippines: 2008 and
2013
94
92
90
88
2013
86 2008
84
82
80
Both Sexes Male Female
Source: FLEMMS 2013
1464
1465
1466
1467
1468
262
July 2017
8. Child Protection
Under the CRC, all States have an obligation to protect children from all forms of physical or mental
violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including
sexual abuse.1469 One of the key ways in which this can be achieved is by the establishment and
implementation of a child protection system through which a State will provide a range of services
and interventions to children in order to protect them. A child protection system is also essential in
implementing a range of rights and targets set out in the SDGs.
Key child protection-related SDGs

SDG Targets Indicators
5.2 End all forms of violence against women Proportion of ever-partnered women and girls
and girls in public and private spheres, aged 15 years and older subjected to physical,
including trafficking and sexual and other sexual or psychological violence by a current or
types of exploitation former intimate partner in the previous 12
months, by form of violence and by age
Proportion of women and girls aged 15 years
and older subjected to sexual violence by
persons other than an intimate partner in the
previous 12 months, by age and place of
occurrence
5.3 Eliminate all harmful practices, such as Proportion of women aged 20-24 years who
child, early and forced marriage and were married or in a union before age 15 and
female genital mutilations before age 18
Proportion of girls and women aged 15-49
years who have undergone female genital
mutilation/cutting, by age
8.7 Take immediate and effective measures to Proportion and number of children aged 5 -
secure the prohibition and elimination of 17 years engaged in child labour, by sex and
the worst forms of child labour, eradicate age
forced labour, and by 2025 end child
labour in all its forms including
recruitment and use of child soldiers
11.7 By 2030, provide universal access to safe, Proportion of persons victim of physical or
inclusive and accessible, green and public sexual harassment, by sex, age, disability
spaces, particularly for women and status and place of occurrence, in the previous
children, older persons and persons with 12 months
disabilities
16.1 By 2030, significantly reduce all forms of Number of victims of intentional homicide per
violence and related deaths everywhere 100,000 population, by sex and age
Conflict-related deaths per 100,000
1469
UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 19.
263
population, by sex, age and cause

Proportion of population subjected to physical,
psychological or sexual violence in the previous
12 months
Proportion of population that feel safe walking
alone around the area they live
16.2 End abuse, exploitation, trafficking and all Proportion of children aged 1-17 years who
forms of violence and torture against experienced any physical punishment and/or
children psychological aggression by caregivers in the
past month
Number of victims of human trafficking per
100,000 population, by sex, age and form of
exploitation
Proportion of young women and men aged 18
- 29 years who experienced sexual violence by
age 18
16.3 Promote the rule of law at the national and Proportion of victims of violence in the
international levels and ensure equal previous 12 months who reported their
access to justice for all victimization to competent authorities or
other officially recognized conflict resolution
mechanisms
Unsentenced detainees as a proportion of
overall prison population
16.9 By 2030, provide legal identity for all, Proportion of children under 5 years of age
including birth registration whose births have been registered with a civil
authority, by age
Key CRC articles

ground of a child’s or his or her parent’s or guardian’s race, colour, sex, language, political or other
opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other status
Article 7(1): States parties shall ensure the right of every child to be registered immediately after
birth and to a nationality
Article 19: States parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational
measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect
or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of
parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has care of the child.
Article 20(1): A child temporarily deprived of his or her family environment, or in whose best
interests cannot be allowed to remain in that environment, shall be entitled to special protection
264
July 2017
and assistance provided by the State; (2) States parties shall in accordance with their national laws
ensure alternative care for such a child; (3) This could include foster placement, kafalah of Islamic
law, adoption or if necessary, placement in suitable institutions for the care of children.
Article 24(3): State parties shall take all effective and appropriate measures with a view to
abolishing traditional practices prejudicial to the health of children.
Article 28(2): State Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that school discipline is
administered in a manner consistent with the child’s human dignity and in conformity with the CRC.
Article 32(1): State Parties recognise the right of the child to be protected from economic
exploitation and from performing work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child’s
education, or be harmful to the child’s health or development.
Article 34: State Parties undertake to protection children from all forms of sexual exploitation and
sexual abuse.
Article 35: State Parties shall take all appropriate national, bilateral and multilateral measures to
prevent the abduction of, the sale of or traffic in children for any purposes or in any form.
Article 36: State Parties shall protection the child against all other forms of exploitation prejudicial
to any aspects of the child’s welfare.
Article 37: State Parties shall ensure that: (a) no child shall be subjected to torture or other cruel,
inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; (b) No child shall be deprived of liberty unlawfully
or arbitrarily and that detention shall be used as a last resort and for the shortest appropriate
period of time; (c) Every child deprived of liberty shall be treated with humanity and respect for the
inherent dignity of the human person ad in a manner which takes into account their age; and (d)
every child deprived of his or her liberty shall have the right to prompt access to legal and other
appropriate assistance, as well as the right to challenge the detention before a court.
Article 38: State Parties undertake to (1) respect the rules of international humanitarian law in
armed conflicts which are relevant to the child; (2) Ensure that persons who are under 15 years do
not take a direct part in hostilities; refrain from recruiting any person who has not attained the age
of 15 years into their armed forces; (4) ensure the protection of the civilian population in armed
conflict.
Article 39: State Parties shall promote the physical and psychological recovery and social
reintegration of a child victim of neglect, exploitation or abuse, torture or cruel, inhuman or
degrading treatment or punishment or armed conflicts.
265
Article 40(1): State Parties recognise the right of every child alleged as, accused of, or recognised
as having infringed the penal law to be treated in a manner consistent with the promotion of the
child’s sense of dignity and worth.
This section first examines the key child protection issues affecting children in the Philippines, along
with the laws, policies and more immediate cases of these child protection issues. It then presents
an assessment of the child protection system, including an analysis of barriers and bottlenecks to the
effective functioning of a child protection system in the Philippines. The functioning of the child
protection system is assessed as a key right of children in and of itself; gaps and challenges in the
system are also examined as they of course create key barriers to the realisation of children’s rights
in the area of child protection.
8.1. Violence against children
The 2015 NBS-VAC1470 showed that Filipino children suffer from a high level of violence during their
childhood.
• 2 in 3 children were reported as having experienced any form of physical violence in various
settings.
• 3 in 5 children were reported to have experienced some form of psychological violence in any
setting.
• 1 in 4 children reportedly suffered from some form of sexual violence in any setting.
Physical violence
The (NBS-VAC noted the high prevalence of physical violence experienced by both boys and girls,
with the estimated total prevalence for boys at 81.5 per cent and 78.4 per cent for girls. The Study
found little variation between socio-economic classes or between those based in rural and urban
areas.1471 Slightly more girls experienced violence at home (48.33 per cent) at home compared to boys
(47.33 per cent). However, boys experienced more serious violence, with 4.0 per cent requiring
hospitalisation as compared to girls (2.2 per cent). More than half (54.5 per cent) of the physical
violence was identified as corporal punishment, such as spanking with a bare hand, rolled paper or
small stick, and pulling hair, pinching or twisting of ears. 30.3 per cent suffered slapping, kicking,
smothering, drowning or burning. The most common perpetrators of physical violence at home were
mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters in that order, with fathers being considered responsible for the
most severe physical violence.1472
1470
National Baseline Study on Violence against Children: Philippines,
Available at: https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf [13.07.17]
1471
Council for the Welfare of Children, UNICEF. National Baseline Study on Violence against Children: Philippines,
Executive Summary. 2016. p.10. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf
[13.07.17].
1472
[13.07.17].
266
July 2017
Children experienced physical violence in schools, but to a far lesser extent than at home. 14.3 per
cent of respondents who attended school reported experiencing physical violence. Pinching, either
on the arms, groin or crotch area, being hit with an eraser or chalk, twisting ears, as well as spanking
with a bare hand, rolled paper or small stick by a teacher or adult were the most common forms of
physical violence in schools.1473 Such conduct takes place despite the fact that corporal punishment is
explicitly prohibited in the law (section 233 of the Family Code) and the policies of the sector (Public
Schools Service Manual 1992, Manual of Regulations for Private Schools 1992 and the Code of Ethics).
Other discipline methods in school include being made to stand in the sun for long periods of time
and being locked in small spaces, such as cupboards and toilets.
12.5 per cent of children also reported experiencing physical violence in the community.1474
Table 8.1. Prevalence of physical violence during childhood by settings
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
In the Home In the School In the In the During Dating
Community Workplace
Source: National Baseline Study
The use of physical violence at home is driven by social and cultural norms on discipline, authoritarian
parents and parents’ level of education. The Baseline Study, notes that many Filipinos regard corporal
punishment as showing parental love and concern, and it is culturally considered a normal and even
necessary disciplinary technique. However, much of the violence has little to do with discipline and
1473
Executive Summary. 2016. p.5. 7.1 per cent of respondents reported experiencing physical violence in the workplace
during childhood. 2 per cent of children with romantic partners reported experiencing physical violence during dating,
with more males (5.7 per cent) reporting being physically harmed by their partners than females (3.1 per cent).
Available at: https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf [13.07.17].
1474
[13.07.17].
267
more to do with parental histories of physical abuse, which, when combined with financial stress and
substance misuse, has been found to create a ‘toxic trio’ of risk factors for violence in the home.1475
The cultural norms of teachers and pupils contribute to the continuance of corporal punishment in
schools. Community leaders and teachers who took part in the Baseline Study took the view, despite
legislation and declared policy that children could become “disrespectful and unruly” if there was no
physical discipline.1476 Studies have shown a level of acceptance by children themselves of corporal
punishment.1477 However, while many children accept physical punishment and verbal attacks from
adults as a normal part of school life, they readily identified these acts as something that “they did
not like in school because it made them unhappy.”1478 From the qualitative interviews and focus
groups carried out in a 2009 study on violence against children in schools, children stated that they
prefer a more positive form of discipline such as being talked to and corrected, guided or counselled
on better behaviour.1479
Psychological violence
Republic Act 9262, The Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act 2004, defines
psychological violence as “acts or omissions causing or likely to cause mental or emotional suffering
of the victim, including causing or allowing the victim to witness the physical, sexual or psychological
abuse of a member of the family to which the victim belongs, or to witness pornography in any form
or to witness abusive injury to pets or unlawful or unwanted deprivation of the right to custody
and/or visitation of common children.”1480
Table 8.2. Prevalence of overall psychological violence during childhood
1475
A CPN, the University of Edinburgh, University of the Philippines and UNICEF. A Systematic Literature Review of the
Drivers of Violence Affecting Children: the Philippines. 2016 p.39. Available at:
https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_LitReview.pdf [13.07.17].
1476
[13.07.17].
1477
[13.07.17]
1478
University of the Philippines Manila, The University of Edinburgh, Child Protection Network Foundation & UNICEF
Philippines, A Systematic Review of the Drivers of Violence Affecting Children in the Philippines, UNICEF 2016. p.21.
1479
Philippine Commission on Women. Republic Act 9262: Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act of 2004
section 3C and implementing rules and regulations. 2004. p.3. Available at:
http://www.pcw.gov.ph/sites/default/files/documents/resources/ra_9262_and_irr.pdf [13.07.17]
1480
Philippine Commission on Women. Republic Act 9262: Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act of 2004
section 3C and implementing rules and regulations. 2004. p.3. Available at:
http://www.pcw.gov.ph/sites/default/files/documents/resources/ra_9262_and_irr.pdf [13.07.17]
268
July 2017
Source: National Baseline Study

More than half of the respondents, or 59.2 per cent, to the NBS-VAC reported that they had been
subjected to psychological violence during childhood.1481 The most common form of psychological
violence was found to be put downs and shaming, followed by rejection;1482 7.9 per cent reported
suffering from severe psychological violence during childhood, which was indicated by perceived or
actual abandonment by parents or guardians, with 3.3 per cent of those aged 13–17 reported
experiencing severe psychological violence in the last 12 months. 1483 The most common perpetrators
were mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters. 1484
About one-third of children in the NBS-VAC had experienced psychological violence in school, which
included deliberately ignoring children and shouting at children though, interestingly, the teachers
did not see such behaviour as amounting to psychological violence.1485 Despite this view, studies have
shown that this form of violence has been found to be the leading cause of mental illness and self-
harm in the region.1486
A further form of psychological violence recognised as causing emotional harm to children is that of
witnessing domestic violence. In a study conducted by WorldSAFE of 1000 women aged 15–49 in
2004 in Manila, nearly half had experienced domestic violence from an intimate partner and almost
1481
[13.07.17].
1482
Journal of Interpersonal Violence. Words that hurt: a qualitative study of parental verbal abuse in the Philippines.
Jennifer (M.I.) Loh, Flora Calleja and Simon Lloyd D. Restubog. 2011. 26(11). p.2251.
1483
Executive Summary. 2016. p.6 available at: https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf
[13.07.17].
1484
Executive Summary. 2016. p.6, available at: https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf
[13.07.17].
1485
CPN, the University of Edinburgh, University of the Philippines and UNICEF. A Systematic Literature Review of the
1486
269
half of them stated that their children heard or saw the violence.1487 Although this study was
conducted in 2004, there is little reason to believe that the situation has changed significantly.
Peer violence
In a national study on violence against children in schools published in 2009, children’s evidence was
that they experienced a higher level of violence from other children than from teachers. 1488 The study
found that 40 per cent of children in Grades 1–3 (ages 6–10) and 70 per cent of older school children
had suffered from bullying or peer violence.1489 In the later NBS-VAC, 60 per cent of respondents
reported having experienced bullying or peer violence during childhood.1490 More females (70.5 per
cent) than males (59.8 per cent) had experienced bullying, and 35.4 per cent had experienced it in
the last 12 months.1491 The most common triggers were physical appearance, status in life and skin
colour. The most common methods of bullying suffered by children were verbal rather than physical
abuse: being laughed at; having faces made at them; menacing gestures; being gossiped about or
ignored. The most common perpetrators were other children at school and close friends. For many
respondents, bullying was considered to be part of the fun among friends.1492
Studies have shown that bullying and victimisation among 13- to 15-year-olds in school appears to
be increasing, while physical fights appear to be decreasing. Several explanations have been given
for this, but it is most likely that the use of physical violence by children has become socially less
acceptable, and is more obvious and easier to address than psychological violence. It is possible that
the drop in physical violence is directly related to the increase in bullying. However, it is more likely
that the higher level of reported bullying is due to an increased awareness of the damage done to
child victims by such behaviour, with more attention paid to bullying than a decade ago, when
bullying was largely ignored by teachers or seen by them as ‘normal’ for children.
The damage done to children’s mental health and emotional well-being by psychological violence has
been recognised in the Philippines, and legislation has been passed to prevent bullying (Republic Act
10627, An Act Requiring All Elementary and Secondary Schools to Adopt Policies to Prevent and
Address the Acts of Bullying in their Institutions, 2012).1493 The Act defines bullying as unwanted
1487
Asian Journal of Women’s Studies. Domestic Violence in Urban Filipino Families. Serquina-Ramiro L., Madrid, B. J.,
Amarillo, L. E. 2004. 10(2).
1488
1489
1490
[13.07.17].
1491
[13.07.17].
1492
[13.07.17].
1493
The LawPhil Project. Republic Act No. 10627: An Act Requiring All Elementary and Secondary Schools to Adopt
Policies to Prevent and Address the Acts of Bullying in their Institutions. 2012. Available at:
http://www.lawphil.net/statutes/repacts/ra2013/ra_10627_2013.html [13.07.17].
270
July 2017
physical contact; acts that cause damage to a victim’s well-being; verbal and written bullying and
cyber bullying. Foul language, profanity, name-calling, tormenting and commenting negatively on a
victim’s looks, clothes and body are all acts that fall within the definition. 1494 The Act requires all
elementary and secondary schools to adopt anti-bullying policies and establish clear procedures to
deal with reports of bullying. 1495 It also requires the DepEd to provide training programmes for school
staff on bullying. Child Protection Committees have been established in schools composed of school
head, counsellor and representatives of parents, teachers, students and the community. As of
December 2013, 59 per cent of public schools had established CPCs. 1496
Gender-based violence against women and girls
The United Nations defines violence against women as “any act of gender-based violence that results
in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including
threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private
life.” 1497 Under Republic Act 9262, the Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act of 2004,
violence against women and children is a crime and the Act penalises all forms of abuse and violence
within the family and intimate relationships. 1498
In a 2013 survey on Violence Against Women by the Philippines National Demographic and Health
Study , 19.5 per cent of women had suffered physical violence since the age of 15, though fewer girls
aged 15–19 had suffered violence than older women (16.6 per cent as against 20.1 per cent aged 40–
49). 1499 However, more girls had suffered violence in the previous twelve months than women. The
survey found that separated, divorced or widowed women were more likely to have suffered violence
than those still married, and the greater the number of children born to a woman, the more likely
she is to be a victim of violence. The survey suggests that there is a negative relationship between
the prevalence of violence and the wealth quintile, with women in the lowest three wealth quintiles
experiencing a higher prevalence of physical violence than those in the highest two. Similarly, women
with higher levels of education (i.e. tertiary education) were less likely to suffer violence. Women in
ARMM were recorded as the least likely to experience violence, while women in Cagayan valley were
most likely to have experienced violence since the age of 15. 1500
The most common perpetrators of violence were men: husbands, partners, boyfriends and fathers
or step-fathers. 1501 The NDHS notes the relationship between the use of alcohol and violence suffered
1494
ibid.
1495
Ibid.
1496
Education for All 2015 Review Report: Philippines. p.77. Available at:
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002303/230331e.pdf [13.07.17].
1497
UN Women. Violence Against Women. Available at: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/vaw/v-overview.htm
[13.07.17].
1498
Philippine Commission on Women. Republic Act 9262: Anti-violence against women and their children act of 2004
and implementing rules and regulations. 2004. p.3. Available at:
http://www.pcw.gov.ph/sites/default/files/documents/resources/ra_9262_and_irr.pdf [13.07.17].
1499
National Demographic and Health Survey: Philippines. 2013. p.188-189. Available at:
https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR294/FR294.pdf [13.07.17].
1500
National Demographic and Health Survey: Philippines. 2013. p.188-189. Available at:
1501
National Demographic and Health Survey: Philippines. 2013. p.192. Available at:
271
by women: 66 per cent of ever-married women whose husbands got drunk often were found to have
been subjected to physical, sexual or emotional violence in the home. 1502
Violence against pregnant women raises the possibility of not only harming the woman, but also her
unborn child. The NHDS found that 4 per cent of women aged 15–49 had experienced violence during
pregnancy. Unlike other forms of violence, where the older the woman, the more likely she is to have
ever experienced violence, violence in pregnancy was found to be far more common among girls
aged 15–19, with 13.6 per cent subject to violence during pregnancy. Girls falling into the lowest
wealth quintile are more than twice as likely as girls in the highest two quintiles to suffer violence
during pregnancy. 1503
The NHDS suggests that the figures on reporting should be regarded with some caution and that
there may be some underreporting. It is possible, given the shame attached to domestic violence,
that separated, divorced or widowed women and unmarried girls were more willing to admit the
violence of their intimate partners than those still married.
Among ever-married women who experienced physical violence, the main impact was depression,
anxiety, sleeplessness, irritability, confusion or feelings of isolation (40 per cent). 13 per cent
attempted suicide. Unfortunately, NHDS does not break down this data by age.
Sexual violence
The NDHS in 2013 reported that 6.3 per cent of women aged 15–49 had experienced sexual violence
in their lifetime, a considerable drop from the 9 per cent reporting such violence in the 2008 NDHS.
The figure for girls aged 15–19 was 4.4 per cent, with 2.5 per cent reporting sexual violence within
the previous twelve months. However, in the NBS-VAC in 2016, 17.1 per cent of children aged 13–17
reported that they had experienced sexual violence during their childhood, with 1.6 per cent
experiencing it in the last 12 months. More males (24.7 per cent) than females (18.2 per cent)
experienced sexual violence, both in the home and in school. 1504 This is an unusual finding and
contrary to the experience of many countries, but it may provide and explanation for the difference
between the figures of the NDHS and the NBS-VAC.
Table 8.3. Prevalence of overall sexual violence during childhood, by setting
1502
1503
1504
[13.07.17].
272
July 2017
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
In the Home In the School In the In the During Overall
Community Workplace Dating
Source: National Baseline Survey

The highest prevalence of childhood sexual violence occurred during dating, with verbal insistence,
sweet-talking and verbal deception being the most usual methods for sexual coercion.1505 Studies
have shown that lack of supervision, single-headed households, the presence of a stepfather,
domestic violence and the absence of both parents from the home all increase the vulnerability of
children in the Philippines to sexual violence at home.1506 Additionally, studies have shown that taboos
in relation to discussion of sexuality and reproductive health with children in the Philippines have
limited young people’s access to information on protection and prevention of sexual violence. The
lack of effective implementation of domestic legislation, for example, on the minimum age of sexual
consent, is regarded as contributing to legal impunity for sexual violence against boys and girls. In
addition, as in other countries, an increased rate in possession and use of smart phones and dating
apps has resulted in greater opportunities for sexual violence.1507
Sexual violence against women and girls has had a considerable and greater impact than physical
violence, with 16 per cent attempting suicide, and 57 per cent suffering serious emotional effects.1508
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has noted its concern at a number of issues related to
sexual abuse, including alleged cases of sexual abuse of children in religious institutions1509 and
gender-based discrimination against male victims of rape, with perpetrators subject to lower
penalties than those convicted of similar crimes against women and girls.1510
1505
[13.07.17].
1506
1507
1508
Philippines National Health and Demographic Survey 2013, Philippines Statistics Authority and ICF International,
Manila, Philippines, p. 203.
1509
CRC Committee Concluding Observations CRC/C/PHL/3-4 22 October, 2009, para. 51.
1510
UNICEF contribution to the third cycle Universal Periodic Review of the Philippines.
273
Cyber violence
According to the NBS-VAC, 43.8 per cent of children aged 13–17 had experienced cyber violence,
with 45.3 per cent of males and 42.2 per cent of females.1511 A third of these had experienced verbal
abuse over the internet or mobile phone, while one-quarter were sent sexual messages. 2.5 per cent
had their own nude body or sexual activities shown on the internet or mobile phone, both real and
fake images. Fifteen per cent of males and 14.1 per cent of females were shown other people’s sex
videos and photos on the internet or mobile phone. Females were more likely to receive sex
messages or words over the Internet (25.5. per cent) than males (22.8 per cent), but more males (3.2
per cent) reported having their own nude body or sexual activities, real or fake, shown on the Internet
or mobile phone than females (1.8 per cent).1512
The high level of cyber violence indicates an emerging and threatening trend, one which has been
described as a ‘pandemic.’1513 Addressing this requires a change in social attitudes and norms and an
understanding that cyber violence is a serious problem. It requires online safeguards, resources,
attention and active participation from social media platform providers, civil society and government.
Collective violence1514
According to the NBS-VAC 7.8 per cent of those aged 13–17 had experienced collective violence
during childhood, with males more likely to experience this (8.6 per cent) than females (7 per cent);
6.7 per cent experienced demolition or deliberate destruction of their homes and 9 per cent lived in
a place where they have seen people being shot, bombs going off, people fighting or rioting.1515
There is regional variation in the prevalence of collective violence during childhood. In ARMM, there
is a significantly higher prevalence of collective violence experienced by children at 30.4 per cent.
The lowest prevalence of collective violence experienced by children was in CAR at 2.6 per cent. 1516
1511
[13.07.17].
1512
[13.07.17.
1513
Cyber Violence against Women and Girls, A Wake-Up Call: A discussion paper from the UN Broadband Commission
for Digital Development Working Group on Broadband and Gender 2015 available at broadbandcommission.org.
1514
Two indicators of collective violence were used in the National Baseline Study: experience of any form of demolition
or deliberate destruction of the home; and experience of living in a place where you have seen people being shot,
bombs going on, people fighting, or rioting, Council for the Welfare of Children, UNICEF. National Baseline Study on
Violence against Children: Philippines, Executive Summary. 2016. p.VII Available at:
https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf [13.07.17].
1515
[13.07.17].
1516
Executive Summary. 2016. p LXXXV.Available at: https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf
[13.07.17].
274
July 2017
Further detail about the situation of children in ARMM is contained in detail in the ARMM assessment
report.
About 1.6 per cent of children taking part in the survey were personally injured or beaten due to
armed conflict or displacement, while 0.7 per cent admitted they were combatants or warriors in a
war or community violence, or assisted older warriors in their fight against their enemies.1517
Poly victimisation
According to the NBS-VAC 15.2 per cent of respondents reported having experienced all forms of
physical, psychological and sexual violence in their childhood. Almost half of children (48.2 per cent)
aged 13–17 had experienced both physical and psychological harm.1518
Vulnerability of LGBT children and youth
The NBS-VAC found LGBT children to have the highest reported levels of physical violence in
comparison to heterosexual males and females. Homosexual males were more likely to experience
psychological violence than lesbians. Similarly, homosexual males were more likely to experience
sexual violence. LGBT children are also more likely to experience physical, psychological and sexual
violence at school, but there is limited research on their experiences.1519 The far higher levels of
violence indicate a probable lack of acceptance of LGBT children at present.
Table 8.4. Violence against LGBT children
Source: NBS-VAC
1517
Executive Summary. 2016. p 11.Available at: https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf
[13.07.17].
1518
Executive Summary. 2016. P.9.Available at: https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf
[13.07.17].
1519
[13.07.17].
275
8.1.1. Legal and policy framework: violence against children
As set out by UNICEF EAPRO within its Child Protection Programme Strategy Toolkit, an effective child
protection system, “requires collaboration from legal and regulatory systems, social welfare systems,
and behaviour change systems.”1520 Within this framework, a child protection system includes support
and services to parents and children at three levels: primary (universal support); secondary (targeted
group support) and tertiary (individual interventions).1521
Table 8.5. Legal and policy framework
Adapted from UNICEF East Asia and the Pacific Regional Office, East Asia and the Pacific Region Child Protection
Programme Strategy Toolkit, 2009, 5.2, 7.
Article 19 of the CRC requires the State to protect children from “all forms of physical or mental
violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including
sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care
of the child.” Children must also be protected from all forms of corporal punishment (Articles 19 and
28(2) CRC) and other cruel or degrading forms of punishment (Articles 19 and 37 CRC).
Article 20 CRC provides additional rights in relation to the treatment of children who are deprived of
family care, while Articles 32 and 34 CRC protect children against economic and sexual exploitation
These protection rights are supplemented by Article 16 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons
with Disabilities, which refers specifically to the obligation on States to take all appropriate legislative,
administration, social, educational and other measures to protect persons with disabilities, from all
forms of exploitation, violence and abuse, including their gender-based aspects.
1520
UNICEF EAPRO, Child Protection webpage, available at https://www.unicef.org/eapro/activities_3601.html.
1521
Figure below adapted from UNICEF East Asia and the Pacific Regional Office, East Asia and the Pacific Region Child
Protection Programme Strategy Toolkit, 2009, 5.2, p. 7.
276
July 2017
Under the CRC, parents have primary responsibility for raising and caring for their children,1522 but
the State is under a duty to support them in meeting this responsibility.1523 In order to promote family
preservation, the UN Guidelines for the Alternative Care of Children recommend that States take
measures, including addressing the root causes of “child abandonment, relinquishment and
separation of the child from his/her family”1524 through a series of primary, secondary and tertiary
services including: birth registration, housing, health, education and social welfare. Another means
by which States are required to support children and families is through social security, insurance
and financial support (for discussion on social protection – see Section 9, below).1525
The CRC recognises that there will be situations in which parents do not meet their children’s needs,
and that in such instances the State may need to intervene in family life, but sets out specific
provisions to regulate these interventions (see Articles 9 and 20 CRC). When children are deprived of
family care, they are entitled to special protection and assistance and to alternative care 1526. The UN
Guidelines on Alternative Care set out a hierarchy of care options, with a preference for placing
children with family members wherever possible and if not, with, alternative family carers,
institutionalisation being the least preferred option. When children are taken into alternative care
settings, their rights are protected by Article 3(3) of the CRC.
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child noted in their Concluding Observations to the
Government in 2007, that the Philippines has a fairly advanced legal framework for child
protection,1527 which can be found in a number of different Acts.
Philippines laws on protection of children from violence

1987 Constitution: Article XV Section 3 imposes upon the State the obligation to defend the right of
children to assistance, including proper care and nutrition, and special protection from all forms of
neglect, abuse, cruelty, exploitation and other conditions prejudicial to their development.
Executive Order No. 209: The Family Code of the Philippines 1974 deals with the family as an
institution and contains provisions relating to family disputes, legitimation, adoption; financial
support and parental authority.
Republic Act No. 6972: The Barangay-level Total Development and Protection of Children Act 1990
provides for the protection of children up to the age of 6 against all forms of neglect, abuse, cruelty,
exploitation and other conditions prejudicial to their development. Responsibility for such protection
is placed upon the Barangay.
Republic Act No. 7610: The Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and
Discrimination Act 1991 (as amended by Republic Act 9231, 2003) provides protection to children
against all forms of abuse, neglect, cruelty, exploitation and discrimination.
Republic Act 7277: Magna Carta for Disabled Persons 1992 provides for rights of disabled persons,
including women and children.
1522
Article 18 UNCRC. Art. 27 UNCRC provides that it is the parents who have the primary responsibility for securing
conditions of living necessary for the child’s development.
1523
As set out with the Preamble to the UNCRC, which states ‘the family, as the fundamental group of society and the
natural environment for the growth and well-being of all its members and particularly children, should be afforded the
necessary protection and assistance.’
1524
UN Guidelines for the Alternative Care of Children, A/RES/64/142, 24 February 2010, Guideline 10.
1525
Articles 26 and 27, UNCRC.
1526
Article 20(2) UNCRC.
1527
CRC Concluding observations, Philippines, CRC/C/PHL/CP/3-4, 22 October 2009, para.11.
277
Republic Act 7610; The Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination
Act 1997: Its provisions protect children against all forms of violence including covers a wide range
of acts, including psychological abuse, neglect, cruelty and emotional maltreatment and neglect. It
also prohibits and criminalises child prostitution and other sexual abuse; child trafficking, obscene
publication and indecent shows; other acts of abuse and circumstances which endanger child survival
and development, including child labour, children of indigenous communities and children in
situations of armed conflict.
Republic Act No. 8371: The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997, provides for the non-recruitment
of children of indigenous cultural communities/indigenous peoples into the armed forces.
Republic Act 8972: The Solo Parents Welfare Act 2000, provides for benefits and privileges for lone
parents and their children.
Republic Act 9231: The Act Prohibiting Employment of Children in Hazardous Areas 1999 and
includes recruitment of children for use in armed conflict as one of the worst forms of child labour.
Republic Act 9208: The Anti Trafficking in Persons Act 2003 and Implementing Rules and Regulations
2002, prohibits and criminalises trafficking for the purposes of prostitution, pornography, sexual
exploitation, forced labour, slavery, involuntary servitude or debt bondage, and the recruitment,
transportation or abduction of children to engage in armed activities.
Republic Act 9255, an Act Allowing Illegitimate Children to Use the Surname of their Father, 2004,
Amends the Family Code of the Philippines.
Republic Act 9262: The Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act of 2004 criminalises
acts of physical, sexual, economic and psychological abuse and violence committed against a woman
or her child by any person and provides for protective measures.
Republic Act 9344L: The Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006, provides protection rights for
children at risk and children in conflict with the law, including prevention, rehabilitation and
reintegration.
Republican Act 9710: Magna Carta for Women 2009, sets out the rights of women;
Republican Act 9775: The Anti-Child Pornography Act of 2009 incorporates the provisions of the
UNCRC, the Optional Protocol to the UNCRC on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child
Pornography, ILO Convention No. 182 on the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour and the
Convention against Transnational Organised Crime relating to child pornography, and establishes an
Inter-Agency Council against Child Pornography.
Republic Act 9745: An Act Penalizing Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Punishment
(2009), recognises torture committed against children as a punishable offence.
Republic Act 10175: Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012: Penalises cybersex for favour or
consideration and acts of child pornography committed through a computer system.
Republic Act 10627: The Anti-Bullying Act of 2013: provides for schools to introduce anti-bullying
policies and procedures for dealing with bullying complaints.
Republic Act 10821: The Children’s Emergency Relief and Protection Act of 2015 establishes a
comprehensive emergency program to protect children and support their immediate recovery during
disasters. It mandates the establishment of evacuation centres and child-friendly spaces, the
restoration of civil registry documents to facilitate the reunification of separated children and the
training of emergency responders in child protection.
278
July 2017
Section 2 of the Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act
19911528 is particularly important: it provides that it is the policy of the State to provide special
protection to children from all forms of abuse, neglect, cruelty, exploitation and discrimination and
other conditions prejudicial to their development, and sets out penalties for the commission of
such conduct.
The Act defines children in need of special protection as including those:1529
1. Being in a community where there is armed conflict or being affected by armed conflict-
related activities;
2. Working under conditions hazardous to life, safety and morals which unduly interfere with
their normal development;
3. Living in or fending for themselves in the streets of urban or rural areas without the care of
parents or a guardian or any adult supervision needed for their welfare;
4. Being a member of an indigenous cultural community and/or living under conditions of
extreme poverty or in an area which is undeveloped and/or lack or has inadequate access to
basic services needed for a good quality of life;
5. Being a victim of a man-made or natural disaster calamity; or
6. Circumstances analogous to those above stated which endanger life, safety or normal
development of children.
Although there are a comprehensive set of laws relating to child protection, the general view is that
there is not, as yet, a fully functioning child protection system. Some commentators have suggested
that this is due to the ‘symptom specific’ approach taken to child protection, and the practice of
dealing with child protection issues reactively rather than proactively. One of the consequences of a
symptom specific’ approach has been a number of different, overlapping interagency councils
mandated to coordinate and oversee the implementation of the various laws. 1530 The 3rd
Comprehensive Program on Child Protection saw this ad hoc approach to child protection as having
resulted in an inadequate protective and caring environment for children.
Apart from wide-ranging legislation, the Government has developed a number of different national
plans. Following the publication of the UNGASS outcome document, ‘A World Fit for Children,’ the
Government published the Philippine National Strategic Framework for Plan Development for
Children, or ‘Child 21’, which sets out a vision for children’s welfare and development up to the year
2025. Its goal is to build a ‘child-sensitive’ and ‘child friendly’ society. Following on from Child 21, the
Filipino Child of the Millennium: National Plan of Action for Children 2005-2010 (the first National
Plan of Action for Children) was developed to concretise the vision in Child 21 and provide a structure
to deliver special protection to those children who required it. To complement the interventions in
the first National Plan of Action, a Comprehensive Program on the Protection of Children was also
developed jointly by the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the DSWD. The policy envisages the LGUs
as the body responsible for the delivery of child protection programmes.
1528
Republican Act No. 7610, as amended by Republic Act 9231, 2003.
1529
Republican Act No. 7610, Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act 1997 as
amended by Republic Act 9231, 2003, Section 3.
1530
PLCPD Policy Brief: Improving National and Local Systems and Capacities Towards Better Child Protection in the
Philippines, PLCPD and UNICEF, July 2016, p.3.
279
A second National Plan of Action for Children covering 2012-2017, and the third Comprehensive
Program on the Protection of Children 2012-2016 followed; the third National Action Plan and the
fourth Comprehensive Program are currently being finalised. The third Comprehensive Program on
Child Protection 2012-2016, emphasised strengthening a multi-level child protection system to
protect children who are at risk, disadvantaged and vulnerable to abuse, neglect, exploitation and
violence. The aim was to respond to the 2009 concluding observations from the UN Committee on
the Rights of the Child and to create a rights-based and systems-based approach to child
protection.1531 It would appear that although progress has been made, the programme has not
achieved its aims to the extent hoped.
The Philippine Plan of Action to end Violence against Children (PPAeVAC) 2017-2022 is the latest plan
to be published and will be integrated into the third National Plan of Action for Children.1532 The
purpose of the PPAeVAC is to provide a multi-sectoral road map designed for the progressive
reduction of violence against children over the period of the Plan, and to translate the findings of the
2015 NBS-VAC into action.
8.1.2 Barriers and bottlenecks relating to violence against children

The causes and determinants of violence against children are multi-faceted. They include structural
and political causes and prevailing social and cultural norms. Violence against women and children
is socially and culturally accepted and condoned in many cases in the Philippines and, in particular,
corporal punishment of children is seen as being necessary and helpful; 57.2 per cent of respondents
to the NBS-VAC reported that they became more resilient and stronger because of experiencing
violence, and community leaders and teachers stated that without it, children would become
disrespectful and unruly.1533 The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has raised concerns that
corporal punishment is not explicitly prohibited in Philippines legislation.1534
Cultural and social norms, poverty, the need to work and earn income, lack of supervision for
children, a lack of family support services and the reluctance to interfere in matters seen as relating
to the ‘family’ all contribute to family violence. Studies have also shown that the social norms relating
to corporal punishment have driven the prevalence of this form of violence in schools, and that this
is closely linked to violent discipline at home.1535
In the NBS-VAC, 39.5 per cent of the respondents aged 13–17 reported that they had committed
some form of violence against another child; (42.7 per cent of males and 36.3 per cent of females);
38.2 per cent reported that they had shouted, insulted, threatened, humiliated or used verbal abuse
or derogatory language, and 41.4 per cent reported having bullied someone.1536
1531
Protecting Filipino Children from Abuse, Exploitation and Violence, A Comprehensive Program on Child Protection,
2012-2016, Building a Protective and Caring Environment for Children, p1.
1532
National Baseline Study on Violence against Children: Philippines, 2015 National Survey Results Executive Summary
Recommendations p 11. See also CRC Concluding observations, Philippines, CRC/C/PHL/CP/3-4, 22 October 2009.
1533
Executive Summary. 2016. P. 17. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf
[13.07.17].
1534
CRC concluding observations, Philippines, 2009, para 42
1535
A Systematic Literature Review of the Drivers of VAC, p 3
1536
[13.07.17].
280
July 2017
Despite the high levels of violence, the NBS-VAC found that there was a low overall disclosure of
physical, psychological and sexual abuse. Only 7.3 per cent of those who reported being subjected to
physical violence, 11.8 per cent of those who had experienced psychological abuse and 11.9 per cent
of those who had experienced sexual abuse reported it to someone prior to the survey.1537
Only 29.2 per cent of children were aware that they could report abuse and to whom, even though
69.6 per cent had attended orientation seminars, training, awareness programmes and other services
on child protection and child welfare conducted by the government officials.1538 Of those who
disclosed abuse, 45.4 per cent sought help from a professional for their concerns, mostly teachers
(40.7 per cent) and guidance counsellors (14.2 per cent), showing the importance of the school in
child protection.1539
The low level of reporting fits with studies, which have pointed towards a culture of silence
concerning violence against children. The cultural norm, combined with a lack of support services,
shaming of survivors and weak law enforcement, all contribute to a low level of reporting.1540
It is unlikely that programmes to end violence against children will be successful and sustainable until
and unless attention is paid to the level of violence against women. The UNICEF Systematic Literature
Review on VAC notes that 55.5 per cent of males and 51.6 per cent of females agree that that a man
can hit his wife if she does not take care of their children. In addition, the systematic literature review
shows that “adults who experienced family violence justify the use of intimate partner violence more
than those who have not grown up in violent family environments.”1541 There is clearly a need to
address the inter-generational use of violence, a need for more gender and equality programmes
addressing the use of violence to be taught in schools, a tougher policy and practice in combating
domestic violence among local law enforcement and further work on promoting positive discipline
skills, together with guidance on how to use these techniques.1542
The recently published PPAeVAC identifies key strategies to address violence against children, which
will be implemented over the next 5 years.
1. Promotion of Evidence-Based Parenting Programme and Life Skills and Personal Safety Lessons
This is seen as a key preventive strategy that will improve parents’ and caregivers’ knowledge and
skills in evidence-based parenting, providing proper care and protection for children and
adolescents, and using positive discipline; the integration of evidence-based, age appropriate,
and gender-responsive parenting programmes and positive discipline in the curriculum for
teachers and social workers; and develop children’s and adolescents’ skills in protecting
themselves from violence, reporting their experience of violence, seeking help when needed, and
managing their own anger and impulsivity.
1537
[13.07.17].
1538
Executive Summary. 2016. P.13. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/philippines/PHL_NBSVAC_Results_ES.pdf
[13.07.17].
1539
Ibid.
1540
A Systematic Literature Review of the Drivers of VAC, p. 4.
1541
Philippines, A Systematic Review of the Drivers of Violence Affecting Children in the Philippines, UNICEF 2016p. 48.
1542
Philippines, A Systematic Review of the Drivers of Violence Affecting Children in the Philippines, UNICEF 2016.
281
2. Capability-building: to strengthen the knowledge and skills of service providers in implementing

and monitoring the above programmes. The service providers referred to here are social workers,
social work assistants, child development workers, teachers, health workers, daycare workers,
community organizers, barangay workers, police officers, church workers, and staff of child caring
institutions. These are the service providers from government, NGOs, FBOs, community-based
organizations and communities that have direct contact with parents, caregivers, children and
adolescents.
3. Comprehensive Communication for Behaviour Change (C4BC) Strategy: this preventive

communication strategy will target the whole population using various communication channels,
multi-media campaigns and advocacy materials. The aim is to promote non-violent social norms
and behaviour that protects children and adolescents from violence, including evidence-based
programming and positive discipline for parents and caregivers, and life-skills education and
personal safety lessons for children and adolescents.
4. Children and Adolescent Participation/Mobilisation: this will provide opportunities to children

and adolescents to form associations in communities, schools, institutions, and work places, to
participate in promoting social norms and behaviour that protects children and adolescents from
violence, and to provide peer counselling.
5. Direct Service Delivery: this will involve the provision of appropriate and quality protective,
social, mental, health, legal, economic and judicial services to child and adolescent victims of
violence, ensuring that they are rehabilitated and reintegrated, and that violence and trauma are
prevented from recurring.
6. Monitoring, Evaluation and Research: in order to track the implementation of the key strategies,
and for evaluating the relevance, efficiency, effectiveness, impact and sustainability of the
Government’s collective interventions to end violence against children. Research will also allow
lessons to be learned and good practices to be replicated.
7. Policy Advocacy: policy makers, including politicians, government officials, public servants, media
practitioners, church leaders, development agencies and NGOs will be encouraged to be pro-
active in the creation or amendment of laws, policies, ordinances and regulations relevant to the
prevention of violence and the protection of child and adolescent victims of abuse. It also involves
monitoring the effective and consistent implementation of these laws, policies, ordinances and
regulations at different levels.
8. Institution Building: the aims is to strengthen the national and subnational structures and
systems responsible for implementing the key strategies and interventions that will improve
parenting skills; enhance children and adolescents’ capacity to protect themselves and ensure
the provision of protective services for victims of violence.
The PPAeVAC sets out in detail the key strategies, the key performance indicators, the responsible
agency and the required budget (PhP386,965,000 or $7,565,038).1543 The Child Welfare Council is
listed as the lead agency for the development, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the
1543
No budget is given for Key Result Area 2, strategies 1 and 2 (integration of life skills into the curriculum and capacity
building of practitioners and staff working with children).
282
July 2017
PPAeVAC, with six committees organized to facilitate and coordinate Plan. The Plan is highly
ambitious and is likely to require increased human resources and capacity within the Child Welfare
Council and other government agencies, NGOs, CBOs and FBOs to implement such a broad and
demanding programme. There must also be some doubt whether it is feasible to implement the
strategies in the Plan for the anticipated budget.
Although the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child takes the view that the legal framework on
violence against children is well developed, the large number of Acts, regulations, rules and protocols
relating to protection from violence, raises questions about the extent to which they are understood
and absorbed by those who are tasked with implementing them. At present, different laws address
different forms of violence. There would be some benefit to consolidating legislation relating to the
protection of children within one Act to improve accessibility and coherence. The PPAeVAC
acknowledges this and has out forward, as one of its strategies, the amendment of laws, ordinances
and regulations.
8.2. Child Exploitation
8.2.1. Child labour
Child labour is generally described as ‘work that deprives children of their childhood, their potential
and their dignity, and that is harmful to physical and mental development.’1544 The difference
between acceptable child work and child labour depends on “the child’s age, the types of work
performed, the conditions under which it is performed and the objectives pursued by individual
countries.”1545
In a 2011 survey on working children in the Philippines, conducted by the ILO and the Parliamentary
Union, it was estimated that 3.3 million children aged 5 to 17 worked for at least one hour during
one week in October 2011. The majority of these were boys (62.9 per cent), and aged between 15
and 17 (53.2 per cent). Thirty-eight per cent were aged between 10–14 and 8.8 per cent 5 to 9. 63.3
per cent of the 3.3 million children were considered to be engaged in child labour and 61.9 per cent
in hazardous child labour (one-third of whom were girls).1546
Table 8.6. 2012 Philippine survey on working children (based on statistical evidence from the
2011 ILO/ International Labour Union survey
1544
ILO and Inter-Parliamentary Union, Eliminating the worst forms of child labour: A practical guide to ILO Convention
No. 182, Handbook for Parliamentarians No. 3 2002, p 16.
1545
ILO and Inter-Parliamentary Union, Eliminating the worst forms of child labour: A practical guide to ILO Convention
No. 182, Handbook for Parliamentarians No. 3 2002, p 16.
1546
https://psa.gov.ph/content/estimated-number-working-children-5-17-years-old-who-worked-during-past-week-
was-33-million.
283
Philippines National Statistics Office and International Labour Organisation 1547
Working children are found in diverse sectors of the Philippine economy. The 2011 Study showed
that 64 per cent were in agriculture, 16.4 per cent were in sales, 9.2 per cent were in production work
and 8.8 per cent were in service trades. In the formal economy, they were employed in the garment
industry, wood-based industry and food industry, often as apprentices.1548
It is possible that the numbers of children working in the informal sector may be greater, as few
studies have managed to reach this group and the issue remains under-researched.1549 For instance,
evidence was given to the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and
Recommendations (CEACR) by the International Trades Union Confederation (ITUC) in 2013, that
hundreds of thousands of children, mainly girls, worked as domestic workers in slavery-like
conditions;1550 83 per cent of child domestic workers lived in their employer’s homes; only half of
them were allowed to take one day off per month; they were on call 24 hours and a day; more than
half had dropped out of school, and some of the child domestic workers were working in harmful and
hazardous conditions. Evidence was also given that some of the children, especially girls, suffered
physical, psychological and sexual abuses and injuries.1551 In 2016, ITUC alleged that there were at
least one million child domestic workers in the Philippines.
The 2011 Survey found the largest share of the country’s child labour population to be in Central
Luzon (10.5 per cent) and Bicol Region (10.4 per cent); but large proportions were also found in
1547
Available at: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@asia/@ro-bangkok/@ilo-manila/documents/
meetingdocument/wcms_184097.pdf.
1548
was-33-million.
1549
Child Protection in the Philippines, A Situational Analysis, Save the Children, 2011– p 31.
1550
Observation (CEACR) – adopted 2013, published 103rd ILC session (2014), Convention No. 182 – Philippines.
1551
Direct request (CEACR), adopted 2016 106th ILC session (2017).
284
July 2017
northern Mindanao (8.5 per cent), CALABRAZON (8.3 per cent) and Western Visayas (8.2 per cent).
1552
According to the Annual Poverty Indicators Survey, those in the lower socio-economic class are more
likely to have working children. Among the bottom 30 per cent of families (in terms of income) with
members 5 to 17 years old, 20.6 per cent had working children while for the top 70 per cent families,
9.6 per cent had working children.1553
Legal and policy environment: Child labour
Once again, the Philippines has an adequate legal and policy framework with respect to preventing
and prohibiting child labour. The Philippines has ratified ILO Conventions 138 (the Minimum Age
Convention 1983), 182 (Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention 1999) and 189 (Domestic Workers
Convention 2011). It domesticated ILO Convention 182 in Republic Act 9231: An Act Providing For
the Elimination Of the Worst Forms of Child Labour and Affording Stronger Protection for the
Working Child. The Department of Labour and Employment (DOLE) has also issued Department Order
No 4, which prohibits persons below 18 years old engaging in hazardous work. The minimum age for
full time work is 15 years old, while those under 15 year olds can work up to 4 hours per day during
daylight hours.
In 2012, the Government also passed Republic Act 10361, An Act Instituting Policies for the Protection
and Welfare of Domestic Workers, which prohibits the employment of a child under the age of 15 as
a domestic worker. The Act explicitly states that working children (i.e. children aged 15–18) are
entitled to the minimum wage and to all the benefits set out in the Act.
A Roadmap for the Elimination of Child Labour in domestic work and the provision of adequate
protection for young domestic workers of legal working age (i.e. 15) was adopted in 2015. In addition,
a Joint Memorandum Circular was signed in October 2015 by DOLE, the DSWD, the National Bureau
of Investigation (NBI) and the Philippine National Police, and guidelines issued to all concerned
agencies for the immediate rescue and rehabilitation of abused domestic workers. Further action has
been taken by DOLE who issued Department Order No 149 in February 2016 (Guidelines in Assessing
and Determining Hazardous Work in Employment of Persons below 18 years of age) which lists work
and activities which are considered hazardous to domestic workers below 18 years of age, and are
thus prohibited.
While the legal framework is adequate, the implementation has been less than adequate. The CEACR
has asked the government to ensure that Republic Act No 10361 is effectively applied and that
sufficiently effective and dissuasive penalties are imposed. It has also asked for further information
on the implementation of the Roadmap and the Joint Memorandum Circular, and the results
achieved.
In addition to the legislation, DOLE has established the Philippine Program Against Child Labour
Strategic Framework 2017-2022 which has a vision of a child labour-free Philippines. A less ambitious
goal is contained in the PDP: its goal is to reduce the proportion of children aged 5–17 engaged in
child labour by 30 per cent by 2022. 1554
In January 2017, the National Child Labor Committee chaired by DOLE, the DSWD, DepEd, DENR,
together with the ILO and BanToxics launched three new initiatives on child labour:
1552
was-33-million
1553
Annual Poverty Indicator Survey, Government of the Philippines (2014), p 24
1554
Philippines Development Plan, Table 11.5, p 172
285
➢ Strategic helpdesks for Information, Education, Livelihood and other Departmental

Interventions (SHIELD) against Child Labour (DSWD);
➢ A project to reduce child labour and improve working conditions in artisanal and small-scale
gold-mining (CARING-Gold), under the ILO and funded by the USA Department of Labor; and
➢ A module on child labour for the family development sessions of the Pantawid Pamilyang
Pilipino Program (the 4Ps), the conditional cash transfer programme of the DSWD.
The 4Ps programme, which has a reach of about 4.4 million poor households, has introduced a
number of programmes to eliminate child labour including profiling child labourers, advocating for
child labour-free barangays and establishments, and providing livelihood assistance to parents of
child labourers. These have been combined into a programme called HELP ME (Health, Education and
Training, Livelihood, Prevention, Protection and Prosecution, and Monitoring and Evaluation).1555 The
aim of this latest programme is to raise awareness on child labour and the role of the family to
prevent or to end child labour, especially in its worst forms.
Causes, determinants, barriers and bottlenecks: child labour
Children are in demand by employers because they are docile, can be employed at a fraction of adult
wages and seldom complain.1556 Not surprisingly, studies have shown that children involved in
hazardous child labour are especially vulnerable to violence and face particular risks of sexual
exploitation and trafficking.1557 However, there are strong traditional and cultural norms, which
emphasise the importance of children helping with family duties and obligations. These cultural
norms place pressure on children, especially where a family is in poverty, to becoming involved in
child labour including commercial exploitation.1558 This can be very clearly seen in cases where the
family livelihood has been lost or damaged due to natural disasters, climate change or armed conflict.
In these cases, especially where children have been displaced and are out of school, the family may
decide that there is a need for the child to earn money for the family.
8.2.2. Commercial Sexual Exploitation
Child sexual exploitation comprises ‘sexual abuse by the adult and remuneration in cash or kind to
the child or third persons. The child is treated as a sexual object and as a commercial object.’ 1559 The
term commercial ‘sexual exploitation’ includes child pornography, child prostitution, child sex
tourism and other forms of violence in which children are subjected to sexual exploitation for
financial gain or for non-financial gain, such as for protection, a place to sleep, higher school grades,
food, alcohol or drugs.
1555
National Sector Support for Social Welfare and Development Reform Project, 2006. See also Philippines
Development Plan, p 166
1556
Child Protection in the Philippines, A Situational Analysis, Save the Children, 2011p 39.
1557
A Systematic Review of the Drivers of Violence Affecting Children in the Philippines University of the Philippines
Manila, The University of Edinburgh, Child Protection Network Foundation & UNICEF Philippines, 2016 p.3.
1558
A Systematic Review of the Drivers of Violence Affecting Children in the Philippines, University of the Philippines
Manila, The University of Edinburgh, Child Protection Network Foundation & UNICEF Philippines, 2016, p.3.
1559
‘The Stockholm Declaration and Agenda for Action, adopted at the First World Congress Against the Commercial
Sexual Exploitation of Children, 27-31 August 1996.
286
July 2017
Commercial sexual exploitation remains a pervasive problem in the Philippines with women and
children (both boys and girls) subjected to a range of exploitation ranging from cyber-sex to
prostitution.
The Young Adult Fertility and Sexuality Study in the Philippines1560 undertaken with children and youth
aged 15–24 (2013) showed a relatively low rate of commercial sex. 3 per cent of males and 1 per cent
of females reported having paid or received payment for sex. The figure relating to payment for sex
dropped in 2013 to about half the level found in a similar survey in 2002, though no explanation is
given in the study as to why. The proportion of males who reported receiving payment for sex also
reported a decline from 3.9 to 2.7 per cent. The figure among females was too low for a meaningful
analysis.1561 It is possible that the reported numbers of 1524 year olds engaging in commercial sex
may be an under-representation of the true rate. Commercial sex is illegal in the Philippines and there
may have been a reluctance to disclose having engaged in unlawful behaviour.
The study found that commercial sex was more common among 2024 years old than 15- to 19-year-
olds, and more common among those living in urban areas than rural areas. The Survey found that
both types of commercial sex activities (i.e. paying or being paid) were most common in NCR and the
Davao Region and were least prevalent in Cagayan Valley and ARMM. There was no clear pattern in
the prevalence of commercial sexual activities by marital status or education, but there was a positive
association between socio-economic status and the proportion who paid for sex. Perhaps
unsurprisingly, youth in the highest quintile paid for sex to a greater extent than their poorer
counterparts. 1562
The Philippines is known as a source, transit and destination country for domestic and cross border
trafficking of women and children for sexual exploitation and forced labour. The Visayas, Cebu, and
Mindanao are historically known as areas with higher rates of trafficking, with women and children
from indigenous families and remote areas of the country most vulnerable to sex trafficking both
internally and internationally.1563 Internal trafficking is mainly to Metro Manila, Metro Cebu, central
and northern Luzon and the urbanized areas of Mindanao. There are also high rates of child sex
trafficking to tourist areas including Boracay, Angeles City, Olongapo, Puerto Galera and Surigao. The
US Department of State notes in the Trafficking in Persons Report in 2016 that the number of child
sex tourists, many of whom are from Australia, Japan, the USA and European countries, has
increased.1564
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has expressed concern that a number of groups of
children are vulnerable to commercial sexual exploitation including street children, children involved
(e.g. earning for tuition fees), ‘call girls / boys’ (who engage in seasonal prostitution mostly to address
1560
The Young Adult Fertility and Sexuality (YAFS) Study is a series of cross-sectional surveys on Filipino youth aged 15-
24 conducted since 1982 by the University of the Philippines Population Institute (UPPI) and the Demographic Research
and Development Foundation (DRDF).
1561
and Development Foundation (DRDF) p. 96.
1562
and Development Foundation (DRDF) p. 93.
1563
Trafficking in Persons Report, June 2017, available at state.gov.
1564
US Department of State, Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, 2016 Trafficking in Persons Report
(http;//www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2016/index.htm), Philippines, p.306-308.
287
the emergency needs of their families or for their own upkeep), and young female OFWs who work
as ‘entertainers.’1565
The Philippines is one of the top 10 countries producing child pornography material globally. In
addition, an emerging phenomenon has been the growth in the number of young Filipino children
coerced to perform sex acts for live streaming on the internet, mainly to paying foreigners. The US
Department of State Trafficking in Persons Report notes that relatives are frequently found to be
colluding in the sexual exploitation of the children.1566
New technologies have also put children at risk of online sexual solicitation and grooming. Studies
show that parents are often unaware of the risk to children, who are frequently unsupervised on the
Internet and commonly engage in risky online behaviour.
The NBS-VAC highlighted that
➢ 15.6 per cent have been shown sex videos/ photos/ sexual activities of other people;
➢ 24.1 per cent have received sexual messages;
➢ 2.5 per cent have displayed themselves nude or were involved in sexual activities on the
internet or cellphone. 1567
DSWD reported assisting 1,465 victims of trafficking in 2015, 1,037 of whom were women. In 2015,
the NBI investigated 67 sex trafficking cases, prosecuted 8 cases against foreign sex tourists and
convicted 5 for online child sex trafficking.1568 In the first quarter of 2016, 233 cases of sexual
exploitation and 214 of trafficking were reported. 1569 Online child abuse is the leading cybercrime in
the Philippines making up half of all reported child abuse cases.1570
Legal and policy framework: commercial sexual exploitation
The Philippines ratified the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child on child
sale, child prostitution and child pornography in 2002. Following the ratification, Republic Act 9208
or Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act 2003 was passed to address sexual exploitation and to incorporate
the Optional Protocol. Protection was broadened by the Expanded Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act
2012, which provides for more severe penalties for traffickers and decriminalises victims of
trafficking. However, protection remains limited. Article 335 of the Penal Code1571 provides that
sexual intercourse with a girl under the age of 12 constitutes statutory rape, and as a result, this sets
12 years of age as the minimum age of consent. This is the youngest age of sexual consent in Asia. In
addition, the definition contained in Article 355 of the Penal Code applies only to sexual intercourse
1565
CRC/C/PHL/CO/3-4, 2 October 2009, Philippines, 2009, para 76
1566
US Department of State, Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, 2016 Trafficking in Persons Report
(http;//www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2016/index.htm), Philippines 306-308.
1567
[13.07.17].
1568
US State Department Trafficking in Persons Report 2016, Country Narrative, Philippines.
1569
“DSWD urges public to report child abuse”, July 20, 2016, http://www.dswd.gov.ph/dswd-urges-public-to-report-
child-abuse/
1570
See Protection of Children from Online Abuse and Exploitation, Capacity Gap Analysis of Stakeholders: A summary,
UNICEF, Philippines, 2016 p.4.
1571
Republic Act 3815.
288
July 2017
by a man with a girl under the age of 12, leaving boys with an even lesser degree of protection.1572
The CRC Committee has expressed concern at the low age of sexual consent in the Philippines, which
increases “the vulnerability of children to prostitution and pornography.”1573 While there is no
international minimum age of consent, most States set the age between 14 (considered low) and 16.
The Government has established an Inter-Agency Council against Trafficking, the function of which is
to monitor and oversee the strict implementation of trafficking laws and to cover the four key areas
of prevention, protection, prosecution and partnership. A Philippine Anti-Trafficking in Persons
Database has also been set up. Despite these innovations, the CEDAW Committee noted in their
Concluding Observations to the 7th and 8th Periodic Report by the Philippines Government that the
prevention of trafficking remains weak, and that the Expanded Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act 2012
was not being effectively implemented. 1574
The Optional Protocol also requires that States criminalise those who engage in sexual acts for
remuneration and consideration, whether with a boy or girl up to the age of 18. The law in the
Philippines provides this protection1575 and treats the child in law, as a victim.1576
In addition to its concerns about trafficking, the CEDAW Committee noted the increasing incidence
of online sexual exploitation and abuse of children in its 2016 Concluding Observations.1577 The
government has sought to address this in its Strategic National Response Plan to Prevent and Address
Online Sexual Exploitation and Abuse of Children. It recognises that it is faced with challenges,
including culturally rooted challenges, the lack of a national and centralised anti-online sexual
exploitation of children database and a comprehensive data collection system; the lack of penalties
attached to current laws, and the lack of legislation on issues such as sexting, extra-territorial child
pornography and the age of sexual consent; the lack of awareness of child protection services and
the lack of relevant training and equipment. The Response Plan acknowledges that there are
inadequate protection, recovery and integration programmes and that there are unacceptable delays
in the judicial process, allied with a reluctance to witnesses to testify.
The aim of the Response Plan is to implement streamlined, responsive, contextualized cross-sector
advocacy and prevention strategies that will address the issue of child online protection, with the
aim of raising general societal awareness and lowering incidences of online child sexual abuse and
exploitation. The Plan also includes strengthening of the linkage between law enforcement agencies
and the Interpol International Child Sexual Exploitation Database, and amendments of the law
relating to the rules of evidence.
Causes, determinants, barriers and bottlenecks: Commercial sexual exploitation
Trafficking of women and children remains a pervasive problem. The Special Rapporteur on
Trafficking in Persons notes that in many cases the victims are young girls who either run away from
their families to escape physical or sexual abuse or want to alleviate the economic situation of their
families. Many are deceived into taking fake employment opportunities and end up being sexual
1572
Republic Act 3815, Penal Code, Article 335(3): Rape/ carnal knowledge is committed by a man where the woman
….. under the age of 12.
1573
CRC Committee, Optional Protocol on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, ‘Concluding
Observations: Philippines’, 31 January 2013, CRC/C/OPSC/PHIL/CO/1, para. 9.
1574
CEDAW/C/PHL/CO 7-8, 25 July 2016, Para,28.
1575
Republic Act 3815, Revised Penal Code, Article 336.
1576
Republic Act 7610, Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act 1992, section 5.
1577
See CEDAW/C/PHL/CO/7-8, para. 25 (d)
289
exploited. The growing use of new technologies has made trafficking easier, as has improved travel,
particularly between the Philippines and other Asian countries. 1578
Social and cultural norms have also played their part. There is a culture of silence and fear of
reporting, with the discussion of sexual violence, sexuality and reproductive health being considered
taboo.1579 At the same time, sexual exploitation of even small children, especially through child sex
tourism and, increasingly, internet sexual exploitation, is tolerated in many areas of the country as
an acceptable means of addressing poverty and of earning money for the family. Poor parenting,
consumerism and peer influence, lack of internet safety awareness, local English proficiency, an
existing sex industry and high levels of access to the internet have all contributed to the Philippines
becoming a hub for online exploitation of children, now a multi-billion-dollar industry.1580
As noted above, the legislation does not set an explicit legal age of sexual consent, and the law on
statutory rape only applies to sex with girls under the age of 12. Further, if the offender marries the
girl, any criminal liability ceases to exist, not only in relation to the perpetrator, but also in relation
to any co-principals, accomplices or accessories after the fact.1581
The Special Rapporteur on Trafficking in Persons also noted in her 2013 report that sometimes the
most excluded sections of the population of barangays resort to earning a living by engaging their
children in internet pornography.1582 Officials in some barangays have displayed a lack of willingness
to interfere in what is often seen as a ‘family’ issue or have claimed that they have no mandate to
intervene.
The challenges in addressing trafficking in persons include lack of manpower, poor monitoring, poorly
implemented legal and regulatory frameworks, weak law enforcement due to lack of capacity, an
incomplete data-base (despite the establishment of the Philippine Anti-Trafficking in Persons
Database), politics, budgetary concerns, cultural diversity, corruption and under-resourced social
welfare.1583
Somewhat surprisingly, the Philippines anti-human-trafficking efforts have lately been given the
highest ranking of Tier I in the Global Trafficking in Persons Report produced by the US State
Department. Despite this, in 2016, the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and
Recommendations (CEACR - for ILO Conventions) while noting the various measures taken by the
Government to combat trafficking, requested the government to strengthen the capacity of law
enforcement agencies in identifying and combating the sale and trafficking of children, and requested
the government to continue providing information on the number of reported violations,
investigations, prosecutions, convictions and criminal penalties imposed in cases concerning
children. 1584
1578
Manila, The University of Edinburgh, Child Protection Network Foundation & UNICEF Philippines, 2016, p.4.Access to
ports for migration, including easy access to Indonesia through Mindanao is also a factor in cross border sex trafficking.
There are recognized links between high rates of migration and trafficking.
1579
Manila, The University of Edinburgh, Child Protection Network Foundation & UNICEF Philippines, 2016, p. 12.
1580
1581
Republic Act 3815, section 344.
1582
Report of the Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons especially in women and children A/HRC/23/48/Add.3.
1583
Child Protection in the Philippines, A Situational Analysis, Save the Children, 2011, p 49.
1584
Observation (CEACR), adopted 2016, published 106th ILC session (2017).
290
July 2017
The Committee on the Rights of the Child has also expressed concern that there is insufficient
engagement with and regulation of the private sector to prevent and combat child sex tourism.1585
Preventing child abuse on the internet also remains a challenge for many of the same reasons,
including the pace of technological change, a lack of staff, funds and skills, cooperation difficulties
between agencies and a lack of coordination. In addition, barangays and the police often do not have
access to computers or the internet, making them unable to determine whether a crime has been
committed or to determine whether the child involved or any other person depicted is known to
them. The situation has been worsened by corruption at all levels and gaps in guidelines and
protocols, including a lack of protocols for the handling of forensic evidence, a system for tagging
foreign sex offenders’ entry to the Philippines and guidelines for issuance of search warrants for
online child abuse.
Once a person is identified as being engaged in the production or dissemination of pornography, a
lack of knowledge of the law on the part of prosecutors, lengthy legal proceedings, delay and
inconsistent implementation of laws are a problem. In addition, “there is no comprehensive data
collection system and …… appropriately disaggregated data and research.”1586 There is evidence
however, that some areas, such as Cebu, have introduced a coordinated approach and have raised
awareness in local communities and worked directly with the community and NGOs to address such
abuse. 1587
8.3. Child marriage
According to the NDHS 2013 the percentage of women aged 2024 who were first married before the
age of 15 was 2 per cent, with 15 per cent married by the age of 18. Pre-arranged, forced and early
marriages are critical issues affecting Filipino girl children, particularly Muslim and Indigenous
children.1588 Extrapolating from these figures, around 708,000 women aged 2024 at the time of the
survey were subject to early marriage.
Legal and policy framework: child marriage
Although the marriage age is set at 18 by Articles 5 and 14 of the Family Code, and a marriage is only
valid under the Family Code if it is consensual, there are few effective penalties relating to early or
forced marriage. Further, the Family Code conflicts with the Code of Muslim Personal Laws and
indigenous peoples’ customary laws which permit marriage under the age of 18.
Article 350 of the Penal Code in the Philippines provides a weak protective provision: that if one of
the contracting parties to a marriage obtains the consent of the other by means of violence,
intimidation or fraud, he shall be punished through a fine and/or Arresto Mayor (the lowest level of
1585
See Committee on the Rights of the Child, Concluding Observations and Recommendations on the Initial Report of
the Philippines, Submitted Under Article 12 of the Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child
Pornography, CRC/C/OPSC/PHL/CO/1, para. 25 (c).
1586
Committee on the Rights of the Child, Concluding Observations and Recommendations on the Initial Report of the
Philippines, Submitted Under Article 12 of the Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child
Pornography, June 26, 2013, CRC/C/OPSC/PHL/CO/1 para.7.
1587
See Protection of Children from Online Abuse and Exploitation, Capacity Gap Analysis of Stakeholders: A summary,
UNICEF, Philippines, 2016.
1588
CRC state report, Philippines, 2009. The Code of Muslim Personal Laws and indigenous customary laws contradict
the Family Code which sets the age of marriage at 18. The national law takes precedence in the Philippines, see s.22
Republic Act No .9054.
291
penalty for a criminal offence).1589 However, the Philippines also has provisions in the law that could
be seen as condoning forced marriage. Article 344 of the Penal Code and Article 266-C of the Anti-
Rape Law 1997 both provide that a subsequent valid marriage between the perpetrator and the
offended party extinguishes the criminal action or the penalty for rape.1590
Causes and determinants: child marriage

The root causes of early and forced child marriage are mainly poverty, conflicts, insecurity and
vulnerability to the impact of natural disasters.1591
8.4. Birth registration
SDG 16.9 requires that by 2030, all children’s birth should be registered, in order to provide them
with a legal identity. Under the current Philippine’s legislation, all births are required to be registered
within 30 days from the time of birth at the local civil registry office of the city/municipality where
the birth occurred.1592
The rate of birth registration in 2010 was 90.2 per cent, the latest year for which registration rates
are available. This represents an increase of over 10 per cent from 2000, when the rate was 83 per
cent.1593 Provinces in ARMM are estimated as having the lowest rate of registration and the highest
percentage of unregistered children in the country.1594 The results of the ‘Count Every Child Survey’
suggest that the occupation and education level of the parents are the most significant factors related
to whether or not a child’s birth is registered, and that the age group, sex and civil status of the
parents are far less influential.1595 Of those with no education only 56.9 per cent were familiar with
birth registration, compared with 92 per cent of those who had completed secondary education and
97.6 per cent of those who had completed college. Only 13.8 per cent of those with no education
had been registered at birth, compared to 88.3 per cent of those who had completed secondary
education.1596
Muslim parents taking part in the Count Every Child Survey were less familiar with the requirement
to register a birth (79.7 per cent) and were less likely to have had their birth registered (48 per cent)
than Roman Catholics (88.4 per cent were familiar with birth registration and 82.2 per cent were
registered at birth).1597 Similarly, parents of Tausug and T’boli ethnicities were less familiar with birth
registration (78.8 per cent and 79.8 per cent respectively) and less likely to have been registered at
birth (46.1 per cent and 77.4 per cent respectively) in comparison to those of Tagalog ethnicity, 89.9
per cent of whom were familiar with birth registration and 84.7 per cent of whom were registered at
birth.1598
1589
Article 350, Revised Penal Code.
1590
Article 266-C, Anti-Rape Law, 1997.
1591
CEDAW concluding observations, Philippines, 2016, para 50
1592
https://psa.gov.ph/civilregistration/civil-registration-procedure
1593
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.REG.BRTH.ZS?locations=PH
1594
Philippines Count Every Child Survey Report p 21, THIS NEEDS A FULL REFERENCE- UNICEF HAVE YET TO PROVIDE
1595
Philippines Count Every Child Survey Report p 23,.
1596
Philippines Count Every Child Survey Report p 25,.
1597
However, Muslim parents are also likely to be living in ARMM and to be poorer.
1598
Philippines Count Every Child Survey Report p 24
292
July 2017
Children born out of wedlock in the Philippines are classified as “illegitimate children” in national
laws. However, they may be legitimated through marriage of the parents and may use the name of
the father where there is an acknowledgement of paternity (Republic Act 9255, An Act Allowing
Illegitimate Children to Use the Surname of Their Father).1599 The UN Committee on the Rights of
the Child has raised concerns about the discriminatory practices faced by children born out of
wedlock, and has recommended the abolition of the classification of illegitimate children.1600
Failure on the part of the parent to register the birth of a child, can have profound consequences on
the child. A birth certificate is needed to enrol a child in school, to obtain a passport or, when they
are older, to vote, to take a professional licensure exam, open a bank account, get married, get a job
or claim benefits.1601
8.4.1.1. Barriers and bottlenecks: birth registration
The obstacles identified in relation to birth registration in the Count Every Child survey were high
costs; lack of public awareness; the difficulty of the process and the short length of time in which a
child’s birth must be registered.1602 Only parents or court-appointed legal guardians can register the
birth of a child,1603 which can only be done in person by attendance before a local Civil Registrar (in
municipalities, municipal districts and cities).1604
Where a late fee or penalty is imposed, this constitutes a serious deterrent particularly in areas which
have a high poverty rate, especially given the additional costs of travelling to the office to register a
child, which can be as much as the average monthly income.1605 The UN Committee on the Rights of
the Child has raised concerns regarding the cost of birth registration and late fees. 1606 In 2009 and
2011 under the 4Ps programme, the government provided mobile birth registration units and free
birth registration to indigenous, indigent and marginalised parents who had failed to register their
children’s birth’s, to enable children to be registered at schools. It is not clear whether the mobile
birth registration units have continued their work, in the light of the much higher rates of
registration.1607
Table 8.7. Obstacles to birth registration
1599
Amending for the Purpose Article 176 of Executive Order No. 209, the Family Code of the Philippines.
1600
CRC/C/PHL/CO/3-4, 2 October 2009, Philippines, 2009, para 30
1601
Philippines Count Every Child Survey Report p 1,
1602
1603
Executive Order No. 209, as amended; NSO. (2013). “Civil Registration Facts.” Available on
http://census.gov.ph/civilregistration/facts
1604
Philippines Count Every Child Survey Report , p 26
1605
1606
CRC/C/PHL/CO/3-4, 2 October 2009, Philippines, 2009,
1607
It is possible that there is a reluctance to register disabled children, as disability is still regarded as shameful by
some families and communities.
293
No or low public
awareness
6.5%
26.0% Difficult process
Inaccessible office
50.3% High fees/costs

16.3%
0.9%
Lengthy process
Source: Philippines Count Every Child Survey Report, Everychild
8.5. Children in disasters
During disasters, children separated from their parents are at a higher risk of violence, abuse,
exploitation and neglect. Prolonged displacement can cause changes in social relations, behaviour,
physical reactions and emotions.1608 There has been limited research into post-disaster violence
against Filipino children. However local agency reports showed an increase in the number of rape
and sexual abuse cases after Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan) in 2013. There were also behavioural
changes, including involvement in harsh or dangerous labour, sexual violence and an increase in the
number of out of school children after Yolanda.1609
Republic Act 10821, the Children’s Emergency Relief and Protection Act 2015, establishes a
comprehensive emergency programme to protect children and support their immediate recovery
during disasters. It mandates the establishment of evacuation centres and child-friendly spaces, the
restoration of civil registry documents to facilitate the reunification of separated children and the
training of emergency responders in child protection. It also puts in place heightened surveillance
against child trafficking and other violence against children in the aftermath of disasters and
calamities and seeks to reduce the use of schools as evacuation centres. There is little information
as yet on the level of implementation of the Act or its effectiveness (for more on protection of
children in disasters see section 3.1).
1608
[13.07.17].
1609
294
July 2017
The particular vulnerability of street-connected children
The term ‘street child’ refers to children and youth in urban areas for whom the street is his or her
habitual abode and/or livelihood.1610 They may or may not be supervised by adults. Some children
have families to return to, whereas others have been abandoned or effectively excluded from their
home.1611
In 2005, The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child in their Concluding Observations to the
Philippines second periodic report on implementation of the CRC noted their ‘grave’ concern about
the number of children living in the streets and their vulnerability to various forms of violence and
abuse, including sexual abuse, exploitation and substance abuse. 1612 In 2010, in their response to the
third and fourth periodic reports, the CRC Committee ‘remained seriously concerned at the high
number of children living in the streets.’1613
The number of street children in the Philippines is difficult to establish, with figures stating that the
national prevalence had increased from 250,000 to 1.5 million in 1990s, with an estimation of 50,000
to 75,000 in Manila alone in 20021614. The National Project on Street Children of the DSWD and the
National Council for Social Development reporting in 2006, estimated that the youth population in
major cities comprised of 13 per cent street children. Their data also found that over 220,000 street
children were living in 65 major cities in the Philippines, with national data showing that 60,000 of
these children are sexually exploited or prostituted.1615 A detailed breakdown of these children is
difficult to obtain due to their constant mobility. However, the majority of visible street children are
boys.1616 As well as sexual exploitation and prostitution, street children face a number of other risks,
including discrimination, exploitative work, violence and delinquency, the use and abuse of
dangerous substances and the involvement in trafficking drugs.1617
In 2010, a cross-sectional survey of 311 street children and 528 non-street children aged 13 to 17
years was undertaken in Manila. Street children were grouped into two categories, children who
spent considerable time on the streets but were living with or had contact with immediate family
1610
UNICEF defines ‘street children’ as ‘Any girl or boy who has not reached adulthood, for whom the street in the
widest sense of the word, including unoccupied dwellings, wasteland, and so on, has become his or her habitual abode
and/or source of livelihood, and who is inadequately protected, directed, and supervised by responsible adults”
(Williams, 1993). There have been many debates about terminology and whether the term ‘street children’ is
stigmatizing and may remove the focus on other marginalized children (Davis and Miles, 2015). New emerging terms
such as ‘streetactive’, ‘street-connected’ or ‘street-involved’ children are increasingly being used, and refer to a broader
definition of “children for whom the street is a reference point and has a central role in their lives” (Thomas de Benitez,
2007). See Systematic Literature Review of the Drivers of Violence against Children, UNICEF 2016, p.59.
1611
Consortium for Street Children. A study of policies and programmes in the Philippines addressing the right if street
children to education. Henry R. Ruiz. 2006. Available at: http://www.streetchildrenresources.org/resources/a-study-of-
policies-and-programmes-in-the-philippines-addressing-the-right-of-street-children-to-education/ [11.07.17]
1612
CRC/C/15/Add.258 (2005) Para. 82.
1613
CRC/C/PHL/CO/3-4 (2010) Para. 74.
1614
Drug Use Among Street Children in the Philippines. Levi Njord et al. Asia-Pacific Journal of Public Health 22(2) 203-
211, 2010 at p.203.
1615
Pediatrics International. Protecting children’s rights in a developing country. Perla D Santos Ocampo. 2002.
1616
Consortium for Street Children. A study of policies and programmes in the Philippines addressing the right if street
children to education. Henry R. Ruiz. 2006. Available at: http://www.streetchildrenresources.org/resources/a-study-of-
policies-and-programmes-in-the-philippines-addressing-the-right-of-street-children-to-education/ [11.07.17]
1617
Pediatrics International. Protecting children’s rights in a developing country. Perla D Santos Ocampo. 2002.
295
were defined as ‘children on the street’.1618 Those who had run away from home and were living
primarily on the street with no immediate contact with family were defined as ‘children of the street’.
171 street children in this study were ‘children on the street’ (48.5 per cent male, 51.5 per cent
female) and 140 were ‘children of the street’ (70.7 per cent male, 29.3 per cent female). 1619
Street-connected children have a heightened risk of exposure to particular child protection issues
and poor outcomes across many outcome areas. The study mentioned above found that ‘children of
the street’ were 2.0 times more likely to smoke tobacco, 1.3 times more likely to use alcohol, 36.7
times more likely to use inhalants, and 5.5 times more likely to use illegal drugs than non-street
children. ‘Children on the street’ were 8.7 times more likely to use inhalants and 2.8 times more likely
to use illegal drugs than non-street children. The reasons for using illegal drugs and harmful
substances included dealing with feelings of worry, helping them forget about their problems and
alleviating hunger pangs. The study also discovered that all street children were significantly more
likely to have been given or sold a drug in the past 30 days. From the findings, the authors concluded
that street children in the Philippines are at a greater risk of abusing drugs than non-street children,
with street children not in immediate contact with their family being at greatest risk.1620
The CRC Committee expressed concern in their 2010 Concluding Observations about the practice of
‘clean-up of street dwellers’ and ‘round-ups’ of street children. These practices involve the police
taking street children into custody, depriving them of their liberty for a period of time, followed by
release, but without any resolution of the child’s problems or any offer of services. However, removal
of children from the streets has often taken a far more extreme and far more dangerous form, with
street children targeted for execution. Between 2010 and 2013, investigation of the Tagum City death
squad (TDS) in the Philippine island of Mindanao was carried out by Human Rights Watch. 1621 The
death squad included ex-convicts, as well as street children and former members of the NPA. Killings
by the TDS ‘appeared were believed to be rooted in the anti-crime campaign by the Mayor who
wanted to rid the city of ‘weeds,’ a term including petty criminals, drug dealers and street children.
The targets of the TDS were often drawn from what was known as the ‘order of battle,’ a list of
individuals drawn from various sources, including community leader, neighbourhood watchmen, and
police intelligence officers, and even individual citizens.1622 Similar death squads were active in Davao,
with an estimated 80 children killed in a decade up to 2009, and in Cebu and Manila. 1623 The killings
were addressed by the Philippine Commission on Human Rights, who held a hearing into the deaths
in 2009. The Commission on Human Rights continues to address the issue.1624
Since the launching of President Duterte’s campaign against illegal drugs in June 2016, it has been
reported that 31 minors under the age of 18 (mostly street children) have been killed by police and
1618
211, 2010 at p.205.
1619
211, 2010 at p.206.
1620
211, 2010 at p.207.
1621
Human Rights Watch. “One Shot to the Head”: Death Squad Killings in Tagum City, Philippines. 2014. Available at:
https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/philippines0514_ForUpload_0_0_1.pdf [11.07.17].
1622
Human Rights Watch. “One Shot to the Head”: Death Squad Killings in Tagum City, Philippines. 2014. Available at:
https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/philippines0514_ForUpload_0_0_1.pdf [11.07.17].
1623
Tough Justice: on the trail of Philippine death squads, the Independent newspaper (UK), 31 st May 2009.
1624
The Human Rights Commission announced the continuation of a probe into the Davao death squad on 20 th March
2017.
296
July 2017
vigilantes, some being direct targets and others being innocent bystanders. 1625 In an October 2016
interview, President Duterte admitted to the killing of children and innocent individuals and promised
to investigate the killings. However, he also referred to such children as “collateral damage.”1626 This,
alongside the strict curfew for minors, has left many street children feeling hunted, either by
vigilantes or by the government picking children up after curfew and taking them to shelters.1627
Legislation and policy
Street children are generally regarded in government policy and law as being vulnerable and in need
of protection. However, at the same time, they are regarded as being anti-social and as potential
criminals, with the latter being the more common public opinion.1628
Section 2 of the Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act
1991,1629 provides that it is the policy of the State to provide special protection to children from all
forms of abuse, neglect, cruelty, exploitation and discrimination and other conditions prejudicial to
their development, and sets out penalties for the commission of such conduct. The Act goes on to
define ‘children in need of special protection’ as including those living in or fending for themselves in
the streets of urban or rural areas without the care of parents or a guardian or any adult supervision
needed for their welfare.1630 This covers both children ‘in the street’ and ‘of the street.’ However,
implementation of this provision has been weak, with few statutory services for children.
Republic Act 9344, the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006 in declaring State policy, repeats the
provisions of the Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act
relating to the right of the child to proper assistance and special protection. However, the 2006 Act
also defines ‘a child at risk’ as a child who is vulnerable and at risk of committing criminal offences
because of personal, family and social circumstances. Being a street child is treated as falling within
the definition. However, section 58 of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006 provides that
individuals under the age of 18 shall be ‘exempt from prosecution for the crime of vagrancy and
prostitution…and sniffing of rugby (a type of contact cement)…such prosecution being inconsistent
with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Child: provided, that said persons shall undergo
appropriate counselling and treatment programme.’1631 It is unclear though, whether, in the absence
of counselling and treatment programmes, children can continue to be prosecuted.
1625
Al Jazeera. Children and Duterte’s drug war: Lessons from the past.
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2017/02/children-duterte-drug-war-lessons-170216121942335.html
[11.07.17].
1626
Al Jazeera. Rodrigo Duterte interview: Death, drugs and diplomacy. 16 Oct 2016. Available at:
http://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/talktojazeera/2016/10/exclusive-rodrigo-duterte-war-drugs-
161015100325799.html [11.07.17].
1627
Al Jazeera. Children and Duterte’s drug war: Lessons from the past.
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2017/02/children-duterte-drug-war-lessons-170216121942335.html
[11.07.17].
1628
New Mandala. Saving street kids in Duterte’s Philippines. Clara Siagian. 07 Jul 2016. Available at:
http://www.newmandala.org/saving-street-kids-dutertes-philippines/ [11.07.17].
1629
Republican Act No. 7610, as amended by Republic Act 9231, 2003.
1630
Republican Act No. 7610, Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act 1997 as
amended by Republic Act 9231, 2003, Section 3.
1631
The LawPhil Project. Statutes. Republic Acts. 2006. Republic Act No. 9344: Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006.
Available at: http://www.lawphil.net/statutes/repacts/ra2006/ra_9344_2006.html [11.07.17]
297
Challenges and gaps in the response to street children
Attitudes towards street children remain at best, ambivalent. On the one hand, there is recognition
that street children are at risk and in need of protection, but on the other hand, they are regarded as
anti-social, a nuisance, and likely to commit criminal acts. The degree to which street children are at
risk of abuse, violence and exploitation does not appear to be fully appreciated or acted upon by
State bodies.
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child noted the lack of a systematic and comprehensive
strategy to address the situation and protect children living in the streets. This remains the case at
the time of writing. Although there are a number of NGOs providing services for street children, these
children continue to have limited access to adequate nutrition, clothing, housing, social and health
services and education. Furthermore, as the UN Committee pointed out street children, face health
risks, including environmental health risks, such as toxic and hazardous wastes and air pollution.
In their 2005 Concluding Observations, the Committee recommended that the Government
should:1632
(a) develop a comprehensive strategy with active participation of street children, non-
governmental organisations and other relevant professionals to address the high number of street
children, with the aim of reducing and preventing this phenomenon;
(b) secure that children living in the streets are not unlawfully arrested and detained, to protect
them from police brutality and where needed, to secure their access to adequate legal services;
(c) ensure that street children are reached through trained street educators and counsellors and
provided with adequate nutrition, clothing and shelter as well as with social and health services and
educational opportunities, including vocational and life-skills training, in order to support their full
development and provide them with adequate protection and assistance;
(d) provide street children with adequate recovery and social reintegration services for physical,
sexual and substance abuse and to promote reunification with their families, when feasible;
(e) reduce and prevent the environmental health risks faced by children living in the streets, inter
alia, through raising awareness about environmental health risks among these children and
instructing appropriate behaviours protecting them from these risks;
(f) support the efforts of street children to organise themselves in order to enhance their self-
esteem;
(g) collaborate with and support non-governmental organisations working with and for street
children.
These priorities remain and have yet to be fully addressed.
1632
CRC/C/PHL/CO/3-4, 2 October 2009, Para. 83.
298
July 2017
8.6. Access to a comprehensive child protection system
8.6.1. Child protection system in the Philippines
The child protection system in the Philippines at national, regional and provincial level and the
systems, mechanisms and institutions established are generally considered to meet international
standards for child protection law and policy.1633
The aim and objective of the Filipino child protection system and the various child protection laws is
to provide special protection to children from all forms of abuse, neglect, cruelty, exploitation and
discrimination and other conditions prejudicial to their development; to impose sanctions against
those who commit such acts; and ensure programmes for prevention and deterrence of child abuse,
exploitation and discrimination are available and implemented, as well as the provision of ‘crisis’
services.
The child protection system relies upon two national bodies. One of these is the Council for the
Welfare of Children (CWC), created by the Child and Youth Welfare Code 1974. It is the focal inter-
agency body of the Philippines on child welfare and is chaired by the DSWD. Its priorities are:
• Integration of children’s development agenda in national and local development plans;
• Putting in place a fully operational and highly effective management information system,
monitoring and evaluation mechanisms for national plans of action and the implementation
of the Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC) and other international conventions as well
as resource bank on children;
• Heighten advocacy and social mobilization for an effective and wide scale implementation of
the UNCRC within the Philippine social and cultural context
• Legislative and policy review and revisions to harmonize national and local laws with CRC and
other international conventions.1634
Underneath the Council are the Regional Subcommittees for the Welfare of Children, which guide
the development and implementation of CWC policy and directives, and below that the Provincial,
municipal and city local child protection councils and then the barangay child protection councils.
Table 8.8. Organizational structure of child protection system
1633
Strengthening Child Protection systems in the Philippines, Child Protection in Emergencies, UNICEF Philippines,
2016, p 52.
1634
See Council for the Welfare of Children, ‘thrusts and priorities,’ cwc.gov.ph.
299
Source: Council for the Welfare of Children
Article 87 of the Child and Youth Welfare Code 1974 provides that each barangay shall encourage the
organization of an LCPC. However, DILG Memorandum Circular 2002-121 expands this Article and
provides for the creation of the LCPCs at all levels of the LGU (as can be seen in table 8.8) and sets
out the specific functions and membership for each level.
The Municipal and City Councils for Child Protection have responsibility for policy making and
planning for child protection services,1635 as well as for preparing the annual work and financial plan;
coordinating stakeholders in the child protection system; maintaining a data base on children in their
area; advocating for the establishment and maintenance of playgrounds, day care centres and other
facilities; assisting children in need of special protection and referring cases filed against child abusers
to proper agencies and institutions; provision of capacity building programmes for those working
with children, documenting best barangay practices etc.1636 It appears that in some areas, they are
also involved in individual case decisions following investigation.
The Council membership includes representatives of DepEd; the labour and employment officer; the
planning and development officer; the budget officer; the health officer; the DSWD officer; the
nutrition officer; the PNP Director; the Treasurer; the Barangay president, the PTA President, a child
1635
See Arce C., Improving National and Local Systems and Capacities Towards Better Child Protection in the
Philippines, PLPCD Briefing, UNICEF, July 2016, p.7.
1636
DILG Memorandum Circular 2002-121 (Revised Guidelines on the Organization and Strengthening of the LCPC
Incorporating Thereat Early Childhood Care and Development Coordinating Committees at the Provincial, City,
Municipality, and Barangay Levels). See also Guidelines in Monitoring the Functionality of the Local Council for the
Protection of Children (LCPC) at all Levels and for Other Purposes. DILG Memorandum Circular No. 2005-07. Manila:
DILG; Revised Guidelines in Monitoring the Functionality of the Local Council for the Protection of Children (LCPC) at all
Levels and for Other Purposes. DILG Memorandum Circular No. 2008-126. Manila.
300
July 2017
representative and 3 NGO representatives. The Council is chaired by the Council Member for the
Committee on Women and Children.
There are potential problems with this multi-sectoral approach. There is a risk that it may lead to
child protection by committee rather than by dedicated, skilled social workers within a well-managed
child protection service. This is especially so when there is a general lack of social workers on the
ground. Few of the LCPC membership will have received training on or have experience of working
in child protection, yet they may need to reach decisions on referral and protection of a child or the
provision of specialist services.
Second, members of the LCPC have other jobs and other responsibilities apart from child protection.
Many of them will be on the other Councils that the child protection laws require to be established
at local government level, including the Municipal Interagency Council Against Trafficking and
Violence Against Women and Their Children (under the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law) and the
Interagency Council Against Child Pornography (under the Anti-Child Pornography Act). The Anti-
Trafficking in Persons Law, the Anti-Violence Against Women and Children, the Anti-Pornography Law
and the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Law between them require about 16–17 regional sub-
committees or interagency committees, totalling at least 64 regional bodies composed more or less
of the same government agencies. This has led to coordination bottlenecks, duplication of functions
and fragmented and reactive interventions, all of which have to be implemented by LGUs, who lack
the resources and capacities.1637
The role of the barangay LCPC is set out in Article 87 of the Child and Youth Welfare Code and is wide.
One part of its remit is to protect and assist abandoned or maltreated children which generally
involves reporting alleged cases to the social worker in the LGU. By the end of 2010 only 36 per cent
of provinces, 56 per cent of cities, 44 per cent of municipalities and 34 per cent of barangays had
functioning LCPCs.1638 Where barangay councils do exist, they often lack resources for the protection
of children, limiting the work they can do. Quite frequently they also lack power to engage effectively
with the formal system.1639
Where there is no LCPC, and little access to LGU social workers, informal systems that identify,
prioritise and address child protection appear to operate in some locations.1640 Although informal
systems can resolve some child protection issues, some practices, for example marrying off a girl who
has been raped to the perpetrator in order to save face (and exculpate him from criminal
prosecution), may be positively harmful.1641 Without training and supervision there is also a risk that
discriminatory and non-participatory decisions may be made.
The second national body is the National Task Force for Children in Need of Special Protection,
created following the passing of Republic Act 7610, the Special Protection of Children against
Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act 1997. It is principally responsible for coordinating and
monitoring the investigation and prosecution of cases involving violations of the Special Protection
of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act and other child-related criminal laws.
Under Executive Order No. 275, the National Task Force has the following responsibilities:
1. To establish a system for collecting periodic reports from member agencies on cases filed before
them including the status of such cases;
1637
Improving Child Protection in the Philippines, PLCPD-UNICEF, 2016.
1638
Strengthening Child Protection systems in the Philippines, Child Protection in Emergencies, p 21.
1639
1640
1641
301
2. To request member agencies and other government bodies to address specific issues brought to
the Committee’s attention that require immediate action;
3. To coordinate with other inter-agency councils and other similar structures and mechanisms for
synchronization and harmonization of actions on the legal protection of children;
4. To develop and/or recommend policies and guidelines to address gaps and issues identified in
the investigation and prosecution of cases as well as in the legal protection of children;
5. To formulate a uniform protocol for capacity-building of duty bearers and other stakeholders
with emphasis on multi-disciplinary approach;
6. To call upon non-member agencies for assistance when necessary in the exercise of its functions
and duties.
The National Task Force is chaired by the Secretary of Justice and co-chaired by the DSWD. Its
membership includes the Chairperson of the Commission on Human Rights, the Secretaries of
Foreign Affairs Labour and Employment, Tourism, Interior and Local Government, Health and
Education; the Commissioner of Immigration, the Director of the NBI, the Chief of the PNP; the
Prosecutor General and three representatives of NGOs or private bodies working with or advocating
for children. The National Task Force is responsible for the Comprehensive Programme on Child
Protection, while the Council for the Welfare of Children is responsible for the National Plan of Action
for Children. The National Task Force has also produced the Protocol for Case Management of Child
Victims of Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation.
It is unclear why there are two national bodies, both of whom are focused on the welfare and
protection of children, and which have many of the same government department members.
The Special Protection of Children against Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act provides little
detail as to how ‘child protection’ is to be effected or delivered. However, the Rules and Regulations
on the Reporting and Investigation of Child Abuse Cases issued under s.32 of the Act contain more
practical detail and impose a mandatory duty on health professionals and government workers to
report incidents of possible child abuse.1642 The Rules and Regulations also require an authorised
officer or social worker of the DSWD to attend at the child’s home to undertake an investigation of
the alleged abuse within 48 hours.1643 If the investigation discloses serious abuse or neglect the child
must be removed from home and placed under protective custody.1644 The DSWD on completing the
investigation may ask the court to suspend parental authority and transfer authority to another
family member or a children’s home etc.1645 A guardian ad litem must be appointed for the child
wherever a criminal complaint for child abuse is filed,1646 though not apparently when the proceedings
are purely civil, even where the DSWD nevertheless wishes to remove the child from his or her home.
1642
Rules and Regulations on the Reporting and Investigation of Child Abuse Cases issued under section 32 of Republic
Act 7610, Sections 4 and 5.
1643
Act 7610, Section 8.
1644
1645
1646
302
July 2017
The Protocol for Case Management, issued in 2011 by the National Task Force sets out the procedure
to be followed where it is suspected that a child is the victim of abuse in great detail. If followed, this
would provide a very full and complete child protection process.
Table 8.9. Protocol for Case Management, 2011
Source: Council for the Welfare of Children
8.6.2. Alternative care
There is very little information available on how many children are in need of alternative care, or the
extent to which this is available for children. It was not possible to find any information about the
use of kinship care, though it is believed to be wide-spread and the most common form of alternative
care. There is evidence that foster care exists, but it appears that it only exists to a limited extent.
Figures from the DSWD indicate that there were 1,487 children in foster care in April 2017.1647 Given
1647 Data provided by DSWD?
303
the rate and level of violence, this number must be treated as representing only a fraction of the
children who are in need of foster care.
In January 2017, there were 2,534 children in residential care managed by DSWD.1648 DSWD also
reported that there were 28 accredited children’s homes, but does not provide any information
about the numbers of children accommodated in such homes. The details of over 100 non-
governmental children’s homes in the Philippines can be found on a very superficial search of the
internet, and it must be assumed that many of these are not accredited. One home advertises that
visits are welcome and ‘parties’ with the children can be arranged at special request, an approach
which might be termed ‘orphan tourism’, and a matter of concern. Many of the homes are run by
relatively small evangelical organizations in the USA, and there is no information on how stable their
funding is. There is no indication of how many children are living in un-accredited homes.
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has raised concerns about the high number of
institutionalised children and reports of physical and emotional violence of children in residential
care. They have recommended that the State advance the deinstitutionalisation of children and
enhance the standards of care and monitoring of children placed in foster care or residential care. 1649
However, safe deinstitutionalisation in the face of such a general lack of community based services
may pose a very real challenge.
In 2017, DSWD figures show that 5,961 children were either in the process of being adopted or were
available for adoption, of which 2,716 were cleared for inter-country adoption.1650 No disaggregated
information is provided on children available for adoption and the destination countries of children
cleared for inter-country adoption is not provided. The Philippines is a party to The Hague Convention
on Inter-Country Adoption, and Inter-country adoption is governed by Republic Act 8043, the Inter-
Country Adoption Act of 1995 and Republic Act 9523 (2009) which amends the process relating to
declaring a child legally available for adoption. A child can only be placed for inter-country adoption
where all possibilities of domestic adoption have been exhausted and it is in the best interests of the
child.
8.6.3. Barriers and bottlenecks: child protection system
There are a multiplicity of barriers and bottlenecks with respect to the full implementation of a
secondary and tertiary child protection system. These are partly political, partly structural and partly
due to a lack of financial and human resources, expertise and training. A consultation with child
protection stakeholders saw the barriers and bottlenecks as the following:
Table 8.10. Stakeholder causality map: child protection
1648
Data provided by DSWD?
1649
CRC concluding observations, Philippines, CRC/C/PHL/CO/3-4, 22 October 2009, para 47-48
1650
Data provided by DSWD?
304
July 2017
305
Enabling environment
In addition to the issues identified in the causality map, a number of other barriers and bottlenecks
have been identified.
As can be seen from the Table below, there are a multiplicity of formal structures within the child
protection system, including councils, committees and working groups, which has resulted in
confusion and inefficiency and are regarded by many as excessive. It has been pointed out that
despite all the different bodies involved, not one of them has been designated as the lead
coordinating body for child protection with overall responsibility and oversight for implementation
of the laws, strategic programming and results monitoring.1651
Table 8.11. Inter-agency bodies engaged in child protection
Source: PLCPD Policy brief: Improving National and Local Systems and Capacities Towards Better Child Protection in the
Philippines
There is great reliance on the LCPCs, and particularly the Barangay LCPC, but little emphasis on the
role to be played by DSWD in delivering child protection services on the ground. LGUs are in general
1651
Arce C., PLCPD Policy brief: Improving National and Local Systems and Capacities Towards Better Child Protection in
the Philippines
306
July 2017
under-resourced, which results in under-resourcing of the LCPC at municipal, city and barangay level.
Although there is a 1 per cent budget allocated for programmes and services for children, this is often
spent on activities other than child protection. Only those vying for the Child-Friendly
Municipality/City tend to provide special funds for child protection.1652 Administrative bodies with
low financial resources, also tend to have lower individual capacities, with lower rates of awareness
of the relevant laws and lower core competencies.
The management of child abuse is seen as multi-sectoral with national and local government
agencies, NGOs and FBOs, and multi-disciplinary professionals, including the police, prosecutors,
judges, lawyers, social workers, doctors, psychiatrists, psychologists, barangay officials and others
working together as a team to provide appropriate protection, legal and social services to a child
victim of abuse, neglect and exploitation. It is up to the LGUs social worker to coordinate this multi-
sectoral team. Given that there is generally only one social worker in the LGU who already has heavy
statutory responsibilities, it is unlikely that he or she will have sufficient time to spend on
coordination. Consideration needs to be given to changing the system to empower the social worker
to call on such agencies, statutory bodies and professionals as may be required, together with a
statutory duty on the agencies etc. to cooperate.
Although there are some good national and regional government policies and approaches, and the
Protocol on Case Management represents good practice, implementation at local government level
remains a problem.1653 In practice, many LGUs do not have a local council or have a non-functioning
one, and there is a similar story at grass roots level in the barangays. The organization and operation
of LCPCs depends heavily on the initiative and support of local chief executives such as the mayor.
Where a LCPC does not exist, and there is a lack of collaboration between the different bodies
responsible for children, there is generally an absence of unified programmes of action.1654
In some areas where a council on child protection does not exist, at barangay, municipal or city level,
and there is a low level of access to local government DSWD services, community based child
protection networks have been established. This is particularly the cases in areas with high Muslim
populations. The networks are often led by capable individuals trusted by the community, and aim
to raise the profile of child protection and develop and deliver a response to cases of abuse,
exploitation and neglect of children in ways aligned with community values. Their authority is based
on the reputation of the organization or individual, and not on legislation or a State mandate. There
are 16 community based child protection networks operating in Mindanao, serving around 3,000
people, which incorporate Muslim traditional practices relating to children and child protection, and
involve youth.1655 While a community approach to raising awareness of child protection and
addressing child protection issues as they arise can be very effective, there needs to be some form
of supervision to ensure that such an approach does not operate to the disadvantage of the child
who is entitled to all the protections that the law offers him or her, even if this clashes with a cultural
1652
[13.07.17].
1653
Strengthening Child Protection systems in the Philippines, Child Protection in Emergencies, UNICEF, Philippines,
2016, p 56
1654
[13.07.17].
1655
2016p 59.
307
norm. Second, a community-led service is often unsustainable. Such groups are often dependent
upon a strong, even charismatic individual to lead them and ensure that the service is effective. When
that person can no longer lead the service, the service frequently reduces in effectiveness or withers
away.
In addition to these barriers, it has been noted that the three-year local government electoral cycle
causes distraction and discontinuity and impedes progress on child protection.1656
Data availability
There is a lack of detailed official data on the number of child protection referrals made to DSWD,
though limited data on the number of child protection cases handled by DSWD is available. The
figures are contained in Table 8.12 below. In 2014, there were 4,873 cases reported nationally, while
in 2015 the number decreased to 3,473.1657 Reported cases in the first quarter of 2016 reached
2,147,1658 showing a likely increase of referrals over the year. As can be seen from Table 8.12, the
largest number of referrals are for neglect, followed by sexual abuse.
The low reported figures raise concerns. It is not possible to determine from the data available
whether cases are not being reported, whether the level of identification of child protection cases is
low or, more simply, accurate data is not being kept by LGUs. Taking into account that there are
around 45 million children in the Philippines, and that multiple studies undertaken since 20001659 have
shown that there is a high prevalence of violence and abuse of children, these figures must be taken
to significantly under-represent the number of children in need of child protection services.
Table 8.12.1660
1656
2016, p 55.
1657
According to the Policy Development and Planning Bureau of the DSWD.
1658
“DSWD urges public to report child abuse”, July 20, 2016, available at http://www.dswd.gov.ph/dswd-urges-public-
to-report-child-abuse/ last accessed on 13.07.2017.
1659
[13.07.17].
1660
Table 12.6 Philippines Statistical Authority Yearbook 2016.
308
July 2017
There is an urgent need to put in place a more sophisticated data collection system including details
on the age of children, the action taken on referral, the length of time that the child was the subject
of child protection proceedings, the outcome of investigation of allegations of abuse etc. action taken
by DSWD and the local child protection councils at local government level, services provided etc.
Without such information, it will be difficult for both central and local government to plan and
develop an effective and coherent child protection system.
Supply-side gaps and challenges

Service provision at the present time is limited. The DSWD has provided services in the form of crisis
intervention units which provide services such as immediate rescue and protection; augmentation
assistance during disasters; direct financial and material assistance and referrals for medical, legal,
psychosocial, temporary shelter and other services, and some foster care and residential care. It
would appear though, that these services are geographically limited and not available country-
wide.1661 Services for certain groups, and particularly for street children, are very limited and often
consist of rounding up such children, detaining them and eventually releasing them without
addressing their needs. Government operations to rescue street children in Manila have been heavily
1661
309
criticised for being ineffective, indiscriminate and involuntary and becoming child protection issues
in themselves.1662
NGOs have made a big difference in ensuring responses and assistance are provided to children, but
they too, do not offer services country-wide. They mainly operate in urban centres and do not reach
many geographically isolated and disadvantaged communities.1663 Further, as with community
services they are frequently unsustainable: they are reliant on donor funding, which can run out, or
be removed or not renewed with little notice, leaving children at risk.
The Child Protection Network Foundation raised funds to establish Women and Children Violence
Prevention Units in hospitals and provided training for medical staff attached to the units and police
investigating cases through the units. As of 2012, 62 units had been established in 35 provinces and
7 cities. An administrative order in March 2013 directed that the units should be established in all
government hospitals.1664
Although only a small number of children are recorded as being referred for child protection
services, the real demand must be regarded as far higher. Children in the Philippines suffer from a
high rate of violence, sexual exploitation, child labour, lack of parental care, child marriage, armed
conflict, displacement and natural and man-made disasters. In more developed child protection
systems, child protection referrals usually involve between 2–5 per cent of the child population.1665
Not all children who are referred will require child protection services, but most referrals will
require some initial investigation. In the Philippines, with a child population of around 45 million,
this would amount to around 900,000 children, if the lower figure of 2 per cent were taken: a far
cry from the 4,373 children referred in 2015.
The low number of referrals undoubtedly has many causes: lack of awareness among professionals
and practitioners working with children and the general public of the need to refer, when they should
refer or to whom they should refer. Referrals will also be hampered by the low number of trained
and employed social workers, as this inevitably leads to low rates of identification of children at risk
and suffering harm.
Quality
1662
1663
[13.07.17].
1664
Strengthening CP systems in Emergencies, Haiyan evaluation report, p 49.
1665
See Child Maltreatment, Facts at a Glance, National Center for Injury Prevention and Disease Control, USA, 2014
available from cdc.gov; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families,
Administration on Children, Youth and Families, Children’s Bureau. Child Maltreatment 2012 [online]. Washington, DC:
Government Printing Office; 2012. Available from http://www.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/ les/cb/cm2012.pdf.; Child
Protection Australia, 2015-2016, Australian Institute of Health and Welfare available at aihw.gov.au. and Children in
Need Census 2010 -2011, Statistics: Children in Need and Child Protection, Department for Education, 28th September
2011:
310
July 2017
The quality of child protection services in the Philippines is unknown, and there appears to have been
little research in this area. Social workers have a vast mandate, well beyond child protection, and
such tasks cannot feasibly be managed within the existing limited resources and capacity, 1666 which
must inevitably impact on the quality of services. The quality of alternative care services is also an
unknown, as there appear to be a significant number of unaccredited children’s homes.
In the PDP, the legislative agenda for 2017 to 2022 includes the Philippine Adoption Act for
Abandoned and Neglected Children and for Children with Special Needs. This is intended to improve
the quality of foster care for abandoned and neglected children, particularly those with special
needs.1667
If secondary and tertiary child protection services are to be delivered effectively there needs to be a
well-managed and dedicated child protection service in every LGU, and a very significant expansion
in the number of social workers, together with a programme of specialist training to allow for the full
implementation of the Protocol on Case Management.
1666
Strengthening Child Protection systems in the Philippines, Child Protection in Emergencies, p 54
1667
Philippines Development Plan p 178.
311
8.7. Children in conflict with the law
Children in conflict with the law are defined in section 6 of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act 2006,
as amended by Republic Act 10630 (2013) as between 15 to 18 years of age. As can be seen from the
Tables below, and in line with the statistics of every other country, the majority of children in conflict
with the law in the Philippines are male, and the crime most commonly committed is that of theft.
1668 Children represent a low percentage of the total population in conflict with the law, despite many
press reports in the Philippines that the juvenile crime rate is increasing and that children under 15
are committing crimes under the control of crime groups. As can be seen in Table 8.13, there has
been an increase in the numbers of children coming into contact with the police/criminal justice
system since 2009, but this does not necessarily reflect an increase in child crime: the demographic
make-up of the population is changing, and coming into contact with the police or criminal justice
system does not necessarily mean that the children are charged or convicted of crimes. The figures
must, therefore, be treated with some caution.
Table 8.13 Children coming into contact with the police 2002 - 2011
Year 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
Child 5657 3283 2644 2471 1955 1825 2158 2735 4246 5318 5308
Adult 85776 83704 77253 76758 71226 65944 66846 502665 324083 246358 217836
% crimes 6.2% 3.8% 3.3% 3.1% 2.7% 2.7% 3.1% 0.5% 1.3% 2.1% 2.4%
committed
by
Children
Source: UN Crime Survey
The information on the number of children coming into contact with the police or criminal justice
system is provided by the PNP. These are commonly known as ‘arrest statistics’. There is no available
information on how many of these cases did not proceed or were informally resolved by the parties,
or the number of children who were charged or convicted of an offence. There are, however, figures
for the number of children formally diverted from formal legal proceedings.
1668
UN Crime Survey. See also Universalia: Evaluation of the Intervention and Rehabilitation Program in Residential
Facilities and Diversion Programs for Children in Conflict with the Law, 2015. According to the National Baseline Survey
on Violence Against Children. UNICEF, 2016, 1.2 per cent of respondents aged 13-17 arrested or charged with a crime,
had their cases resolved locally at Barangay level. The most common offences reported were vagrancy and physical
assault.1668 0.5 per cent of respondents reported having been arrested and brought to the police, all of whom were first
offenders, and were mostly for physical assault. Less than 1 per cent of respondents reported being imprisoned, with
the average duration of imprisonment being for 7.9 days. However, these figures do not appear in alignment with the
UN Crime Survey and it is unclear why 13 and 14 year olds are included in the survey as they are under the minimum
age of criminal responsibility.
312
July 2017
Table 8.14. Gender of children in contact with the criminal justice system (UN Crime Survey)1669
Cases 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
Total no. of children in formal contact 1,883 1,955 1,825 2,158 2,735 4,246 5,318 5,308 7,825
with the police and/ or criminal justice
system1670
Male children in formal contact with the 1,899 1,787 2,146 2,720 4,228 5,295 4,581
police and/or criminal justice system
Rate per 100,000 male juveniles aged 17 9.86 9.26 11.13 14.13 22.01 27.42 23.60
or under
Female children in formal contact with 96 56 38 12 15 18 23 493
the police and/or criminal justice system
Rate per 100,000 female juveniles aged 17 0.52 0.30 0.21 0.07 0.08 0.10 0.13 2.71
or under
Total no. of juveniles convicted1671 50 32
Juveniles held in prisons, penal 1,803 1,232 585 381 302 412 479 424 439
institutions or correctional institutions1672
Male juveniles held 553 369 286 400 463 409 412
Rate per 100,000 male juveniles aged 17 2.87 1.91 1.49 2.08 2.40 2.11 2.11
or under
Female juveniles held 92 48 32 12 16 12 16 15 25
Rate per 100,000 female juveniles aged 17 0.5 0.5 0.26 0.07 0.09 0.07 0.09 0.08 0.14
or under
Source: UN Crime Survey for the Philippines
The rate of offending by girls recorded in the statistics is very low, though this is to be expected and
is replicated worldwide. There was, though, a very significant but unexplained rise in the number of
girls brought into formal contact with the police/criminal justice system in 2012, the latest year for
which figures are available. The rise does not seem to have been the subject of any debate and it is
not known whether the rate of offending has subsisted since 2012.
1669
All crime incidents, whether reported by the victim(s), witness(es) or third party(ies), must be recorded in the Police
Blotter (the main source of crime data which shall be the basis for preparing and accomplishing the UCPER). Significant
changes in crime reporting were noted with the inclusion of specific violations of special laws such as carnapping and
cattle rustling; and addition of crime cleared data that enumerates the number of crime incidents filed in court; that is,
crime solution rate will be quantified only if the court issued a decision. Under the current system of crime
measurement and analysis, data for 2009 was set as the baseline for future research, study and comparison. Thus,
crime statistics in 2009 cannot be compared with those data obtained in the previous years (2008 and earlier) since the
parameters were no longer the same;
1670
“Formal Contact” with the police and/or criminal justice system may include persons suspected, or arrested or
cautioned, for a criminal offence, at the national level.
1671
“Persons Convicted” means persons found guilty by any legal body authorized to pronounce a conviction under
national criminal law, whether or not the conviction was later upheld. The total number of persons convicted should
also include persons convicted of serious special law offences but exclude persons convicted of minor road traffic
offences, misdemeanours and other petty offences.
1672
“Persons Held in Prisons, Penal Institutions or Correctional Institutions” means persons held in Prisons, Penal
Institutions or Correctional Institutions on a specified day and should exclude non-criminal prisoners held for
administrative purposes, for example, persons held pending investigation into their immigration status or foreign
citizens without a legal right to stay.
313
The data provided in the two Tables above is taken from the UN Crime Survey for the Philippines,
with figures submitted by the Philippines Government. The figures do not match those on the
number of children in conflict with the law provided by the DSWD. It was not possible to obtain any
information on the discrepancy in the figures.
Table 8.15. Children in conflict with the law: DSWD

2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
UN Crime 1,955 1,825 2,158 2,735 4,246 5318
Survey
DSWD 8861 2759 2362 2959 1207 2335
Data on the handling of children’s cases by the police after 2012 is not available from the Statistical
Yearbook, which does not disaggregate the data on adults and children. Data is, however, available
from 2012–2016 in a Situation Analysis on the Juvenile Justice System, based on a comprehensive
desk review initiated by the National Secretariat of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Committee in
2016.1673
Table 8.16. Number of children handled or served the Philippine National Police Force 2012–
2016
The number of children in conflict with the law handled or served by the police as listed in Table 8.16
shows a significant increase from 2013. An explanation given for the increase was the improved data
collection through the Crime Information, Reporting and Analysis System.1674 However, it is difficult
to attach much weight to these figures, as it is unclear whether the figures include children who were
below the minimum age of criminal responsibility and thus not capable in law of committing a crime.
This concern arises as in Table 8.17 which covers the period January to June 2017, children under the
age of criminal responsibility are included in the figures. In addition, it is unclear whether children
who aged 12–15 were handled by the police for a serious crime which imposed criminal liability or
1673
1674
The Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act 2006 as amended by R.A. 10630 in 2013, provides for the establishment of a
centralized information management system.
314
July 2017
whether they were alleged to have committed a minor offence, which would leave them below the
minimum age of criminal responsibility.
Table 8.17. Age of children handled or served by the Philippines Police Force, January- June
2017
When further inquiry was made in relation to the inclusion of those under the minimum age of
criminal responsibility in the statistical data, it was explained that these children had still committed
an offence, but could not be charged in a criminal court. This appears to be a misunderstanding of
the concept of the minimum age of criminal responsibility.
Between 2012 and 2015 the top five reported offences by children according to the Philippines
National Police were theft (49 per cent), physical injuries (22 per cent), robbery (9 per cent) rape (7
per cent) and violation of RA 9165 (the law prohibiting use by minors of volatile substances to induce
intoxication or alter auditory, visual or mental processes) (3 per cent).1675
Table 8.18. Offences reported to the Philippines National Police (children)

2005 2006 2007 2008 200 201 2011 2012 2013
9 0
Total no. of children 1,883 1,955 1,825 2,158 2,73 4,24 5,318 5,308 7,825
brought into formal 5 6
contact with the
police and/or
criminal justice
system1676
Theft 846 941 1079 108 163 2366 1,972

5 1
Physical Injuries 122 106 124 279 612 726 796
PD 1619 216 67 76 90 31 106 58
1675
UNICEF Philippines Fact sheet on Children in Conflict with the Law, 2017
1676
“Formal Contact” with the police and/or criminal justice system may include persons suspected, or arrested or
cautioned, for a criminal offence, at the national level.
315
Robbery 136 96 141 193 380 315 366

Rape 194 201 208 238 312 323 309
Source: UNICEF Philippines Fact sheet on Children in Conflict with the Law, 2017
As of 31 May 2017, the statistics available indicate that 39 children (38 boys and one girl) under the
age of 18 were in detention, making up 0.09 per cent of the prison population.1677 This is likely to be
a very significant underestimate of the number of children deprived of their liberty, particularly given
that detention of children pending trial is still the intervention of choice by actors in the juvenile
justice system.1678
It can be concluded that the available data on juvenile offending is not of sufficient quality and not
sufficiently accurate to permit a true and accurate picture of juvenile crime in the Philippines to be
built up. The number of children detained by the police appears unrealistically low as does the overall
number of children in contact with the criminal justice system. It was not possible to obtain
conviction figures for children other than for the years 2004 and 2005 where, once again, the figures
are so low that they cannot be regarded as credible. An additional unknown (except for the first six
months of 2017) is how many of the children who came into contact with the criminal justice system
were under the minimum age of criminal responsibility and consequently exited the criminal justice
system.
There is little information on the background or geographical location of children who come into
contact with the law, but ‘abandonment, neglect and non-satisfaction of needs’ appear to be the
dominant reasons.1679
8.7.1. Legal and policy framework: children in conflict with the law
The Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act 2006 (RA 9344) (as amended by RA 10630) established a
comprehensive restorative juvenile justice and welfare system in the Philippines. It provides for the
protection of the rights of children in conflict with the law, has rehabilitation and reintegration of
children as its underlying philosophy and makes detention of a child in conflict with the law a matter
of last resort. Its provisions are consistent with international standards.
The Act creates a Juvenile Justice and Welfare Council, headed by the Department of Social Welfare
and Development, as an inter-agency body, responsible for coordinating the implementation of the
new juvenile justice system as set out in the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act. The mission of the
Council is to institutionalise the restorative justice and welfare system for children at risk and children
in conflict with the law through effective implementation of the law and the coordination of
stakeholders.1680 The membership of the Council is set out in RA 10630 (amending the Juvenile Justice
and Welfare Act) and includes the various departments and agencies of government as well as NGOs
1677
National Bureau of Corrections, http://www.bucor.gov.ph/Inmate%20Profile%20In-Confinement.html
1678
See Children in Conflict with the Law, Fact Sheet, UNICEF 2017. The Chair of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare
Council has stated that there were 52,000 children in custody prior to the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act 2006.
1679
Delos Santos, M., Padawil A. K., Venda C. B., Juvenile Justice and Welfare Law Implementation@ The Philippine
Urban Poor City Case, International Journal of Humanities and Management Science (IJHMS) Volume 4, Issue 1 (2016)
69-75.
1680
The various tasks allocated to the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Council are set out in section 9 of the Act.
316
July 2017
who play a part in juvenile justice. Many of the stakeholders are the same as those who sit on the
Council for the Welfare of Children and the National Task Force on Children in need of Special
Protection, and it is likely that there is considerable overlap of tasks.
The Juvenile Justice and Welfare Council has been active. It has issued Rules and Regulations
implementing the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act;1681 Guidelines and Procedures on the
Management of Children at Risk and Children in Conflict with the Law; the PNP National Police
Manual on Handling and Treatment of Children at Risk and Children in Conflict with the Law; and the
Department of the Interior and Local Government Guidelines for the LGUs on the development of
Comprehensive Local Juvenile Intervention programs.
The Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act 2006, raised the minimum age of criminal responsibility from 9
to 15. This was amended by Republic Act 10630. Although the age of criminal responsibility remains
15, a child who is aged 12–15 and who commits a serious offence, including homicide, rape or
robbery, or any other offence punishable by more than 12 years’ imprisonment, will be deemed to
be a neglected child and must be placed in a Bahay Pag-asa, or an Intensive Juvenile Intervention
and Support Centre. Placement must not be for less than a year after which the Intensive Juvenile
Intervention and Support Centre has to submit a psychiatric report to the Court recommending either
reintegration or extension of the placement. Similar provisions apply to children aged 12–15 who are
repeat offenders. In effect, this reduces the minimum age of criminal responsibility to 12, the lowest
acceptable minimum age of criminal responsibility according to the UN Committee on the Rights of
the Child.1682
The increase in the age of minimum criminal responsibility contained in the Juvenile Justice and
Welfare Act has met with considerable resistance. There was a failed attempt to pass an amendment
to the Act to reduce the minimum age of criminal responsibility to 9 years of age in 2013, which was
repeated once more in House Bill 002, introduced in 2016. At the time of writing of this analysis, the
minimum age of criminal responsibility remains at 15. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child
has raised concerns about recent initiatives to lower the minimum age,1683 as have other actors,
including the Child Protection Network in the Philippines and the Juvenile Justice and Welfare
Council.
Under the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act it is possible, where a child admits an offence for which
the penalty is not more than six years imprisonment, for that child to be diverted pre-trial, thus
avoiding formal judicial proceedings. The decision to divert a child may be made at the police
investigation stage or the inquest or preliminary investigation stage and at all times up to the end of
the trial. Where the possible penalty is over 6 years, only the court can order that the child be
diverted.
Diversion can take a number of forms, and can include family group conferencing, mediation or
conciliation at which a diversion contract can be agreed. The possible forms of diversion programmes
are set out in section 31 of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act and must include adequate socio-
cultural and psychological responses and services for the child. The programme may include
restitution, reparation, an apology, care, guidance or supervision orders, counselling for the child and
family, attendance at various programmes, training and seminars and participation in education,
vocation and life-skills programmes.
1681
Resolution No 4 of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Council.
1682
UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, General Comment 10, CRC/C/GC/10.
1683
CRC/C/PHL/CO/3-4, 2 October 2009, Philippines, para 80.
317
According to data for 2013, 134 children in conflict with the law were released on recognizance, 433
were sent to Community-Based Custody/Supervision, 119 were sent to mediation or diversion and
1,365 were diverted to community-based programmes.1684 It is not possible to ascertain what
proportion of children were diverted as compared to subject to legal proceedings, as the accessible
data does permit such distinctions to be made.
The Family Court

Republic Act 8369, The Family Courts Act 2007, brought all family-related cases, including criminal
charges against children into one Court. The Act requires a Family Court to be established in each
province and city of the country. – the Family Court. The Family Court has exclusive jurisdiction over
criminal cases involved children, including:
(a) Where one or more of the accused is below 18 years of age but not less than 9 years of
age, or where one or more of the victims is a minor at the time when the offense was
committed;
(b) Cases against minors cognizable under the Dangerous Drugs Act;
(c) Violations of RA 7610 or the Special Protection of Children Against Child Abuse,
Exploitation and Discrimination Act, as amended by RA 7658; and
(d) Cases of domestic violence against children including all forms of abuse, cruelty,
exploitation, violence, and discrimination and all other conditions prejudicial to their
development.1685
There are over 114 designated family courts in the various judicial regions of which about 105 are
operational with judges.
8.7.2. Barriers and bottlenecks in the child justice system
Enabling environment and resources

It has been suggested that the implementation of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act has got off to
a relatively slow start as acceptance of the change in approach to juvenile justice from one of
punishment to one of rehabilitation and reintegration has taken time. There have been some
additional issues, which has impacted on implementation of the Act, such as lack of diversion
programmes, funding, staffing and the provision of training.1686 UNICEF has noted that LGUs require
considerable support and mentoring to establish the required facilities and programmes. 1687
Research in June 2014 in Batangas City explored the main obstacles to implementation of the Act
with the police, family court judges and social workers.1688 Answers and views varied between the
different groups.
1684
UNICEF Philippines Fact sheet on Children in Conflict with the Law, 2017
1685
Republic Act No 8369, The Family Courts Act 1997, section 5.
1686
[13.07.17].
1687
UNICEF, Fact Sheet on Children in Conflict with the Law, 2017.
1688
Bilog F. E., Implementation of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006 (RA 9344): Inputs to Policy Amendments,
Asia Pacific Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Research, Vol.2 No.3 June 2014.
318
July 2017
Table 8.19.
Reason (by Police Family Court City Social Welfare Dept
importance)
1 Child’s lack of interest / Absence of separate justice Lack of interest and sense of
understanding of system for juveniles responsibility of the parents
his/her constitutional of the child regarding the
rights consequences of the child’s
act
2 Fear of the child in Child’s lack of interest / Child’s lack of interest /
conflict with the law to understanding of his/her understanding of his/her
the law enforcer or constitutional rights constitutional rights
agent of person in
authority (ie fear of
admitting guilt)
3 Resistance of the child Lack of authentic birth Lack of coordination
to the use of handcuffs certificate/records to between and among those
or other instruments determine the age of the implementing the juvenile
when necessary. child. justice system
4 Lack of authentic birth Budget deficit for proper Lack of authentic birth
certificate/records to implementation certificate/records to
determine the age of the determine the age of the
child. child.
5 Lack of separate Lack of proper facilities, Lack of formal and intensive
detention cell for men equipment and financial training of personnel
and women. resources
6 Lack of separate Inadequate programmes Lack of cooperation from

detention cell for for the rehabilitation of child in conflict with the law
children in conflict with minors
the law from adult
offenders.
7 Short period during Lack of supporting Lack of constant monitoring
turn- over of custody of documents / evidence to of a child in conflict with the
the child to the SWD determine the culpability law
officer or other of the child
accredited NGOs, after
child apprehension
8 Inability of child's Difficulty in deciding the Lack of budget
parents or guardian, case within 24 hours from
social worker, or legal receipt of the appropriate
counsel during custodial pleading of all interested
investigation. parties
9 Powerful political Backlog of cases Lack of support from the
influence/intervention LGU
10. Lack of cooperation by Security and assuring the Lack of a youth detention
the parents presence of the child at the home
trial
319
11. Inability of licensed Delay of the court order in Lack of information for the
social worker to assist a relation to detention of preliminary background
child in conflict with the child in jail pending trial investigation of a child in
law. conflict with the law
12. Unreadiness for the Lack of assured Inability of licensed social
implementation of the confidentiality of records worker to assist a child in
Law. and proceedings conflict with the law
13. Lack of coordination Powerful political Unreadiness for the
between and among influence/intervention implementation of the Law.
implementers of the
juvenile justice system
14. Lack of formal and Non-use of records in other Powerful political
intensive training of PNP proceedings, except when influence/intervention
personnel. beneficial to offender and
with his written consent
15. Ineffective intervention Ordering transfer of youth Ineffective intervention/
/ rehabilitation to detention home rehabilitation programmes.
programs.
An evaluation of intervention and diversion programs for children in conflict with the law1689 in 2015,
found that there were a number of obstacles to ensuring that children had access to interventions
and diversion programmes in the manner intended by the Act. These included delay in bring children
to trial, which resulted in children staying for long periods of time in pre-trial detention institutions
or other facilities before being officially admitted into the rehabilitation, intervention, or diversion
programs; a lack of developed and available intervention programmes for children in conflict with
the law; a lack of capacity on the part of juvenile justice actors and the weak commitment of the
LGUs on whom the responsibility (and cost) of providing intervention and diversion programmes lies.
It has also been found, in an audit of Family Court cases, that diversion has not been utilised as an
effective mechanism for the child’s rehabilitation and integration in society, as indicated by the low
number of cases where diversion was implemented and in the even lower success rate of diversion
programmes.1690
Section 49 of Republic Act 10630 requires that each province and highly-urbanized city is made
responsible for building, funding and operating a Bahay Pag-Asa (a 24-hour pre-trial ‘child-care’
institution) in their area and each of these must contain an intensive juvenile intervention and
support centre. Regional Juvenile Justice and Welfare Committees were established in 2015 to assist
with this process. To ensure that there is sufficient funding, expected expenditures on the local
juvenile intervention programme for children at risk and children in conflict with the law must be
included in the LGUs annual budget. Highly-urbanized cities and provincial governments are required
to include a separate budget for the construction and maintenance of the Home including the
operation of the intensive Juvenile Intervention and Support Centre within the Home. It has been
noted that in 2015, only a handful of LGUs had complied with section 49.
1689
Yang: S. X., Evaluation of the Intervention and Rehabilitation Program in Residential Facilities and Diversion
Progams for Children in Conflict with the Law, Universalia 2015.
1690
UNICEF Situational Analysis of the Family Courts, unpublished, forthcoming 2018.
320
July 2017
The Act also mandated the Juvenile Justice Welfare Council to develop a three- to five-year
Comprehensive Local Juvenile Intervention Program (CLJIP) using the National Comprehensive
Juvenile Intervention Programme as a guide. It is up to the DILG to monitor the compliance of the
LGU and to issue the necessary guidelines for the development, budget allocation, implementation,
monitoring and evaluation of their CLJIP. 1691
DILG issued guidance in 2015, setting out the steps that need to be taken to develop and establish a
CLJIP, including requirements on data gathering and establishing baseline data using standard data
gathering tools.1692 The guidance also provides step by step guidance on the procedures to be
followed and ways of working with children and families.
The budget allocation for the CLJIP is to be sourced from the 1 per cent Internal Revenue Allotment
allocated for the strengthening and implementation of the programmes of the local child protection
councils for children at risk and children in conflict with the law. 1693 Each LGU should have a three-
year investment plan and an annual investment plan to ensure the sustainability of the programs. In
May 2016 there were 34 Bahay Pag-Asa across the country.
Despite the fact that the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act provides that the child has a right to have
restrictions on his or her personal liberty kept to a minimum, detention of children, including children
under the minimum age of criminal responsibility and administrative detention of children (i.e.
without a court order) remains an issue. In January 2016 spot inspections at four detention centres
in Manila were carried out.1694 Numerous children were found to have been detained, some of them
for up to 21 months, in overcrowded cells and in squalid conditions. No education or activity was
offered, other than cleaning and food preparation and some children were kept in their cells 24 hours
of the day with limited daylight. Older children were mixed with younger children, some below the
age of criminal responsibility. Many children had no form of identification and no papers concerning
their detention. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child expressed concern about the number
of detained children in their Concluding Observations in 2009 and the children’s lack of access to
medical care and legal safeguards.1695
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child welcomed the prohibition of torture and other cruel,
inhuman or degrading treatment of punishment in the administration of juvenile justice contained in
the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act 2006. However, in their Concluding Observations in 2009, the
Committee raised concerns about the high number of reported cases of torture, inhuman and
degrading treatment of children in detention. The Committee against Torture has also expressed
concern that children are arrested without warrant and the excessive length of pre-trial detention in
1691
Rule 24.e of the Revised IRR of 9344 as amended by RA 10630
1692
Section 12 of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act requires that a register of all children in conflict with the law be
established.
1693
It is likely that this comes out of the 1 per cent allocated for child protection as a whole.
1694
These were carried out at the request of the Social Welfare Secretary following reports in the foreign media. The
inspection team included senior representatives of the DSWD-Standards Bureau, DSWD – Protective Services Bureau,
the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Council National Secretariat and the Regional Juvenile Justice Council and the
Representative of the Commission on Human Rights. See Preda Foundation, ‘What Philippine Officials Found in Child
Detention Centers’. January 15, 2016.
1695
CRC/C/PHL/CO/3-4 2 October 2009 , para 80
321
the recent UPR of the Philippines in 2017.1696 It would appear from the data that a very low number
of these cases results in the prosecution and conviction of the child, which raises the issue of why the
children were detained in the first place and whether deprivation of liberty was a matter of last
resort.1697
Data
Crime statistics for Philippines nationally are compiled by the Philippines National Police. Statistics
on legal assistance provided by the government (i.e. legal aid) are compiled by the Public Attorney’s
Office. The Supreme Court is responsible for court data, while data on prisoners is collected by the
Bureau of Corrections and the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology. It is not easy to access data,
and not all of the data provided to the UN Crime Survey by the government is available on
government sites.
Data on children in the justice system, whether as offenders, victims or witnesses is, at present,
incomplete and differs according to the body providing the data. The data is also unhelpful as it is not
‘unpacked’. Comprehensive data needs to include how many children are alleged to have committed
crimes; how many are apprehended for a crime; how many are diverted without charge or subject
to other community based programmes; how many are charged; how many proceed to trial; how
many are convicted and the sentence handed down. Data also needs to be collected on children
deprived of liberty; whether administrative or judicial; where the child is detained, length of
detention and measures for release. All such data needs to be disaggregated by gender, age,
geographical location, ethnicity and on other grounds required by the UN Committee on the Rights
of the Child in their treaty- specific guidelines on the form and content of periodic reports.1698
The lack of accurate, harmonised data about children in conflict with the law, and especially in
relation to charges, convictions and disposals is a challenge that has been taken on board by the
National Juvenile Justice Welfare Committee, which is in the process of developing a centralised
information system.
Supply-side gaps and challenges
There are an insufficient number of intervention and diversion programmes across the country and
funding new intervention and diversion programmes is a major issue. While the LGUs are required to
provide a Bahay Pag-asa with an intensive juvenile intervention and support centre, they are not
under the same level of statutory obligation to develop diversion programmes. Not all LGUs have
provided for the development of such services in their budget. While NGOs are able to provide some
of the services, this is unlikely to be sustainable in the long term. Although money is allocated to the
LCPC, there are many demands to be met, and it is not clear that there is sufficient funding to develop
the level of services required.
It needs to be recognized that working with children to address their offending behaviour and, often,
family dysfunction, requires staff who are trained to work with children and families. The Universal
1696
A/HRC/WG.6/27/PHL. The comments with respect to pre-trial detention are not exclusively relevant to children and
there is no available data on the length of time that children are held in pre-trial detention.
1697
CRC/C/PHL/CO/3-4 2 October 2009, Philippines, para 40.
1698
CRC/C/58/Rev.3 3 March 2015.
322
July 2017
Evaluation of intervention and diversion programs notes that technical assistance provided by
UNICEF in the form of training for diversion was valued. As new programmes are established, it would
be helpful if further training could be offered, perhaps through the Regional Juvenile Justice and
Welfare Committees, either directly to staff, or to a cohort of trainers. Existing programmes are also
likely to benefit from further training, perhaps in the form of coaching and feedback.
There is some information on the efficacy of intervention and diversion programmes. Research in
Northern Mindanao has shown that the numbers of children in conflict with the law have decreased
due to community based programmes. 1699 However, it is not clear how rigorous the research was,
nor was there any evidence as to the views or children and parents on the programmes. Such
information, and long-term follow up of recidivism is essential to enable effective programmes to be
developed and offered. Other research indicates that there has been a far lower success rate of
diversion programmes.1700
It is difficult to determine the level of demand for intervention and diversion services without data
indicating the true offending rate; details about the numbers of children at risk of offending; the
areas where these children live and where programmes and resources should be targeted. Clearly,
there is a demand for such services, particularly where such services work closely with DSWD, the
LCPCs and the DepEd.
Quality
Standards relating to the operation of the various services are to be set by the Juvenile Justice and
Welfare Council, who set guidelines in May 2015 on how to develop a CLJIP. In addition, a Barangay
Protocol in Managing Cases of Children at Risk and Children in Conflict with the Law was issued in
March 2017 providing information on how to handle child-related cases, including diversion
proceedings and prevention. It is also intended to act as a practical guide to barangay officials and
other duty bearers in assisting and managing children at risk and children in conflict with the law
effectively. The Guide is comprehensive and is an attractively presented document, but the length of
the Guide (100 pages), and the breadth of the subject matter covered in the guide, as well as the
complexity of the contents may be off-putting to barangay level officials and potentially beyond their
capacity to absorb and implement. A short ‘how to’ guide for diversion and interventions might be
more appropriate, leaving other issues relating to children for another document.
Clearly, there is a need to address the conditions and quality of services provided to children who are
deprived of their liberty. As so little information is available about implementation of services and
programing in relation to child protection, it is not possible to provide an assessment or analysis
about the quality of services available. However, the enabling environment and supply-related
barriers suggest that services that do exist are likely to be underfunded and under-supported, which
is likely to lead to limitations on quality.
1699
Fabre R.P et al: Intervention Programs for Children in Conflict with the Law (CICL): Gearing towards Sustainable
Development, American Journal of Social Sciences, Arts and Literature Vol.3 Mp.3 2016, PP1-6
1700
UNICEF Situational Analysis of the Family Courts, unpublished, forthcoming 2018.
323
8.8. Access to child-friendly justice for child victims and witnesses
Children are far more likely to be the victims of crime than they are to be the perpetrators of crime.
The figures in Table show a big increase in the number of reported cases of violence against children
since 2012.1701 It is unclear whether this is due to more violence being committed against children, or
a raised awareness and increased reporting of violence or a different mode of recording of incidents
of violence by the police.
Table 8.20. Reported cases of violence against women and children 2008-2014
Source: Philippines Statistics Authority
The following Table indicates the nature of reported crimes against children over the years 2008–
2014. Sexual offences and physical violence and other forms of maltreatment are the most common
offences committed against children according to the statistics. Again, there has been a very
significant rise in the number of offences against children: reported crimes rose more than fourfold
between 2008 and 2014. It has not been possible to find an explanation for the rise. The figures may
reflect a greater level of violence against children, but they may also represent an increasing refusal
to grant impunity to those who use violence against children, or implementation of the Protocol for
Case Management of Child Victims of Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation issued by the National Task
Force for Children in Need of Special Protection. However, it may also reflect a change in the way
that the police record crime. There is no information in the crime statistics on the perpetrators of
offences against children, and in particular, there is no information on how much child-on-child
offending is contained within these statistics.
Table 8.21. Reported crimes committed against children committed against children by
classification of offence, 2008-2014
1701
Meeting SDG 16.3.
324
July 2017
Although it is extremely helpful to have information on reported crime, it was not possible to find
information on how many arrests were made in relation to crimes with child victims, the number of
prosecutions by offence or convictions. Further, there does not appear to be any data on how many
child victims and witnesses participate in trials.
8.8.1. Legal and policy framework
There are two practice documents which address the treatment of child victims and witnesses. The
first, is the Protocol for Case Management of Child Victims of Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation. This
sets out the process to be followed by those responsible for the criminal justice process from the
time that a complaint is made involving a child victim or witness. The Protocol is detailed, progressive
and reflects current understanding of good practice in dealing with child victims. In particular, it
minimises the extent to which the child has to take part in legal processes. It requires those involved
in the criminal justice process to ensure that a face to face confrontation between the child and the
alleged perpetrator is to be avoided through various means, including the use of screens, one way
mirrors and other devices to shield the child. More importantly, at the preliminary investigation
stage, if the parties are represented by counsels, counsels must submit their questions 3 working
days before the preliminary investigation takes place. Only the investigating prosecutor is permitted
to question the child and must use simple, developmentally appropriate and non-threatening
words.1702 This is all consistent with current understandings of good practice.
1702
Protocol for Case Management of Child Victims of Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation, Para. 8 page 28.
325
It is unclear to what extent local police stations are equipped with a child-friendly room for
interviewing children, or the extent to which special police officers, who have received training in
interviewing child victims are available in police stations. It is also not known to what extent the
Protocol relating to questioning of child victims and witnesses, the use of recording equipment and
other measures to shield the child are implemented nationally. The Protocol sets a high standard and
requires a great deal of administrative organization and training. While the introduction of a good
practice document is welcome, it would be helpful to map the level of implementation and use of
the Protocol and any administrative or training gaps.
Where a trial of a perpetrator is to take place, the social worker assigned to the child should enrol
the child victim or witness in a ‘Kids Court Programme’ if there is one in the area to familiarise the
child with the court process. The prosecutor also plays a role, and should prepare the child before
their evidence is given in court. It has not been possible to determine the extent to which such
programmes exist.
The Rules on Examination of a Child Witness were promulgated by the Philippines Supreme Court in
2000. As with the Protocol, the Rules reflect current understanding of good practice for child
witnesses. Under the Rules, every child is presumed qualified as a witness and it is up to the opposing
party to prove that they are not. Age in and of itself is not enough to challenge competency. 1703 The
Rules also permit the court to appoint a guardian ad litem for a child who is a victim or a witness to
a crime in order to promote the best interests of the child. The responsibilities of the guardian ad
litem include, but are not limited to: attending all interviews, depositions, hearing and trial
proceedings in which a child participates, making recommendations to the court concerning the
welfare of the child; explaining, in language understandable to the child, attending all legal
proceedings including police investigations; and assisting the child and his/her family in coping with
the emotional effects of crime and subsequent criminal or non-criminal proceedings. 1704 In addition
to the guardian ad litem, a child has the right to be accompanied by one or two support persons of
his or her own choosing to provide emotional support during the trial process. The support person
can hold the child’s hand while he or she gives evidence but must not answer on behalf of the child.
A facilitator may also be appointed by the Court if the child is unable to understand or respond to the
questions asked. This person is permitted to rephrase questions from counsel in language that the
child can understand.
For child witnesses, the rules create a comfortable courtroom environment, provision of
interpretation assistance, the giving of testimony at appropriate hours ensuring the child is well
rested, using toys or other items to assist the testimony process etc. 1705 The Rules also permit the use
of live-link evidence from the child (i.e. giving evidence outside the court-room) and the use of video
recorded rather than live evidence.
It is not known to what extent the courts have been able to implement the Rules on the giving of
evidence by children. The Rules are demanding and require considerable expenditure and
administrative organization. As with the Protocol, it would be helpful to know how many courts
nationally have the facilities to implement the Rules, and have trained judges, prosecutors and
counsel to enable these progressive Rules to be implemented fully. It is likely that full implementation
will pose a very real challenge, especially in more rural areas where there are fewer cases involving
child victims, without a specific budget allocation.
1703
Rules on Examination of Child Witnesses, para 6.
1704
Rules on Examination of Child Witnesses, para 5.
1705
Rules on Examination of Child Witnesses Para 10-16.
326
July 2017
8.8.2. Barriers and bottlenecks: access to child-friendly justice for child victims and witnesses
Data availability
There is limited data on children who are victims and witnesses to crime. Apart from improving data
collection in relation to those cases that are reported to the police, it has been recommended that a
crime victimisation survey should be carried out at regular intervals.1706
Without sufficient data in relation to cases involving children in contact with the law, it is extremely
difficult to determine the level of implementation of child-friendly justice and children’s access to it.
Supply-side constraints
The Philippines Judicial Academy in collaboration with the Child Protection Network has developed
a competency enhancement training programme (CET) covering the provisions in Republic Act 7610,
Republic Act 9344 and the child-oriented Rules of Court. The purpose of the training is to sensitise
court personnel to the needs of child victims and witnesses, to assist them in dealing with child
victims and witnesses in the court setting and on how to manage the court room when there are
child victims and witnesses. The training was inter-disciplinary and included judges, clerks of the
court, prosecutors, social workers, interpreters and lawyers representing the children. Research on
the impact of the training programme indicated that it had succeeded in its aim of sensitising judges
and court personnel and had changed the way that they dealt with child victims and witnesses in line
with good practice. Initially delivered to 52 staff, this programme continues to be offered by the
Judicial Academy to all family judges. Interestingly, this training programme did not appear to include
police who are the first point of contact that the child victim or witness has with the criminal justice
system. At present, there are an insufficient number of specialised police officers to handle child
victims, especially those who have been subject to child abuse.
A further CET on online sexual exploitation and abuse against children has also been developed.
There is little information to be found on supply of services for child victims and witnesses, especially
in relation to witness preparation, witness support or counselling. In order to understand the
situation for children in contact with the law fully, it would be essential to gain a broader insight into
supply-side barriers, including the availability of services and programming and of specially trained
staff.
The Protocol for Case Management of Child Victims of Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation and the Rules
on Examination of Child Witnesses is a good practice instrument, but little is known about the level
of implementation nationally, or the training that is provided on the instrument.
A common concern in relation to administration of child-friendly justice for child victims and
witnesses is, for example, the willingness of the child or the child’s family to pursue or withdraw a
case. As noted by the UNSG in relation to children who are victims of grave violations, stigmatisation
and fear of reprisal can lead to a child settling even serious cases through informal measures or
outside of formal procedures, in order to have the matter settled, and to ensure that community
harmony is preserved. This is a particular risk in relation to traditional forms of justice, but can, and
does, also occur within the formal justice system. The greatest barrier to reporting and to accessing
1706
Astrologo C.J. (Philippines Statistics Authority) and Garcia J.H.M. (Department of Justice) 2016.
327
justice is social-cultural beliefs and norms stigmatising abuse and preventing reporting and access to
justice system for child victims.
Other demand-side barriers in relation to accessing justice, include barriers such as remoteness of
police stations and court buildings, the difficulty faced by children or parents in accessing them, and
the inability of victims or witnesses to afford transport or time off work. Delay in processing cases
and repeated adjournments also leads to many child victims and their families deciding they no
longer wish to continue to participate in criminal proceedings.
Quality
As there is so little information available about implementation of services and programing in relation
to child protection, it is not possible to provide an assessment or analysis about the quality of services
available. However, the enabling environment and supply-related barriers suggest that services that
do exist are likely to be underfunded and supported, perhaps leading to limitations of quality.
328
July 2017
9. Child poverty, inequality and access to social

protection
Economic well-being and equitable access to basic services are essential to ensure that children are
able to survive and thrive in all areas, and that development reaches and supports the most
vulnerable groups of children. A comprehensive social protection system is essential for reducing the
vulnerability of the most deprived persons – including children – to poor development outcomes.
Social protection systems can strengthen the capacity of families and carers to care for their children
and help remove barriers to accessing essential services, such as healthcare and education, and can
thereby help close inequality gaps. Social protection measures can also help to cushion families from
livelihood shocks, including unemployment, loss of a family member or a disaster, and can build
resilience and productivity among the population.
According to UNICEF, social protection is “the set of public and private policies and programmes
aimed at preventing, reducing and eliminating economic and social vulnerabilities 1707 to poverty and
deprivation, and mitigating their effects.”1708 Social protection systems are essential to ensuring that
the rights of children to social security1709 and a standard of living adequate for their physical, mental,
spiritual, moral and social development1710 are realised. According to the CRC, States are required to
“take appropriate measures to assist parents and others responsible for the child to implement this
right [to an adequate standard of living] and shall in case of need provide material assistance and
support programmes, particularly with regard to nutrition, clothing and housing.”1711 Effective social
protection measures are also essential to achieving SDG 1: to eradicate extreme poverty (which is
currently measured as people living on less than $1.25 a day) for all people everywhere by 2030, and
to reduce at least by half, the proportion of men, women and children of all ages living in poverty in
all its dimensions according to national definitions.
In order to achieve this, SDG 1.3 requires the implementation of ‘nationally appropriate social
protection systems and measures for all, including [social protection] floors.’ A social protection floor
consists of two main elements: essential services (ensuring access to WASH, health, education and
social welfare services); and social transfers (a basic set of essential social transfers in cash or in kind,
paid to the poor and vulnerable).1712
Key poverty and social protection SDGs

1.1 By 2030, eradicate extreme poverty for Proportion of population living under
all people everywhere, currently international poverty line (US$1.25 a day)
1707
UNICEF distinguishes between the two as follows: ‘[p]overty reflects current assets or capabilities, while
vulnerability is a more dynamic concept concerned with the factors that determine potential future poverty status.
Vulnerability considers both an individual’s current capabilities and the external factors that he/she faces, and how
likely it is that this combination will lead to changes in his/her status.’
1708
UNICEF, Social Protection Strategic Framework (2012), p 24
1709
CRC, article 26
1710
CRC, article 27
1711
CRC, article 27(2)
1712
ILO and WHO, ‘The Social Protection Floor: A joint crisis initiative of the UN Chief Executive Board for Coordination
on the Social Protection Floor’, October 2009 available at: http://www.un.org/ga/second/64/socialprotection.pdf
329
measured as people living on less than

$1.25 a day
1.2 By 2030, reduce at least by half the Proportion of population living under
proportion of men, women and children national / regional food poverty line
living in poverty in all its dimensions Proportion of population living under
according to national definitions national / regional basic needs poverty line
1.3 Implement nationally appropriate social Social protection index / indicator (depth
protection systems and measures for all, and breadth of social protection system)
including floors, and by 2030 achieve
substantial coverage of the poor and the
vulnerable
1.4 By 2030, ensure that all men and women, Proportion of population experiencing
in particular the poor and the vulnerable, severe deprivation of number of basic needs
have equal rights to economic resources, / services (multi-dimensional poverty
as well as access to basic services, assessment)
ownership and control over land and Social protection index / indicator (depth
other forms of property, inheritance, and breadth of social protection system)
natural resources, appropriate new
technology and financial services,
including microfinance
Key CRC Articles
ground of a child’s or his or her parent’s or guardian’s race, colour, sex, language, political or
other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other status
Article 6(2): States parties shall ensure to the maximum extent possible the survival and
Article 27 (1) Every child has the right of every child to a standard of living adequate for the
child’s physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development; (2) State parties shall take
appropriate measures to assist parents / carers to implement this right and shall provide
material assistance and support programmes where needed
Article 26: Every child has the right to benefit from social security, including social insurance
9.1 Profile of child poverty and inequality
As set out above, rates of overall food and basic needs poverty have decreased in incidence and
magnitude between 2012 (when the incidence of food poverty was 10.4 per cent and basic needs
poverty was 25.2 per cent) and 2015 (when the incidence of food poverty was 8.1 per cent and basic
needs poverty, 21.6 per cent). If this downward trend continues, it indicates that the Philippines may
be able to reach SDG target 1.2 of a reducing by half the number of persons living below national
poverty lines by 2030. Nonetheless, poverty rates, along with rates of economic and human
development, are characterised by stark regional disparities in the Philippines, and pockets of
330
July 2017
significant poverty persist in some parts of the country, and have increased significantly in some
locations – in Western Mindanao (including ARMM) in particular. The presence of persistent and
increasing rates of poverty in some locations and among some groups may impede the Government’s
ability to reach the poverty-related targets in the SDGs, and also to reach the targets set out in the
PDP: the reduction of basic needs poverty incidence to 14 per cent and of food poverty by 5 per cent
by 2022,1713 and the virtually eradication of poverty by 2040.1714
Poverty rates are high for children in the Philippines, and poverty appears to disproportionately affect
children. The impacts of poverty are more significant for children, and there is growing evidence that
children experience poverty more acutely than adults: the negative impacts of poverty on their
development can have profound and irreversible effects into adulthood. It has also been noted that,
when a family moves into poverty (e.g. as a consequence of an economic shock), children often suffer
by being withdrawn from school and draw into working in forms of hazardous labour.1715 In 2015, 31.4
per cent of children (0–17 years) were living below the basic needs poverty line, compared to 21.6
per cent of the total population.1716 While rates of child poverty have dropped between 2012 and
2015, this was consistent with the drop in poverty rates overall, indicating that children continue to
be disproportionately vulnerable to living in poverty.
Table 9.1. Basic needs poverty incidence: total population and children (0–17), 2006–2015
40
35.2 35.3 35.2
35
31.4
30
26.6 26.3
25.2
25
21.6
20
15
10
0
2006 2009 2012 2015
Total population Children (0 - 17)
Source: Philippines Statistics Authority, Release: Farmers, fisherman and children consistently posted the highest poverty
incidence among basic sectors, 30 June 2017 (FIES data)
1713
PDP p 11.
1714
PDP p 9,
1715
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines, p. 23.
1716
Philippines Statistics Authority, Release: Farmers, fisherman and children consistently posted the highest poverty
incidence among basic sectors, 30 June 2017, available at: https://www.psa.gov.ph/poverty-press-releases.
331
While no very recent data are available, survey data from 2009 indicate that children are also
particularly vulnerable to food poverty. In 2009, 15.7 per cent of children (5.9 million) lived below
the food poverty line of $245 per year and were considered to be living in extreme poverty.1717 This is
more than double the rate of food poverty among the overall population (7.9 per cent in 2009)
Although the incidence of food poverty among children remained roughly the same between 2003
and 2009, the magnitude increased by around 670,000 children.1718
The data illustrates stark disparities in rates of child poverty in the Philippines, as it does among the
population more generally. NCR appears to have a relatively low incidence of child poverty (6.7 per
cent in 2009), compared to Caraga (57.4 per cent in 2009) and Bicol (54.7 per cent in 2009). Poverty
trends are also starkly disparate by location. In particular, ARMM has had a large increase in the
percentage of children living in poverty from 37.8 per cent in 2003 to 48.2 per cent in 2006 and 54.1
per cent in 2009). This equates to an increase of 11 per cent per year. 1719 These disparities in the
incidence of poverty and poverty trends are illustrated in the following map.
Table 9.2. Poverty head count rate among children (%) by region, 2003 and 2009
Regionally, NCR (1.1 per cent), Central Luzon (7.3 per cent) and CALABARZON (5.7 per cent) had the
lowest rates of children living in extreme poverty; however Central Luzon had a rapid growth in the
number of extremely poor children at 10 per cent annually since 2003. ARMM has also had rapid
growth of the percentage of children living in extreme poverty, at around 8 per cent annually.1720
1717
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines.
1718
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines.
1719
1720
332
July 2017
The data also indicate that families with children are more likely to be living in poverty than families
without children. According to the Family Income and Expenditure Survey carried out in 2009, one in
every four families that have children (26 per cent) were living below the basic needs poverty line,
which is higher than the incidence of families who were living below the basic needs poverty line
overall (20.9 per cent).1721 Again, there was significant disparities in the incidence of poverty among
families with children at the subnational level, with one-third of families with children living below
the basic needs poverty line coming from Bicol, Central Vasayas and Western Vasayas, and poverty
rates well above those at the national level in CARAGA (45 per cent) and ARMM (44 per cent), and
well below in others (e.g. NCR, 4per cent).1722
It is important to note that poverty is not necessarily a fixed state: children and families can move in
and out of poverty in response to a whole range of factors. An analysis based on Family Income and
Expenditure Survey data from 2003, 2006 and 2009 found that 14 per cent of children were chronic
or persistently poor (i.e. they were living below the poverty line in all three years), while around 30
per cent moved in and out of poverty during this time frame. 1723 Chronic poverty appears to be
particularly associated with living in a rural location: one in five rural families were considered
chronically poor, while only five in 100 urban families were chronically poor.1724
While these measures of poverty (based on income and consumption) demonstrate significant levels
of poverty among children and families with children, a high proportion of children have also been
found to be living in poverty according to multi-dimensional measurements. A multi-dimensional
approach recognizes that poverty is multi-faceted, and broader than deprivation of income. It is
characterised by a range of deprivations (education, work, housing, communications and access to
information and income). According to a multi-dimensional assessment carried out in 2014, using
data from the 2009 Family Income and Expenditure Survey and the 2010 Labour Force Survey, 24.1
per cent of children experienced a severe deprivation of at least one type (most frequently,
electricity), 12.1 per cent experienced at two types of deprivation and five per cent experienced four
types of deprivation.1725
The figure below illustrates the deprivations in each area for children aged 6–17 years. It shows there
are huge challenges in improving the welfare of children especially in terms of electricity,
information, income and basic living amenities. Some of these will overlap and so make the situation
of poor children worse than it appears purely on incidence rates.1726 The diagram also shows that the
situation in rural areas is generally worse than urban areas.
Table 9.3. Dimension of poverty for children aged 6–17 years, 2009
1721
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines, (2015).
1722
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines, (2015).
1723
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines, (2015), p 24.
1724
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines, (2015), p. 24.
1725
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines, (2015), p. 24
1726
Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Child Poverty in the Philippines, (2015), p. 81
333
Electricity
26.9
Shelter Income
17.5
22.9
15.3
0.9 6
0.7 6.1
0.5
4.9 5.7
Normal Settlement 3.7 13.8 20.4 Information
2.8
11.7
4.6
6.8
13.8
10.9 10.2
14.2 15.5
14.8
Safe water Education
Sanitation facility
All Area Urban Rural
Source: Child Poverty in the Philippines Report, source data based on Author’s estimates based on Family Income and
Expenditure Survey, National Statistics Office
The Committee on the Rights of the Child, in its periodic review of the Philippines in 2009, expressed
concern about large disparities in the standard of living between different regions as well as in access
to basic services.1727
9.1.1 Child poverty: risk factors and equity issues
In addition to the geographic disparities in child poverty rates across the Philippines, a number of
other characteristics are associated with increased vulnerability to poverty.
Geographic location
Children in rural areas are more likely to be living in poverty – as noted above, living in a rural location
is also associated with a greater likelihood of chronic poverty and greater risk of being deprived of
basic needs. According to data from the 2009 Family Income and Expenditure Survey, children living
in urban areas were much less likely to be living in poverty (19.1 per cent) compared to those living
in rural areas (49.2 per cent).1728 Three in four income poor children live in rural areas, and this has
increased at a rate of roughly 2.7 per cent per year from 2003–2009 (from 47 per cent in 2003 to 48.7
1727
CRC concluding observations, Philippines, 2009 para 63.
1728
Child Poverty in the Philippines, Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF p 9.
334
July 2017
per cent in 2006 and 49.2 per cent in 2009). Although only a quarter of income poor children live in
urban areas, their annual rate of increase was almost twice the rate of increase than rural areas:
from 16.3 per cent in 2003 to 18.6 per cent in 2006 and 19.1 per cent in 2009.1729
Table 9.4. Basic needs poverty incidence, urban v rural locations, 2003, 2006 and 2009 (FIES
data)
60
48.7 49.2
50 47
40
30
18.6 19.1
20 16.3
10
0
2003 2006 2009
Urban Rural
Source: Child Poverty in the Philippines, Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF p. 10
Children in rural areas also made up 82 per cent of the total number of extremely poor children in
2009, and 24 per cent of those did not have enough income to meet basic food needs. 1730 Urban
families also had a significantly lower incidence of extreme (food) poverty in 2015, at 6.2 per cent in
2009, compared to rural families, at 23.7 per cent.1731
However, it has noted that significant pockets of poverty also exist in urban areas, in particular,
among persons living in informal ‘squatter’ settlements. The proliferation of urban squatter
settlements has accompanied rapid urbanisation in the Philippines (see chapter 2). The rapid
urbanization and proliferation of informal settlements has been fuelled in part by migration of
persons from rural locations to pursue economic opportunities in cities.1732 In 2014, the National
Housing Authority, in coordination with local governments, estimated the number of families in
informal settlements at around 1.5 million (15 per cent of the Philippines’ total urban population).
Though other estimates have put the percentage of informal settlement dwellers at between 30 and
1729
1730
Child Poverty in the Philippines, Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF p 13/
1731
Family Income and Expenditure Survey data: Philippines Statistics Authority, Official poverty statistics of the
Philippines (2015), Tables 1 and 3.
1732
See section 2, above.
335
60 per cent of all urban residents.1733 In Metro Manila alone, there are reportedly 526 informal
settlement communities containing some 2.54 million individuals.1734 The discrepancies in estimates
relate to the different definitions used to define informal settlements / dwellings. According to the
Philippines National Housing Authority, a broad definition is used to define informal
settlements/dwellings that includes:
• Lots without the consent of the owners;
• Danger areas along river banks, railways, under the bridge and others;
• Areas designated for government infrastructure projects;
• Protected/forest areas, except for Indigenous persons;
• Areas for priority development, if applicable; and
• Other government/public lands or facilities not intended for human habitation.1735
Informal settlements vary considerably, but tend to be characterised by deterioration, significant

overcrowding, a lack of basic conveniences and are often in hazardous, polluted locations.1736 While
there are no nationally representative data on poverty levels among families and individuals living in
urban settlements, the Philippines Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council has
reported ‘deep levels of urban poverty’ among informal settlement dwellers;1737 in particular chronic
urban poverty and exposure to physical, economic, social, legal and environmental risks on a day-to-
day basis.1738
The proportion of children living in informal urban settlements grew significantly from 2003 to 2009
in NCR, CALABARZON, SOCCKSARGEN and Northern Mindanao.1739 Children living in urban slums are
typically deprived of a number of basic needs, including exposure to health and environmental risks
caused by unsanitary living conditions and poor quality drinking water and food storage facilities and
exposure to indoor pollution, and social problems, including exposure to violence and drugs.1740 Also,
because children are deprived of tenure, they can experience difficulties ensuring regularity of
schooling.1741 Children living in urban slums are likely to be exposed to a cycle of poverty and
deprivation: “the lack of access to employment and livelihood opportunities, capital, basic urban
services, education, health and social networks’ entrench and reinforce existing deprivations and
1733
Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council (HUDCC), Developing and national informal settlement
upgrading strategy for the Philippines (2014), p. 38.
1734
Junio M Ragragio, ‘Urban slums report: the case of Metro Manila’ in Understanding slums: Case studies for the
Global Report on Human Settlements (2003), available at https://www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu-
projects/Global_Report/pdfs/Manila.pdf.
1735
1736
Junio M Ragragio, ‘Urban slums report: the case of Metro Manila’ in Understanding slums: Case studies for the
Global Report on Human Settlements (2003), available at https://www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu-
projects/Global_Report/pdfs/Manila.pdf.
1737
Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council (HUDCC), Habitat III: The Philippine national report (2016),
para. 2.6.1.
1738
1739
Child Poverty in the Philippines, Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF.
1740
1741
336
July 2017
inequality.”1742 A qualitative study carried out in five cities (Manila, Pasay, Quezon, Cebu and Davao)
in 2005 found that children in informal settlements were at particular risk of working on the street
and dropping out of school, and also faced a range of protection risks, including domestic violence,
neglect, sexual exploitation and drug abuse; they were also found disproportionately at risk of
coming into conflict with the law.1743 The report noted the particular vulnerability of Indigenous
children in informal urban settlements: “children from Indigenous communities forced into cities by
warfare or economic displacement are not only relegated to the worst portions of degraded urban
settlements; they often lose their cultural rights.”1744
Gender
According to Family Income and Expenditure Survey data, there does not appear to be any difference
in poverty levels between boys and girls (0–17 years). According to the most recent Survey (2015),
women were only slightly more likely to be living in poverty than the overall population (22.5 per
cent of women were living under the basic needs poverty line, compared to 21.6 per cent of the
overall population).1745 Interestingly, female-headed households have consistently been found to be
at lower risk of poverty than male-headed households (for instance, in 2009, 16.1 per cent of female-
headed households were living below the basic needs poverty line, compared to 27.7 per cent of
male-headed households).1746
Nonetheless, it is clear that women experience other manifestations of disadvantage and
disempowerment. As set out above (see section 2), women lack access to the (formal) job market:
according to the most recent Labor Force Survey, of the 24.9 million persons over 15 years not in the
labour force, 70.2 per cent were women.1747 This has followed a period of slow growth in which the
share of women in waged employment in the non-agriculture sector rose by only one percentage
point from 2000 to 2011.1748 Further, women only earn an estimated 60 per cent of men’s annual
earnings.1749
Women’s labour market participation is lower than men’s due to gender stereotyping of jobs that
create barriers to women’s entry, regulations prohibiting women from entering certain jobs,
disincentives due to standards relating to childbearing and child-rearing and less access to credit,
networking and interaction with business and government officials.1750 Also, social norms that
relegate women to the domestic sphere restrict the time available for work and limit opportunities
to work in the formal sector. In the Philippines, women provide 84 per cent of total child care work,
and in 2011, it was found that 31 per cent of working-age women reported that they were not in the
1742
Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council (HUDCC), Habitat III: The Philippine national report (2016),
p. 65.
1743
UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre and Institute of Philippine Culture, Ateneo University, Manila, Making Philippine
cities child friendly: Voices of children in poor communities (2005).
1744
UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre and Institute of Philippine Culture, Ateneo University, Manila, Making Philippine
cities child friendly: Voices of children in poor communities (2005) at p. xiv.
1745
incidence among basic sectors, 30 June 2017, available at: https://www.psa.gov.ph/poverty-press-releases.
1746
Child Poverty in the Philippines, Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF, Table 3.2.
1747
Philippines statistics authority, April 2016 Labor Force Survey - https://psa.gov.ph/content/employment-situation-
april-2016-final-results.
1748
Asian Development Bank and ILO, Gender equality in the labour market in the Philippines (2013), p. 9.
1749
Asian Development Bank and ILO, Gender equality in the labour market in the Philippines (2013), p. 9.
1750
Asian Development Bank and ILO, Gender equality in the labour market in the Philippines (2013).
337
labour force in 2011 because of household or family duties, compared to only three per cent of
men.1751
According to PCW, women tend to work in low-paying and insecure jobs in the informal economy
and thereby lack the social protection and work benefits. They are therefore “at high risk in times of
illness, disability, work injury, maternity, unemployment and old age.”1752 Their income may be
compromised if they become pregnant or they or their children get sick.1753
Also, having an income does not necessarily mean that women have control over their income:
“women’s control over their own earnings is influenced by education, marital status, age, household
composition, debt and social norms.”1754
Family size
Children from larger families are more likely to live in poverty than those from smaller ones. In 2009,
more than half of families (51.5 per cent) with seven or more members lived below the poverty line,
which had increased from 48 per cent in 2003 and 50.2 per cent in 2006. In comparison, in 2009 only
15.2 per cent of children in families with only three to four members lived in poverty; a small increase
from 15.1 per cent in 2003 but a reduction from 15.6 per cent in 2006.1755 Larger families (over six
members) had a higher rate of extremely poor children (26.3 per cent) compared to those with three
to four members (4.0 per cent).1756
Table 9.5. Child poverty incidence by household size, 2009 (FIES data)
1751
DOLE Decent Work Statistics (2011), in Asian Development Bank and ILO, Gender equality in the labour market in
the Philippines (2013).
1752
In Fritzie Rodriguez, ‘Why many of the hungry are women’, Rappler, 25 March 2014, available at:
http://www.rappler.com/move-ph/issues/hunger/53801-gender-inequality-women-hunger.
1753
Fritzie Rodriguez, ‘Why many of the hungry are women’, Rappler, 25 March 2014, available at:
http://www.rappler.com/move-ph/issues/hunger/53801-gender-inequality-women-hunger.
1754
Asian Development Bank and ILO, Gender equality in the labour market in the Philippines (2013).
1755
1756
338
July 2017
7 + members 51.5
4 - 6 members 32.9
3 - 4 members 15.2
less than 3 8.2
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Education level of household head
The educational level of the household head is positively associated with poverty. As demonstrated
in the chart below, persons with no education are significantly more likely to be living under the basic
needs poverty line than those with at least secondary graduate level (14.2 per cent compared to 64.9
per cent in 2009).
Table 9.6. Basic needs poverty rates by educational level, 2003, 2006 and 2009
70
64.9
59.6
60
54.2
50
40.8 41.1
40 37.5
30
20
13.6 14.2
12
10
0
2003 2006 2009
None Elementary level At least secondary undergraduate
Source: Child Poverty in the Philippines, Philippines Statistical Authority and UNICEF p. 14
339
Employment sector
Households with heads working in less formal employment sectors are also more likely to be living in
poverty. In particular, farmers, fishermen and those who are self-employed or performing unpaid
family work were more likely to be living in poverty: in 2015, 34.3 per cent of farmers, 34 per cent of
fishermen and 30.6 per cent of self-employed persons were living below the basic needs poverty line,
compared with 21.6 per cent of the overall population.1757 Subsistence farmers appear to be more at
risk of poverty than commercial farmers, which has been attributed to ‘a lack of productivity
enhancing inputs, such as irrigation, seeds and others.’1758
Children from marginalised groups
In addition to these associations, children belonging to a number of other groups have been identified
as being particularly prone to child poverty. During the consultation with key stakeholders that took
place in Manila to inform this report, the following groups of children were identified.
Table 9.7: Groups of children particularly at risk of poverty

• Street children;
• Child workers;
• Children from indigenous communities; and
• Children with disabilities. 1759
Source: data from consultation workshop
While there are limitations on the availability of nationally representative data to confirm these
associations, available data does indicate that children from these groups are more at risk of poverty.
Indigenous Peoples
As noted above (see chapter 3), Indigenous children continue to experience social discrimination,
economic marginalisation and political disempowerment, along with socio-economic exclusion.
There does not appear to be to any recent data available to establish poverty levels in Indigenous
Communities. However, they are reported to be “the most disadvantaged peoples, representing the
poorest of the poor and the most vulnerable.”1760 IPs tend to be concentrated in the most
disadvantaged parts of the country. Mindanao, where 61 per cent of IPs live, contributes 31 per cent
to total poverty incidence, and parts of Mindanao, including ARMM, are among the poorest provinces
1757
incidence among basic sectors, 30 June 2017, available at: https://www.psa.gov.ph/poverty-press-releases
1758
Office of the President of the Philippines, National Anti-Poverty Programme (2010 – 2016), Part 1, p. 16.
1759
The workshop participants also identified ‘urban poor’ as a particular group who was at increased risk of poverty;
however, this has been addressed above.
1760
Institute for Autonomy and Governance, The situation of Indigenous children: A participatory research with
Indigenous children and their communities in Mainland ARMM, p. 16
340
July 2017
in the country.1761 These areas also tend to be characterised by poor health, nutrition and educational
outcomes for children.1762
Problems in land access and use continue to interfere with livelihoods: in particular, the
encroachment of corporate mining operations onto the lands of IPs and the presence of military
personnel has limited the ability of IPs to work on their land and has caused indigenous children to
drop out of school.1763 Mining has also resulted in environmental degradation, causing a reduction of
agricultural production, water pollution, decreased fish catch and health problems.
Poverty and vulnerability appears to be compounded by lack of Government services in areas where
IPs live. These areas are often geographically isolated and remote, with limited economic
opportunities.1764
Unfortunately, as set out above (see Table 9.7), there are limited data on the children with
disabilities, including on the extent and nature of poverty and deprivation among these children. 1765
However, it has been noted that children with disabilities likely experience social exclusion and
deprivation as a result of lack of access to education, (as examined above), social services and lack of
access to the job market.
Working children
Perhaps unsurprisingly, poverty is highly correlated with working children. It has been calculated,
based on merged datasets of the 2009 Family Income and Expenditure Survey and the 2010 Labour
Force Survey that almost half of the population of working children (47 per cent) are from the poorest
income group, and about seven in 10 children who work come from the poorest 40 per cent of the
population.1766 Though it has been noted that child work is not exclusively a practice among the poor,
and that just over eight per cent of working children come from the richest 20 per cent of the
population.1767 Data also demonstrates that child work is more prevalent among families experiencing
other forms of deprivation (e.g. those without sanitary toilet facilities, safe water sources and access
to electricity).1768 Child labour tends to reinforce intergenerational poverty by impeding a child’s
access to education and increasing the risk of exploitation.1769
1761
UNICEF, The situation of Indigenous children in ARMM: A participatory research with Indigenous Children and their
communities in Mainland ARMM (unpublished), p. 19.
1762
UNICEF, The situation of Indigenous children in ARMM: A participatory research with Indigenous Children and their
communities in Mainland ARMM (unpublished), p. 19.
1763
UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Situation of Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines:
Statement by TEBTEBBA – Indigenous Peoples’ International Center for Policy Research and Education Philippines to
59th session, 26 September 2016.
1764
International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs, Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines, available at:
http://www.iwgia.org/regions/asia/philippines .
1765
1766
1767
1768
1769
341
Street children
The extent of children living on the street and the risks associated with this has been addressed above
(chapter 8). It has also been noted, unsurprisingly, that living on the street is strongly associated with
poverty and deprivation.
Lack of data on the levels and experiences of poverty and vulnerability among these marginalised
groups of children entrenches their social exclusion and invisibility, and minimises the ability for
effective policy and programming interventions to address their vulnerability.
9.2 Causes of child poverty
The causes of poverty in the Philippines are complex, intersecting and operate at different levels.
These immediate, underlying and structural causes of child poverty were mapped out by key
stakeholders and experts during a consultation workshop in Manila, and were used to inform this
analysis. The causality map is presented below (table 9.8) and represents consensus reached by the
key stakeholders and experts. As can be seen, causes are complex, nebulous and relate to a range of
deprivations that have been identified throughout this report.
Table 9.8 Stakeholder causality map: child poverty
342
July 2017
According to existing research, poverty in the Philippines has a range of key immediate, underlying
and structural causes.
343
9.2.1. Limited and uneven economic growth
One of the main underlying reasons for the slow pace of poverty reduction (compared to other Asian
countries) is the slow pace of economic growth, which has limited the extent of quality employment
opportunities, especially in sectors in which large number of the poor work. 1770 While the economy
has shown growth in recent years, this growth has been uneven and largely driven by the industrial
and services sectors, and not the agriculture sector where the majority of workers are poor. 1771
Inequality therefore persists, while economic growth is not diversified across all sectors.1772
Data indicates that economic growth has not corresponded with a reduction in poverty in the
Philippines. Estimates on the ‘growth elasticity’ of poverty reduction (an indicator of whether
economic growth has affected poverty positively) have found that economic growth has had little or
even negative impact on poverty reduction in the Philippines.1773 This might indicate that growth has
not been inclusive and that there are segments of the population that are chronically poor. 1774 Though
it is noted that between 2012 and 2015, overall poverty levels did decline, as set out above.
9.2.2. Poor quality job market
Poor economic growth has had a negative impact on the creation of economic opportunities.
Economic growth has not kept up with the growth in the number of persons entering the labour
force1775 (though it is noted that the most recent data show a significant decline in unemployment).
As noted above, however, underemployment rates remain high. Most of the growth in recent years
has been in the services sector, which is characterised by informal working arrangements. 1776
A recent World Bank study1777 noted the extent of ‘pervasive in-work poverty’, indicating that it is the
lack of quality jobs and the lack of access to quality employment opportunities for the poor that
contributes to poverty: “economic growth has created enough jobs to absorb the increase in the
working age population but has failed to improve job quality.”1778 It found that poverty is caused by
low earning capacity of the poor, behind which are the contributing underlying causes of low
education of the poor, and the scarcity of quality, productive job opportunities. The poor tend to
hold jobs that are informal, temporary or casual and low paid. The informality of these opportunities
mean that the poor are denied the protections of labour laws and regulations, including minimum
wages and access to benefits, including social protection measures. Economic growth has therefore
not led to growth in wages.1779
1770
Asian Development Bank, Poverty in the Philippines: Causes, constraints, opportunities (2009), p. 39.
1771
World Bank, Philippines economic update, April 2017, p. 18.
1772
1773
Balisacan and Pernia (2002), Balisacan and Hill (2007) and Habito (2009 in Asian Development Bank, Poverty in the
Philippines: Causes, constraints, opportunities (2009), p. 40.
1774
1775
1776
1777
Rutkowski, Jan J., ‘Employment and poverty in the Philippines’, Philippines Social Protection Note, No. 9, December
2015.
1778
Rutkowski, Jan J., ‘Employment and poverty in the Philippines’, Philippines Social Protection Note, No. 9, December
2015, p. 3.
1779
Rutkowski Jan J., ‘Employment and poverty in the Philippines’, Philippines Social Protection Note, No. 9, December
2015.
344
July 2017
9.2.3. Episodes of food inflation
High inflation has had an impact on poverty levels, reducing the positive impact of economic growth.
Rising food prices (for example, like that experienced in the latter half of 2014 owing to the effects
of Typhoon Haiyan/Yolanda), affect the poorest the most, as they spend most of their income on
food, increasing the severity of poverty1780 and impeding their ability to lift themselves out of poverty.
However, it should be noted that in recent years, the Philippines has enjoyed low inflation: the annual
average inflation rate in 2016 was 1.8 per cent (compared with 5.5 per cent 10 years ago – 2005).1781
9.2.4. Failure to manage population growth
As noted above, population growth remains rapid in the Philippines, owing to a persistently high
fertility rate. The high fertility rate can, in part, be attributed to restrictive laws, social norms and
inefficient service delivery systems that create barriers on access to contraception (see section 4,
above). Family size is positively associated with poverty, as demonstrated above. Population growth
also contributes to poverty through the rapid expansion of the labour force, contributing to
unemployment and slowing per capita income growth.1782
9.2.5. Inequality
As noted above, high levels of inequality persist in the Philippines, notwithstanding a drop in the Gini
coefficient calculated in 2015. The gap in income of the poorest 20 per cent and richest 20 per cent
is high. Inequality slows the reduction of poverty through limiting the ability of the poor to move out
of poverty. According to a World Bank report, a portion of the gains of economic growth accrue to
the owners of capital – given the high levels of inequality in the Philippines, the gains in growth have
gone to a ‘very small segment of the population.’1783 Inequality can also impact on poverty indirectly
through slowing economic growth, which in turn, negatively impacts no poverty reduction.1784
In the Philippines, income inequality is compounded by inequitable distribution of land ownership.
Studies have shown that a country’s initial land distribution influences its economic growth and
human development performance: a developing country with initial high land inequality can be
expected to have lower long-term income growth and slower pace of poverty reduction than a
country characterised by more equitable land distribution.1785
9.2.6. Budget and revenue allocation
Inequality between geographic areas is compounded by budgeting allocation systems from the
National Governments to the LGUs, which results in wide variations in spending capacity among
1780
Asian Development Bank, Poverty in the Philippines: Causes, constraints, opportunities (2009), p. 44; see also PDP,
section 4-3.
1781
Central Bank of the Philippines (Bangko Sentral Ng Pilipinas), Inflation rates, 1998 – 2016, available at:
http://www.bsp.gov.ph/statistics/spei_new/tab34_inf.htm.
1782
Asian Development Bank, Poverty in the Philippines: Causes, constraints, opportunities (2009), p. 45; World Bank,
Philippines economic update, April 2017, p. 18.
1783
World Bank, Philippines economic update, April 2017, p. 18.
1784
Naschold, F., ‘Why inequality matters for poverty’, Inequality Briefing Paper No. 2, March 2002 (Overseas
Development Institute), p. 1.
1785
345
LGUs. LGU budgets rely heavily on internal revenue allocation,1786 and this allocation is based on
population and land area, as summarised in the table below.
Table 9.9 Internal revenue allocation formula

Allocation of IRA to LGUs
Total share of national Total share of the
Formula for total allotment for each
internal revenue taxes 40% by the various
LGU type
collected LGUs
STEP 1 STEP 2 STEP 3
23% to provinces Population (50%)
23% to cities +
= Actual IRA for
40% 34% to municipalities Land area (25%)
each LGU
20% to barangays +
Equal share (25%)
Source: Oxford Policy Management, The integration of equity in sub-national PFM systems in the Philippines: Sub-national
case study report: volume 1 (2017)
The formula does not consider horizontal imbalances between geographic areas, and is not needs
based (e.g. it is not based on poverty measurements). It has therefore “potentially widened
geographical disparities in levels of economic development”1787 and may “influence inequity in basic
service delivery across the regions.”1788 For instance, the formula, based on population size, favours
cities and, given that poverty levels are highest in rural and less populous areas, this system creates
uneven access to funding across the country to implement social welfare and other programmes,
thereby entrenching uneven economic growth across the country. It has also been argued that the
very small budget allocations given to regions with the highest concentrations of IPs has “resulted in
generally poorer living conditions and higher incidence of poverty in regions where IPs are found or
concentrated.”1789
9.2.7. Shocks and exposure to risks and hazards
As set out in chapter 3, exposure to regular shocks and risks caused by conflicts, natural disaster and
environmental poverty impacts negatively on poverty levels and entrenches inequality.
9.2.8. Lack of and inequitable access to basic services
As illustrated throughout this report, there are significant gaps in children’s and families’ access to
basic services, including health, WASH, nutrition, education and social welfare services, with access
1786
Oxford Policy Management, The integration of equity in sub-national PFM systems in the Philippines: Sub-national
case study report: volume 1 (2017).
1787
Manasan (2007) in Oxford Policy Management, The integration of equity in sub-national PFM systems in the
Philippines: Sub-national case study report: volume 1 (2017).
1788
Oxford Policy Management, The integration of equity in sub-national PFM systems in the Philippines: Sub-national
case study report: volume 1 (2017).
1789
Carino (2012) in UNICEF, The situation of Indigenous children in ARMM: A participatory research with Indigenous
Children and their communities in Mainland ARMM (unpublished), p. 19.
346
July 2017
to these services uneven across the country and across different groups of children. Children from
rural or remote areas, children with disabilities, children from Indigenous communities and LGBTI
children experience additional barriers in accessing services. Lack of access to services is a key cause
of poverty in the Philippines, which often has the effect of entrenching existing vulnerabilities and
cycles of deprivation and poverty.
9.3 Social protection systems in the Philippines
Social protection encompasses many different types of systems and programmes, including social
insurance programmes (e.g. contributory schemes to provide security against for risk, such as
unemployment, illness, disability etc.); social assistance programmes (non-contributory measures
such as regular cash transfers targeting vulnerable groups, such as persons living in poverty, persons
with disabilities, the elderly or children); and social care services (child protection prevention and
response services, detailed in section 6). There has been a growing acceptance in recent times that
social security, in particular, the provision of regular cash transfers to families living in and vulnerable
to poverty should be a key component of a social protection system. Cash transfers provide
households with additional income that enables them to invest in children’s wellbeing and human
development.1790
9.3.1 Legal, policy and institutional framework for social protection
Law and policy
Under the Constitution of the Philippines, the Government is required to ‘promote a just and
dynamic social order that will ensure the prosperity and independence of the nation and free the
people from poverty through policies that provide adequate social services, promote full
employment, a rising standard of living, and an improved quality of life for all.’1791
The Government passed Republic Act 8425, the Social Reform and Alleviation of Poverty Act in 1997,
which institutionalized the Social Reform Agenda of the Government, and created the National Anti-
Poverty Commission to serve as an advisory body in implementing the Social Reform Agenda. The
Social Reform Agenda required the adoption of an “area-based and focused intervention to poverty
alleviation wherein every poor Filipino family shall be empowered to meet its minimum basic needs
of health, food, nutrition, water and environmental sanitation, income security, shelter and decent
housing, peace and order, education and functional literacy, participation in governance, and family
care and psycho-social integrity.”1792 The Social Reform Agenda focused on the following priorities:
access to quality basic services; asset reform and access to economic opportunities; sustainable
development of productive resources; and democratizing the decision-making management
processes. It also codifies several sector-specific flagship programmes for farmers and landless rural
workers, fisherfolk, IPs, informal sector workers, urban poor and members of other disadvantaged
groups including women, children, youth, persons with disabilities, the elderly and victims of natural
disasters.1793
1790
UNICEF, Social Protection Strategic Framework (2012).
1791
Section 9, Constitution of the Philippines.
1792
Section 2, Social Reform and Alleviation of Poverty Act 1997 (RA 8425).
1793
Section 4, Social Reform and Alleviation of Poverty Act 1997 (RA 8425)
347
In 2007, the Government adopted its first official definition and framework for social protection,
under Resolution 1 of the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA)1794 – Social Development
Committee: social protection was defined as “policies and programmes that seek to reduce poverty
and vulnerability to risks and enhance the social status and rights of the marginalized by promoting
and protecting livelihoods and employment, protecting against hazards and sudden loss of income,
and improving people’s capacity to manage risks.” It set out a framework for social protection,
defining four major components of social protection:
• Social insurance Programmes that seek to mitigate income risks by pooling resources and
spreading risks across time and classes. Beneficiaries pay a premium over a period of time to
cover or protect them from loss of income or unemployment as a result of illness, injury,
disability, retrenchment, harvest failure, maternity, old age etc.
• Social Welfare Programmes: preventive and development interventions that seek to support
the minimum basic requirements of the poor, particularly the poorest of the poor, and reduce
risks associated with unemployment, resettlement, marginalization, illness, disability, old age
and loss of family care. These programmes usually take the form of direct assistance via
transfers in cash or in kind to poor or marginalized groups, as well as social services, including
family and community support, alternative care and referral services.
• Social Safety Nets: stop-gap measures or urgent responses that address effects of economic
shocks, disasters and calamities on specific vulnerable groups with the specific objective of
providing relief and transition to specifically targeted groups. Measures may include
emergency assistance, price subsidies, food programmes, employment programmes,
retraining programmes and emergency loans
• Labour market interventions: measures aimed at enhancing employment opportunities (for

instance, trade policies and skills development and training) and protecting the rights of
workers (e.g. through labour standards such as minimum wages).
Following the outbreak of the global financial crisis, the Government issued two Administrative
Orders (232 and 232-A) in 2008, which clustered social welfare programmes in a National Social
Welfare Programme Cluster, which was headed by the Chair of the Social Security System and
implemented by the DSWD. There was, reportedly, however, little information on how the cluster
was to function, and some groups also questioned the President’s appointment to the position of
Social Security System Chair.1795
In 2009, the Cluster commissioned the Development Academy of the Philippines to conduct an
assessment of social welfare and protection programmes in the country (‘Review and Strengthening
of the National Social Protection and Welfare Program’). The study recommended that social welfare
programs should be harmonized in order to avoid overlaps and improve targeting of areas and
1794
The resolution was approved by the SDC - Cabinet Level composed of the National Economic and Development
Authority (NEDA), Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE), Housing and Urban Development Coordinating
Council (HUDCC), Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), Department of Education (DepEd),
Department of Health (DOH), Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) and Department of Agriculture (DA).
1795
Jose Carlos Maningat, ‘Social protection in aid of corporations? The Filipino workers’ dilemma with social security’,
Asia Round-Table on Social Protection, Social Protection Discussion Paper Series, December 20155, p. 3.
348
July 2017
beneficiaries. It was also recommended that government should harmonize and coordinate poverty
reduction in crafting interventions and strategies.
In response to these recommendations, in 2012 the Social Protection Operational Framework and
Strategy was developed by a group of institutions, including NEDA, DSWD and others and approved
by NEDA’s Social Development Cluster. The aim of the Framework and Strategy and its accompanying
Action Plan is to ‘provide adequate social protection to the people in a coordinated, inclusive and
effective manner.’ The specific objectives of the Social Protection Operational Framework and
Strategy are to: protect and prevent people from falling from their current income / consumption
levels due to various risk factors; build capacity and adaptability to ensure that better quality of life
is maintained and sustained; expand opportunities for income expansion and improve human capital
investments in the long term; and sustain the standard of living in spite of exposure to risks of
different types. The following diagram presents the aims, core response strategies and
implementation strategies of the Social Protection Operational Framework and Strategy.
Table 9.10 Social protection operational framework and strategy
Source: Policy Development and Planning Division, DSWD, ‘The Philippine Social Protection Framework and Strategy: An
Overview’, 5 June 2015, presentation to Area-Based Dialogue, Makati City
The Framework and Strategy promotes the harmonization of social protection measures through
mandating all Government agencies to utilize a centralized targeting system (the DSWD’s Household
Targeting System for Poverty Reduction) and work together to ensure universal coverage for basic
349
rights and services (basic education, health and nutrition, shelter, water and sanitation). It also aims
to ensure the localization of converged social protection programmes through ‘bottom up budgeting’
(a process to increase the participation of the public in governance and budgeting at the local level)
and the Comprehensive Integrated Delivery of Social Services Programme. However, the Framework
uses a risk-based approach, according to which social protection is conceived as a tool to address
risks and vulnerabilities arising from various sources. This may ‘simplify poverty reduction into a form
of risk management (risk prevention, mitigation and coping without addressing its root causes.’1796
Social protection is also explicitly included in the PDP, through its ‘reducing inequality’ pillar, which
‘aims to build the socioeconomic resilience of individuals and families by reducing their vulnerability
to various risks and disasters’, through ‘universal and transformative social protection for all
Filipinos.’1797
In addition to these broad laws and policies, a range of other laws and regulations relate to various
sector-specific social protection measures, for example the National Health Insurance Act of 1995
(discussed above in chapter 4) and the Republic Act 8282, the Social Security Law 1997, which sets
out the benefits and entitlements of beneficiaries of the social insurance programme, and establishes
the Social Security System (the corporate body) and Social Security Commission, which manage the
social insurance scheme.
Key Institutions
Many Government and several private sector institutions are involved in implementing particular
social protection measures, as illustrated in chart 9.11 below. In addition, several multi-sector bodies
have been established to coordinate the implementation of the Government’s responses to poverty
and its social protection measures at the national level.
The Anti-Poverty Commission was established pursuant to Republic act 8425, the Social Reform and
Poverty Alleviation Act 1997 in order to serve as the coordinating and advisory body for the
implementation of the Government’s Social Reform Agenda.1798 The mission of the Anti-Poverty
Commission is “to undertake policy advocacy, oversee anti-poverty efforts, and ensure meaningful
and inclusive people’s participation in governance and nationalist development.”1799 It has a
coordination role, and coordinates with national and local government agencies and the private
sector to support the implementation of all social reform and poverty alleviation programmes, and
policy development. It has a particular focus on 14 ‘basic sectors’: farmers and rural landless workers;
artisanal fisherfolk; Indigenous Peoples and minority communities; informal sector workers; senior
citizens; persons with disabilities; women; children; youth students’ cooperatives; NGOs; and victims
of calamities and disasters.1800
The Social Development Committee of NEDA established a Subcommittee on Social Protection in
2009, which is co-chaired by NEDA and DSWD. It has a range of functions which are designed to
support the implementation of the Social Protection Operational Framework and Strategy.
1796
Jose Carlos Maningat, ‘Social protection in aid of corporations? The Filipino workers’ dilemma with social security’,
Asia Round-Table on Social Protection, Social Protection Discussion Paper Series, December 20155, p. 4.
1797
PDP, 11-9.
1798
Section 5, Social Reform and Alleviation of Poverty Act 1997 (RA 8425).
1799
National Anti-Poverty Commission, Service charter, available at: http://www.napc.gov.ph/articles/service-charter.
1800
National Anti-Poverty Commission, Service charter, available at: http://www.napc.gov.ph/articles/service-charter
350
July 2017
In 2011, the Human Development and Poverty Reduction Cluster was created by Executive Order of
the President, as part of an initiative to cluster government institutions around five key results /
objectives, one of which is “poverty reduction and empowerment of the poor and vulnerable – to
translate the gains from good governance into direct, immediate and sustainable benefits for the poor
and marginalized segments of society.”1801 According to this Executive Order, government
institutions are required to engage LGUs, along with other key stakeholders, in pursuit of poverty
reduction and empowerment of the poor. The Cluster is chaired by the National Anti-Poverty
Commission and includes members from a range of relevant government Departments and bodies.
The Human Development and Poverty Reduction Cluster has been continued under the current
administration.
The current administration has demonstrated a commitment to addressing poverty, through the
issuance of Executive Order 1 in 2016,1802 which sets out a plan for streamlining the management
and supervision of key poverty-related agencies under the Office of the Cabinet Secretary.
9.3.2 Social protection programmes and systems
The beginnings of the current social protection system in the Philippines date back to the 1930s,
when the Government Service Insurance System was established, replacing several existing pension
schemes for Government employees. A similar pension scheme was later adopted for the private
sector in the 1950s.1803
Since that time, and following the adoption of several laws and policies as set out above, a plethora
of social protection programmes have been developed. Many of these programmes were introduced
in response to a crisis and are ‘scattered in different regions, coordinated and run by several
institutions and have limited funding.’1804 The table below sets out the key programmes in each social
protection pillar (it is not intended as an exhaustive list).
Table 9.11. Illustrative list of social protection programmes

Description Key programme(s)
Social insurance Contributory risk The Social Security System (SSS), and
mitigation strategies Government Service Insurance System for
through pooling government employees, provides insurance for
resources to spread members and beneficiaries against old age,
risk through disability and death, and for women include
sickness and maternity benefits. SSS covers
employers, employer and self-employed as well
1801
Executive Order No. 43, ‘Pursuing our social contract with the Filipino People through the reorganisation of Cabinet
Clusters’, 13 May 2011.
1802
Executive Order No. 1, ‘Reengineering the Office of the President towards greater responsiveness to the attainment
of development goals’, 2016.
1803
Global Network, Social protection in the Philippines: A case study on the country’s social security model and
conditional cash transfer program (2010), p. 3.
1804
ILO Philippines, Social protection: Building comprehensive social protection floors and comprehensive social security
systems, available at http://www.social-protection.org/gimi/gess/ShowCountryProfileBackground.action?id=453.
351
as farmers, fisherfolk, agricultural workers non-

working spouses and househelpers.
Philhealth, the National Health Insurance
Programme (discussed above in section 4)
provides a range of health benefits to
beneficiaries, including inpatient care; maternity
and new-born care; outpatient treatment for
tuberculosis, rabies and leptospirosis; a benefit
package covering certain cancers, cardiovascular
surgeries, dialysis and kidney transplants;
primary care benefits include screening for
breast cancer and cervical cancer; and small
medicines benefit.1805 Coverage reached 93
million (92 per cent) in 2015, 61 million of
whom are the vulnerable (informal economy,
indigent, sponsored and senior citizens.
Social welfare Direct assistance to The Government’s flagship social welfare
the poor through cash programme is the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino
and in-kind transfers Program (4Ps): a conditional cash transfer
programme implemented by DSWD that is
aimed at reaching the poorest households. It
currently reaches 4.4 million households (see
below).
A range of other social welfare programmes

have been implemented, such as educational
assistance programmes, National Housing
Authority Programmes and individual medical
assistance programmes.1806
Social safety nets Risk-coping A range of programmes are implemented,

mechanisms to including price subsidy programmes;
provide relief against emergency employment; and disaster
economic shocks management programmes, such as the DSWD
cash-for-work and food-for-work measures to
victims of natural disasters, and DOLE’s
Integrated Livelihood and Emergency
Employment Programme which provides
vulnerable, displaced and unemployed workers
1805
1806
Global Network, Social protection in the Philippines: A case study on the country’s social security model and
conditional cash transfer program (2010), p. 5.
352
July 2017
with short-term employment at minimum wage,

which includes a range of insurance and
benefits.1807 Disaster relief assistance was given
to an average of 59 per cent of families affected
by natural and human-induced calamities
between 2011 and 2015.1808
Labour market Measures aimed at A range of skills development programmes, self-
improving employment support, provision of labour
employment market information and career assistance
opportunities and services are implemented by DOLE. The
worker’s rights Technical Education and Skills Development
Authority provides vocational training,
facilitates scholarships, develops standards and
certifications.1809
As suggested above, the Government’s 4Ps conditional cash transfer programme is the flagship
social protection measure designed specifically to provide protection to poor and vulnerable families
and improve outcomes for children in these families. It is the only large-scale social protection
programme that is specifically child-focused, with goals and targets aimed at improving outcomes for
vulnerable children. The programme was extended following a pilot in 2007, and it now covers 4.4
million beneficiaries; it is the third largest conditional cash transfer programme in the world. 1810 The
programme is managed by DSWD and involves the giving of direct cash transfers to poor households
on the basis that certain conditions are met; conditions relate to the health, education and nutrition
of the children of beneficiaries (0–18 year olds).1811 In order to receive benefits under the Programme
all conditions must be met by household beneficiaries.
The 4Ps has two types of cash grants that are given out to household-beneficiaries depending on the
number of children and type of grant (education or health grant). Households can receive PhP500
per household per month for complying with health conditions, including taking-up pre- and post-
natal care; and ensuring children receive vaccines and health check-ups, and deworming pills (to a
total of PhP6,000 every year), and an education grant of PhP300 per child enrolled in day care or
elementary education and PhP500 a month per child enrolled in secondary education to a maximum
of three children for 10 months of the year. The maximum total grant per household is PhP2,000. 1812
1807
systems, available at http://www.social-protection.org/gimi/gess/ShowCountryProfileBackground.action?id=453
1808
PDP p 171
1809
systems, available at http://www.social-protection.org/gimi/gess/ShowCountryProfileBackground.action?id=453
1810
World Bank, The state of social safety nets (2015); SWD, Official Gazette, Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program,
available at http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/programs/conditional-cash-transfer/
1811
DSWD, Official Gazette, Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program, available at
http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/programs/conditional-cash-transfer/
1812
http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/programs/conditional-cash-transfer/.
353
The cash grants are distributed to the household-beneficiaries through bank payments or alternative
payment schemes.1813
To be eligible for the programme, beneficiaries must live in a poor municipality, and be living below
the poverty line; households must also have children and / or a pregnant woman.1814 Beneficiaries of
the 4Ps programme are selected through the National Household Targeting System for Poverty
Reduction, which uses a range of indicators to identify who and where poor households are. The
targeting system uses a proxy means test methodology to estimate the level of economic welfare of
a household based on its socioeconomic and demographic characteristics. The Targeting System is
implemented by DSWD and is used by several other government programmes to target the poor.1815
The programme is managed and implemented by an advisory Committee (under the DSWD) at the
national level and through the 17 DSWD regional offices. It is supported on the ground by around
12,000 field facilitators (called municipal and city links), who work with participating households,
which are organized into parent groups. LGUs have designated at least one full-time staff member to
support the programme.1816
The 4Ps programme has expanded significantly since its inception. It now operates in all 17 regions
in the Philippines, covering 79 provinces, 143 cities and 1,484 municipalities. As of August 26, 2015,
there are 4,353,597 active household-beneficiaries, of which 570,056 are indigenous households and
217,359 have at least one person with a disability. The program also covers 10,235,658
schoolchildren aged 0 to 18, from the total registered with an average of two to three children per
household.1817 In addition, the 4Ps programme covered around 4.4 million households with
PhilHealth, and it has also been used to distribute unconditional cash transfers to victims of natural
disasters.1818 The budget for the programme has also increased by nearly 200 per cent to PhP62.3
billion between 2011 and 2105 (which represents 0.1 per cent of GDP, 2015).1819
A two-wave evaluation of the 4Ps programme carried out by the World Bank in 20111820 and 20141821
using random control trial methodology found that the programme was reaching most of its key
objectives. Overall, the programme was meeting its objectives of keeping poor children in school by
increasing enrolment among younger children (3–11 years) and increasing attendance among older
children (6–17 year olds). The first wave evaluation found that the programme had not had a
significant impact on increasing enrolment among older children aged 12–17 years. However, it was
not explicitly designed to improve schooling of children above 14 years. The second wave evaluation
1813
1814
1815
Luisa Fernandez, ‘Design and implementation features of the National Household Targeting System in the
Philippines’, Philippine Social Protection Note, No. 5, June 2012, p. 1.
1816
Karin Schelzig, ‘Social protection brief: The social protection support project in the Philippines’, ADB Briefs, No. 38,
July 2015, p. 2.
1817
1818
NEDA, Socio-economic report (2015), p. 58.
1819
World Bank, Philippines economic update: Advancing the investment agenda (April 2017), p. 18; Karin Schelzig,
‘Social protection brief: The social protection support project in the Philippines’, ADB Briefs, No. 38, July 2015, p. 2.
1820
World Bank, Philippines Conditional Cash Transfer Programme Impact Evaluation 2012 (2013).
1821
World Bank, Keeping children healthy and in school: Evaluating the Pantawid Pamilya using regression discontinuity
design second wave impact evaluation results (2014).
354
July 2017
found that the gross enrolment rate of children aged 12–15 years, however, was higher for children
living near the poverty threshold who were enrolled in the 4Ps programme.
The programme was also found to be meeting its objectives of keeping poor children healthy,
assisting in improving the long-term nutritional status of younger children (6–36 months), through
enabling a more nutritious diet for families and helping to improve health-seeking behaviours among
beneficiaries when children are ill. It also found that families who received the 4Ps programme spent
more on health and education than poor families who were not enrolled in the programme, and that
beneficiary households spent less on goods such as alcohol.
However, it found that there was no impact in increasing full immunization rates among children in
beneficiary households. It also did not find an overall increase in per capita consumption among poor
beneficiaries, though there was some evidence that poor beneficiary households were saving more.
It was found that this could indicate a challenge in beneficiaries meeting and reporting on compliance
with the programme’s conditions, due to lack of supply of relevant services and lack of effective
monitoring and reporting systems to verify compliance with the conditions (this is discussed below
in the barriers and bottlenecks section).
Other programmes that have been introduced in the Philippines to increase social protection for
children include Modified Conditional Cash Transfer schemes, which targets families most in need of
special protection (street children, indigenous people, migrant families, families with children with
disabilities, families with child labourers and those displaced by man-made or natural disasters);
homeless street families and those with children under 14 whose income is below the provincial
poverty threshold.1822 There are also a number of programmes to support street children, street
families and Badjao, children in armed conflict and children in conflict with the law.1823
The Modified Conditional Cash Transfer Program for Indigenous People in Geographically Isolated
and Disadvantaged Areas is a pilot programme designed to overcome some barriers among IPs in
accessing the 4Ps scheme, for instance, targeting challenges and enrolment barriers compounded by
geographic isolation. The Programme, run by DSWD, provides the same cash benefits as the 4Ps
programme, provided that the same health and education conditionalities are met (the main
modification is the replacement of the Family Development Sessions with Community and Family
Development Sessions which non-beneficiary community members are able to join, to discuss issues
facing Indigenous communities in addition to parenting and care giving). The MCCT provides
additional support services based on assessments carried out by DSWD Community Facilitators to
address health, education, sanitation, and livelihood needs (e.g. through the provision of goods for
farming and cash for work programmes), along with capacity building training, and activities to
promote the rights and self-determination of IPs.1824 A recent qualitative assessment of the
Programme found that beneficiaries were generally in favour of the programme and recognised its
benefits, including “the program’s contributions to the improvement of their life situation, the
education of their children, as well as the recognition it gives to their traditions and beliefs.”1825
1822
1823
1824
Population Institute, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of the Philippines, Assessment of the
Modified Conditional Cash Transfer Programme for Indigenous Peoples in Geographically Isolated and Disadvantaged
Areas, June 2017.
1825
Areas, June 2017.
355
However, problems meeting the programmes conditions, caused by a lack of services in

geographically isolated areas, continued to cause access barriers.1826
9.4 Barriers and bottlenecks in the social protection system
9.4.1 Enabling environment
Legal and policy framework

The effective implementation of social protection requires a strong policy and legal framework that
promotes and facilitates coordination between relevant government and private sector institutions
and cohesion of different programmes and measures. In the Philippines, social protection measures
are delivered by a range of individual Government and private sector institutions according to their
mandates, and individual measures tend to be underpinned by specific laws and policies. This lack of
a joined-up and cohesive policy and legal framework has led to a lack of coordination in the
implementation of social protection programmes.
While some steps have been undertaken in the Philippines to create a cohesive and coordinated
framework for social protection, as set out above, challenges remain. The overarching social
protection policy, the Social Protection Framework and Strategy, is a welcome effort to encourage
cohesion among various actors; however, as noted above, the Framework and Strategy take a risk-
based approach, which appears to minimise the conceptualisation of poverty and its causes into a
series of risks, and mitigation of these risks.
Linked to this lack of cohesion in social protection is the absence of a nationally-defined universal
social protection floor: a set of basic universal guarantees covering essential health care and income
security for children and families. Establishing a national social protection floor would help to ensure
a comprehensive system that provides essential protection for the population.
Another notable gap in the legal framework is that the 4Ps programme – the Government’s flagship
social welfare programme for the poorest families – does not have legislative footing. This makes the
programme more vulnerable to being scaled back or ended by unsupportive political influences. This
is particularly significant given the historic opposition to the CCT programme, based on the belief that
it is effectively a ‘dole out’ (though it is noted that political and public support for the 4Ps programme
has increased over its life time). 1827 Without a basis in law, the programme could be significantly
altered or scaled back without the political debates and processes that are necessary to pass an
amendment to law. However, a Bill was put before Parliament in 2015 that is designed to enshrine
the 4Ps programme in law.1828 It should be noted though, that the risk of scaling back is reduced by
the fact that the continuation and development of the 4Ps programme is contained in the PDP, which
places it on the Government’s agenda for the next five years.
Governance and coordination
1826
Areas, June 2017
1827
Aniceto C. Orbeta Jr and Vincente B. Paqueo, ‘Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Programme: boon or bane?’ in Vincente
B. Paqueo, Aniceto C. Orbeta Jr. and Gilberto M. Llanto, Philippine Institute of Development Studies, Unintended
consequences: The folly of uncritical thinking (2017).
1828
Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program Act of 2015, filed on 16 September 2015, 16th Congress, by Recto, Ralph G.
356
July 2017
The lack of a cohesive, joined up law and policy framework for social protection, as set out above,
has led to “a lack of…institutionalised coordination, with several departments undertaking
uncoordinated and sometimes ineffective programmes.’1829 According to NEDA, in 2011, ‘there were
so many uncoordinated and overlapping poverty-reduction-related programs, reflecting the lack of
coordinative mechanisms among various agencies”1830
This lack of coordination has also impacted on monitoring and evaluation of social protection
programmes, which require unification in order to achieve economies of scale.1831
In addition, the mandates of the key national-level coordinating bodies, the National Anti-Poverty
Commission and NEDA’s Subcommittee on Social Protection appear to overlap to some extent,
causing confusion as to which areas are within the mandate of each organization. It has also been
reported that the National Anti-Poverty Commission suffers from a lack of funding and capacity to
carry out its mandate.1832
The lack of coordination between different agencies filters down to the local level. For example, it
has been noted that the 4Ps programme’s conditionality requirements have caused difficulties for
families in accessing the required benefits. According to an Asian Development Bank publication,
“there are challenges in ensuring enough schools, full immunisation and deworming and pre—and
post-natal care and delivery health facilities. Some of these challenges are related to the supply of
educational and health facilities…This calls for more active coordination with the Departments of
Education and Health.”1833 According to a report by the Philippine Institute for Development Studies,
the lack of ability to put in place adequate education and health services to ensure that households
could meet the conditionality requirements of the 4Ps programme has undermined its
implementation. The 4Ps programme was scaled up during a time when expansion of these services
was underway, but has been delayed by “the rigid institutional structure and weak procurement
system.”1834
A key informant interviewed for this study noted that:
“The CCT won’t make any difference if you don’t have the health staff there to give the medical
attention. It’s really dependent on synchronization and funding across the agencies, and this
is not always in place.”1835
According to a recent assessment of the Modified Conditional Cash Transfer Programme for IPs, lack
of health and education services in geographically isolated areas created a barrier to compliance with
the Programme’s conditions. Within 30 study sites, researchers identified “geographically isolated
areas within the geographically isolated barangay[s],” with health and education facilities located in
1829
July 2015, p. 1.
1830
Celia M. Reyes and Aubrey D. Tabuga, Philippine Institute for Development Studies, ‘The Conditional Cash Transfer
Programme in the Philippines: Is it reaching the extremely poor?’ in PIDS Discussion Paper Series No. 2012-42 (2012).
1831
ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, Social protection in Asia: Philippines, 2015, p. 1
1832
1833
July 2015, p. 3.
1834
1835
Interview with Social Policy Team, UNICEF Philippines, Manila, 13 June 2017.
357
the most densely populated parts of the barangays, limiting access by children and families to
facilities that are essential for compliance with the programme’s conditions.1836
The implementation of other social welfare programmes is impacted by the devolved structure of
governance in the Philippines (this is in contrast to the 4Ps programme, which is operated at the
national level). According to this structure, social welfare services are implemented at the local (LGU)
level, and there is a lack of monitoring of LGU’s performance in implementing social protection (and
other social welfare) measures, and lack of coordination between LGUs.1837
It also appears that there is a lack of connection between the social protection and child protection
systems at all levels. Child protection services are not well connected to the wider social protection
policy framework and agenda, and social welfare services targeting children and vulnerable families
appear to be fragmented across social protection and child protection systems and programmes.1838
As explored above (chapter 7), poverty is linked to experiences of particular forms of violence and
child protection risks, and it is important to link the systems designed to address these risks and
vulnerabilities.
Budgeting and finance

While the Government budget for social protection has expanded in recent years mainly as a result
of the expansion of the 4Ps programme and health care for the poor, it is still below the regional
average. According to the ILO’s World Social Protection Report in 2014/15, the Philippines spent just
under four per cent of its GDP on social protection, which was up from 2.9 per cent in 2009 (the
majority of this was spent on healthcare and social protection for elderly persons). This is less than
half of the regional average (Asia), which was seven per cent of GDP and was well below the OECD
average of 21 per cent.1839 In 2015, the World Bank reported that only 0.57 per cent of GDP in the
Philippines was spent on social welfare programmes (programmes targeting the poor), and 0.4 per
cent of this was attributed to the 4Ps programme.1840
The Asian Development Bank’s Social Protection Indicator, which is a measurement of social
protection spending and recipients (calculated by dividing the total expenditure on social protection
by the total potential beneficiaries of social protection and comparing this with GDP per capita),
found (in 2012) that the Philippines ranked fairly low in terms of the coverage and depth of social
protection, as illustrated in the chart below. The Philippines had a Social Protection Indicator of 2.2,
which was below that calculated for the South-East Asia region (2.8).
Table 9.12. Social protection indicator (ABD) in South East Asian countries, 2012
1836
Areas, June 2017
1837
1838
ILO, Child protection and social protection: Social protection must be regarded as one element in a broad strategy
aimed at ensuring protection of children, PowerPoint, 5 June 2015, available at:
1839
OECD, A decade of social protection development in selected Asian countries (2017), p. 55.
1840
World Bank, The state of social safety nets (2015)
358
July 2017
7
6.3
6
5
4.2
4
4
2.9 2.8
3
2.2
2
1.2 1.2
1 0.6
0
Lao PDR Cambodia Indonesia Philippines Thailand Vietnam Malaysia Singapore SE Asia
Source: Asian Development Bank, The social protection indicator: assessing results for Asia (2016)
This indicates that funding for social protection is still lacking and lagging behind the regional average,
despite increases in recent years.
It appears that the limited spending on social protection has impacted heavily on the depth (i.e.
average benefits received by actual beneficiaries). As indicated in the chart below, the depth of
benefits in the Philippines is considerably below the regional average for Asia particularly in terms of
social welfare measures (which are programmes aimed at the poor and vulnerable). This indicates
that the level of benefits received by beneficiaries may not be sufficient to ensure that they are lifted
out of poverty.
Table 9.13. Depth social protection indicator (ADB) by type of programme, 2012
30
25.9
25
20
15
10 8.1
5
5
2.4 2.3
1.2
0
Social insurance Social assistance Labour market
Philippines Asia average
359
The level of benefits received by recipients of the 4Ps programme has been questioned for being
possibly too low. The amount of the cash grant received has not changed since the start of the
programme in 2008, and so has not been adjusted for inflation. The cash grant was calculated with
reference to the distance of the poor from the basic needs poverty line. When the programme began,
the amount of the grant was about 20 per cent of the poverty line, but, allowing for inflation, it is
now worth less – around 15 per cent of the poverty line.1841 This likely limits the impact of the
programme in responding effectively to poverty, and limits the ability of families to increase
consumption (as was found in the evaluations mentioned above) or be cushioned against shocks
(though, according to the evaluations mentioned above, the programme had led to families in some
areas being able to save).
Lack of data and data utilisation

Lack of data and lack of data use continues to pose a challenge to the effective design of policies and
targeting of resources to address poverty. Lack of data on the non-income dimensions of poverty has
been noted, partly as a result of lack of horizontal systems of information flow between different
Government institutions; this is a particular issue for the design and implementation of cross-
sector/integrated programmes.1842
“The problem is, normally we just look at income deprivation – not other aspects of
deprivation: housing, access to social services etc. In terms of deprivations, there are different
studies of different line agencies, but nothing bringing it together.”1843
A recent report by Asian Development Bank highlighted limitations and challenges in vertical and
horizontal information flows that limit the ability for the Government to use data to inform
programme and policy development: ‘in the current state of information flows, the LGUs often do
not use statistics generated by the national agencies; they either fail to collect data from their
constituents or the data collected are unreliable.’1844
Poverty is a multi-sector issue, and lack of harmonisation and sharing of data between Government
agencies is also a key barrier to ensuring a complete understanding of poverty and deprivation, and
to effective evidence-based policy development and programming.
Ensuring effective monitoring and evaluation of programmes is also a challenge that can lead to
inefficient use of resources (though it is noted that the 4Ps programme is being subjected to robust
monitoring and evaluation). According to a key informant from the DSWD, “monitoring is a big
problem. Here we tend to implement programme after programme but the quality is not good. There
is vast data out there but no one uses that data to aid decision making and policy making.” 1845
Lack of disaggregated data that highlights the equity dimensions of poverty is also a gap. As noted
above, there is very limited data on poverty among particularly marginalised groups, including
persons with a disability, IPs, urban poor etc. This limits the understanding of poverty and
experiences of deprivation among already marginalised groups and impairs the ability to target
effective policy and programming interventions that respond to their needs.
1841
NEDA, Socio-economic report (2015), p. 58.
1842
1843
1844
1845
Interview with representatives of Protective Services Bureau and Standards Bureau, DSWD, 16 June 2017, Manila.
360
July 2017
9.4.2 Supply barriers
Human resources
A shortage of human resources at the local level also appears to have impeded the delivery of social
protection services to families and communities. The 4Ps programme, along with several other social
welfare programmes, are implemented by DSWD and through LGUs (though as noted, the 4Ps
programme is operationalised at the national level). This has led to uneven delivery of social welfare
services at the local level, due to the lack of monitoring of implementation of programmes at the
local level and the low resources and capacity of LGU staff in some areas.1846
There is a shortage of social workers in LGUs, and a lack of capacity and skills at the local level, as
illustrated by two key informants from the DSWD who were interviewed as part of this report:
“The LGUs– they are inadequate. Even the people who are working, you will go to one LGU
who only have on social welfare officer doing everything from womb to tomb. You would even
see local social welfare offices headed by non-social workers, because of political favours and
nepotism.”1847
Gaps in specialist knowledge and skills (knowledge and skills required to work effectively with
children; gender sensitivity etc.) were reported to be a bottleneck to the effective delivery of social
welfare services by a group of key stakeholders at a validation workshop to inform this report.
Stakeholders who participated in the workshop also noted the lack of partnerships and coordinated
working between LGUs and civil society service providers at the local level. A more joined up
approach between Government and civil society service providers could improve the range and
quality of services and help to ensure coordinated and effective service delivery to vulnerable
children and families.
The 4Ps programme has also faced challenges due to limited staff at the local level to implement the
programme. As noted above, there is one Municipal or City Link officer at LGU level (a social welfare
officer or nurse), and they are required to manage 800 households on average, and this number can
go up to 1,200 households. This creates considerable difficulty in ensuring that compliance with the
programme’s conditions are monitored effectively, and in carrying out necessary case work
(coordination, carrying out family development sessions etc.). 1848 According to a key informant
interview, the Government is imposing a benchmark that the 4Ps programme is unable to go over
eight per cent of expenditure on operational costs; therefore while more staff are needed to ensure
that it is implemented properly, DSWD are unable to recruit any more as the operational costs of the
programme are already at eight per cent.1849
Operational issues
Operational issues have also impacted on the effective implementation of social protection
measures. The targeting of social protection measures to the poorest and most vulnerable is impeded
by lack of an effective system, or, where it is utilised, challenges in the Household Targeting System
methodology. The Household Targeting System, developed primarily to support the 4Ps programme,
has been heralded as an effective and objective system for identifying those most in need of social
1846
1847
1848
1849
361
protection measures.1850 However, it uses a series of proxy indicators in order to carrying out means
testing (e.g. household consumption, education of household members, housing conditions etc.). The
test assumes that a beneficiary is living in a dwelling, as the calculations are based, in part, on the
condition of the house etc. This has led to the exclusion of homeless persons and many IPs, as
illustrated by a key informant:
“The proxy means test requires a house…it’s calculated on the basis of what materials your
house is made from etc. So this excludes homeless persons and many IPs – they were not
initially included in the programme as they can’t provide answers to questions about their
housing.”1851
These challenges led to the development of the Modified Conditional Cash Transfer Programme
which specifically targets the most vulnerable members of society that may be excluded from the
4Ps programme (homeless, IPs etc.). However, at this stage, this programme is only a pilot.
There have also been challenges in ensuring compliance with the programme’s conditions. The
compliance data relies on other institutions – schools, health facilities – having the capacity and
motivation to monitor compliance of programme beneficiaries, and they may lack the capacity and
personnel to do this effectively.1852
9.4.3 Demand-side barriers
Geographic isolation
Children and families in geographically isolated areas experience barriers to enrolment in social
protection programmes and in meeting conditions of the 4Ps and MCCT programmes (as set out
above). According to a recent assessment of the MCCT for IPs, one of the reasons families were not
able to access the MCCT was that their household was “too far away to be visited by the listing team,”
which enrol beneficiaries onto the programme.1853 Physical barriers also resulted in delays and lack of
regularity in beneficiaries receiving cash payments: “getting to the payout venue from their places of
residence involves major effort on their part because of the distance and the terrain.”1854
Coverage and equity issues

Overall, social protection in the Philippines benefits the non-poor (though this may change with the
expansion of the 4Ps programme). According to the ABD’s social protection indicator, the
expenditure and coverage of social protection is mainly attributed to social insurance measures,
which are largely limited to the non-poor (primarily consisting of contributory schemes for formal
sector workers).
1850
Luisa Fernandez, ‘Design and implementation features of the National Household Targeting System in the
Philippines’, Philippine Social Protection Note, No. 5, June 2012, p. 1.
1851
1852
1853
Areas, June 2017.
1854
Areas, June 2017.
362
July 2017
As illustrated in the chart below, social insurance measures accounted for 1.8 of the total social
protection indicator – far greater than social assistance (0.4) and labour market programmes (0.01)
in 2012.
Table 9.14. Social protection indicator for type of social protection measure, 2012
Labour market, 0.01
Social assistance, 0.4
Social insurance, 1.8
Social insurance covers around 34 per cent of the population, though informal sector workers (many
of whom are poor) and IPs have very limited access to these programmes.1855 Also, social insurance
measures benefit more men than women: the ADB Social Protection Indicator for men is higher than
it is for women (1.3 compared to 1.0). 1856 As examined above, women have less access to formal
employment opportunities, and are therefore less likely to be enrolled in social insurance schemes.1857
It also appears that the poor are not the main recipients of social protection measures. The ADB
Social Protection Indicator shows that social protection measures benefit the non-poor more than
the poor (the Social Protection Indicator for non-poor was 3.7 and for the poor was only 0.5, based
on data from 2012).1858 It was also reported by the World Bank in 2015 that only 35 per cent of the
poorest quintile received any social safety net transfer.1859
1855
ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, Social protection in Asia: Philippines, 2015, p. 1
1856
Asian Development Bank, The social protection indicator: assessing results for Asia (2016), p. 116
1857
See also Asian Development Bank, The social protection indicator: assessing results for Asia (2016)
1858
Asian Development Bank, The social protection indicator: assessing results for Asia (2016), p. 115
1859
World Bank, The state of social safety nets (2015)
363
10. Conclusions and implications for policy and

practice
This report has demonstrated that, while the Philippines has shown good progress in securing
children’s rights in a number of areas, in other areas, progress has been slow and many children
continue to be exposed to significant rights violations and an inability to thrive and achieve. Despite
a strong commitment to improving children’s outcomes, as evidenced by the generally robust and
comprehensive law and policy frameworks relating to children, and despite overall strong economic
growth and development in recent years, improved outcomes for children have not kept pace.
What is perhaps most striking is the uneven performance of the Philippines in meeting children’s
rights and key development targets – results remain starkly uneven by geographic area and in terms
of particular groups of children: children from poor families, children living in rural locations and
informal urban settlements, children affected by armed conflict and natural disasters, children with
disabilities and children from Indigenous communities were found to have considerable gaps in their
access to services and achievement of outcomes in health, nutrition, education, WASH and social
welfare.
Economic growth in the Philippines has not been inclusive, and it has not lifted the most vulnerable
and deprived out of poverty or improved their outcomes. Entrenched inequalities exacerbated by
armed conflict and natural disasters have delayed the country’s ability to fulfil children’s rights and
meet relevant development targets. In order to improve the situation of children in the Philippines
and ensure that the country is on course to meeting its development targets, it is essential that these
inequalities are addressed.
Inequalities have been exacerbated by the impacts of conflict and disasters in the Philippines. The
exposure of the country to natural disasters and the enduring conflicts across the country,
particularly in ARMM, have resulted in grave human rights violations against children and slowed
development in parts of the country, leading to limited economic opportunities, difficulties delivering
social services (including education, WASH, health and social welfare services), and fuelling high
levels of poverty and deprivation. This has led to particularly poor outcomes for children in conflict-
affected areas.
The analysis found a number of gaps, barriers and bottlenecks that are at the core of the
Government’s uneven performance in ensuring that children’s rights are protected, respected and
fulfilled. These issues appear to have a cross-cutting effect, negatively impacting the different
Government sectors that work to improve outcomes for children, and impeding the ability of the
multiple laws, policies, programmes and initiatives to have a real and measurable impact on children.
These key findings have important implications for policy and practice. These implications are set out
below under the relevant findings, and could be used to inform and guide future policy and planning
relating to children in the Philippines and the development of more concrete and specific
recommendations for action. In order to ensure that the implications drawn from the study’s findings
are relevant and responsive to the Philippines context, researchers sought inputs from groups of key
experts and stakeholders during validation workshops that took place in Manila in August 2017.
The implications drawn out below represent a convergence of the authors’ own analysis, and inputs
from these groups of key stakeholders and experts.
364
July 2017
10.1 Enabling environment
A strong enabling environment, includes a comprehensive law and policy framework; the provision
and adequate financing of services for children; social-cultural norms that are supportive of children’s
rights; and the availability and use of a solid evidence base. Robust data collection and reporting
systems are essential to enable effective planning and targeting of resources for children and
families, for promoting children’s rights and for improving outcomes for all children. The study found
considerable gaps in the existence of an enabling environment for children.
10.1.1 Gaps in law and policy frameworks

It has been noted throughout the report that, generally, laws and policy frameworks in the Philippines
are comprehensive and supportive of children’s rights. Barriers and bottlenecks to the protection and
fulfilment of children’s rights tend to impede the implementation of laws and policies, rather than
stemming from gaps in the law and policy framework itself.
However, there are nonetheless a number of gaps and challenges. Criminal laws are not sufficiently
comprehensive, which reduces the legal protection to children against violence: corporal punishment
is not prohibited; the law contains a very low age of sexual consent (12 years); and criminal
responsibility for rape may be expunged if a perpetrator subsequently marries the victim. In addition,
the law does not recognise that boys can be victims of rape.
Other laws have had the effect of restricting access of children and adolescents to basic services.
Laws do not always recognise the evolving capacities of children and do not accord them the right to
independent access to services, including, for example, sexual reproductive health services
(independent access to sexual reproductive health services and products is restricted to those over
the age of 18).
Legal and policy frameworks in some areas appear to be quite fragmented and issue-specific, which
impedes the cohesive and cooperative working needed to address children’s issues comprehensively
and holistically. Child protection and social protection systems, for instance, are fractured into a set
of issue or programme-specific laws and policies. This lack of a joined-up and cohesive policy and
legal framework has led to a lack of coordination in the implementation of social protection and child
protection programmes.
It is also clear that the fragmented and issue-specific approach in sectors that are relevant to children
has resulted in a lack of focus on and inability to respond effectively to the multi-faceted needs of
particularly vulnerable or marginalised groups of children. In particular, insufficient attention has
been given the particular needs of Indigenous children, children with disabilities, urban poor, and
adolescents.
In addition, it was found that there is insufficient capacity and priority afforded to effective planning
for implementation of laws and policies. Too often, policies and laws have remained largely ‘on
paper’, as insufficient attention or effort is made to ensure that essential systems, frameworks and
finances are in place to ensure that a law or policy is able to be implemented effectively.
➢ Implications for policy and practice (law and policy frameworks)

• There is a need to review and amend criminal laws to ensure that they provide
comprehensive protection against all forms of violence against children and that they
provide equal protection to boys and girls;
365
• A robust review/assessment system should be developed to ensure that all new laws and
policies are child-sensitive, responsive to the gender dimensions of children’s issues and
sensitive to the needs of particularly vulnerable groups of children – this system should
include avenues for meaningful child and youth participation;
• There is a need to build capacity and improve planning at the stage of formulating laws
and policies relating to children: financial planning, allocating necessary resources,
ensuring structures are in place, including proper accountability mechanisms, effective
monitoring systems and the provision of training for those who will be responsible for
delivery of the new policy or law, etc.;
• There is a need to consolidate the multiplicity of laws relating to children into one piece
of legislation (e.g. a ‘Magna Carta for Children’). In particular, there is a need to develop
a comprehensive law and policy framework setting out the child protection system, and
ensuring a move away from an issue-specific and fragmented approach to child
protection;
• A legal review should be carried out to ensure that there are no barriers to children’s and
adolescent’s independent access to services, and that law recognizes the evolving
capacities of children and their ability to consent to receiving services and interventions.
10.1.2 Governance and coordination challenges

Strong institutions, good governance practices and robust frameworks for cooperation at all levels
are essential in ensuring that laws and policies are implemented effectively and that they are
translated into improved outcomes for children. Unfortunately, weak institutions, poor cooperation
and poor governance were found to be key bottlenecks to the fulfilment of children’s rights across
all sectors. The study found that delivery of basic services to children is hampered by poor
governance, with corruption, misallocation of resources, political instability, and uncoordinated
government agencies as some of the key governance challenges.
10.1.3. Lack of horizontal coordination

Providing services for children that are comprehensive and effective requires a coordinated effort
across multiple agencies, and also effective coordination across different levels of government. The
report found that, across the board, a lack of coordination between sectors and agencies at all levels
of government has caused challenges in delivering essential services to children and families.
Insufficient cooperation and coordination between government sectors and agencies has also
resulted in insufficient attention being paid to multi-sector issues, and a limited ability to address the
needs of children in a holistic and comprehensive manner – e.g. addressing determinants of health;
responding to the social aspects of poor nutrition and so on.
While there have been some good attempts to coordinate sectors better and foster more ‘joined up’
working between sectors, oversight or coordination bodies tend to suffer from a lack of capacity and
poor funding and have been hampered by the difficulty in stepping out of a culture of ‘silo working.’
Further, the multiplicity of formal structures, including coordination and oversight bodies, and lack
of clear demarcation between these bodies, has caused confusion, overlaps and gaps. The lack of
coordination between government agencies at the top level has filtered down and caused challenges
at the local level, impeding the effective delivery of comprehensive services for children and families.
366
July 2017
10.1.4. Impacts of devolution and lack of vertical coordination and integration

The report found that the devolved governance structure in the Philippines has created a key
bottleneck to the full realisation of children’s rights, with a negative impact on the quality of service
delivery to children and families. Particularly in areas that are devolved to LGUs pursuant to the LGU
Act 1991 (including health, WASH, ECCD and child protection), a lack of coordination and vertical
integration has caused fragmentation problems, impairing effective service delivery.
National level policies and laws are generally not effectively disseminated to the local level and have
been inconsistently interpreted and applied at the local level. Limited technical and human capacity
at the local level has left LGUs struggling to implement laws, policies and programmes for children.
Moreover, policies and programmes, even those within the same sectors (health, social protection,
WASH) are being implemented at different levels of government. These different programmes are
not generally well coordinated across the different levels of government, once again causing
overlaps, inconsistencies and gaps.
Weak supervision and monitoring of LGUs and weak accountability mechanisms has also created a
barrier to the provision of quality services for children and families.
Devolution has also entrenched inequalities: LGUs are heavily reliant on internal revenue allotment
and internal revenue is allocated to LGUs on the basis of land mass and population rather than
according to need-based calculations (e.g. according to levels of poverty and deprivation of services).
This has meant that well-resourced areas with strong LGUs are in a better position to provide
comprehensive services, but that LGUs with more limited budgets may opt not to prioritize social
services for children and families, and may lack the resources and technical capacity to implement
these services.
10.1.5. Other governance challenges

The report has found that a range of other governance challenges, including corruption, financial
mismanagement and a lack of oversight and accountability mechanisms, has limited the ability for
the Government to provide quality services to children and families.
➢ Implications for policy and practice (governance and coordination)

• It is necessary to improve coordinated working between different government agencies
on issues and programmes relating to children. In particular, there is a need to complete
a review of the multiple oversight and coordinating bodies relating to children and
children’s issues, and to streamline and harmonise multi-sector work across all areas. It
would be helpful to ensure that the national oversight body for issues relating to children
– the Council for the Welfare of Children – is sufficiently resourced and empowered to
encourage effective, cooperative working among the different Government agencies and
sectors in issues relating to children;
• There is a need for national and regional agencies to provide the necessary support and
capacity development to ensure that all LGUs are able to implement government laws,
policies and programmes targeting children and families effectively. In order to achieve
this, it is necessary to ensure that DILG and the relevant line Ministries have the mandate,
power and resources to support LGUs in implementing laws, policies and programmes for
children and families;
367
• There is a need to improve oversight and accountability mechanisms for LGUs to ensure
that there are strong incentives for delivering effective, quality services for children and
families and for achieving key targets in outcomes for children. Targets could be linked to
the SDGs;
• Improved transparency and accountability mechanisms are also necessary to tackle
corruption and financial mismanagement, and ensure the appropriate, efficient and
effective use of resources toward improving outcomes for children;
• Consideration could be given to changing the Inland Revenue Allocation formula so that
it is focused on need, in order to help reduce disparities in resources across LGUs and to
help reduce inequalities in outcomes for children.
10.1.6 Budgeting and finance

A well-resourced social services sector and efficient public finance management systems are essential
to ensuring that laws, policies and programmes aimed at fulfilling children’s rights are able to be
implemented effectively. However, the report found that social sector financing in the Philippines is
fragmented, often with insufficient government investment and high inequity, making this a core
bottleneck to the fulfilment of children’s rights.
Budget for social services for children and families

A fundamental barrier to fulfilling children’s rights and ensuring good outcomes for children in the
Philippines is the inadequate financing allocated to essential sectors. Health, social welfare / social
protection, WASH (especially sanitation) and ECCD, in particular, are sectors / services in which
budget allocations are inadequate and well below regional averages. Moreover, lack of analysis and
publication of a children’s budget (total government spend on children) has resulted in limited
transparency and accountability for adequate funding of children’s services and programmes.
The devolved governance structure, within which many social services are budgeted for and provided
at the local level by LGUs, has led to wide disparities in spending on social services. At the local level,
funding for services for children and families is dependent on local Chief Executives, and the level of
funding for devolved or partially-devolved sectors and services, including health, nutrition, WASH,
child protection and social protection, is highly variable. The disparities in budgets for social services
among LGUs is compounded by the IRA allocation formula mentioned above, through which IRA
funding for LGUs is not assessed according to need. Also, insufficient supervision of LGU spending
has made it difficult to ensure accountability for public expenditure on particular services and
programmes.
Budget utilisation and public finance management

There have also been challenges in utilising social sector allocations, due to strict procurement rules
and (in the education sector) centralised procurement systems, which are slow. This has resulted in
the failure to ensure the supply of essential services (schools, school supplies, WASH supplies and
infrastructure, health facilities and supplies and social welfare and child protection services), and
inadequate responses to emergencies. This is compounded by the fact that Government agencies at
all levels (particularly LGUs) lack the technical skill and human capacity to ensure sound public finance
management. Policies and programmes are often not properly costed, which inevitably impairs their
effective implementation.
368
July 2017
Concerns over financing in some sectors (e.g. health) has had implications in relation to emergency
preparedness and the extent to which social services sectors are is able to respond to and finance
vital services during emergencies.
➢ Implications for policy and practice (budgeting and finance)

• There is a need to increase government spending in the social sectors (particularly
health, nutrition, WASH, child protection and social protection) to ensure that quality
services are available to meet demand;
• It is suggested that a ‘child budget’ be presented by government at all levels to ensure
transparency and improve accountability for public spending on services and
programmes for children and families. Alternatively, it is suggested that social audits
of budgets be carried out by independent bodies. These initiatives could take place in
the context of existing mechanisms (e.g. the Gender and Development plans and
budgets);
• There is a need to build capacity and skills at all levels of government for improved
public finance management and planning;
• There is a need to improve oversight and accountability mechanisms of public
spending by LGUs;
• It is suggested that a robust review of the Procurement Law be carried out and
recommendations made for reform to improve efficiency of public finance systems,
while retaining transparency and anti-corruption safeguards. It is suggested that
special procurement rules be adapted to ensure that procurement challenges do not
undermine the ability for relevant agencies to respond swiftly in the event of
emergencies.
10.1.7. Lack of data and ineffective use of data

Robust data collection and monitoring systems, and effective analysis and use of data is important in
ensuring that government priorities are well informed, and that policies and programmes are
effectively designed and targeted. The report demonstrates that there are significant challenges in
the Philippines in the operation and quality of data collection systems and problems ensuring that
available data is properly used to inform programmes and policies.
The report identified limitations and challenges in vertical and horizontal information flows that limit
the ability for the Government to use data to inform programme and policy development. National
and local information systems are poorly integrated and weakly governed, leading to data gaps,
redundancies and duplications. There are also unclear accountabilities for data collection at all levels
of government.
There appears to be a lack of horizontal information sharing, with data collection systems existing in
sector ‘silos’, leading to an inability to track children through the relevant systems. This has also
resulted in an inability for government to use integrated, comprehensive data to gain rounded
understandings of issues: e.g. the social determinants of health; social aspects of nutrition; non-
income dimensions of poverty and so on.
The key underlying challenge with data collection, management and use is a lack of clear
accountability within government for ‘data’ and therefore an absence of a government framework
for overall leadership, quality control and oversight of government generated data. Data collection
and management is highly fragmented, and this has undermined the quality and use of data.
369
In addition, there is a lack of proper monitoring and evaluation of programmes, leading to inefficient
targeting of resources and a culture of failing to utilise the data that do exist.
Across all sectors, there is a lack of disaggregated data in particular on the situation of vulnerable
children, including children in conflict with the law, children in need of child protection services,
children with disabilities, IPs and children living in informal urban settlements in particular. This has
made the needs of these already marginalised groups of children invisible and has led to gaps in
policies and programmes that respond to their unique needs.
➢ Implications for policy and practice (data collection and use)

• There is a need to carry out a holistic assessment of data collection systems in the
Philippines in order to identify how to better ensure horizontal and vertical integration
of systems and identify gaps in data relating to children – this assessment should
include consideration of the extent to which current systems capture data relating to
particularly marginalised or vulnerable groups of children;
• It is important to ensure that a plan for addressing challenges in data collection and
management is developed, and that an adequate budget is available to implement the
plan;
• It is important to improve accountability and oversight mechanisms for data collection
and reporting, particularly at the local level – incentives or sanctions could be attached
to data submission requirements;
• It is important to ensure that issues relating to particularly vulnerable groups of
children are captured in survey and administrative data;
• There is a need to mandate an agency to have responsibility for managing and
oversight of data collection relating to children;
• There is a need to improve freedom of information and open data access.
10.1.8. Socio-cultural norms and practices

Social and cultural norms can support or impede the realisation of children’s rights. The report found
that a number of ways that social-cultural norms have created a barrier to the full realisation of
children’s rights in the Philippines. Certain norms impact on violence against children: the acceptance
of corporal punishment as a disciplinary measure was found to support physical violence against
children. Social and cultural norms that place women in a subordinate position to men can fuel
violence against women and children. Stigmatisation of violence, particularly sexual violence, can
lead to under-reporting and lack of access to justice for victims.
Social and religious norms also play an important role in determining health and nutrition outcomes
in the Philippines. For example, conservative socio-religious norms that stigmatise sexual activity
among young unmarried people were found to have a significant restrictive impact on access to
family planning services, by suppressing demand among adolescents and leading service providers
to deny access. Norms relating to gender roles that require women to take full responsibility for
household duties and childrearing can impact on children’s nutritional outcomes in a context in which
women are increasingly likely to be engaged in paid work outside the home, but in which their
household ‘responsibilities’ have not lessened.
Social norms relating to gender roles and expectations have also negatively impacted on educational
outcomes for boys.
370
July 2017
➢ Implications for policy and practice (socio-cultural norms and practices)

• It is important that policies and programmes be developed or strengthened which
focus on addressing socio-cultural norms and practices that impede the full realisation
of children’s rights;
• The role and impact of social norms and practices on children’s rights and outcomes
needs to be better understood: it is important that research be carried out examining
these norms and practices and drawing out lessons on how to address norms and
practices that impair the realisation of children’s rights.
10.2 Lack of supply of services to meet basic needs
The adequate supply of quality services for children and families, including education, health, WASH,
child protection and social protection measures and services, is essential in ensuring that the
Government meets its obligations to fulfil the range of children’s rights. In the Philippines, however,
lack of Government spending on social services, including health, nutrition, child protection, social
protection, education and WASH has led to a lack of supply of essential services for children,
especially in rural and remote areas. Inadequate supply of human and other resources has led to a
failure to ensure basic services for children are delivered. The supply of services is hampered in most
sectors by the fragmentation problems stemming from the devolved governance structure and lack
of vertical integration in service delivery.
10.2.1. Human resources

A shortage of quality, trained professionals at the local level has impaired the delivery of social
services to children and families. In some sectors, significant shortages of particular types of
professionals (e.g. doctors, dentists and psychologists; social workers who specialise in the delivery
of services to children and families; qualified childcare workers) across the country has impaired the
quality of service delivery. Ratios of professionals, such as health workers, teachers, social workers
and sanitation engineers to populations in many areas across the country are below relevant
Government targets and well below regional (i.e. SE Asian) averages.
Human resources are also unevenly spread throughout the country; remote and geographically
isolated areas, disaster prone and conflict-affected areas less appear to experience chronic shortages
of key professionals across all sectors.
There is also a shortage in the supply of well trained and qualified professionals; particularly those
who have specialist knowledge and training in providing services to children, adolescents and families
in need, in gender sensitivity, and in meeting the unique needs of marginalised groups, such as
children with disabilities and Indigenous children. Professionals in some sectors (WASH and ECCD in
particular) are paid quite low salaries and are not required to have university qualifications, limiting
the supply of qualified professionals in some sectors. Moreover, nepotism among LGU Executives
has meant that better qualified professionals may be overlooked in the interests of family and
political favours.
Lack of partnerships between government and civil society providers of social services has also led to
an inability to capitalise on the strong civil society sector in some parts of the country to strengthen
government service delivery and address gaps in provision.
371
10.2.2. Supplies, logistics and procurement

Supply chain bottlenecks have had a negative impact on the delivery of basic services to children and
families. Inadequate supply and logistics management systems have led to delays in getting essential
supplies (e.g. health, education, WASH supplies) to beneficiaries. This has resulted in stock-outs of
vaccines, essential medicines and medical supplies in health facilities, particularly in rural areas, and
lack of availability of education supplies, including textbooks and other resources. These bottlenecks
inevitably also affect demand: where children and families routinely experience lack of needed
medicines and supplies or lack of educational provisions in schools, they are less likely to see the
value in accessing these services.
Cumbersome procurement rules and systems have contributed to an inability to ensure essential
supplies for the delivery of quality social services. The procurement system is bureaucratic, strict and
slow, resulting in delays and an inability of services providers to acquire essential supplies. Delays in
procurement has led to an inability for some agencies (e.g. DepEd) to absorb their budgets, resulting
in significant underspends.
Moreover, planning is reported to be poor, with an inability to properly forecast demand, stocktake
and distribute supplies in order to meet demand. This lack of effective planning has also led to delays
in procurement. Limited technical capacity at all levels of government for financial planning and
management has contributed to poor planning.
10.2.3. Inequalities and disparities

The availability of quality social services varies considerably across the country; across the board,
supply of services is poorer in rural areas (particularly areas that are geographically isolated and
remote), and in informal urban settlements.
Services do not always meet the needs of particular groups of children: children with disabilities;
Indigenous children; street-connected children; and working children, causing them to miss out on
receiving services, entrenching their marginalisation and deprivation.
➢ Implications for policy and practice (inequalities and disparities)

• There is a need to carry out a national review of human resource gaps / shortages in
the delivery of services to children, possibly creating a strong incentives system to
attract and retain skilled workers to less ‘desirable’ areas;
• There is a need, in particular, to carry out a review of the standards on social workers
to population ratios and develop a plan to ensure full coverage of social workers across
the country. Consideration should also be given to the development of specialist social
workers for the delivery of child protection and social protection services, including
services for children in conflict or contact with the law;
• There is a need to consider how integrated packages of services could be developed
for specific groups of children: children with disabilities; adolescents; and Indigenous
children;
• There is a need to review and remove barriers to the provision of services by private
and civil society providers; there is also a need to develop a more joined-up approach
between government and non-government service providers in order to strengthen
the capacity of government for delivery of key services, ensure quality of services and
avoid gaps and overlapping systems and services;
372
July 2017
• There is a need to develop specialist positions in all sectors for the delivery of services
to children; there is also a need to improve training and skills among service providers
for working with children, and to sensitise professionals on gender and working with
marginalised groups of children;
• There is a need to review government procurement and distribution systems for the
provision of essential services and commodities for children;
• The incentivising and retention systems for professionals in rural and remote areas
should be revised and strengthened.
10.3 Demand-side barriers
While a supply of adequate social services is essential to fulfilling children’s rights, it is also important
to ensure that sufficient demand exists for these services. Parents, families, and communities need
to be aware of the importance of children accessing and using services – education, health, nutrition,
WASH, child protection and social welfare services; and need to know how to access services. Barriers
to accessing services, including cost, physical barriers and social and cultural beliefs or practices,
should also be addressed.
The report found a range of barriers across the country that restrict demand for essential social
services for children and families.
10.3.1. Awareness and knowledge

A lack of knowledge or awareness among caregivers and community members has created a barrier
to the full realisation of children’s rights and improved outcomes for children. For instance, lack of
knowledge on reporting abuse, lack of understanding of good nutrition and infant feeding practices,
limited awareness of the impacts of open defecation and poor hygiene practices, and limited
understanding of health issues and sexual health have all contributed to limiting demand for essential
services.
10.3.2. Financial barriers

Financial barriers were found to have restricted access to some services. Healthcare costs appear to
play a significant role in suppressing demand for basic health care services in the Philippines,
including through ‘informal payments’ or ‘donations’ made for subsidised public facilities. Food
insecurity faced by a large number of families in the Philippines is a significant barrier to adequate
nutrition, with such food insecurity exacerbated by financial burdens and access constraints.
Resource barriers has also impeded access to improved WASH.
10.3.3. Practices and beliefs

Social and religious norms play an important role in determining outcomes for children in the
Philippines. For example, as was noted earlier, conservative socio-religious norms that stigmatise
sexual activity among young (unmarried) people were found to have a significant restrictive impact
on access to family planning services, by suppressing demand among adolescents and leading service
providers to deny access. Stigma associated with violence, in particular sexual violence, has resulted
in under-reporting and limited demand for justice and social services.
Social norms relating to gender roles have also limited access to education for boys.
373
10.3.4. Physical access barriers

The geographical make-up of the Philippines as an archipelago with some small and remote islands
makes delivery of public services to children and families challenging. There is a lack of transport
infrastructure to get children to health facilities, schools, police and social welfare services in some
areas of the Philippines. Physical access barriers particularly affect Indigenous children; many of
whom live in geographically isolated areas.
➢ Implications for policy and practice (demand-side barriers)

• There is a need to ensure that relevant government policies and programmes focus
adequate attention on demand-side barriers to the realization of children’s rights;
• There is a need to develop and implement an integrated communications plan to raise
awareness and sensitize communities to violence against children and encourage
reporting;
• Platforms for community engagement for adolescents should be strengthened;
• Rights education and comprehensive sexuality education in schools should be
developed / strengthened and integrated into the national curriculum;
• The private sector should be engaged to promote key messaging on children’s rights
and to support the development of beliefs and practices that support children’s rights;
• There is a need to engage religious leaders in behavior change strategies;
• There is a need to ensure that policies and programmes relating to children have a
gender perspective and inclusion lens.
10.4 Barriers to the provision of quality programmes and services
It is important that key social services for children and families are of good quality; quality should be
constantly benchmarked and reviewed in a transparent manner. Across the board, lack of effective
M&E systems has limited the data available to review quality of services in the Philippines. However,
on the evidence available, it does appear that quality is a key bottleneck to the realisation of
children’s rights and improved outcomes for children. Education indicators, for example, teacher to
pupil and classroom to pupil ratios, and data on teacher and student attainment, indicate that
education quality is a significant issue that negatively impacts on outcomes for children. Lack of
quality monitoring is also a key barrier in child protection (alternative care services for children are
not always accredited or monitored); health care facilities, especially in rural and remote areas; and
WASH facilities.
➢ Implications for policy and practice (quality)

• There is a need to ensure that monitoring, evaluation and reporting systems are
embedded into policy development and service delivery;
• Improved oversight of LGU service delivery is needed along with incentives to meet
quality standards;
• There is a need to improve accreditation process and guidelines and compliance with
quality standards for key services;
• There is a need for the strengthening of child and youth participation to ensure that
laws, policies and programmes are of good quality and responsive to their needs.
374
July 2017
ANNEX 1: Ratification of Treaties relating to children

Treaty Signature Ratification Past reports Next report
date due
CRC 26 January 21 August 1st – due 19 September 1993, 19
1990 1990 submitted 21 September 1993 September
2nd – due 19 September 1997, 2017
submitted 23 April 2003
3-4 – 19 September 2007,
submitted 18 Jan 2008
CRC OPAC 8 September 26 August due – 26 September 2005,

2000 2003 submitted – 15 May 2007
CRC OPSC 8 September 28 May 2002 Due – 28 Jun 2004, submitted 24
2000 August 2009
CRC OP IC No No
(individual
complaints)
CAT 18 Jun 1986 1st – due 25 Jun 1988, submitted 13 May 2020
28 April 1989;
2nd – due 25 June 1992,
submitted 17 Jan 2008;
3rd – due 15 May 2013,
submitted 25 Nov 2014
CAT OP 17 April 2012 n/a
ICCPR 19 December 23 October 1st – due 22 Jan 1988, submitted Overdue
1966 1986 22 March 1988; since 31
2nd – due 22 Jan 1993, submitted October
26 August 2002; 2016
4th due 1 Nov 2006, submitted
12 Sept 2010
ICCPR OP 2 20 20 November n/a
(abolition September 2007
of death 2006
penalty)
CEDAW 15 July 1980 5 August 1981 1st – due 4 September 1982, Due July
submitted 22 October 1982; 2020
2nd – due 4 September 1982,
submitted 22 October 1982;
3rd – 4 September 1990,
submitted 20 Jan 1993;
4th due 4 September 1994,
submitted 22 April 1996;
5th – 6th due 4 September 2002,
submitted 27 July 2004;
7th – 8th due 1 September 2010,
submitted 16 Jan 2015
CERD 07 March 15 September 1st – due 4 January 1970, Overdue
1966 1967 submitted 24 March 1970; since 4
2nd – due 4 January 1972, January 2012
submitted 10 February 1972
375
Treaty Signature Ratification Past reports Next report

date due
3rd – due 4 January 1974,
4th – due 4 January 1976,
submitted 23 July 1976
submitted 25 January 1978
submitted 21 March 1980
7th – due 4 Jan 1980, submitted
29 January 1982
8th-10th – due 4 January 1984,
submitted 12 July 1985
11th 14th – due 4 January 1990,
15th – 20th – due 4 January 2006,
submitted 30 June 2008
ICESCR 19 December 7 Jun 1974 1st - submitted 3 October 1977 31 October

1966 2nd – submitted 17 October 1983 2021
3rd – submitted 6 April 1988
4th – submitted 28 Jun 1994
5th – due 30 Jun 1995, submitted
18 December 2006
6th – due 30 June 2013,
submitted 25 November 2014
CPRD 25 15 April 2008 1st – due 03 June 2010, unknown

September submitted 24 November 2014
2007
ILO No 138 4 June 1998 2019
ILO No 182 28 2019
November
2000
376

Situational Analysis of Children in The Philippines PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Situational Analysis of Children in The Philippines PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Situational Analysis of Children in The Philippines PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Situation Analysis of Children in the Philippines

Commissioned by: UNICEF Philippines

Cover Image: ©UNICEF Philippines/2016

© United Nations Children’s Fund, Philippines.

4.8.1. Status at a glance ............................................................................................................. 127

6.3.1. Access to sanitation in the Philippines ............................................................................ 184

7.4.3. Quality of higher and vocational education .................................................................... 260

9.4.3 Demand-side barriers ...................................................................................................... 362

DRRM Disaster Risk Reduction and Management

MICS Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey

SDG Sustainable Development Goal

1.2. Conceptual framework

background circumstances (e.g. gender, geographic location, socio-economic status, age, or

The analysis is also informed by:

➢ Role-pattern analysis: The identification of stakeholders responsible for/best placed to

Table 1.1 – Assessment and analysis framework by outcome area

1.3. Methods and limitations

1.4. Governance and validation

2.1. Geography and demographics

Spotlight issue: International and internal migration

Table 2.3. Migration of Filipino Workers Overseas, 2006 - 2015

2.2. Socio-economic context

The Philippines is a lower middle-income country58 with a fast-growing economy. According to a

Table 2.5. Human development index by province, 2009

0 100 200 300 400 500 600

Development planning in the Philippines

➢ Ensuring people-centred, clean and efficient governance

Magnitude (millions) Incidence (%)

Magnitude (millions) Incidence (%)

Source: Child Poverty in the Philippines Report/PovcalNET, World Bank Website

Table 2.10. Poverty Gap and Severity, 2006–2012

Poverty Gap Severity of Poverty

Table 2.11. Self-rated poverty, April 1983–March 2017

Table 2.12. Map of poverty incidence among families by region, 2012

Source: Geomaps (from Family Income and Expenditure Survey, 2012)

Table 2.13. Poverty incidence among population by region, 2015

Table 2.14. Gini coefficient in the Philippines, 1990 – 2013

0.5 0.52 0.5

Table 2.15. Income and expenditure by decile, Philippines, 2015 (%)

2.2.3. Labour market and employment trends

65 and over 2.4 2

45-54 10.8 7.5

15-24 11.7 6.8

Source: Philippine Statistic Authority, April 2016, Labor Force Survey

Table 2.17. Labour force participation by sector, 2016 (%)

Services Industry Agriculture

Source: Philippine Statistics Authority, April 2016 Labor Force Survey

Table 2.18. Unemployment Rate by Region: April 2016

8 7.3 7.5 7.5

2.3. Government and political context

Control of Corruption Government Effectiveness Political Stability

2.3.1. The Judiciary

Moves toward federalism

Philippines (2005), available at http://pcij.org/blog/wp-docs/Abueva-Federalism.pdf

2.3.3. Child participation in governance

Bottlenecks and barriers to participation

2.4. Legislative and policy framework and monitoring of child rights

Spotlight issue: Data collection and use in policy and programming

2.4.1. Monitoring mechanisms