The Republic of Mali and Political Instability
The Republic of Mali and Political Instability
The Republic of Mali and Political Instability
and processes.
Using the principles of good governance as an analytical tool, how would you
ASSIGNMENT
ON
ID: PG0219822
Outline
1. Introduction
5. Conclusion
Introduction
In Africa, as in every region, it is the quality and characteristics of governance that shape the
level of peace and stability and the prospects for economic development. There is no more
critical variable than governance, for it is governance that determines whether there are
durable links between the state and the society it purports to govern. The nature of governance
Legitimate authority, in turn, is based on accepted laws and norms rather than the arbitrary,
unconstrained power of the rulers. Governance also has an important regional dimension
relating to the institutional structures and norms that guide a region’s approach to challenges
In Africa, governance remains a major and critical challenge facing the continent. The people
have been denied and are continuously being denied good governance over the years.
Whereas, the continent has freed itself from the shackles of colonization several decades ago,
yet it has not been able to really chart a path for undisputable and functioning governance
The potentials for development that decolonization was envisaged to bring has been
jeopardized and missed in the face of governance failure. Hence, rather than make significant
progress, many African states look worse off when compared to their colonial days. While only
a few have made some level of progress, others have retrogressed significantly, raising
questions over justification for their independence, when actually they cannot take charge of
their affairs and people. The continent seems to have been placed under a curse of governance
capital development. The circumstance, therefore, that Africa is significantly lagging behind in
terms of quality governance explains the resultant lack of human and capital development so
visibly rampant on the continent. Challenges like corruption, democratic erosion, insecurity,
electoral violence, conflicts and manipulation, and state capture of institutions, among others,
Africans have continued to be governments for themselves, striving to provide for themselves
services and public goods which are ordinarily the sole responsibilities of the state. Nothing
could better describe governance failure. The series of challenges which continue to beset the
continent – infrastructural decay, dilapidated schools and hospitals, educational challenges, and
increasing crime rates, among others – speak to the high level of governance failure in Africa.
Despite the fact that Africa is blessed with massive mineral and natural resources, with huge
challenges, poverty, hunger, and debt (Antonio 2010). The absence of quality governance to
coordinate this caliber of population and exploit the abundant resources to drive development
has led to conflicts of various dimensions across the continent. Given this governance
challenge, natural resources have thus become a curse rather than blessing for Africa, often
spiking violent conflicts, most of which have last through several decades and impede
development among countries. Glaringly, Africa has continued to struggle with the political and
governance institutions and practices that were passed on to it by colonial masters, which
completely do not fit into the African system (Afegbua and Adejuwon 2012).
Africa’s conflict burden reflects different forms and sources of violence that sometimes become
linked to each other: political movements may gain financing and coercive support from
criminal networks and traffickers, while religious militants with connections to terrorist groups
are often adept at making common cause with local grievance activists.
The link between conflict and governance is a two-way street. Security challenges can impose
tough choices on governments that may act in ways that compound the problem, opening the
door to heightened risks of corruption and the slippery slope of working with criminal entities
The Republic of Mali is a landlock country in West Africa. The country is the eighth-largest
country in Africa, with an area of over 1,240,00 square kilometers. Its population is highly
disperse living in extreme poverty. Approximately, 60% of its people lived in rural areas.
Since Mali’s independence in 1960, Mali has had four significant rebellions. These rebellions
have left Mali in perpetual political, humanitarian, and social conflict. The most recent conflict
occurred in 2012 and continues today as the international community works to combat the
many issues hindering Mali from achieving sustainable peace. The fact that foreign intervention
is needed and that there have been numerous uprisings critical questions.
The causes of the 2012 re-emergence of violence in Mali are manifold. The first cause of
conflict is the continuous political corruption of Malian government officials. The second
involves the growing influence of rebel groups which implies the lack of a stable central
authority adequate to counteract insurgency in both the northern and southern regions of the
nation. Finally, the third cause relates to the worsening economic conditions that are partially
state-engineered but also connected with an ongoing humanitarian crisis in the region.
Corruption
between rebel groups and other citizens and the government. Political fraud can be found by
examining the legitimacy of the form of government and whether that government practices
laws. Mali transitioned to democracy in the 1990s, but this transition proved to be a façade.
After ten years under President Amadou Toumani Touré, the democracy failed (Chauzal and
van Damme 2015). One reason for this failure is that the democratic processes were not
legitimate. An interview included in the documentary “Return to Bamako” voiced that although
it was said that democratic elections were held in Mali, the elections were often influential
people with money bribing the citizens to vote for them (Return to Bamako 2017). Essentially, it
became that the rich and powerful gained political influence over Mali, rather than purely
Additionally, the government has failed to give equal political representation to all
Malians in these elections. Electoral zoning laws were passed that discriminated against many
groups Tuareg and Arabs. Representation of less densely populated areas was increased, which
drastically eliminated the Arabs in the north from having any political influence, but also
favored some Tuareg groups over others. Tuareg communities that immediately supported the
postcolonial Malian regime and were particularly violent against the aims of French
colonization were rewarded through these electoral zoning laws (Chauzal and Van Damme
2015). The electoral zoning laws are an example of corruption by political leaders as well as the
intentional political exclusion of some groups of Tuareg and Arabs in the north.
Rebel Activity
The rise of militant anti-state groups has also played an essential role in creating a security
crisis. Since independence in 1960, Mali has experienced four rebellions that have been
instrumental in continuing conflict in the nation. The first Tuareg rebellion occurred in 1963
voicing discontent with political representation. Rather than consider the demands of those in
the north, the government ignored them and chose to intimidate them via military force
The second Tuareg rebellion occurred from 1990 to 1996 (Chauzal and van Damme
2015). At the start of the conflict in 1990, the Tuareg developed an entirely recognizable and
unified political movement through the creation of a liberation group called, at that time, the
Popular Movement for the Liberation of Azawad or MPLA. MPLA was formed officially after an
attack in Menaka, a town in northern Mali, where weapons and vehicles were stolen from the
Malian armed forces. At the time of the attack, the rebels were not a recognized militant group;
the acquisition of weapons and vehicles from the state’s military led to their legitimization. In
response to the rebellion, the Malian government deployed two-thirds of its military forces to
limit and eliminate the rebellion’s influence. Many of the victims of the clash between the
military and the uprising were civilians; the incident impelled many people to join the forces of
what would later become the MPLA (Lecocq and Klute 2013).
Ten years after the second Tuareg rebellion, violence re-emerged in Mali. The Tuareg
movement was no longer unified as is evident by the existence of several militant groups on the
side of the resistance by 2006. Despite the disunity, we may understand this movement to be
the Third
Tuareg Rebellion. These groups include the Popular Liberation Front of Azawad (FPLA), the
Revolutionary Liberation Army of Azawad (ARLA), the Arab-Islamic Front of Azawad (FIAA), and
the Popular Movement of Azawad (MPA). Still, more groups formed in rebellion to the state. By
May of 2006, the internal divisions between the MPA and ARLA led to the creation of the
Democratic Alliance for Change (ADC), which then waged an attack on another rebel group
known as the GSPC or Algerian Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (Lecocq and Klute
2013). Additionally, Mali must face terrorist groups such as “Ansar Dine, Al-Qaeda in Islamic
Maghreb (AQIM), Al Mourabitoun, the Macina Liberation Front, and the Movement for
The growing number of insurgent groups is directly relatable to the immediate cause of the
beginning of the intrastate conflict in 2012. The National Movement of Azawad formed in
October of 2010 as a political movement that would demand autonomy in Mali through politics.
After the demands of the movement were ignored, more people joined the MNA and formed
MNLA or the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad. Rather than requesting political
autonomy and equity the way MNA had, MNLA declared that its purpose was to make Azawad
an independent state. (Lecocq and Klute 2013). In January of 2012, the MNLA launched an
attack in Menaka on a state military brigade (Chauzal and van Damme 2015). If the Malian
government were a strong central authority, it would have been better able to counteract
motivating factors behind the formation of these groups: the Malian government’s role in
engineering and augmenting an economic crisis that was heavily concentrated in the north. The
northern Mali and the failure of the National Pact of 1992”, (Lecocq and Klute 2013). The
Economic Conditions
Finally, the Malian government has exacerbated the economic conditions in the country due to
the lack of investment in the domestic economy. Most of the northern population in the
country are Tuareg and Arabs, and their contribution to the economy is driven by livestock and
agriculture as well as tourism, which makes up approximately 43 percent of the Gross Domestic
Product (GDP). Because tourism has significantly decreased, the income from these areas has
declined, leaving more than 8,000 people without a job by the end of 2011(Chauzal and van
Damme 2015). The Malian government is not investing in home-grown agricultural products,
which has upset many Tuareg because they struggle to provide for their families. One man
complained of being fed food from other nations when there is food on the farms in Mali, but
It is also true that the south is primarily dependent on gold export and cotton (Chauzal
and van Damme 2015). The Malian government then, by not investing in agricultural
production in Mali, effectively stifles the economy of the north, which is primarily Tuareg and
Arab. Furthermore, the prohibition of tourism by the Malian government also helped engineer
an economic crisis in the north (Chauzal and van 2015). Consequently, the financial situation in
Mali angers many Tuareg and Arabs and further encourages them to join the any one of the
growing number of anti-state militant groups. Such mobilization is a danger to the Malian
government because it causes a decrease in loyalty to the state and makes the northerners
more susceptible to receiving help from countries like Libya and Algeria (Chauzal and van
Damme 2015).
Regarding the forms of human rights violation experienced since the crisis began, children
especially have been denied access to education. Immunity cover were extended to relations
and supporters of the administration. Citizens experienced injustice and they used of firearms
Additionally, the study asked respondents whether they believe the current economic situation
in
Mali, marked by the rising inflation and unemployment is the major cause of the civil unrest.
Interestingly, It is true that unemployment, poverty inflation are the major causes of the civil
unrest in Mali because most young people who finished their studies in the universities can’t
get jobs, whilst terrorist groups are around proposing and enticing them with lots of money as
Mali?
Governance simply refers to structures and processes that are designed to ensure
empowerment, and broad-based participation. Governance also represents the norms, values
and rules of the game through which public affairs are managed in a manner that is
Dobrainsky (2003) outlines five key tenets of good governance for development assistance to
determine which countries will qualify for development assistance under the Millennium
Challenge Account, and these include free and fair elections; independent judiciary and the rule
of law; freedom of speech and press; absence of corruption; and government investment in
It must also be emphasized that, good governance and development should not be
based exclusively on economic growth. Through global persuasion, good governance and
necessitates “people empowerment” and “respect for human rights.” After all, economic
prosperity or the minimization of poverty and unemployment depends on how the state
unleashes the full potential of its human resource by recognizing their vital roles and according
The principles of good governance that can be applied to address the governance challenges in
Mali
Participation
Participation means active involvement of all affected and interested parties in the
effectively disseminated and people could respond in an unconstrained and truthful manner. It
also means gender equality, recognizing the vital roles of both men and women in decision-
making.
representatives. It is important to point out that representative democracy does not necessarily
mean that the concerns of the most vulnerable in society would be taken into consideration in
decision making. Participation needs to be informed and organized. This means freedom of
association and expression on the one hand and an organized civil society on the other hand
form of government is based on delegation of powers. This is one of the tool Mali could use
Rule of Law
Democracy is essentially the rule of law. It is through the law that people express their will and
exercise their sovereignty. Mali as a country can practice rule of law to achieve good
governance. The underlying democratic principle here, puts no one, however rich and powerful,
above the law. Not even the government can arbitrarily act in contravention of the law. Thus,
Good governance requires fair legal frameworks that are enforced impartially. It also
requires full protection of human rights, particularly those of minorities. Impartial enforcement
of laws requires an independent judiciary and an impartial and incorruptible police force. Rule
of law demands that the people and the civil society render habitual obedience to the law. It
also demands that the government acts within the limits of the powers and functions
prescribed by the law. The absence of rule of law is anarchy. Anarchy happens when people act
in utter disregard of law and when the government act whimsically or arbitrarily beyond their
powers. In more concrete terms, rule of law means “peace and order,” “absence of corruption,”
“impartial and effective justice system,” “observance and protection of human rights,” and
Rule of law also requires that laws are responsive to the needs of the society. Archaic or
This is yet another good governance principal Mali can adopt to ease its governance challenges.
It implies that: processes and institutions will produce results that meet the needs of society
while making the best use of resources at their disposal. The concept of efficiency in the
context of good governance also covers the sustainable use of natural resources and the
Good governance requires that the institutions, processes, and actors can deliver and
meet the necessities of the society in a way that available resources are utilized well. That the
different actors meet the needs of the society means that there is effective governance. That
the valuable resources are utilized, without wasting or underutilizing any of them, means that
there is efficient governance. Effectiveness (meeting the needs) and efficiency (proper
utilization of resources) must necessarily go together to ensure the best possible results for the
community.
Public service delivery, especially of front-line agencies, must promptly and adequately
cater for the needs of the citizens. Doing so requires simplified government procedures and
inexpensive transaction costs. Cumbersome procedures and expensive costs trigger corruption
and red tape. “Red Tape” refers to the disregard for timeframes in procedures by government
transactions. To further curb such possibilities, the government agencies must comply with
their citizen’s charter and use up-to-date information and communications technology to
reduce processing time. There must also be coordination among various government agencies
Transparency
Another good principle that can be apply in Mali to give citizens stability is transparency in their
information regarding decision-making process and the implementation of same. In legal terms,
it means that information on matters of public concern is made available to the citizens or
those who will be directly affected. It also means that transactions involving public interests
must be fully disclosed and made accessible to the people. It is anchored on the democratic
right to information and right to access of the same. Transparency is necessary not just from
government transactions but also in those transactions of the civil society and private sector
The reason why there should be transparency is to promote and protect democratic
ideals. When there is transparency, people are placed in a better position to know and protect
their rights as well as denounce corrupt or fraudulent practices in the public sector and in the
private sector.
Responsiveness
Responsiveness means that institutions and processes serve all stakeholders in a timely and
appropriate manner. It also means that actors and structures of governance easily give genuine
expression to the will or desire of the people. In other words, the interests of all citizens must
be well protected in a prompt and appropriate manner so that each of them can appreciate and
take part in the process of governance. While responsiveness is also a characteristic sought
from the private sector and civil society, more is demanded from the government or the public
Equity and inclusiveness mean that all the members of the society, especially the most
vulnerable ones or the grassroots level, must be taken into consideration in policy-making.
Everyone has a stake in the society and no one should feel alienated from it. Particularly, those
who belong to the grassroots level must not only be the subject of legislation but they must be
Social equity refers to a kind of justice that gives more opportunity to the less fortunate
members of the society. It is based on the principle that those who have less in life should have
more in law. Good governance demands that the actors must give preferential attention to the
plight of the poor. Laws must be geared towards this end and the society must actively
Consensus Oriented
Governance is consensus oriented when decisions are made after taking into consideration the
different viewpoints of the actors of the society. Mechanisms for conflict resolution must be in
place because inevitably conflict that will arise from competing interests of the actors. To meet
consensus, a strong impartial, and flexible mediation structure must be established. Without
such compromises, broad consensus cannot be reached that serves that best interest of the
whole community.
society in providing public services. Decisions-making must therefore entail recognition of their
respective interests as well as their respective duties. The essential of governance could never
be expressed in a unilateral act of policy making by the public sector or other dominant sectors.
Public hearings or consultations in arriving at a consensus are therefore inherently necessary in
Accountability
principle that every person or group is responsible for their actions most especially when their
acts affect public interest. The actors have an obligation to explain and be answerable for the
consequences of decisions and actions they have made on behalf of the community it serves.
institutions but also the private sector and civil society organizations must be accountable to
the public and to their institutional stakeholders. Who is accountable to whom varies
people they represent. Hierarchical accountability refers to the ordered accountability of the
various agencies and their respective officers and personnel in relation to their program
In conclusion, the principle of good governance is one of the greatest tools that could be used
to ease governance challenges in the sub region and Mali in particular. Though expensive
riding on these principles, but it will give the country some form of stability for free movement
of citizens and the discharge of their daily activities without fear of been victimize. This will
pave way for legitimate political authority and exercise of control over a society and the
management of resources for social and economic development for the benefit of the
citizenry.
Simply, it will allow the effective management of public affairs through the generation of a
regime (set of rules) accepted as legitimate, for the purpose of promoting and enhancing
The absorption of these practices will make Mali one the best countries in Africa per
democratic practices.
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