The Role of Good Governance in Conflict Resolution in Somali
The Role of Good Governance in Conflict Resolution in Somali
The Role of Good Governance in Conflict Resolution in Somali
Politics
Author Dr Abdifatah Ahmed Ali Afyare
Abstract
The role of good governance in conflict resolution in Somali politics explores the underlying
premise that the context in which a peace agreement is signed can have far-reaching effects on
the prospects for a sustainable peace. If the quality of governance in the context where the peace
agreement was signed is poor, then this can impair the implementation and consolidation of the
peace agreement. Thus, for situations where the settlement may be fragile and political and
security conditions may not be conducive to a resolution of the conflict but the international
community is still seeking to bring about peace, then attention needs to be given to what can be
done to improve governance in the hope that this may create an environment more conducive to
peace, increase confidence-building measures between the parties to the conflict, and thereby
increase the prospects of a sustainable peace. For the purposes of this study, governance is
defined by the United Nations Development Programme as being: the exercise of political,
economic, and administrative authority in the management of a country's affairs at all levels. It
comprises the mechanisms, processes, and institutions through which citizens and groups
articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations, and mediate their
differences.
1. Introduction
Clearly, the inconclusive debates will continue about the problems, their apparent lack of
wisdom, and results of Somali politics and the apparent capriciousness of its political leaders.
Critical inquiry into the nature of the political contestation and a focus on empirically identifiable
areas that are strong enough to eradicate the collapse are important. Also important is an
understanding of the nature of governance in resolving problems of Somali politics. If our
fundamental working hypothesis is to be given a chance, according to the constitution adopted
by the "National Conference of Traditional Leaders" in Djibouti, the State of Somalia is defined
as a sovereign, Muslim, unitary, indivisible, and democratic republic; represents the will of the
people; is founded on the Rule of Law, and guarantees the integrity, independence, and national
sovereignty of the country. The Somali people believe it to be a civil and societal mark of respect
and esteem, amply "a Somali State that was destroyed and a Sovereign State founded on the Rule
of Law today in 1990 and with the Meets of the Somali People in Djibouti, come together its
common destiny, its consent, and the bases of an alliance of its future with all of the other all of
those from led and lost had aspects and rights; decided to lead a peaceful life and collaborate
among themselves in the rule of law against any foreign influence as a party. (Nor,
2020)(SUNDAY)(Fiseha)(Bilali, 2020)(Abraha, 2022)(Záhořík, 2022)(Muthuri &
Hanif)(Mohammed & Yıldırım, 2023)(Arban and Dirri2021)(Seyoum2024)
The August 4, 2012 gathering of some members of the Somali Federal Parliament (SFP) in the
Kenyan city of Nairobi may not seem significant. Seemingly routine diaspora hawala visits
aside, however, the fact that the symbolic seat of the SFP moved from Mogadishu to Nairobi is
significant in the light of Somali politics. Historically, outside of harsh Sheikh-controlled eras of
local politics, Somali politics, this devolution of political power from the capital to a politically
significant center is unprecedented. The failure and subsequent collapse of the Siad
Barre/Marxists pan-Somali culminated over three decades of persistent political elitism and civil
war. It took the intervention of the United Nations and United States-led military commission in
1991 to dissipate the prospect of the total collapse of the Somali nation.
The political dynamics of the Republic of Somalia have been a cause of concern to the
international community since the early 1990s. In 1991, clan-based politics disintegrated the
Somali state. The public sector became privatized, and a war economy based on scarce and
abundant goods took root. The state, being the center of destinies and destinies of the clan,
created a political factionalism that has played a significant role in the Somali conflict. This is
because the government did not have a unilateral willingness to make political arrangements in a
federal, plural, and decentralized system of government.
Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a distinct shift in the theme of governance. The
political and economic changes in the shape and structure of governance of the developing
countries dominated the early 1990s. One of the required immediate impacts was the
unprecedented role of bilateral and multilateral agencies in pushing good governance onto the
international development agendas. Preceding this, excitement among many countries was
political liberalization that flowed around the globe. Very few countries could resist the growing
pressure from abroad and domestic demand for democratization.
Good governance is about the processes by which government, individuals, civil society
organizations, and the private sector work together to improve people's lives. Strong civil
societies characterize it. They undertake policies to improve democratic and governance
frameworks, restore war-damaged economies, rebuild infrastructure, and improve essential
services. The purpose of good governance is to encourage a stable social environment that is
conducive to political stability. For Somalia, the goal of establishing good governance is based
on several principles. Somalia is largely based upon the Westphalian model of statecraft from the
seventeenth century, the sovereignty of independent, defined landscapes established in mutual
recognition and reciprocity within a common international society.
There are different types of governance used by different scholars. There is international
governance, corporate governance, and several others. However, our focus will be good
governance which has been widely researched and recognized to be necessary for development.
Lipset (1959) has looked at the relationship of political culture as well as other aspects of the
socio-political system. He completely ignored the concept of public administration and intrinsic
aspects of governance mainly because Weber has treated it much in detail as pertinent to a given
political and economic system. North (1996, 1990) has emphasized that good governance is
essential for economic growth and prosperity. His observation is indicative of the practices of the
very few developing countries of Southeast Asia and especially the Republic of Korea, all of
which exhibited spectacular economic development for half a century and have now been firmly
established as a force to be reckoned within the global economic power.
Good governance in Africa, unlike elsewhere in the world, is indirectly linked to the democratic
system, while it is synonymous with economic development, political stability, and improved
national unity. African scholars and leaders have devoted much energy to re-establish peace in
different troubled societies. The prominent multilateral, regional, and national initiatives include
those of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD)/African Union (AU),
especially the work of the Peace-building Partnership for the Horn of Africa, and various UN
missions. These efforts have enjoyed a measure of success in illustrating that going back to the
basics of conflict generation still offers the development approach by addressing root causes of
both present and past vicious conflicts.
There are, however, numerous obstacles and difficulties that every regime in Somalia (new or
old) will face in their attempts to implement good governance ethics. First, powerful elite
supremacy needs to be relinquished in favor of a participatory, inclusive type of governance.
This kind of transformation weakens the power and authority of the old structures and the old
attitudes, behavior, and customs that ordinary citizens have long grown accustomed to while they
cling to the status quo. Somalis have a tradition of respect for the status quo, including strong
deference to tribal establishments, even as their material circumstances have become more awful.
Since time immemorial, the paramount chief has been the most powerful individual. In modern
days, the Somali warlords have stepped into this position. The problem with this type of
leadership is that it cultivates negativity in leadership and ignores the needs of the followers.
Such leadership appears on the surface to adopt some good governance principles. For instance,
warlords claim responsibility after crucial rights violations, which is the simple act of an
autocracy. Also, conveying resources to your subjects appears to be a sign of respect for others,
just as when warlords choose to share with people in order to gain followers.
After the deadly civil war and the absence of a central government, the Somali people are hungry
for good governance change. For them, a regime that practices fairness, justice, and participation
is one that practices good governance. They are craving a regime that will defend them when
they say, "re-echo our problems, acknowledge our sacrifices, recognize our hope, and validate
our aspirations: govern us but govern us according to our own perception of the right and just
way for governance." Yet, the prospects for good governance reform are a foremost topic of
discussion among both Somalis and the international community in their quest for viable country
solutions to the Somali problem.
This paper seeks to explore the inherent strength of Somali institutions themselves as a form of
governance at the local government and religious dimensions as a way to pave the way for more
promising roads to both state and peace-building in Somalia. The women's social forces, who
have all along held an outside role in Somali clan political process, could also play a positive
role, especially if their role is summoned in accordance with international conventions and
treaties. The paper argues that in Somalia, it is more cost-effective to rely on the inherent
traditional and Islamic governance principles than creating parallel institutions that do not reflect
local realities or reach out to the broader communities as they claim. For Somalia, it is possible
to respect the Somali institutions and to be in a blended partnership with them, and without
negatively influencing the Islamic traditions, to find ways that the society can start to permit
women to take up the ruling position. This attempt focuses on examining key Islamic principles
that may be applied to develop culturally and Islamic compatible good governance framework to
help build a lasting peace and a successful post-conflict development. The paper is principally
targeted towards the Islamic-based governance system and locally driven institutions in Somalia
and therefore covers a broad range of Islamic and traditional governance literatures relevant to
the Somali context.
Somali society is a combination of common practices, clan values, and customs, summing up a
rather elaborate system of exercising good governance which Somalis refer to as "six councils"
when translated literally into English. For the purpose of this paper, we combine these six
councils into five main characters of good governance: the local government/council, the
traditional council, the religious council, the women's council, and the elders' council. The
religious council is the highest consultative council at the national level, while the elders' council
is responsible for keeping the national reconciliation framework and reconciling and including
conflicting families. Women in the society are those who create balance in the family,
challenging the society to adhere to the communal good, preventing abuse of power, and
checking the use of force in order to silence power abuse within the family and the society.
5. Conclusion
The perspectives and remarks made suggest that in Somalia, while nation-state building,
governance reform, and the bottom-up and top-down reconciliation approaches are the most
fundamental challenges, the replacement of the international peacekeeping and nation-building
operation effort with a genuine democratic governance and economic and social development
strategy that is responsive to the needs of the Somali people is the most immediate priority.
Based on the democratic peace thesis and the notion of a strong correlation between good
governance and the prevention of internal conflicts, the study predicts that change towards good
governance and its main components would bring peace inside Somalia and its failed institutions,
and would set the slippery road towards the reactivation of democratic institutions. Therefore,
the new institutions would free the population from the fear of state arbitrariness, and the country
would ease into some area of good governance and speedy economic development.
In conclusion, this paper highlighted the essential elements of good governance and underscored
the possible contributions of good governance in Somali politics. Although good governance is
one among many necessary ingredients for peace and development, in the Somali context, our
analysis suggests that good governance is the overarching goal of peacebuilding, political and
state reconstruction, and is considered the most urgent national priority.
This article seeks to fill such a gap, examining the de facto governance mechanism in a post-
conflict setting where the capacity of the state is replaced by other actors and the coordination
challenges these actors face. Given that international agendas are not primarily aimed at filling
institutional gaps with a view to establishing a robust governance system, this will be addressed.
Key findings and future research recommendations are given in conclusion.
Similar confusion is demonstrated in the governance literature. The increasing variation of post-
conflict settings worldwide is challenging the limitation of single-government (at national,
provincial, or city level), unitary, and structural governance studies. There is growing awareness
of the need for multi-governance mechanisms in complex post-conflict settings, and the potential
impact network actors and public/private organizations can have on the process.
Studies on the governance of post-conflict settings have, in general, tended towards a "world-is-
best" case scenario, analyzing structural and ethno-empirical theories. They have paid little
attention to the contribution of micro-development actors. The role of providing basic service
delivery has often been overlooked and has been given only a small role in some advanced
peacekeeping missions. This, however, is a very crucial task given to peace organizations in the
governance studies of conflict-affected countries.
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