Dr. GARIGIPATI RUDRAYYA CHOWDARI ENDOWMENT LECTURE - 9 " MIGRATION OF TELUGU COOLIES TO COLONIAL BURMA, 1871-1947 ” By Prof. ADAPA SATYANARAYANA Department of History Osmania University HYDERABAD - 500 007 25" February, 2002 RAMACHANDRAPURAM, East Godavari District, A.P.limited period to Burmah from this district. They perform the voyage by steamer in about four days, the passage money is rupees 16 per head or about a month’s pay in Burmah. In two or three years they return to the district with from Rs.200 to Rs.300, clear of their debts, redeem their lands, and become useful members of society”. Likewise, the Collector of Vizagapatam mentioned that the “The emigration to Burmah is on the increase and the communication by steamer, which is now constant and regular, promises to be of great benefit in making accessible a country where comparative wealth is within the reach of industries peasants from this district”. In its report to the Government of Madras, the Board of Revenue commented: “For the northern districts British Burmah offers an ample field of labor at high rates of wage. The port of Rangoon can be reached from any one of the northern parts by steamer in a week. The emigrants there find large numbers of their countrymen already at work and they can return to their homes when they please”*, In the erstwhile Madras Presidency emigration to Burma was essentially a Telugu phenomenon in the sense that the overwhelming majority of emigrants were from the northern coastal districts of Ganjam, Vizagapatam and Godavari. According to the Madras Census Report (1921) approximately 5 per cent the population of Ganjam, and 3 per cent each of Vizagapatam and Godavari districts worked in Burma. Among all the Telugu districts, Ganjam alone sent the largest number of persons ee in any given year to Burma... Again, it was the only district in ich nearly 2 per cent of its population declined due to emigration to Burma during the decade 1921-31. The above 3 districts together contributed around 70 percent of labour migrants from this Presidency in the 1920°s. Available Census and other data also show that Telugu immigrants were by far the largest group among the unskilled and manual labourers of Rangoon city’. Telugus constituted about 12% of the total Popuiation of Rangoon, whiie that of the Tamii’s oniy i jate 19° century Burma had become an important factor in the iife of labouring communities/classes of northern Andhra districts. There did facilities and inducements for people to emigrate for a limited from these districts in times of famine, scarcity and dire distress. during the year 1876-77 (Dhata and Eswara of the Indian ler) a horrible famine broke out all over the south and the Telugu / when people died in millions’ . On the effects of 1896-97 famine of Ganjam wrote: “ In the famine years many people fromGanjam and Vizagapatnam districts migrated to Burma from the ports of Baruva and Calingapatam. In a large number of instances the coolies merely go for the harvest and return at the close, remitting large sums in the meanwhile to their families at home....This partly accounts for the large preponderance of Telugu women (Reddiki) on the [famine] works, Inquiries showed that in a very large percentage of cases their husbands were in Burma. Uriyas do not emigrate to Burma as freely as the Telugus”'°, Data on emigration amply confirms the increase of migration over time. Table 1 Emigration and Immigration to Burma, 1875-1929 (Quinquinnial Average) Years Arrivals in Departures from s, Burma Burma 1875-78 4,285 2,628a 1879-82 11,791 NA 1883-87 20,562 NA 1888-91 37,207 NA 1892-95, 47,178 39,207 1896-99 70,443 40,958 1900-04 96,158 67,555 1905-08 1,25,482 1,03,719 1909-12 1,31,548 1,15,050 1913-22b 1,13,377 1,09,020 1923-27 1,54,468 NA 1928-29c 1,50,576 NA Source: iled the Emigration and Immigration Reports oj Madras Presidency. Note: NA=Not Available; a=only for the year 1875-76; b=data for the years 1915-20 is not available; o=refers to only for 2 years. In fact, the largest number of Telugu-speaking communities outside the coastal Andhra districts of south India lived in colonial Burma during the pre-independence (1947) period. They were one of the largest ethno-linguistic groups among the Indians living in Burma during the 1930's. As per the Burma Census Report of 1931, the total Indian population ‘Was 5.22 lakhs, of whom Telugus were 1.32 lakhs (or 25%). The pattern 3of emigration of Telugus was different as compared to the other important south Indian community, i.e., the Tamils. For instance, since the middle ofthe 19" century Tamil lower caste indentured and free labourers mainly migrated to Ceylon and Malaya; while the Telugu coolies went to Burma. In other words what was Ceylon to the Tamils, Burma was for the Telugus. To draw a contemporary parallel just as the Gulf and Middle-East region is important to the Malayalees to earn money , in earlier days Burma was for the Telugus. If the Tamil labourers migrated to Ceylon to work mainly in the Tea estates, the Telugu coolies worked in the rice fields, dock-yards and urban sectors of Burma. South Indians were one of the important, and in some countries the major ethno-linguistic groups among, the Indians living in the above countries during the 1930’s and 1940’s. The pattern of emigration of Telugus was also different when compared tothe other important north and east Indian communities, viz., the Biharis. For example, since the middle of the 19" century lower caste indentured and free laborers from the coromandal coast migrated mainly to Burma, Malaysia, Mauritius and South Africa; while the coolies from U.P., Bihar, Bengal etc., went to the West Indies, Caribbean Islands and Fiji in large numbers. The south Indian coolies were primarily drawn from among, the lower sudra and dalit castes/communities and majority of them, i.e.; around 90% worked as unskilled labourers. In terms of caste-community background and social composition majority of them were drawn from among the following castes of coastal Andhra: Agnikula-Kshatriyas, Setti-Balijas, Tsakals, Telaga-Naidu-Kapus, Malas and Madigas. However, few upper caste persons belonging to the Brahmin, Vaisya- Komati, Reddy and Kamma also migrated to Burma. Whereas the lower sudra castes and the dalits mainly worked as unskilled/manual labourers, the upper-caste persons worked mostly as professionals, employees, contractors, traders etc. As manual labourers in Burma the Telugus dominated some fields and sectors such as, rickshaw- pulling, paddy fields, rice mills, port and dockyards, sweeping and scavenging. Telugu migration to Burma was basically male-dominated. Unlike the Tamil plantation workers in Ceylon, Malaysia etc., who had ‘settled with their families in the plantation areas as indentured and estate laborers, the Telugu labourers in Burma were relatively free and temporary ‘employees. As Huge Tinker put it they were “birds of passage”! '. They hhad mostly emigrated in single person (Male) and stayed on in Burma 4 Tefor few years. They worked as laborers in as many fields as possible to earn money and save. Thus among the Telugus in Burma the sex-ratio was relatively less: for every 100 Males there were only 21 females, as compared to 43 for 100 Tamil males. According to Burma Census 1911, among the Telugus there were 16 women and every 100 men'?. A Government official remarked that the Telugu labourers “leave their wives and families in this country during their absence and if need be, they have no hesitation in either returning to Burmah themselves for a time, or in sending a male member of the family to realize a little purse”!>. Moreover, in the case of Burma the emigrants generally men, leave their families behind and they used to come and go on with the season and remit large sums to their dependences at home. Census figures also indicate lower sex-ration among the Telugus living in Rangoon. There were 16 women for every 100 men, but among the Tamils there were 39 Females for every 100 Males. The main reason for low rate of migration among women seems to be more socio-cultural than economic “Early marriages, caste pre-judices, ignorance, a natural love of home and shrinking from the unknown dangers and difficulties, which consider in separable from the ability to earn an honest livelihood abroad, combine to make the respectable female classes, as rule unwilling to quit this country under ordinary circumstances”'*, Most of the women were drawn from the lower sudra castes and untouchable communities like Settibalijas, Telagas, Kapus, Malas and Madigas. The local press and the contemporary writings did reveal that nearly 50% of the Telugu female labourers worked as prostitutes and the rest worked as maid servants and menial workers, The gender dimension of emigration is a fascinating aspect which requires further deeper study. Push and Pull Factors In order to understand the nature of emigration in the colonial context it is necessary to provide a historical account of the migrant labor communities from the Andhra coast to Burma. Hence this paper also seeks to provide a systematic analysis of the actual causes and motivation for emigration. In the existing studies only a general description of the reasons for emigration is given in terms of “push” and “pull” or supply and demand factors. Most studies on emigration do not explain and fail to link up the specific events and groups of migrants as well as the areas of origin, Available studies on migration do not explain, for example, what eSfactors prompted specific Telugu-speaking communities to migrate to Burma in the 19th-20th centuries? Was it mainly due to push or pull factors? Whether emigration was caused mainly and/or only by the economic factors? Was it only due to the attraction of material advantages that the lower castes emigrated to Burma? Whether social and cultural factors also contributed for it? Certainly, all the emigrants were not influenced and motivated by any one single factor. As far as the coastal Andhra region was concerned, it may be said that the lower caste emigration was caused by “push” factors, while the “pull” factors attracted the upper castes. Particularly for the lower castes like dalits emigration also meant escaping from caste oppression and exploitation. Emigration of lower caste people was also necessitated by their poor economic conditions as well as unfavourable agricultural conditions. As most of them did not have cultivable lands of their own, they were forced to work as agricultural labourers. The general social dislocations and economic distress like famines, draughts etc., compelled the poor among, these communities and castes to migrate to Burma. It was a sort of “shoveling out paupers”. The largest agricultural labour castes in Andhra districts belonged to the lower sudra and depressed castes. Among the depressed castes the Malas were dominant. Although the laboring classes servitude was less widespread and harsh in Telugu areas than in the Tamil region, Malas in some districts of coastal Andhra were held in debt and hereditary servitude. The Mala agricultural laborers were in fact worse off and employment for them was highly uncertain and irregular. The wages of untouchable labourers, which were normally Paid in kind, were considerably lower than those eared by agricultural labourers of the sudra castes and most sudra labourer lived at subsistence levels. It has been estimated by Raghavaiyangar in his study, on the of the Madras Presidency Durin; of British Administration that wages for untouchables were as much as 25 percent lower than those paid to Sudra caste laborers for similar tasks. In many parts of south India Powerful social sanctions prevented low-caste laborers from owning land. Because they were landless and possessed no definite source of employment in years of famine and scarcity, which were frequent in Madras Presidency during the late 19" century, Malas and other lower ‘caste groups either found employment on government works oremigrated ito other places. Studies on Indian famines have also shown that low- caste labourers were the most affected throughout India. As far as the lower caste agricultural laborers were concerned, migration to southeast Asia certainly provided better economic opportunities and potential social mobility that were denied to them in their native places. As casual workers or coolies in Burma they could and did earn relatively higher wages in agriculture, industry, ports, docks etc., and the rates paid were determined according to the amoynt and type of work done and not on the basis of caste rank. Therefore, it can be said that in many respects lower caste labourers of Andhra districts were better able to respond to opportunities in Burma than other groups. Many laborers from coastal Andhra districts emigrated also because friends or/and relatives who had previously been to Burma.and Malaya told them of the high wages obtainable there and assured them that employment could easily be found. Thus, there was continuous and unbroken stream of emigration especially from the coastal region since the late 19th century! ’. In Burma rice mills, saw mills, dock-yards, refineries etc., were some the major industries which employed the Telugu labour' °, But the owners of such enterprises rarely recruited the labour they needed directly. Instead, they depended mainly on the persons known as cooly maistries and other labour contractors for the supply of labour. The maistry system of recruitment was comparable to other systems like Kangani (Malaya), (Assam), and jobber (Bombay). These maistries acted as the most important mediators between the employers and employees. Kondapi opined,” In the maistry system...the labourer in fact was the servant of his contractor and not of the mill or firm. The extent of the maistry’s control and his opportunities for extortion are evident from the fact that he controlled the disbursement of wages, besides being vested with an arbitrary power of selection and dismissal of labourers”! ’. They usually recruited the required labour mostly in the villages of coastal districts of Andhra and sometimes in Burma according to their convenience. For their services the maistries received hefty premium and commission. A close examination of the structure and function of maistry system which dominated labour recruitment and supervision reveals that it represented a distinct caste/cultural arrangement. Indeed, maistries who had an presence in the landscape of capital-labor relations were 7not the “outsiders”, but were an integral part of the caste/clan system networks of local society of rural Andhra. About the working of the ‘maistry system a prominent labour leader of Burma, Narayana Rao wrote thus: “when labour has to be recruited in India, the labour contractor advances the funds needed for transportation and food during the voyage. He also arranges for the payment of any small sums the labourers need for the maintenance of their families left behind, till they make remittances from Burma, or for the clearance of any small debts they might have contracted in their villages. Maistry borrows large sums of money for the purpose of recruitment and makes advances of course with a view to recover them later on from the labourers. The labourers reach their destination and start off with a debt equivalent to the advances. In other words, they are charged with all the expenses incurred on their behalf by the maistries for transportation, food, ete. There will hardly be a labourer without debt-a debt equivalent to transportation charges and expenses for foods, leaving along the sums advanced for paying off debts in their villages”! * In addition to the recruitment by maistries and other brokers, there was also a certain amount of voluntary migration. It may also be pointed out that a good many of the labourers were free persons in so far as they emigrated without the intervention or mediation of the agents of the shipping companies and/or labour contractors. Although some of these labourers after arriving in Burma might fall into the hands of the brokers and their debt-trap. However, the favourable working conditions and better ~ wages in Burma had attracted (pulled) many of the Telugu labourers. Available information amply indicates that factory work in Burma was well paid when compared to the employment in rural Andhra. It has been estimated that manual and unskilled labourers in Burma earned 3 to 4 times the wages they received in their native villages. For instance, an agricultural labourer in Vizagapatam district was paid about 4-5 annas Per day, while in Burma the daily wage of a dock-worker or rice mill worker was about one rupee,i.e, 16 annas'®. “It is a fact that several from Ganjam District do annually embark from Bimlipatam and for Burmah where the demand for labour is great and the better...In Burma a common labourer gets 6-8 Annas a bee mee more..” wrote the District Collector of Vizagapatam ©. A comparison of the wages in Burma and the Andhra districts this.Rice Mills, Rangoon a‘ Unloading paddy from boats and 75 annas per 100 baskets Storing in godown. Transferring paddy from godown to huller 8 _annas In boiling paddy Stevedore Labour (Rangoon) Daily Rs. A. P. Cooly be sldyl) Stower De olSe Orgs © 0-0 Gang maistry Lag Winchman 2 20 Dock maistry eds 9 Souree:- A. Narayana Rao, Indian Labour in Burma, (1933) and Contract Labour in Burma (1930). Hence, there was a continuous stream of emigration owing to seasonal conditions and to the greater demand in Burma for labour in rice mills, dockyards and other sectors. The fact that a large number of Telugu- speaking communities lived in Burma over a long period of time also resulted in the formation of a distinct immigrant community. Majority of the Telugus who settled there for generations worked in diverse fields as labourers, petty-traders, artisans and so on. Some of the prominent Andhras were elected to the Burma Legislative Council, Rangoon Muncipal Corporation and other bodies. They also played an important role in the political, socio-economi and cultural fields of Burma as labour leaders and activists. In fact, wherever they went, the Telugus carried with them their language and culture and sought to preserve them, yet they identified themselves with the new environment and culture. When I spoke to the Burma repatriates during my field work in Vizagapatnam and Kakinada, many of them narrated their experiences in terms of peaceful co-existence of various ethnic groups, harmony and mutual interdependence. Nevertheless, the distinct Telugu identity in colonial Burma was constructed and articulated through the discourses of various socio-cultural and religious organisations. They tended to foster cultural unity among the Telugu-speaking communities cutting across caste and _ class distinction. Language, kinship-bonds, caste-community affiliation and ancestral origin also became significant symbols for the construction 10 iof a separate Telugu ethnic identity and consciousness. Several Telugu Associations were established mainly for the socio-cultural and Intellectual development of the Telugu inhabitants. The formation of Telugu associations like The Andhra Mahasabha, Andhra Mahajana Sangham, Andhra Social Service Association, Andhra Buddhist Samajam, Burma Andhra Seva Samiti, Burma Andhra Yuvaka Brundam, Andhra Sangham etc. facilitated the preservation of distinct culture and identity of the Telugus in southeast Asian countries during the period under consideration.*' Although ethnic and racial relations and socio- cultural inter action between the Telugu immigrants and native people of Burma, by and large remained peaceful, but in times of crisis there were tensions and conflicts. The plural society of Burma did not remain static and-unchanging throughout the period under study. Changing migration pattern and growth ‘of competition led to intensive ethnic and inter-racial hostility and antagonism. The onset of world economic depression in the 1930’s witnessed great socio-political turmoil in Burma. It also caused intense rivalry between natives and immigrants in terms of employment opportunities. Anti-Indian and Anti-Telugu (Coringhee) Riots broke ‘out in Burma in the 1930’s.°? Yet it must be said that the lower caste labourers, in particular immensely benefited both materially and culturally by staying in Burma. For, they did not experience any caste or social - discrimination. After a couple of years of residence in Burma, when they returned to their native places members of the lower castes and dalits began to question and oppose status quo and caste system as well as play a significant role in the social reform movement in their home country (Andhra). The “Burma factor” had an important bearing on the growth of dalit (lower caste) liberation movement in Andhra during the pre-independence period. The Adi-Andhra movement in colonial ‘Andhra derived both moral and material support from Burma immigrant laborers. Similarly, the growth of Buddhism among the untouchable laborers in Burma is an extremely important aspect of socio-cultural awakening, The immigrant laborers rejected their low and undignified “status accorded to them by Hinduism and embraced Buddhism as an alternative and emancipatory religion? ’. Thus an attempt must be made by scholars to explore the cultural and religious life experiences of the i laborers. “Rags to Riches”: Success Stories of the Telugu ainBurma: _ [tis interesting to note about the biographical accounts, life histories and/or experiences of some exceptional and leading Felugu immigrants and their economic, entrepreneurial, intellectual and socio-cultural achievements. A narrative account is possible on the basis of some family records and oral evidence. There were many instances of socio-economic mobility among the immigrant laborers in Burma. The stories of “rags to riches” need to be contextualised. The upward mobility was possible because of the favorable socio-economic set up in the host countries. For example, in Burma there was no caste system the main obstacle for the socio-economic mobility of lower castes in India, Migration had also brought about new socio-cultural awakening among the immigrant laborers. Abroad, even as coolies in Rangoon (Yangon) they had considerable social and cultural freedom. The life history of Malladi Satyalingam Naicker - a native of Korangi village in the East Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh - was a coolie who had been transformed into a business magnate is an illustration of the fact that migration acted as social change. Let me quote a memoir": “fate began to mould Satyalingam into the pattern through which she could draw out the best in him. Satyalingam, the adventurer, ...got himself engaged as a rating in a country boat going from the river Martaban into the interior of Burma. He was in service for five ‘years till he was twenty and could lay by a thousand rupees... The shrewd Satyalingam understood the importance of Rangoon and shifted his business to this place from Moulmein. With the savings he had at Moulmein, he bought a second hand boat and got it repaired. With this boat, he used to transport the goods from the mills to the steamers inthe Ocean. Within a year he could clear off the debt incurred for Tepairs to his boat and also purchase another such boat. Within four years of his settlement at Rangoon, he became the owner of four boats. Now he took up contract business for conveying the goods of Companies into the steamers and from the steamers into the town. He could find employment for other boat-owners as well and thus began to earn, Satyalingam’s integrity in business-dealings soon won for him the respect and confidence of European business-magnates. An English firm had recently set up a rice mill at Pasindah, in Rangoon. Its manager with whom Satyalingam had transactions prevailed upon 2 _Batvalingam to undertake the business of suppl labour to the mill eeon contract basis. About four thousand mill-hands were needed, And though he had started this contract with diffidence, it soon began to bring hima rich harvest in turn. He was now not only a contractor in boat business but also an agent to supply labour to the factories. In two years, he amassed more than a lakh of rupees. Satyalingam used to lend up to Rs.50,000/- to the mill itself. However Satyalingam’s sheet anchor was boat contract. Gradually he got constructed eleven strong boats, each to hold three thousand bags at a cost of Rs.10,000/- each. He also purchased two steam launches for about one lakh of Rupees..... Satyalingam, the good-for-nothing lad of Coringa was now the master of lakhs. Satyalingam had his monetary transactions with the Chettairs who were the business princes in Rangoon. He saved his earnings under the care of these business people who borrowed large sums from him at a reasonable rate of interest. Satyalingam strictly collected the interest on his capital once in every two months; and investing this on his boat contract business, again would lend the returns therefrom to the Chettairs, Satyalingam adopted a very shrewd method in such dealings. He would never lend money to any other than a Chetti. He would gauge the financial stability of the borrower first; and on being satisfied that the Chetti is worth 20 lakhs, he would lend one lakh to him.... His mind was like a bureau containing all sorts of things... Having elicited from his crew how much each boat had imported or exported he would in no time calculate the amount that each of his boats should get for the assigned task. Having thus lucidly planned-out what amount each boat should bring, he would verify his mentally worked-out figure with the actual figure in the bill....Another source of his income was from his innumerable houses in Rangoon fetching him a large monthly rent. Through these different sources his property gradually mounted to lakhs. Satyalingam travelled a long-way to achieve success in life, as he was a kalasi for some time, a boat-builder and then a contractor for supply of workers to the British rice mills and naval yards and by happy combination of circumstances a thriving business man. His rise clearly indicates that for the adventurous persons migration provided immense benefits and caused upward social mobility. Moreover, “this great man of destiny was self-made every inch. His memory will be a beacon to ‘the Andhras who cherish the glory of his achievements in their hearts. SSain of inspiration for future generations and servi A poet described The story of his life will be a foun in his example for self-help, sacr and praised his munificence thu To the illiterate, he gave a school To school their passions And to the poor a choultry To quench their thirst and lunch And to the scholar vedic A school of traditions to stick to And to the religious, he built temples A trust he formed 6 That stood the test of time Similarly some of the emigrants from West Godavari district, namely the Bhumanchi Reddies also made fortunes in Burma as contractors and industrialists by didn’t of hard work. Redddi Rani, a monthly journal provides interesting accounts of poor people (Reddies) who went to Burma amassed wealth and became rich. Gudimetla Peddi Reddy and Karri China Venkata Reddy belonged to this category’. The Godavari district (Anaparti) Reddies who were involved in the timber trade were also said to have become immensely prosperous. Especially for the lower castes and dalits emigration was quite beneficial because after a few years stay in Burma they returned with hard cash with which they bought plots of land for cultivation on their own. That is why we find “Dalit landlords” in some of the villages of Sakinetipally and Amalapuram mandals of East Godavari district. It has been said that “When migration began the dalits took to it quickly. Many others feared losing their caste by going overseas. The dalits had no such status to lose. Before the Gulf, they went to Burma (Myanmar). Abroad, even as coolies in Rangoon (Yangoon), they had great social freedom. So they began questioning the status quo at home”?*. To conclude; the above illustrations indicate that emigration encouraged a spirit of enterprise and independence. Every successful ‘emigrant who returned spread such a feeling. They became role-models and standing examples of self-reliance, hard-work and trust. On the whole, itcan be said that migration to Burma provided the Telugus better Opportunites and potential social mobility that were denied in their native places. As migrants workers they were able to earn higher wages and aoe In many ways lower caste labour communities were able to Sd a’respond positively to opportunities abroad. In fact, more than the economic and material benefits, emigration did instill a sense of independence, equality, self-respect and dignity among the people in the lower caste and classes who went to Burma. NOTES The Telugu speaking people in Burma were known as “Coringhees” to the local people as well as the press and Government. Since the Andhra migrated in earlier times from a port called Korangi in the present day East Godavari District of Coastal Andhra Pradesh in South India, they were identified with that place. In Burmese language Coranghee-Kala means the person who came from Corangi. How- ever Telugus felt it as a represented and requested the Burmese govern-ment not to call them as Coranghees but as Telugus. See B. Laxman Rao, Burma Andhrulu (Telugu), Vijayawada, 1992, p.30-31. “The Telugu people too have been migrating since times immemorial were great seafarers and even during the age of the early Kalingas and Ikshvakus they were migrating to various countries..... Burma ‘held out a charm for the Andhras for a long time and since 1824 when the British founded their colony there, Andhras had been migrating there. In fact it was an ambition for most of the coastal, people to migrate to ‘Rangam’ (Rangoon or Burma)’, See G. Krishna, The Story of Telugus and their Culture, Hyderabad, 1983, p.214-16. - GO. (Public) 120-26, 28-1-1878; G.O. No.99, 19-1-1989; G.O. No.64, 17-1-1878; G.O.No.110, 2-1-1878; G.O.No.694,, 23-4-1878. - G.O.(Public), 263, 14" March, 1876. . Ibid. . Ibid. . - Census of India, 1921 (Madras), vol.12, part-l, p.24 Telugu Vani, 1992, p.120. . A. Ramapathi Rao., Presidential Address, Modern Andhra History, AP History Congress Proceedings Volume No.XXI, 1997, p.73-74. Report of the Famine in the Madras Presidency, 1896-97, Vol.|I, Part- Ml, p.19020. ". H.Tinker, The Banyan Tree Overseas Emigrants from India Pakistan, And Bangladesh, Oxford, 1997; See also M. Adas, The Burma Delta: ere ltee SRR PIT Economic Development and Social Change on an Asian Rice Frontier, 1852-1941, Madison, Publishers, 1974, p.99. Telugu Vani, 1992, p.120.; “It will be noticed that for Indians born in Burma there were about nine females to every ten males, whereas in the case of Indians born outside Burma the proportion was less than ‘one female to five males. The significance of a sex disparity of this magnitude on the growth of the Indian population in Burma is obvious when it is remembered that the “born out" Indian population represented some 62 per cent of all Indians in Burma at the time of the 1931 census"; See also B.Pearn, History of Rangoon, Rangoon, 1939, p24. GO. (Public), 263, 14" March, 1876. '. Ibid; Also See Krishna Patrika, 4" August, 1923; Indian Review, November, 1928. . A. Narayan Rao, Contract Labour in Burma, Madras, 1930; See Also Indian Labour in Burma, Rangoon, 1933. Ibid. . C. Kondapi, Indian Overseas 1839-1949, Calcutta, 1951, p.47. . A. Narayan Rao, Contract Labour. p.14-15. The Emigration and Immigration Reports of the Madras Presidency, 1926, p.3 and A. Narayan Rao. G.O. (Public) 263, 14" March, 1876. ~ KK Murthy,, Burmalo Telugu Vani (Telugu), Hyderabad, 1977, p.77- 132 and also See B. Laxman Rao, Burma Andhrulu. p.31-41 B. Laxman Rao, Burmalo Andhrulu, p.37, Personal Field work in Vishakapatnam, interview with C. Arjun Rao. Sri Malladi Satyalingam Naicker: A Memoir, Kakinada, 1962,p.3-7 Sri Malladi Satyalingam Naicker ‘Souvinier sind /inier, 2000, p.48. Reddy Rani, Vol.| & II, 1924-25. The Hindu, August, 16 1988. 16Prof. A. Satyanarayana took his Master's Degree from Osmania University in 1976. In 1979 he was awarded M.Phil. by Jawahar Lal Nehru University Delhi, He completed his Doctoral Thesis at South Asia Institute, Heidelberg University, Germany in 1983. He is proficient in Telugu, English, Hindi and German Languages. He joined as Lecturer in Department of History, Osmania University, Hyderabad in 1984 and to date he is a part of the Department as Professor of History. He guided 15 M.Phil. and 8 Ph.D. theses since 1984. Prof. Satyanarayana was resource person for many International Seminars held at Netherlands, Germany, Japan and Belzium. He also presented papers in several National Seminars and Workshops. He has published two books and many articles in professional Journals. His areas of work include Indian political, economic and social history, on caste issues, agrarian problems, labour migration and historiography. He is also involved in Preparation of course and instructional material for students of UG and PG at distance education centres and Open university, Hyderabad. He contributed in the Preparation of History Text Books by Telugu Akademi. He is a member of Editorial Advisory committee of Osmania Journal of Historical Research and an editor and co-editor to a number of volumes of historical importance.