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Oceanography of the
Mediterranean Sea
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Oceanography of the
Mediterranean Sea
An Introductory Guide
Edited by
Katrin Schroeder
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche-Istituto di
Scienze Marine (CNR-ISMAR), Venezia, Italy
Jacopo Chiggiato
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche-Istituto di
Scienze Marine (CNR-ISMAR), Venezia, Italy
Elsevier
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ISBN: 978-0-12-823692-5
Index...................................................................................................555
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Exploring the Variety of Random
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his company with a few of his luminous notions on the subject of
“Parliamentary Reform;” being pleased to intimate that “as far as the
suffrage was concerned, Lord John Russell had proposed a five-
pound rating claim;” but Mr Cobden “would rather have a five-pound
renting clause—a franchise which would go, he thought, almost as far
as any gentleman in that room practically expected or probably
wished—at present.” Mr Cobden concluded with coarse and insolent
invective against the Chancellor of the Exchequer. “If there is a man
in this country—a politician who has suddenly jumped to an elevation
which I predict he will not sustain—who may be called a dangerous
revolutionist, if he have the opportunity—it is he! The strangest
revolution I have seen, was when I found the great territorial party
declaring intellectual bankruptcy and proclaiming political suicide, by
naming Mr Benjamin Disraeli as their chief! And if it were not for the
steadying, ballasting principle of the Manchester school, which would
prevent jugglers, and mountebanks, and unscrupulous incendiary
adventurers from playing tricks in this country, [!] there is no man so
dangerous, because none who seemed less unwilling, at all times, to
bend anything like the profession of principle to his own personal and
sinister objects, than the present Chancellor of the Exchequer!”[16]
Without condescending to characterise the tone and style of this
attack upon an absent gentleman, let us see how he was being spoken
of elsewhere, at the very same moment, by a gentleman—one of the
most able, accomplished, and high-minded members of the House of
Commons, Mr Drummond, the member for West Surrey. “It appears
to me that our taxes have been laid on upon no general principle, as
money was wanted, and that they are not in the satisfactory state they
ought to be. Let the Minister be who he may, this must be put in a
better state; and I believe that Mr Disraeli is more likely, and the
persons now in office are more likely, to do this than others.—I must
be permitted to say, that I think Mr Disraeli a man of very great
genius. He has risen by his own merits alone; and never having been
tried in office, he is not a man who ought to be sneered at by persons
who pretend that they wish ‘to extend the basis of the
Administration!’” This dignified rebuke might have been uttered by
the speaker on listening to Mr Cobden’s gross vituperation on the
occasion to which we are referring. Such was Mr Cobden—in
Yorkshire; such will not be Mr Cobden—in the House of Commons,
when standing face to face before that same formidable Chancellor of
Exchequer, behind whose back he has spoken offensively with such
virulent vulgarity and presumption. Passing over these smaller
matters, however, it is impossible not to note the recently lowered
tone of Mr Cobden, whilom so loud and confident on the subject of a
“Protectionist Ministry” as a thing to be only “laughed at,” and which
would “fly like chaff before the wind before a General Election.” On
the ensuing day, the Times, in commenting on Mr Cobden’s speech,
pronounced to be “not wholly worthy of his theme”—and in a “tone
hardly elevated enough for the occasion”—“recommended to the
consideration of the future Parliament the advice of Mr Cobden with
reference to the manner in which Ministers should be dealt
with.”—“It is only fair and wise to hear from them the principles on
which they intend to act, and the measures which they mean to bring
forward.... By precipitating matters, we are quite sure either to
prevent the Ministry from showing conclusively the hollowness of
their abandonment of Free Trade, or from bestowing upon us a great
public benefit. It is much easier to turn out a Government than to
form its successor; and the besetting sin to which heterogeneous
Oppositions are liable is, that they are apt to place themselves in a
situation in which they may be called upon to act in concert, when
concert, except against the common enemy, is impossible; and thus,
by the exertion of their strength, to render their weakness more
apparent and more fatal.” These were prudent counsels, and probably
influenced by the same causes which had emboldened the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, a few days previously,[17] thus to speak out
concerning the position and prospects of the Government: “It is my
firm conviction that the Government of Lord Derby will meet
Parliament in the autumn with an absolute majority. To me that is
not a subject of doubt.” Two days afterwards—the election returns,
during the brief interval, abundantly justifying him—Mr Disraeli thus
deliberately and confidently addressed the constituency of
Buckinghamshire from the hustings: “I express my firm and solemn
conviction, in the face of the county of Buckingham, after witnessing
the present temper of the public mind, and scanning—I am sure with
no prejudice—the results of the general election, that the Ministry will
be permitted to bring forward their measures; that no manœuvres of
faction will terminate their career; and that those measures will
obtain the assent, and I will even say the enthusiastic approbation, of
the great body of the people.” On the ensuing day, the Spectator
observed—“The elections have not yet decided the question of the
majority; and it is still possible that Lord Derby may have the balance
of numbers.” In the “Postscript” to the same number of his paper, the
editor, in recounting additional gains, observed—“Lord Derby is
steadily gaining in the elections.”
Before these pages meet the reader’s eye, all the elections will have
been completed; but up to the day on which we are writing, it would
appear that nearly six hundred are decided, and the results are thus
classified in the five morning papers of this day.[18] It is curious to see
how the various organs of political opinion deal with the same facts,
viewed through the disturbing medium of their own hopes and
wishes.
The Times distinguishes between “Ministerialists” and “Liberal
Conservatives,” giving 252 as the former, and 63 as the latter—
together, 315; Liberals, 271;—placing the latter in a minority of 44.
The
1. Reise nach Persien und dem Lande der Kurden. Von Moritz Wagner, 2
vols. Leipzig: Arnold. London: Williams & Norgate. 1852.
2. “Ararat and the Armenian Highlands.” Blackwood’s Magazine, No. CCCCIII.
3. “Caucasus and the Land of the Cossacks.” Blackwood’s Magazine, No. CCCC.
7. “The decrease of the Irish population from 1841 to 1851 was 1,659,330, of
whom 1,289,133 emigrated. But as there was no considerable emigration till 1846,
and the famine occurred in that year, there can be no doubt that down to the end of
1845 the population had advanced at its former rate, which would make the
inhabitants in 1845 about 8,500,000, and the decrease since that time fully
2,000,000.”—Emigration Report, July 12, 1852.
9. The Moor and the Loch. By John Colquhoun, Esq. 3d Edit. Edinburgh,
1851.
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