Soma in Rigveda NOT a drink , but a sacred metaphor in

archaeometallurgical history of Bhāratam Janam including mleccha

(meluhha) speakers
Bhāratam Janam is a self-designation as 'metalcaster folk' in the ancient history of India from ca.
6500 BCE. The expression is used by Rishi Visvamitra in Rigveda: viśvāmitrasya rakṣati
brahmedam bhāratam janam RV 3.053.12.
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/12/vedic-asurta-based-on-svarsur-sun-
and.html Vedic asūrta based on svàr/sūr ‘sun’ and Mlecchita vikalpa. Itihaasa of Asur/Bharatiyo
metalcasters.

I have embedded 40 images of gold, variety electrum ore which can be rendered as a plant
metaphor, consistent with all references to Soma in ancient Veda text corpora.

These images are consistent with reference to an attribute of Soma in the Rigveda as asurya
varnam: RV 9.71.2 pra krstihéva susa eti róruvad, asuryàm varnam ni rinite asya tám /jáhati
vavrim pitúr etiniskrtam, upaprútam krnute nirnijam tana,

(RV 9.71.2)
Translation: The powerful (Soma) advances with a roar like a slayer of men; he puts forth that
asura-slaying tint of his; he abandons bodily infirmity; the food goes to the prepared (altar); he
assumes a form advancing to the outstretched (filter). [asura-slaying tint: i.e., green;or varn.am
means 'protecting strength'; the food: i.e., the Soma; pituh = juice or food; tana_ = in the filter
outstretched by the sheep-skin].

For a commentary by Kuiper on this rica and problems of interpretation of an ancient text, see
Annex. I am quoting Kuiper extensively in view of the importance attached to the gloss varnam
in Rigveda which is interpreted as 'color' by Sayana in this rica RV 9.71.2. Color is an important
characteristic that renders Georges Pinault's ancu (Tocharian) ~~ amśu (Rigveda) concordance a
valid framework in philology to unravel the contacts between Rigvedic people and Tusharas as
traders in Soma in Rigvedic times. Pinault's views are discussed in this monograph. I suggest
that ancu is Meluhha cognate of Rigveda amśu and in early use by Meluhha speakers referred to
'iron (metal ore)' from which Soma, 'electrum, gold-silver amalgam' was processed in Agnistoma
atiratra prayers by Rigvedic people. This means that Meluhha (mleccha) speakers were an
integral part of Rigvedic culture, as dasyu (daha, 'people'), though prone to mispronunciations
and ungrammatical phonetic forms in vernacular, 'parole'.

Soma in Rigveda is NOT a drink or edible product, Soma is food for Deva and hence, a
metaphor, praying for favors from the divinities to bestow the worshipper with Soma, wealth.
The metaphor, Soma, tad devaanaam annam, tam devaa bhakshyanti (in Chandogya Upanishad)
should be interpreted as adoration of divinities who process Soma as food.

Rigveda is emphatic with a double negative, that no one who knows Soma, never drinks it.

1
 च (RV 10.85.3)

He who has drunk thinks that the herb which men crush is the Soma; (but) that which the
Bra_hman.as know to be Soma,, of that no one partakes. {i.e., no one partakes of it unless he has
sacrificed; if the Soma be taken as the moon, 'no one' will mean 'no one but the gods'].

Alternative translation:

“He who has drunk thinks that the herb which men crush is the Soma; (but) that which the
Brahmanas know to be Soma, of that no one partakes.” - Rig Veda 10.85.3

Chandogya Upanishad: Invocation

Om. May the different limbs of my body, my tongue, prana, eyes, ears and my strength and also
all the other sense—organs be nourished! All, indeed, is Brahman, as is declared in the
Upanishads. May I never deny Brahman! May Brahman never deny me! May there never be
denial on my part! May all the virtues described in the Upanishads belong to me, who am
devoted to Atman! Yea, may they all belong to me! Om. Peace! Peace! Peace!

Part One
Chapter I — Meditation on Om

1. The syllable Om, called the Udgitha, should be meditated upon; for people sing the Udgitha,
beginning with Om. Now follows the detailed explanation of the syllable:

2. The essence of all these beings is the earth; the essence of the earth is water; the essence of
water is plants; the essence of plants is a person; essence of a person is speech; the essence of
speech is the Rig—Veda; essence of the Rig—Veda is the Sama—Veda; the essence of the
Sama—Veda is the Udgitha which is Om.

See: A full translation at http://www.swamij.com/upanishad-chandogya.htm

Hence, all prayers to Deva and Devi -- celestial or 'shining' ones Shining;
RV1.1.1.-- are to Agni, Vaak, sacred winds, sacred waters and other divinities involved in the
'processing' of Soma. - - - ॥
१.१ ॥ -- omityeta-dakShara-mudgIta-mupAsIta omiti hyudgAyati tasyopavyAkhyAnam || 1.1 ||
Translation: Om this letter, which is called the udgita shall be worshipped ! Om, thus the singing
is done! Hereafter, Its exposition !! As a product, Soma is giri 'coming from the mountains'
(RV 6.66.11), stationed, 'growing' in the mountains. A description which can also be applied to
rocks containing a mix of minerals and elements.

2
It is thus, imperative to separate metaphor from literal interpretations of Rigveda chandas,
'prosody' or Udgita of Chandogya, an Upanishad related to Samaveda (focussed on Soma
processing):

If the references to Soma in the Rigveda are to be interpreted a reference to a physical product
processed in incessant fire of 1500 degrees centigrade continuously for 5 days and 5 nights, it
may refer to a metal amalgam of gold and silver called electrum which was wealth. Soma
process occurs in intense fire, perhaps only a metal amalgam can withstand this intense fire of
yajna. Any herb so processed will be reduced to mere ash, carbon.

Thus, a falsifiable hypothesis can be suggested: All the attributes of Soma relate to electrum,
processed from ancu, 'metallic or ferrite or quartz ore' (Tocharian) or ams'u (Rigveda). At this
stage, it will be apposite to cite Frits Staal's critique of Wasson's identification of Soma as a
hallucinogenic mushroom: "The only weakness that seems to
be apparent for Wasson's theory is a certain unfalsifiability. A good theory should be liable to
falsification. Theories which are true come what may and which can never be refuted by facts are
uninformative, tautologous, or empty. In fact, apparent counterexamples to Wasson's theory can
always be interpreted as consistent with the theory. When opponents point out, for example, that
there are descriptions in the Veda which do not fit a mushroom, Wasson replies that the identity
of the Soma was intentionally hidden by the Brahmans, or that these descriptions fit creepers or
other substitutes."(Staal, Frits. 1975. Exploring Mysticism: A methodological essay. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 202). (Kuiper, FBJ, 1970 Review of 1968 Wasson, Soma , Indo-
Iranian Journal, vol. 12, pp. 286-298). "...*Sauma- must have been firmly rooted in the proto-
Indo-Iranian cosmogony, as is shown by the myth of the eagle bringing the Soma plant
(apparently from the primordial world, called "rock" or "heaven") to Indra in order to give him
the strength necessary for performing his mythic exploit. It should be noted that sometimes the
poets still use the ancient Indo-European word mádhu in this connection, as in 1V.18.13 ádha me
syenó mádhv jabhara "then the eagle brought me the mead"..."Soma" is not comprehensive
enough as a title of this book because it focuses the interest on the minor problem of "the original
Soma", which in my opinion cannot be solved beyond doubt." Yes, indeed. Even the reference to
madhu may be metaphoric to denote something sweet or desirable or pleasant brought by the
falcon.

Before rushing to judgement calling something a 'myth', and not a metaphor or allegory,
rendered in chandas, 'prosody' or musical renderings of Samaveda, it has to be noted that there
are limitations of anthropology/archaeology or even textual interpretations to track the historical
sequences of reality as seen by the practitioners of the 'original' worshippers involved in soma
process. Maybe, the reality is too profound to comprehend; this may have led Kuiper to express
an opinion that "problem of the 'original soma' cannot be solved beyond doubt."
http://www.samorini.it/doc1/alt_aut/ek/kuiper.htm

All attempts at identification of Soma as a herb are unfalsifiable (as in the case of Wasson's) and
run counter to the definition of Soma as a metaphor in the tradition itself --- food for divinities,
tad devaanaam annam -- in Chandogya Upanishad. I submit that such attempts at tracing
inebriate, intoxicant, hallucinogenic herbs would be futile in furthering the interpretation of the

3
Veda, despite the use of 'herbals substitutes for Soma' in Haoma in the Avesta prayer tradition
and post-Rigveda prayer tradition.

I agree with Louis Renou that the entire Veda corpora is in nuce (nutshell) in references to Soma.
The identification of Soma has to be sought as a metaphor, beyond herbals or other edibles or
eatables. It is imperative for scholars attempting to trace herbal equivalents for Soma to first
elucidate why the definition of Soma as a metaphor should be rejected. The practitioners in the
Veda traditions perceive the Veda corpora in at least four levels of interpretation; see:Treatise on
Rigveda -- A four-fold commentary by Prof. Damodaran
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2015/02/treatise-on-rigveda-four-fold.html Gross (observed)
world; Creation of the Universe; Atmajnana (Self-knowledge); Sublime prayers.

Chandogya Upanishad (also Chhandogya; Sanskrit: chāndogyopaniṣad ) is one

of the oldest Upanishads. Together with the Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana and the
Brihadaranyaka Upanishad it dates to the Brahmana period of Vedic Samskritam. It is associated
with the Kauthuma Shakha of the Samaveda which deals with Soma processing.

The Chandogya in 8 chapters is Vedantic philosophy.

esha somo raja devanam annam tam deva bhakshayanti: "That soma is king; this is the devas'
food. The devas eat it." [Chandogya.Upanishad (Ch.Up.]

This is the clearest statement that references to or attributes of Soma in the Vedic tradition, right
from the Rigveda, should be viewed as metaphors. Even when Agni or ghee or Soma are viewed
as products, the emphatic statement is that Soma is NOT for human digestion or consumption but
associated with divinities, digested by the divinities (deva bhakshyanti) -- not by mortals or
worshippers in the sacred yajna.

It will thus be an error to interpret Soma as an edible product. Such interpretations that Soma is a
hallucinogen or an inebriant are not sanctioned by tradition. If at all there is a refrain metaphor, it
relates to processing of Soma to generate or obtain wealth.

Chapter 6 of Ch Up. has the Mahavakya Tat Tvam Asi ("That art Thou") is a dialogue
between Uddalaka and his son Shvetaketu. Many metaphors, such as, the illustration of curd and
butter, banyan tree and its seed, rivers, ocean, etc., are given to illustrate the concept of Atman.
Within this dialogue, the theory of being (sat) arising from non-being(asat) is refuted. (Some
Sutra from the Chandogya Upanishad are included in the Annex to underscore the imperative of
interpreting Vedic texts in the context of tradition and NOT in modern psychoanalytical or
pharmacological terms to unravel the identification of Soma associated with the Upanishad).

Jan E. M. Houben writes: "despite strong attempts to do away with Ephedra by those who are
eager to see *sauma as a hallucinogen, its status as a serious candidate for the Rigvedic Soma
and Avestan Haoma still stands" (Houben, 2003: Embedded.). Maybe, Houben's endorsement of
ephedra as an identification of soma is also questionable since in the Indian tradition, soma
substitutes were used. The substitutes were plants. In the context of Bower Manuscript of 6th

4
century CE, this identification of Soma as Ephedra is questioned in a detailed
ethnopharmacological analysis by Marco Leonti and Laura Casu (June 2014: Embedded.).

What was the original soma described in the ancient document, Rigveda? A synonym used for
soma in the Rigveda is:amśu.

It is likely that both soma and amśu were described and extolled in sacred metaphors. It is likely
that the semantics used for amśu (synonym of soma) in Rigveda relate to metalwork.

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/tablet-of-destinies.html Ancient

Near east Anzu, falcon-shaped fire-altar Uttarakhand, turning aṁśú (Rigveda),
ancu (Tocharian) in smithy.

Kalyanaraman, 2004, Indian Alchemy: Soma in the Veda.

S. Kalyanaraman, 2008, Sarasvati: Soma yajna and the Veda. The argument: Rigveda is a
metallurgical allegory; soma is electrum ore.

Description: chapter 1: Gold and the grammar of money in antiquity; chapter 2: Indus: roots of
alchemy; chapter 3: Yak\d{s}a: alchemical potential and transmutation; chapter 4: Soma and
alchemy; chapter 5: Brahmana-s: aurifiction; chapter 6: Alchemy as a state enterprise; chapter 7:
Political economy of alchemy; chapter 8: Siddha and Tantric alchemy; chapter 9: Apparatus,
terms, and symbols; chapter 10: Conclusion; chapter 11: A survey of sources for history of
alchemy

"The book is an epoch-making work - a paradigm-shift in Vedic studies - which identifies soma
as electrum (gold-silver metallic compound). Soma is referred to in the Rgveda as the soul of the
yajna. The path-breaking identification is based on textual evidence and a penetrating analysis of
the Indian alchemical tradition, spanning nearly five millennia. The author is also the discoverer
of the integrating role played by the mighty Sarasvati river adored in the Rgveda as the best of
mothers, best of rivers and best of goddesses. Sarasvati and soma are no longer mythology but
relevant to present-day children, respectively, as the repository of groundwater sanctuaries in
north-west India and the metallurgical tradition starting with the Bronze Age civilization, c. 3000
BC. Sarasvati and soma are the symbols of the great Indian traditions of devi worship and
personification and deification of natural, material phenomena. The tirthas along the rivers are
reminders of the critical nature of water management problems all over India and soma as an
integral part of the yajna process, is the embodiment of the scientific, technological and
materialist temper of ancient India."

S. Mahdihassan, 1991, The vedic gods Agni, Indra and Soma as interrelated: A study of
Soma, Indian Journal of History of Science, 26(1), pp. 11-15.

5
Both Soma and the Avestan Haoma are derived from Proto-Indo-Iranian *sauma-. The name of
the Scythian tribe Hauma-varga is related to the word, and probably connected with the ritual.
The word is derived from an Indo-Iranian root *sav- (Sanskrit sav-/su) "to press", i.e. *sau-ma- is
the drink prepared by pressing the stalks of a plant.[K.F.Geldner, Der Rig-Veda. Cambridge MA,
1951, Vol. III: 1-9] The root is Proto-Indo-European (*sew(h)-)[M. Mayrhofer, Etymologisches
Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen, Heidelberg 1986–2000, vol II: 748]

Beyond the establishment of a common origin of haoma and soma and numerous attempts to
give that common origin a botanic identity, little has been done to compare the two. As
Indologist Jan Houben also noted in the proceedings of a 1999 workshop on Haoma-Soma,
"apart from occasional and dispersed remarks on similarities in structure and detail of Vedic and
Zoroastrian rituals, little has been done on the systematic comparison of the two" (Houben, 2003,
9/1a).Houben's observation is also significant in that, as of 2003, no significant comparative
review of cultural/sacred Haoma/Soma had extended beyond Alfred Hillebrandt's 1891
comparison of the Vedic deity and the Zoroastrian divinity. (Hillebrandt, Alfred (1891).
Vedische Mythologie. I: Soma und verwandte Goetter. Breslau: Koebner.)

https://www.scribd.com/doc/258571958/Soma-food-of-the-Immortals-according-to-the-bower-
manuscript-Kashmir-6-th-century-CE-Leonti-Casu-2014

Soma, food of the Immortals according to the bower manuscript (Kashmir, 6(th) century
A.D.) : [email protected], [email protected] (M. Leonti)
Journal of Ethnopharmacology (Impact Factor: 2.94). 06/2014; DOI: 10.1016/j.jep.2014.05.029
Source: PubMed
ABSTRACT Food is medicine and vice versa. In Hindu and Ayurvedic medicine, and among
human cultures of the Indian subcontinent in general, the perception of the food-medicine
continuum is especially well established. The preparation of the exhilarating, gold-coloured
Soma, Amrita or Ambrosia, the elixir and food of the 'immortals' - the Hindu pantheon -, by the
ancient Indo-Aryans, is described in the Rigveda in poetic hymns. Different theories regarding
the botanical identity of Soma circulate, but no pharmacologically and historically convincing
theory exists to date.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/262928806_Soma_food_of_the_Immortals_according_
to_the_bower_manuscript_%28Kashmir_6%28th%29_century_A.D.%29

Soma, food of the Immortals according to the bower manuscript (Kashmir, 6(th) century CE)-
Leonti & Cas...

French linguist, Prof.Pinault identifies amśu of Rigveda with anzu of Tocharian. Tocharin
language as an Indo-European language has revealed the word anzu which meant 'iron'.

"*ancu- is admitted by Lubotsky (2001: 304, 310) as meaning 'Soma plant', being the substratum
source of Ved. ams'u- 'Soma plant' and Late Av. asu- 'Haoma plant'...This claim presupposes that
the Soma/Haoma cult had been borrowed from the BMAC culture together with the name of the
plant...A very useful discussion of the whole problem, with abundant bibliography, has been

6
provided by Houben (2003), in his report of the conference held at Leiden University in July
1999..." (ibid., p.184)

"...The contrast between Soma as god and ams'u- as material unit is clear from the following
mantra (TS 1.2.11a, etc. quoted in SB 3.4.3.19) ams'ur-ams'us te deva somaapyaayataam
indraayaikadhanavide 'Let stalk after stlk of thine swell strong, O divine Soma, for Indra, the
winner of one part of the booty!'. It is true that in Vedic literature ams'u- refers only to the twigs
of the Soma plant and not of any other plant, but it is only to be expected, given the prestige of
the hymns, where the word was used in hieratic language for the whole Soma plant: in this poetic
usage, it can be explained by a commonplace metonymy, and by the pressure to give many
names to Soma. Therefore, I shall assume that *ancu- originally referred to the 'twig' or 'stalk', as
a special term given to the 'body' of the holy plant, which was the most important part for ritual
purposes. There exists in Tocharian no word of similar form referring to a plant or part of a plant.
From the Tocharian vocabularies,we have Toch. A. *ancu 'iron', the basis of the derived
adjective ancwaashi 'made of iron', to which corresponds Toch. B encuwo, with the parallel
derived adjective encuwanne 'made of iron'...The two forms go back to CToch. oencuwoen-
non.sg. *oencuwo, the final part of which is a regular product of IE *-on. Nasal enlargement
(from: IE *-on-) of nominal stems is very common in Tocharian. This noun is deprived of any
convincing IE etymology (cf. Adams 1999:80), which is not surprising, since IE did not have a
common word for 'iron'. The connection with an Iranian form *as'wanya- according to Bailey
(1957: 55-56), which does not fit in with the first cluster, was later abandoned (Bailey, Harold
W., 1979, Dictionary of Khotan Saka. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 32, 487).
The CToch. form may reflect a term proper to the Central Asiatic region, cf. Chorasmian hnc'w
'iron' ('iron tip', see Benzing 1983: 319) < Iranian *anśuwan- (Schwartz, Martin, 1974. Irano-
Tocharica. In: Philippe Gignoux & Tafazzoli (eds.), Memorial Jean de Menasce. Louvain:
Imprimerie Orientaliste. p. 409): the formal shape is extremely close to the CToch. transposition,
so that the Iranian and Tocharian words may have been borrowed from a common substratum
language. The problem now becomes: if the original meaning of *ancu had been 'sacred plant', or
the like, it would become impossible to explain the meaning of the CToch. loan-word. A simple
solution to this dilemma is near at hand. Metals are not named from designations of plants, but
they are often named after the colour, see for instance Ved. hiraNya- and suvarNa- 'gold', rajata-
'silver', lohita- or loha- 'copper', etc. (Rau, Wilhelm, 1974, Metalle und Metallgerate im
vedischen Indien. Mainz. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. Abhandlungen der
Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jg. 1973, Nr.8. Wiesbaden: Steiner, pp. 18-24). A
secondary differentiation (from AV onwards) was also provided by colour adjectives, cf. lohitam
ayah 'reddish metal' (for 'copper') vs. s'yaamam ayah 'dark metal' (for 'iron'). The primitive
system opposed Ved. ayas- (Av. aiiah-) 'metal of utility' to hiraNya- 'noble metal': the former
term originally referred to 'copper', later to 'iron'. I recall that the prominent colour of iron ore is
rusty red, reddish-brown. Besides Toch. B eñcuwo (A *añcu), we know several names of metals
in Tocharian: B yasa (A was) 'gold', B ñakante (A nkiñc) 'silver', B pilke 'copper', B lant* (adj.
lantaṣṣe) 'lead'. Interestingly enough, the name of copper is obviously derived from the root palk-
'to shine': it originally meant 'shining like fire, gleaming', as corresponding to loha-, lohita-,
which referred to copper for its red colour. It would be likely that the name of iron be derived
from another colour, that is 'rusty (brown)'. Compare the designations of the colours in
Tocharian: B ratre A rtar 'red', B tute 'yellow', AB tsem 'blue', B motartstse 'green', B erkent- A

7
arkant- 'black', B kwele 'grey'. Going back to Vedic, we may assume that the borrowed word
*ancu- referred to the characteristic colour of the twig or stalk of the sacred plant. The soma
plant is qualified and also designated by various colour adjectives: hari-, aruṣa-, aruṇa-, babhru-.
The terms hari- (cf. Av. zairi-) 'yellow, fawn' to 'green'...(p.187) "...It is all the more interesting
to find an isolated reference to foreign (non-Aryan) people who also practise the Soma cult,
while using amśu-: RV VIII.53.4c (Vālakhilya hymn) śiṣṭeṣu cit te madirāso amśavah 'Among
the ś. also the exciting (Soma) plants belong to you (Indra)'. The form śiṣṭa- with variants śīṣṭra-,
śīrṣṭra- testifies to a non-Aryan name with 'intrusive -r-' (Kuiper 1991: 7,70). It would be one of
the last echoes of the widespread practice of the cult of the sacred plant in Central Asia. To
summarize my present contribution to the Soma/Haoma problem, I should like to point out the
most important provisory results: (i) The term Ved. amśu-, Av. asu- goes back to a noun
borrowed from some donor language of Central Asia, as confirmed by CToch. *oeñcuwoen-. (ii)
Since the original meaning referred to the colour of the marrow, that is the internal part of the
twigs of the plant, one may wonder whether the designation of the heart of the plant as 'the rusty
red one' had already been coined by the ritualists of the donor language, or whether this
denomination was conceived by the speakers of Indo-Iranian, in order to possess a
supplementary secret term to designate this holy substance. The last interpretation is admittedly
tentative, because it concerns one of the most discussed issues of Indo-Iranian studies, and it will
certainly be refined and tested according to other parameters. I should point out that this example
is not fundamentally different from others which have been discussed previously. Once it is
admitted that Ved. amśu-, Av. asu- are of foreign origin, it is legitimate to look for the most
similar form in other languages of Central Asia. Since one finds a corresponding noun of very
close, almost identical, formal shape, but with a very different meaning, referring to 'iron', there
are two possible strategies..."(p.189)."The term Ved. ams'u-, Av . asu- goes back to a noun
borrowed from some donor language of Central Asia, as confirmed by CToch. *oencuwoen-...the
BMAC language would not belong to the Indo-European family; it does not seem to be related to
Dravidian either...New identifications and reconstructions will certainly help to define more
precisely the contours of the BMAC vocabulary in Indo-Iranian, as well as in Tocharian."(ibid.,
p.192)]"

Following this insightful analysis of the Ved. amśu- cognate Toch. añcu- there is a simple
strategy to deal with Ved.soma- as a material related to the borrowed word: añcu-'iron'...As the
following are lexemes from Indian linguistic area attest, Ved. soma- might have referred to a
metallic ore from the Mount Mujavant:

samanom = an obsolete word for gold (Santali. Campbell lexicon)

sambr.o bica = gold ore (Mundarica)

hom = gold (Kannada)

somnakay = gold (Gypsy)

assem, s'm, asemon = electrum (Old Egyptian. cf. Joseph Needham)

8
soma man.al = sand containing silver ore (Tamil. Winslow lexicon) , s. Sand
containing silver, . (R.) , s. Rock-salt, as .(Winslow
dictionary)

Wasson wrote that the lesson to be drawn on identification of Soma -- "about the futility of much
scholarship is humbling" (1968: 92). After reviewing many scholarly attempts, Frits Staal
notes: "We have seen in the ritual dialogue that the chief Nambudiri priest asks the Soma
merchant: "Is it from Mount Mujavat?" and the merchant replies: "It is from Mount Mujavat."
Mujavat is the name of the mountain from which, according to Rigveda 10.34.1 and other early
sources, the best Soma came. Where was it located? All we know is that Mujavat is the name of
a mountain. The -vat suffix is a common possessive and the name means: "having muja-" or
perhaps: "inhabited by the Muja tribe." The element muja is not Indo-European. Michael Witzel
considered several possible etymologies in 1980(104-5 nn.16-7). According to one, muj- or its
relative munj- may be preserved in the name of the Munjan people who live north of the Hindu
Kush in the Kotcha Valley. There are also possible cognates in Burushaski, the language of
Hunza. More recently, Witzel (1999: 345, 363) has suggested Muztagh Ata, a colossal mountain
(24,386 ft.) close to the sources of the Oxus and Yarkand-Tarim Rivers. Tagh and ata are
common Uighur words for "mountain" and "father" and the name means "Muz Mount Father."
There are at least two other mountains carrying the name Muztagh and of which Muztagh Ata
may be called the father because it is higher. The important point of Witzel's linguistic equation
is that muz- is easily related to Vedic muj-. Mount Muztagh Ata, now on the border of Tajikistan
and China's Xinjiang, is beyond the northeast frontier of northeast Afghanistan, the area through
which Indo-Aryan speakers trekked...Tarim Basin. That basin has recently come into the news
because of the discovery of numerous so-called mummies (really dessicated corpses), with
tattooed skins and clothes surviving in excellent condition and often accompanied by little bags
containing Ephedra...The newsworthy feature of these corpses is that their physical appearance
and DNA analysis demonstrate that they belonged to people who have been called by various
terms: European, Europoid, or Caucasian. Corpses found after the third century A.D. are
increasingly Mongoloid and Chinese. It has been widely assumed that the language spoken by
these mummies before they were mummies was Indo-European. If that is so, their language must
have been Indo-Iranian or an early form of Tocharian--the easternmost Indo-European language
family...It is true that the evidence for Tocharian is Buddhist and of a later date, but it is also true
that it was spoken in the very same area of Xinjiang. All Tocharian documents have been
discovered along the northern Silk Road. The Tarim mummies have been found along the
northern and southern branches both, but in the north they are mostly concentrated near Lop Nor,
far to the east and close to China proper. Along the southern branch, a series of finds leads close
to the source of the Yarkand-Tarim River, the colossal mountain complex towered over by
Muztagh Ata, favorite candidate for the best Soma...To sum up. The Tarim is the river of the
mummies who probably spoke an Indo-European language, perhaps Indo-Iranian, Iranian, or
Indo-Aryan. The Oxus is the river of the Indo-Iranian speakers who trekked south on the eastern
side of the Caspian Sea. If Muztagh Ata is the same as Mujavat, Soma is the personification of
the Indo-Aryan or Vedic contribution to the formation of Indian culture. No wonder that Soma
developed into the most characteristic Vedic ritual, perhaps the oldest surviving ritual of
humanity and certainly the most prolific. "

9
If Tocharian speakers were aware of the Mujavant mountain and if Soma came from this
mountain, what did Tocharian's call Soma? Ancu ! 'iron'. This word 'ancu' is cognate with ams'u
which is used in the Rgveda to describe Soma. Soma was a metallic ore, a compound of silver
and gold called by metallurgists as: electrum. Thus, for Rgvedic kavi, description of soma in
metaphoric terms comparing it to a plant should not be treated literally as a reference to a 'plant'.
The reference could as well have been to a metallic ore subjected to refining process of smelting
in fire which could raise upto 1500 degrees C in a yajna -- agnishthoma, for example -- which
lasted continuously for 5 days and 5 nights.

Expiatory prayers in Indian tradition apologize to the divinities for the use of a substitute plant
(somalataa, e.g. the pūtīka --Guilandina Bonduc?) because Soma had become unavailable. Texts
provide an extensive list of plants that can be used as substitutes and end the list by saying that
any plant is acceptable, provided it is yellow. (Angot, Michel, 2001, L'Inde Classique, Les Belles
Lettres, Paris.)

Tandya Mahabrahmana 9.5.1-3 suggests the use of putika -- basella cordifolia? -- as a substitute
for Soma. Other substitutes (e.g. Satapatha Brahmana 4.5.10; 5.3.3; 6.6.3) mentioned in many
Brahmana texts were praprotha, adara, usana and prsniparni (122). Prsniparni had speckled
leaves and its wood was used to protect from the negative effects caused by evil spirits. ApSS
14.24,13 suggests the use of rice and barley as substitutes for Soma.

Jaiminiya Brahmana notes that "if they do not find Soma...they should press out Phalguna plants
with tawny panicles. Indra killed Vrtra with the Vajra. The Soma which flowed out of his nose,
became these Phalguna plants with tawny panicles. And what was produced on account of the
drawing out of the omentum, that became Phalguna plants with red panicles. Therefore they
press out Phalguna plants with tawny panicles, since these are more suitable to be used in a
sacrifice. They say: 'This (pseudo-Soma) belongs to the Asuras, therefore it should not be
pressed out (for a Soma sacrifice)'. (The answer should be:) 'In the beginning all here was with
the Asuras. The gods placed this with themselves after their victory. Therefore it should be used
for the Soma presing.' If they should not find this (substitute), they should press out Utika plants.
Indra having thrown the Vajra at Vrtra but thinking 'I have not slain him' entered the Utika
plants. Someone whose Soma they steal loses his help (Uti). They find help for him (in the form
of the Utika). When the head of the sacrifice was cut off, the sap which streamed forth out of it
became the Utika plants. Therefore also they obviously press out sacrifice itself in the form of
these Utika plants. If they should not find this---355. -- they should press out light-coloured
grass. When king Soma came to this world, then he stayed in the grasses. This is a trace of him.
Thus they press him out (when they press out the grasses). If they should not find this, they
should press out the Parna. When Suparna fetched king Soma, then the feather which fell down
became the Parna (leaf). That is his trace. Thus they press him out (when they press out the
Parna). If they should not find this, they may press out whatever plants there are. When Suparna
fetched king Soma and broke him, then the drops which fell down, became these plants. And all
plants are related to Soma. That is this trace of him. Him they thereby press out. At the morning
pressing one should pour fresh milk, at the midday pressing boiled milk and at the third pressing
coagulated milk to (these substitutes of Soma). It is obvious that they also consume this Soma,
when they consume milk, for that is the sap of all the plants. (Excerpted from HW Bodewitz,
1990, The Jyotistoma ritual: Jaiminiya Brahmana I, 66-364, Brill, p. 203)

10
Substrates of mleccha? Vedic, Avestan! soma, haoma.

Both Avestan haoma and Sanskrit soma derived from proto-Indo-Iranian *sauma. The linguistic
root of the word haoma, hu-, and of soma, su-, suggests 'press' or 'pound'. [Taillieu, Dieter and
Boyce, Mary (2002). "Haoma". Encyclopaedia Iranica. New York: Mazda Pub.]

See parhaoma ritual (Ab-Zohr).

The Graeco-Russian archeologist Viktor Sarianidi claims to have discovered vessels and mortars
used to prepare Soma in 'Zoroastrian temples' in Bactria. He claims that the vessels have
revealed residues and seed impressions left behind during the preparation of Soma. This has not
been sustained by subsequent investigations [C.C. Bakels, Report concerning the contents of a
ceramic vessel found in the "white room" of the Gonur Temenos, Merv Oasis, Turkmenistan.
EJVS Vol.9, 2003: Embedded below] Besides the residue of Ephedra the archeologists
discovered the residues of Poppy seeds and Cannabis. The vessels also had impressions created
by Cannabis seeds. Cannabis is well known in India as Bhang and sometimes Poppy seeds are
used with Bhang to make the ritual drink Bhang Ki Thandai.

Soma-haoma, *sauma ? somnakay ! samanom ! *haeusom-

Identification of Soma and notes on lexeme corpora of ancient Indian languages

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/10/decoding-lapis-lazuli-indus-seal.html
Decoding a lapis lazuli Indus seal; (context) Silk road and Indus valley contacts? This blog
discusses further the location of Muztagh Ata close to Badakshan (source of lapis lazuli).

French scholar, Prof. Pinault identifies amśu of Rigveda with anzu of Tocharian. In Tocharian it
means 'iron'. Tocharin language as an Indo-European language has revealed a word anzu in
Tocharian which meant 'iron'. It is likely that this is the word used for soma in Rigveda. I have
posted about this in the context of identification (discussed in this blog) of Muztagh Ata of
Kyrgystan as Mt. Mujavat (mentioned as a source of soma in Rigveda). It is notable that in
Mesopotamian legend of Ninurta, god of war and agricultural fertility hunts on the mountains,
Anzu which is the lion-headed Eagle with the power of the stolen Tablet of Destinies. The 'eagle'
is identified as śyena in Rigveda and Avesta (saena meregh) as the falcon which brought the
nectar, Soma. It is likely that soma as electrum (silver-gold ore) was bought from the traders who
brought anzu from Mt. Mujavat.

On Anzu in Ancient Near East traditions, in the context of Veda tradition in ancient India,
see: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/syena-orthography.html

11
śyena, orthography, Sasanian iconography. Continued use of Indus Script hieroglyphs.

The ancient site at Purola is located on the left bank of river Kamal. The excavation yielded the
remains of Painted Grey Ware (PGW) from the earliest level alongwith other associated
materials include terracotta figurines, beads, potter-stamp, the dental and femur portions of
domesticated horse (Equas Cabalus Linn). The most important finding from the site is a brick
alter identified as Syenachiti by the excavator. The structure is in the shape of a flying eagle
Garuda, head facing east with outstretched wings. In the center of the structure is the chiti is a
square chamber yielded remains of pottery assignable to circa first century B.C.E to second
century CE. In addition copper coin of Kuninda and other material i.e. ash, bone pieces etc and a
thin gold leaf impressed with a human figure tentatively identified as Agni have also been
recovered from the central chamber.

"... in one of the most important myths attributed to Ninurta, he had been chosen by his mother,
the Great Creatrix Goddess Ninhursag, to be the Champion of Enlil, the Air God and his father,
to retrieve the Tablets of Destiny, the Holy Writ which ruled Truth and Justice, Law, Order and
Rites, the Foundation of the State and Legally Permissible Conduct in the Ancient Near East.
The Tablets of Destiny had been stolen by Anzu, the lion-headed bird from the mountains, who,
envious of Great Enlil's guardianship of the tablets, stole them to satisfy his thirst for power and
greed. Chaos had struck the heavens and earth with the loss of the Tablets until Ninurta went
bravely to fight Anzu and and rescue the sacred Tablets for Enlil. In gratitude, Ninurta is given
then custody of the Tablets, becoming therefore the Great Overseer of Fate and Destiny in the
Near Eastern Mysteries." cf. A Ninurta´s Tale by Lishtar
athttp://www.gatewaystobabylon.com/myths/texts/retellings/anzu1.htm Ninurta is "the lord of
the stylus, the keeper of the (life-giving) writing-board, the holder of the stylus of fates," who
presents the "tablet of sins" to Marduk "on the day of the settling of accounts".

"Imdugud/Anzu. A giant (eagle) bird with a lion head, who appears in myths and epics, and in
many visual representations. In verbal descriptions he has a beak but not in pictures. His name is
written AN.IM.DUGUDmušen in Sumerian and was probably so pronounced. The Akkadian
pronunciation is ‘Anzu’. Imdugud is a representation of the power of the storm and came to be
associated with Ninurta, the god of that function. It may be that Ninurta is an anthropomorphism
of Imdugud who represents a more primitive and elemental vision of the storm. In mythological
terms the association took the form of Ninurta’s defeat of the Bird (in The Return of Ninurta to
Nippur.) In artistic terms the association was represented by the presence of the bird in Ninurta-
related designs – and this is even more true of Ningirsu in Lagash. Anzu is usually found with
his wife and children, who meet various fates (e.g. in the epic Lugalbanda and Enmerkar.) In the
epic tale of Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Nether World he is seen perched in the branches of the
Huluppu tree (gišha-lu-úb), in the An-gim text of the Deeds and Exploits of Ninurta he is in the
gišha-lu-úb-HAR-ra-an, and in the Lugalbanda story he is by the ‘eagle tree’ (gišhu-rí-in). Only

12
one late myth deals with any of his own exploits: he is said to have stolen the tablets of destiny in
the Akkadian myth of Zu." The Mythology of Sumer by Steve Watson
in stevewatson.info/writings/Sumer/S04.Mythology.doc

Tablet II..."The gods of the land assembled for a solution; Anum made his voice heard,
addressed the gods his sons, 'Whichever god slays Anzum, I shall make his name greatest of Al!'
They called the canal-controller, your battle force must never turn aside! Strike Anzum with
lightning, your weapon! [Your name shall be great] among the great gods. You shall have no
rival among the gods your brothers! Show prowess to the gods, and your name shall be
Powerful!' [Source: Stephanie Dalley, 1989, Anzu (Old Babylonian Version) in: Myths from
Mesopotamia: creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others, pp. 2221-227] In this mythical
account,the parallel to vajra the weapon of Indra and Indra's fight against Vrtra is also vivid.

Haoma (Hom), Baresman (Barsom) http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/09/haoma-hom-

baresman-barsom.html

Rigveda. 5.40 Soma, the Sky-Sun (Svarbhānu). Atri was rescued from a fiery burning pit.

RIG VEDA MANDALA 5 HYMN XL. Indra. Surya. Atri. 40

1. COME thou to what the stones have pressed, drink Soma, O thou Somas' Lord,
Indra best Vrtraslayer- Strong One, with the Strong.

2 Strong is the stone, the draught is strong, strong is this Soma that is pressed,
Indra, best Vrtraslayer-, Strong One with the Strong.

3 As strong I call on thee the Strong, O Thunderarmed-, with various aids,

Indra, best Vrtraslayer-, Strong One with the Strong.

4 Impetuous, Thunderer, Strong, quelling the mighty, King, potent, Vrtraslayer-, Somadrinker-,
May he come hither with his yoked Bay Horses; may Indra gladden him at the noon libation.

13
5 O Surya, when the Asuras' descendant Svarbhanu, pierced thee through and through with
darkness,
All creatures looked like one who is bewildered, who knoweth not the place where he is
standing.

6 What time thou smotest down Svarbhanus' magic that spread itself beneath the sky, O Indra,
By his fourth sacred prayer Atri disoovered Surya concealed in gloom that stayed his function.

7 Let not the oppressor with this dread, through anger swallow me up, for I am thine, O Atri.
Mitra art thou, the sender of true blessings: thou and King Varuna be both my helpers.

8 The Brahman Atri, as he set the pressstones-, serving the Gods with praise and adoration,
Established in the heaven the eye of Surya, and caused Svarbhanus' magic arts to vanish.

9 The Atris found the Sun again, him whom Svarbhanu of the brood
Of Asuras had pierced with gloom. This none besides had power to do.

Atri

Atri is the name of a RSi, the eponymous founder of the Atri family of MaNDala V. His name is
referred to in the following hymns (not counting references, to him, or to themselves, by the
Atris):

I.45.3; 51.3; 139.9; 183.5;

V.15.5;
VIII.5.25;
X.150.5

However, the word Atri existed before the period of this RSi, as a name or epithet of the Sun,
which was the original meaning of this word. The RSi of this name came later.

We will be concerned here only with the references to this mythical Atri, the Sun. These
references are found in 15 hymns:

I. 112.7, 16; 116.8; 117.3; 118.7; 119.6; 180.4;

II. 8.5;
V. 40.6-9; 78.4;
VI. 50.10;
VII. 68.5; 71.5;
X. 39.9; 80.3; 143.1, 3.

The word in the above references is confused by scholars with the name of the RSi Atri.
However, it is clear that there is a mythical Atri in the Rigveda distinct from the historical Atri,
and, for that matter, a mythical Kutsa distinct from the historical Kutsa: Macdonell, in his Vedic
Mythology, classifies Atri and Kutsa alongwith “Mythical Priests and Heroes” [5] like Manu,

14
BhRgu, AtharvaNa, Dadhyanc, ANgiras, Navagvas, DaSagvas and USanA, whom he
distinguishes from “several other ancient seers of a historical or semi-historical character... such
(as) Gotama, ViSvAmitra, VAmadeva, BharadvAja and VasiSTha”.[6]

5 The Vedic Mythology by A.A Macdonell, Indological Book House, (reprint) Varanasi, 1963,
pp. 138-147.

6 ibid., p.147

That this mythical Atri is distinct from the historical Atri, and the myth existed long before the
birth of this historical RSis confirmed by an examination of the references: we find that these
references undergo a complete transformation in MaNDala V, affected by RSis of the Atri family
in a deliberate attempt to try and appropriate the myth for themselves by identifying the mythical
Atri with the eponymous Atri, their ancestor.

This, on the one hand, shows up an interesting aspect of the family psychology of the RSis, and,
on the other, confirms our chronological order of the MaNDalas.

The references fall into three categories:

1. References in older MaNDalas (VI, VII, II) where Atri is a name of the Sun.

2. References in MaNDala V where Atri the Sun is deliberately transformed into Atri the RSi, as
part of two new myths.

3. References in later MaNDalas (I, X) where the RSi Atri is fully identified with the mythical
Atri in a transformed myth.

To elaborate:

1. VI.50.10 and VII.71.5 refer to the ASvins rescuing Atri from “great darkness”. As Griffith
points out in his footnote to VII.71.5: “The reappearance, heralded by the ASvins or Gods of
Twilight, of the departed Sun, appears to be symbolised in all these legends.”

VII.68.5 also refers to the same natural phenomenon, the gradual appearance of the Sun at dawn,
in a different way: it credits the ASvins with making Atri (the Sun) increasingly bright and
glorious with food and nourishment from their rich store.

II.8.5 does not refer to the ASvins. It uses the word Atri as an epithet for Agni (who is literally
the earthly representative of the Sun). The epithet is clearly a repetition of a simile in the
previous verse, II.8.4, where also Agni is likened to the Sun (BhAnu).

2. Two references by the Atris bifurcate the original myth into two distinct myths, both
connected up with their eponymous ancestor.

In the original myth, the ASvins rescue Atri, the Sun, from “great darkness”.

15
In the two transformed myths:

a. The ASvins rescue Atri, the RSi, from a pit or cavern:

V.78.4.

b. Atri, the RSi, rescues the Sun from “great darkness”:

V.40.6-9.

In V.78.4, Atri, lying in a deep pit or cavern, calls out to the ASvins for help, and is rescued by
them from his distress.

In V.40.6-9, the Sun has been pierced “through and through with darkness” by a demon called
SvarbhAnu (literally “sky-sun”), and all creatures stand bewildered and frightened by the sight.
Atri, however, by his Brahmanic powers, “discovered SUrya concealed in gloom”, and, with the
same powers, “established the eye of SUrya in the heavens”. The hymn smugly concludes: “The
Atris found the Sun again... This none besides had power to do.”

3. All the eleven references (in nine hymns) in the later MaNDalas (i.e. in late upa-maNDalas of
MaNDala I, and in MaNDala X) reflect one of the two transformed versions of the myth:

They refer to the RSi Atri being rescued (X.143.1, 3) from a fiery, burning pit (I.112.7, 16;
116.8; 11 8.7; 119.6; 180.4; X.39.9; 80.3), or simply a pit (I.117.3), by the ASvins.

The “fiery, burning pit” of the transformed myth is clearly incompatible with the “great
darkness” of the original nature-myth.

Links:

Indo-aryan migration http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/09/indo-aryan-migration-

wikipedia-2011.html
Central Asians in Ancient India http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/09/central-asians-in-
ancient-indian.html
Indo-Scythians http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/09/indo-scythians-wikipedia-2011.html
Komedes http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/09/komedes-2011.html
Ethnic of Sakas-Scythians http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/09/ethnic-of-sakas-
scythians-i-piankov.html

The *haeus- in *haeusom- is relatable to: Avestan: ušā.

śaumo, 'man (human being)'. kauṃ 'sun' (Tocharian B)

*Aeusos or Ushas a divinity whose name is reconstructed to Proto-Indo-European as *Haéusos

or *Haeus(os), and she is believed to have been the Divinity of dawn (p. 409, 410, 432, Oxford
Introduction). [Monier-Williams, p. 220,1]f. (nom. pl. / and / ; instr. pl.
/ RV. i , 6 , 3 ; » Ka1s3. on Pa1n2. 7-4 , 48) morning light , dawn , morning

16
(personified as the daughter of heaven and sister of the s and the night) RV. AV. S3Br.
S3ak. &c

Rgveda, prayer to Ushas:

HYMN XLVIII. Dawn. 48

1.48. To Uṣas from Praskaṇva Kāṇva bṛhatī alternating with satobṛhatī

1a. sahá vāména na uṣo ví uchā duhitar divaḥ |
1c. sahá dyumnéna bṛhatā vibhāvari rāyā devi d svatī
a. áśvāvatīr g matīr viśvasuvído bhūri cyavanta vástave |
c. d īraya práti mā sū ṛtā uṣaś c da rādho magh n m
3a. uvā soṣā uchāc ca n devī jīrā ráthān m |
3c. yé asyā ‧ ācáraṇeṣu dadhriré samudré ná śravasyávaḥ
4a. ṣo yé te prá yāmeṣu yu játe máno dānāya sūráyaḥ |
4c. átrāha tát káṇva eṣāṃ káṇvatamo nāma gṛṇāti n ṇ m
5a. ā ghā y ṣeva sūnárī uṣā yāti prabhu jatī |
5c. jaráyantī vṛjanam padvád īyata t pātayati pakṣíṇaḥ
6a. ví yā sṛjáti sámanaṃ vi arthínaḥ padáṃ ná veti datī |
6c. váyo nákiṣ ṭe paptivāṃsa āsate víuṣṭau vājinīvati
7a. eṣāyukta parāvátaḥ sūryasyodáyanād ádhi |
7c. śatáṃ ráthebhiḥ subhágā uṣā iyáṃví yāti abhí mānuṣān
8a. víśvam asyā nānāma cákṣase jágaj jy tiṣ kṛṇoti sūnárī |
8c. ápa dvéṣo magh nī duhitā divá uṣā uchad ápa srídhaḥ
9a. ṣa ā bhāhi bhān nā candréṇa duhitar divaḥ |
9c. āváhantī bhūri asmábhyaṃ sa bhagaṃ viuchántī díviṣṭiṣu
10a. víśvasya hí prāṇanaṃ jīvanaṃ tuvé ví yád uchási sūnari |
10c. sā no ráthena bṛhatā vibhāvari śrudhí citrāmaghe hávam
11a. ṣo vājaṃ hí váṃsuva yáś citr mānuṣe jáne |
11c. ténā vaha su ṛto adhvarām pa yé tvā gṛṇánti váhnayaḥ
1 a. víśvān devāmā vaha s mapītaye antárikṣād uṣas tuvám |
1 c. sāsmāsu dhā g mad áśvāvad ukthíyam ṣo vājaṃ suvīriyam
13a. yásyā r śanto arcáyaḥ práti bhadrā ádṛkṣata |
13c. sā no rayíṃ viśvávāraṃ supéśasam uṣā dadātu s gmiyam
14a. yé cid dhí tvām ṛṣayaḥ pūrva ūtáye juhūré ávase mahi |
14c. sā na st mām abhí gṛṇīhi rādhasā ṣaḥ śukréṇa śocíṣā
15a. ṣo yád adyá bhān nā ví dvārāv ṛṇávo diváḥ |
15c. prá no yachatād avṛkám pṛth chardíḥ prá devi g matīr íṣaḥ
16a. sáṃ no rāyā bṛhatā viśvápeśasā mimikṣvā sám í ābhir ā |
16c. sáṃ dyumnéna viśvat rā uṣo mahi sáṃ vājair vājinīvati

HYMN XLVIII. Dawn. 48

1 DAWN on us with prosperity, O Usas, Daughter of the Sky,

Dawn with great glory, Goddess, Lady of the Light, dawn thou with riches, Bounteous One.
2 They, bringing steeds and kine, boongivers- of all wealth, have oft sped forth to lighten us.

17
O Usas, waken up for me the sounds of joy: send us the riches of the great.
3 Usas hath dawned, and now shall dawn, the Goddess, driver forth of cars
Which, as she cometh nigh, have fixed their thought on her, like gloryseekers- on the flood.
4 Here Kanva, chief of Kanvas' race, sings forth aloud the glories of the heroes' names,
The. princes who, O Usas, as thou comest near, direct their thoughts to liberal gifts.
5 Like a good matron Usas comes carefully tending everything:
Rousing all life she stirs all creatures that have feet, and makes the birds of air fly up.
6 She sends the busy forth, each man to his pursuit: delay she knows not as she springs.
O rich in opulence, after thy dawning birds that have flown forth no longer rest.
7 This Dawn hath yoked her steeds afar, beyond the rising of the Sun:
Borne on a hundred chariots she, auspicious Dawn, advances on her way to Men.
8 To meet her glance all living creatures bend them down: Excellent One, she makes the light.
Usas, the Daughter of the Sky, the opulent, shines foes and enmities away.
9 Shine on us with thy radiant light, O Usas, Daughter of the Sky,
Bringing to us great store of high felicity, and beaming on our solemn rites.
10 For in thee is each living creatures' breath and life, when, Excellent! thou dawnest forth.
Borne on thy lofty car, O Lady of the Light, hear, thou of wondrous wealth, our call.
11 O Usas, win thyself the strength which among men is wonderful.
Bring thou thereby the pious unto holy rites, those who as priests sing praise to thee.
12 Bring from the firmament, O Usas, all the Gods, that they may drink our Soma juice,
And, being what thou art, vouchsafe us kine and steeds, strength meet for praise and hero might.
13 May Usas whose auspicious rays are seen resplendent round about,
Grant us great riches, fair in form, of all good things, wealth which light labour may attain.
14 Mighty One, whom the Rsis of old time invoked for their protection and their help,
O Usas, graciously answer our songs of praise with bounty and with brilliant light.
15 Usas, as thou with light to day hast opened the twin doors of heaven,
So grant thou us a dwelling wide and free from foes. O Goddess, give us food with kine.
16 Bring us to wealth abundant, sent in every shape, to plentiful refreshing food,
To allsubduing- splendour, Usas, Mighty One, to strength, thou rich in spoil and wealth.

Atharvaveda, prayer to Ushas:

HYMN XII (12)

A prayer to Ushas or Dawn for wealth and long life

[1901201] Dawn drives away her sister s gloom, and through her excellence makes her retrace
her path.
Through her may we gain God appointed treasure, and with brave sons be glad through hundred
winters.

f. 1 Dawn, morning; Bṛi. Up. च R.12.1; rising

at day-break. -2 Morning light; cf. Aurora; (personified as the daughter of heaven and sister of
the Ādityas). -3 The deity that presides over the morning and evening twilights (used in dual);
or . -4 The outer passage of the ear. -5 The Malaya range. -6 Evening. - The end of

18
the day, evening twilight. -Comp. - The moon. - A cock. - Aniruddha. - a.
awakening with the morning light, early awaked. - a. awakening early; च -
Rv.3.2.14. (- ) 1 fire; U.6. -2 A child. -3 N. of a tree ( च ). a. Sacred to the
dawn Vāj. 4.4. [ - ] 1 Early morning, dawn;
Av.12.2.45. -2 Morning light. -3 Twilight. -4 Saline earth. -5 A cow. -6 Night. -7 A boiler,
cooking vessel ( ); cf. . -8 N. of a wife of Bhava (who was a manifestation of Rudra). -
9 N. of a daughter of the demon Bāṇa and wife of Aniruddha. [She beheld Aniruddha in a dream
and became passionately enamoured of him. She sought the assistance of her friend Chitralekhā,
who advised her to have with her the portraits of all young princes living round about her. When
this was done, she recognized Aniruddha and had him carried to her city, where she was married
to him; see also]. ind. Early in the morning. -2 At night. -Comp. - a cock. - ,-
,- N. of Aniruddha, husband of Uṣā. (Apte Skt. lexicon) uṣás f. ʻ dawn ʼ RV., uṣā -- f.
RV. [ vas3]Pk. usā -- f. (CDIAL 385)uṣṭa ʻ burnt ʼ lex.P. ludh. huṭṭ ʻ sultry ʼ or poss. < uṣṇá --
(CDIAL 386). usrá m. ʻ ray, sun, day ʼ, us -- f. ʻ morning light ʼ, usrā -- f. ʻ daybreak, cow ʼ
RV. [ vas3] Pk. usa -- m. ʻ ray ʼ, ussā -- f. ʻ cow ʼ; M. ustẽ n. ʻ first morning light ʼ ( -- tẽ < tḗjas
-- )(CDIAL 399) uṣṇiman m. ʻ heat ʼ ChUp. [uṣṇá -- 1]Si. uṇuhuma ʻ heat ʼ (D. E. Hettiaratchi,
Univ. of Ceylon Review vi 91 uṣṇá -- 1 + ūṣmán -- ; EGS 5 uṇu + kama)(CDIAL 398) uṣṇá1
ʻ hot ʼ RV., °aka -- m. ʻ heat ʼ Pat. [ vas3]Pa. uṇha -- , Pk. uṇha -- , usiṇa -- ʻ hot ʼ, m. ʻ heat ʼ;
K. wuśunu, f. °śü ü ʻ warm, hot ʼ; H. unāh m. ʻ hot vapour, steam ʼ; G. ūnũ, hunũ ʻ hot, warm ʼ;
M. ūnh, ūn ʻ hot ʼ, n. ʻ heat of sun ʼ, redup. ūnhūnh, unhan ʻ burning hot ʼ; Ko. hūna ʻ hot ʼ; Si.
uṇu ʻ hot ʼ, uṇa ʻ fever ʼ. -- P. ludh. huṭṭ ʻ sultry ʼ rather < uṣṭa --Addenda: uṣṇá -- 1: Md. hūnu ʻ
hot ʼ.(CDIAL 389) See the reconstruction of the word for 'gold' in Table 15. presented in the
excerpt below:

J.P. Mallory, Douglas Q. Adams, 2006, The Oxford introduction to Proto-Indo=European and
the Proto-Indo-European world, OUP, p. 241

In a remarkable analytical monograph, Frits Staal (2001, How a psychoactive substance becomes
a ritual: the case of Soma, Social Research, Fall 2001), identifies Mujavat mentioned in the
Rgveda as the source of soma. He notes: “Introducing Doniger O'Flaherty's account of earlier
theories, Wasson wrote that the lesson to be drawn "about the futility of much scholarship is

19
humbling" (1968: 92). According to Brough (1971: 332; 1996: 367), the discussion "has latterly
been in the doldrums." In 2001, I cannot but agree with these distinguished scientists and feel
that we might do well to start all over again. A depressing conclusion, but I am happy to report
that there is something new, not on the identity of Soma but on its location. It amply supports the
Vedas' repeated assertion that Soma grows high in the mountains.The Best Soma. We have seen
in the ritual dialogue that the chief Nambudiri priest asks the Soma merchant: "Is it from Mount
Mujavat?" and the merchant replies: "It is from Mount Mujavat." Mujavat is the name of the
mountain from which, according to Rigveda 10.34.1 and other early sources, the best Soma
came. Where was it located? All we know is that Mujavat is the name of a mountain. The -vat
suffix is a common possessive and the name means: "having muja-" or perhaps: "inhabited by
the Muja tribe." The element muja is not Indo-European. Michael Witzel considered several
possible etymologies in 1980(104-5 nn.16-7). According to one, muj- or its relative munj- may
be preserved in the name of the Munjan people who live north of the Hindu Kush in the Kotcha
Valley. There are also possible cognates in Burushaski, the language of Hunza. More recently,
Witzel (1999: 345, 363) has suggested Muztagh Ata, a colossal mountain (24,386 ft.) close to the
sources of the Oxus and Yarkand-Tarim Rivers. Tagh and ata are common Uighur words for
"mountain" and "father" and the name means "Muz Mount Father." There are at least two other
mountains carrying the name Muztagh and of which Muztagh Ata may be called the father
because it is higher. The important point of Witzel's linguistic equation is that muz- is easily
related to Vedic muj-. Mount Muztagh Ata, now on the border of Tajikistan and China's
Xinjiang, is beyond the northeast frontier of northeast Afghanistan, the area through which Indo-
Aryan speakers trekked. Anyone who has seen that part of the world on a map recalls the
Wakhan corridor, the longish promontory that we could call a peninsula--like Baja California--if
Afghanistan were a continent surrounded by sea. If we take the modern frontier seriously,
Muztagh Ata is just beyond it. If we, more realistically, regard that corridor as a recent creation,
we must say that Mustagh Ata can be reached by following it for a little over 200 miles. True, "a
little" is not so little at 15,000 ft., but we are talking about tough mountaineering people and the
watershed here is far lower than the axial range of the Hindu Kush, an important geographical
and geopolitical fact first emphasized by Lord Curzon, later Viceroy of India, in his still useful
and readable monograph The Pamirs and the Source of the Oxus (1896: 40). In our present
context, the most important fact is that Muztagh Ata is the mountain that is located close to the
source of both the Oxus and Tarim Rivers. The Tarim or Yarkand River flows, with many
tributaries and smaller streams and streamlets, through the full west-east breadth of the Tarim
Basin. That basin has recently come into the news because of the discovery of numerous so-
called mummies (really dessicated corpses), with tattooed skins and clothes surviving in
excellent condition and often accompanied by little bags containing Ephedra. These mummies do
not look like the Egyptian paradigm, "wizened and eviscerated pharaohs wrapped in yards of
dusty gauze" (Mallory and Mair, 2000: 8). Because of the extraordinary dryness, the openness of
some tombs that were well aerated, and the fact that the dead probably died in midsummer so
that the corpses quickly lost fluids and dried, they are so well preserved that they seem to be
merely asleep. The colors of their attire is striking. Victor Mair's Ur-David wears knee-high
socks of matted wool fibers in the bright rainbow colors of the gay flag. The earliest of these
discoveries date from approximately 2000 B.C. and the latest from the second or third century
A.D. (Mallory and Mair, 2000). I shall not reopen the Pandora box of Ephedra. The species
contained in the little bags was identified as Ephedra sinica, the Chinese variety. It does not
affect the Soma problem because we know already that Ephedra use is ubiquitous. The

20
newsworthy feature of these corpses is that their physical appearance and DNA analysis
demonstrate that they belonged to people who have been called by various terms: European,
Europoid, or Caucasian. Corpses found after the third century A.D. are increasingly Mongoloid
and Chinese. It has been widely assumed that the language spoken by these mummies before
they were mummies was Indo-European. If that is so, their language must have been Indo-
Iranian or an early form of Tocharian--the easternmost Indo-European language family…Many
mysteries and questions about Soma remain and cannot be solved by a single individual. We
need teamwork between experts on psychoactive substances and human physiology, Vedic
scholars, botanists familiar with high mountains, geographers, historians, chemists,
pharmacologists and others. My contribution has been ritual but I hope that some readers will
take up the identity of Soma in earnest.”

References

Brough, John. "Soma and Amanita muscaria." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African
Studies (1971): 331-362. Reprinted in Brough (1996: 336-97).

--. Collected Papers. Eds. Minoru Hara and J. C. Wright. London: School of Oriental and African
Studies, 1996.

Curzon, George N. The Pamirs and the Source of the Oxus. London: The Royal Geographical
Society, 1896.

Doniger, Wendy. "'Somatic' Memories of R. Gordon Wasson." The Sacred Mushroom Seeker.
Essays for R. Gordon Wasson. Ed. Thomas J. Riedlinger. Foreword by Richard Evans Schultes.
Portland, Ore.: Dioscorides Press, 1990: 55-9.

Doniger O'Flaherty, Wendy. "The Post-Vedic History of the Soma Plant." Soma. Divine
Mushroom of Immortality. R. Gordon Wasson. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc.,
1968. Part II: 95-147.

--. The Rig Veda. An Anthology. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1981.

Falk, Harry, "Soma I and II." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52 (1989):
77-90.

Flattery, David Stophlet, and Martin Schwartz. Haoma and Harmaline: The Botanical Identity of
the Indo-Iranian Sacred Hallucinogen "Soma" and Its Legacy in Religion, Language, and Middle
Eastern Folklore. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989.

Gardner, Robert, and Frits Staal, producers. Altar of Fire. Directed by Robert Gardner. 1976.
Videocassette. Mystic Fire Video, 2000.

Ingalls, Daniel H. H. "Remarks on Mr. Wasson's Soma." Journal of the American Oriental
Society 91 (1971): 188-191.

21
Kuiper, F. B. J. Review of Soma. Divine Mushroom of Immortality, by R. Gordon Wasson.
Indo-Iranian Journal 12 (1970): 279-285.

Mair, Victor H., ed. The Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Peoples of Eastern Central Asia. Vols.
I-II. Washington: Institute for the Study of Man and Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Museum Publications, 1998.

Malamoud, Charles. Cuire le monde. Rite et pensee dans l'inde ancienne. Paris: Editions de la
Decouverte, 1989. Cooking the World. Ritual and Thought in Ancient India. Trans. David
White. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996.

Mallory, J. P., and Victor H. Mair. The Tarim Mummies. Ancot China and the Mysteries of the
Earliest Peoples from the West. London: Thames and Hudson, 2000.

Nyberg, Harry. "The Problem of the Aryans and the Soma: The Botanical Evidence." The Indo-
Aryans of Ancient South Asia. Ed. George Erdosy. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter,
1995.

Oberlies, Thomas. Die Religion des Veda. Vols. I-II. Wien: Publications of De Nobili Research
Library, 1998-1999.

Parpola, Asko. Deciphering the Indus Script. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994

Rau, Wilhelm. "The Earliest Literary Evidence for Permanent Vedic Settlements." Inside the
Texts/Beyond the Texts. New Approaches to the Study of the Vedas. Ed. Michael Witzel.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997: 20345.

Renou, Louis. Religions of Ancient India. University of London: The Athlone Press, 1953.

Said, Edward W. Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books, 1978.

Smith, Huston. Cleansing the Doors of Perception: The Religious Significance of Entheogenic
Plants and Chemicals. New York: Jeremy P. Tarcher/ Putnam, 2000.

Staal, Frits. Exploring Mysticism: A Methodological Essay. Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1988. New York: Penguin Books, 1975.

--. "Vedic Mantras." Understanding Mantras. Ed. Harvey Alper. Albany: State University of
New York Press, 1989: 48-95.

--. Rules without Meaning: Ritual, Mantras and the Human Sciences. Toronto Studies in
Religion 4. New York: Peter Lang, 1993 [1989].
--. "Greek and Vedic Geometry." Journal of Indian Philosophy 27 (1999): 105-27.

--. "Article One." Etudes de Lettres/Etudes Asiatiques (Lausanne), 2001a, forthcoming.

22
--. "Noam Chomsky between the Human and Natural Sciences." Janus Head. Supplement. 6/2
(2001b): 25-56 .

--. "The Indian Sciences: 1. The Science of Language." The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism.
Ed. Gavin Flood. Oxford: Blackwell, 2001c, forthcoming.

--. "Squares and Oblongs in the Veda." Journal of Indian Philosophy 29 (2001d): 257-73.

Staal, Frits, in collaboration with C. V. Somayajipad and M. Itti Ravi Nambudiri. Agni: The
Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar. Photographs by Adelaide de Menil. 2 vols. Berkeley: Asian
Humanities Press, 1983. Reprint. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2001.

van Gulik, R. H. Sexual Life in Ancient China. A Preliminary Survey of Chinese Sex and
Society from ca. 1500 B.C. till 1644 A.D. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1961.

Wasson, R. Gordon. Soma. Divine Mushroom of Immortality. New York: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich, 1968.

--. Soma and the Fly-Agaric; Mr. Wasson s Rejoinder to Professor Brough. Cambridge:
Botanical Museum of Harvard University, 1978.

--. "Soma Brought Up-to-Date." Journal of the American Oriental Society 99 (1979): 100-104.

Witzel, Michael. "Early Eastern Iran and the Atharvaveda." Persica 9 (1980): 86-128.

--. "Early Sanskritization. Origins and Development of the Kuru State." Recht, Staat und
Verwaltung im klassischen Indien. (The State, the Law, and Administration in Classical India).
Ed. B. Kolver. Munchen: R. Oldenbourg, 1997a: 27-52. [Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies 1.4
(1995) www.shore.net/~india/ejvs].

--. "The Development of the Vedic Canon and Its Schools: The Social and Political Milieu."
Inside the Texts/Beyond the Texts. New Approaches to the Study of the Vedas. Ed. Michael
Witzel. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997b: 257-345.

--. "Aryan and Non-Aryan Names in Vedic India. Data for the Linguistic Situation, c.1900-500
B.C." Aryan and Non-Aryan in South Asia: Evidence, Interpretation and Ideology. Eds.
Johannes Bronkhorst and Madhav M. Deshpande. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999:
337-404.

Wujastyk, Dominik. The Roots of Ayurveda. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1998.

Frits Staal is Professor Emeritus of Philosophy and South and Southeast Asian Studies,
University of California at Berkeley. His books include Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar,
I-II (1983) and Rules without Meaning: Ritual, Mantras, and the Human Sciences (1989). He has
two films to his credit as well as more than 130 published articles.

23
Bibliography for: "How a psychoactive substance becomes a ritual: the case of Soma"

Frits Staal "How a psychoactive substance becomes a ritual: the case of Soma". Social Research.
FindArticles.com. 27 Sep, 2011.

Tocharian is acknowledged to be a satem group IE language. If Tocharian was spoken in Mt.

Mujavant (Muztagh Ata), the mleccha-speakers were dasyu, mleccha-vācas, who like ārya vācas
were also dasyu. They brought somaimpregnated within añcu ‘iron’for Rigvedic people to
process it. This añcu is metaphorically referred to by Valmiki in the context
of suryāmśu and ayah-jālāni ‘net of iron’ which was smashed by the falcon. Gayatri was the
falcon who fetchedsoma.

Douglas Q. Adams, 1999, A dictionary of Tocharian B, Rodlopi

Gerd Carling, Georges-Jean Pinault, Werner Winter, 2008, Dictionary and thesaurus of
Tocharian A,Volume 1, Otto Harrassowitz Verlag.

Thanks to Koenraad Elst for a detailed evaluation of linguistic aspects of Indian linguistic area
which, in the opinion of S. Kalyanaraman, clearly establishes that the presence of Mleccha
(Meluhha) in the sprachbund has to be reckoned with to identify not only soma in Rgveda but
also the underlying language of Indus script. Full texts of Koenraad Elst's two monographs on
linguistic aspects of AIT and IE Urheimat are embedded.

Indian linguistic area: Linguistic aspects of AIT and IE Urheimat question by Koenraad Elst
(2000, 2005)

A background is provided by a comparison of myths from Rigveda and the Ancient Near East, in
the context of soma.

The heroic theft: myths from Rgveda and the Ancient Near East - David M. Knipe (1967)

Here is the quote from Valmiki Ramayana and English translation related to the Rgvedic
narrative of eagle fetching the soma.

See how Valmiki refers to Garuda smashing the iron-grid guard (ayah jaalaani).

This matches with the update I have made to the blog entry about Tocharian añcu- 'iron' which is
cognate with Rigvedic amśu- which describes soma.

From Valmiki Ramayana, araṇya kāṇḍa:

teSaam dayaaartham garuDaH taam shaakhaam shata yojanaam || 3-35-31

bhagnam aadaaya vegena tau ca ubhau gaja kacChapau |

24
31b, 32a. garuDaH= Garuda; teSaam dayaaartham = for their, grace's sake; shata yojanaam taam
bhagnam shaakhaam = of hundred, yojana-length, that, broken, tree-branch; tau ubhau gaja
kacChapau ca = those, two, elephant, tortoise also; aadaaya= on taking; vegena [jagaama]=
quickly, [he went - to relocate the sages - verse finishes later.]

For the sake of the grace of those sages Garuda took flight from that tree, grasping that broken
tree-branch of a hundred yojana length along with those pendulous sages with his beak, and both
of the elephant and tortoise with both of his claws. [3-35-31b, 32a]

eka paadena dharma aatmaa bhakSayitvaa tat aamiSam || 3-35-32

niSaada viSayam hatvaa shaakhayaa patagottamaH |
praharSam atulam lebhe mokSayitvaa mahaamuniin || 3-35-33

32b, 33. dharmaaatmaa= virtue-souled one; pataga uttamaH= among birds, the best - supreme
bird Garuda; tat aamiSam= that, meat [of elephant and tortoise]; eka paadena bhakSayitvaa=
with one, foot, having consumed; shaakhayaa = with tree branch; niSaada viSayam hatvaa=
tribesmen's, province, having destroyed; mahaa muniin mokSayitvaa = great-sages, having
released, rescued - in a safe place; atulam praharSam lebhe= incomparable, happiness, he gained.

That virtue-souled Garuda consumed the meat of his prays, namely the elephant and the giant
tortoise with a single foot, and destroyed the province of tribesmen with the same broken tree
branch, and thus that supreme bird Garuda gained an incomparable happiness in rescuing those
great-sages. [3-35-32b, 33]

Garuda held tortoise and elephant in two claws in the first instance and when to settle down on
tree branch he transferred one pray from one claw to the other and held both of them by one claw
and with the other free claw he caught hold of the tree branch. But it broke under his weight, and
then suddenly without making it to fall on ground he grasped that branch with his beak and took
to flight. While flying in sky he held both the preys in claw, and the tree branch into the other.
Then he started to eat his preys in sky with one claw, still upholding the branch from falling.
Seeing this feat of Garuda, the sages clinging to that tree branch bless him to be successful in his
next mission and leave that branch. When that tree branch is free from sages, Garuda throws it
on a province of some antagonistic tribal community, by weight of which the whole of that tribal
community is destroyed. This is one way of telling the myth.

sa tena tu praharSeNa dviguNii kR^ita vikramaH |

amR^ita aanayanaartham vai cakaara matimaan matim || 3-35-34

34. matimaan= heedful one; saH= he that Garuda; tena praharSeNa tu = with that, happiness but;
dvi guNii kR^ita vikramaH= with two, multiplied - double, rendered, valour - his valour became
twice as much - as sages blessed for rescuing them; amR^ita aanayana artham vai= ambrosia,
bringing - from heaven, for the purpose of, indeed; cakaara matim= made, his mind - resolved.
When his valour has become twice as much with that happiness that heedful Garuda indeed
resolved to bring ambrosia from heaven. [3-35-34]

ayo jaalaani nirmathya bhittvaa ratna gR^iham varam |

25
mahendra bhavanaat guptam aajahaara amR^itam tataH || 3-35-35

35. ayaH jaalaani= iron-grid guard; nir mathya= completely, on smashing; ratna varam gR^iham
bhittvaa = unbreakable like - diamond, best - strong, room, on crashing; tataH= then; mahendra
bhavanaat= Mahendra's, from palace; guptam= safeguarded; amR^itam aajahaara= ambrosia,
plundered.

Smashing the guard of iron-grid completely and crashing the unbreakable diamond -like
strongroom in which the ambrosia is safeguarded, then Garuda carried off ambrosia from the
palace of Indra. [3-35-35]

http://www.valmikiramayan.net/aranya/sarga35/aranya_35_frame.htm

Continuation of Meluhha corpora...Against this background, the following note is excerpted

from this corpora blog on the lexme *ancu- 'iron' in Tocharian (cognate Ved. amśu-) discussed
by Georges-Jean Pinault (2006). The strategy is to aver that Ved. amśu- as a borrowed word
from Tocharian had the cognate semantics 'metal', while *añcu-(Tocharian) meant 'iron'. And, in
the poetic metaphors which are abundant in Vedic copora, the characterisics ofsoma- as 'metal'
processed in yajña, are elaborated by the kavi- 'smiths'. (The key is in the proto-indic lexeme:
kavi, semant. ‘smith, poet'. Cognate, kayanian,cf. Christensen, A.,1932, Les Kayanides. Det Kgl.
Danske Videnskabernes Sellskab, Hist.-Filos. Meddelelser XIX.2. Copenhagen). cf. S.
Kalyanaraman, 2000, Rgvedic Soma as a metallurgical allegory; soma, electrum is deified.
Mirror: Rgvedic Soma as a metallurgical allegory; soma, electrum is deified -- S. Kalyanaraman
(2000) This work augments identification of mleccha of Indian linguistic area since Tocharians
(Tusharas) of Mujavant who supplied soma were Tushara, mleccha speakers (MBh.)

Meaning of the word, amśu used by Valmiki

Valmiki’s description of how sun’s rays heat the icy water of Himalaya, results in an
extraordinary metaphor – related to minerals -- of ‘a great mountain of sorrow, with its deep
gorge of brooding, its minerals of heaving sighs, thickets of desolation, numberless creatures of
delirium, plants and rushes of misery, and peaks of grief, care and woe.”

[Monier-Williams lexicon, p. 1,1] [L=47] m. a filament (especially of the plant), a kind

of libation S3Br., thread, end of a thread , a minute particle, a point , end, a ray , sunbeam.
Cf. [agrāṃśu] m S The extremity of a ray of light; the focal point. [aṃśujāla] n S
A collection of (sun-) beams, a pencil of rays. (Marathi)
means partial incarnation, , , and are the three kinds of Lord's
manifestations. A solar day. a. Having parts or members ( );
-Ved. Paribhāṣā. a. [ - ] Divisible. [ -
˚ .] 1 A ray, beam of light; च ˚, ˚ hot-rayed the sun;
Ku.1.32; Iustre, brilliance च च Rām.5.9.48; Śi.1.9. ˚, ˚ &c. -2 A point
or end. -3 A small or minute particle. - 4 End of a thread. -5 A filament, especially of the Soma

26
plant (Ved.) -6 Garment; decoration. -7 N. of a sage or of a prince. -8 Speed, velocity ( ). -9
Fine thread -Comp. - dew-water. - a collection of rays, a blaze or halo of light. -
- - - - - the sun, (bearer or lord of rays). - a kind of silken cloth
( ); Y. 1.186; Ms.5.12. - a
garland of light, halo. - m. [ , ] 1 the sun (wreathed with,
surrounded by, rays). -2 the number twelve. - [ ] the sun (who draws up
water from the earth by means of his 1 hands in the form of rays). aṃśumat a.
[ - ] 1 Luminous, radiant; Bg.1.21. -2 Pointed. -3 Fibrous,
abounding in filaments (Ved.) -m. (˚ )1 The sun; R.15.1;
Ki.11.6; Y.3.144; rarely the moon also;
Rām.5.5.1. -2 N. of the grandson of Sagara, son of Asamañjasa and father of
Dilīpa. -3 N. of a mountain; ˚ N. of a plant, Musa sapientum or Paradisiaca. - 1
N. of a plant (Mar. , ) Desmodium Gangeticum. - N. of the river Yamunā.
aṃśukam [ ; ˚ ] 1 A cloth, garment in
general; V.3.12; Ku.1.14; च
Ś.1.33; ˚ a breast-cloth. -2 A fine or white cloth;
Me.64; usually silken or muslin. -3 An upper garment; a mantle. -4 An under garment;
Śi.13.31. -5 A leaf. -6 Mild or gentle blaze of light ( )(
also; .) -7 The string of a churning stick. cf
cf. also

Nm. aṃśula a. Radiant, luminous. - [

, or - ] N. of
Chāṇakya; of any sage. [Apte’s lexicon] [ aṃśukamu ] amṣukamu. [Skt.] n. Cloth,
a robe, , . [ aṃśuvu ] amṣuvu. [Skt.] n. A ray or light,
a beam. . amṣujālamu. [Skt.] n. A garland of the rays of light, a
halo. amṣu-māli. [Skt.] n. He who is girded with rays. An epithet of the sun.
. amṣuman-tuḍu. [Skt.] n. The sun or moon. .
A rich man. (Telugu) a ś m. ʻ filament esp. of soma -- plant ʼ RV., ʻ thread, minute particle, ray
ʼ.Pa. a su -- m. ʻ thread ʼ; Pk. a su -- m. ʻ sunbeam ʼ; A. h ʻ fibre of a plant ʼ, OB. su; B. s ʻ
fibre of tree or stringy fruit, nap of cloth ʼ; Or. su ʻ fibrous layer at root of coconut branches,
edge or prickles of leaves ʼ, s f. ʻ fibre, pith ʼ; -- with -- i -- in place of -- u -- : B. iś ʻ fibre ʼ; M.
sī n. ʻ fine particles of flattened rice in winnowing fan ʼ; A. hiyā ʻ fibrous ʼ. (CDIAL 4)
a śuka ʻ *fibrous ʼ, n. ʻ cloth, garment ʼ lex. [a ś -- ] Pk. a suya -- n. ʻ cloth ʼ; A. hu ʻ
coloured thread ʼ; B. suyā ʻ fibrous, stringy ʼ, Or. suā. (CDIAL 5) á siya -- , á sya ʻ
belonging to the shoulder ʼ RV., Ku. sī ʻ scythe ʼ; N. h siyo ʻ sickle ʼ, B. h siyā, H. h siyā, has°
m. -- ith -- u -- : Bi. h suā ʻ sickle ʼ; G. h sv m. ʻ hoe ʼ. (CDIAL 7) á sa m. ʻ shoulder,
shoulder -- blade ʼ RV.Pa. Pk. a sa -- m. ʻ shoulder ʼ; L. a j -- va j m. pl. ʻ limbs ʼ, awāṇ. a j --
b macr;; Si. as ʻ shoulder ʼ. -- ith h -- (from haḍḍa<- ʻ bone ʼ ): S.ha jhī f. ʻ shoulder --

27
blade ʼ, L. ( ukes) h jī f.; H. h s m. ʻ collar -- bone ʼ; G. h sṛī f. ʻ collar ʼ. -- Ext. -- la -- : Pk.
a salaga -- m. ʻ shoulder ʼ; ha sala -- m. ʻ sort of ornament ʼ; P. haslī f. ʻ gold or silver collar ʼ,
N. h suli ʻ collar ʼ, H. h slī f., M. h s ī f. -- Loans from the centre with (s)s: S.hasu m. ʻ silver
collar ʼ; L. mult. hassī f. ʻ collarbone, silver collar ʼ, awāṇ. has ʻ neck -- bone ʼ; P. hass m., °sī f. ʻ
shoulderblade ʼ.(CDIAL 6) á sya of Rigveda may refer to a metallic scythe (sickle), cognate
with Ku. sī ʻ scythe ʼ. Aŋsa [see next] point, corner, edge; freq. in combn with numerals, e. g.
catur˚ four -- cornered, cha ˚, aṭṭh˚, so as˚ etc. (q. v.) all at Dhs 617 (cp. DhsA 317). Aŋsu [cp.
Sk. aŋśu (Halāyudha) a ray of light] a thread Vin iii. 4. -- mālin, sun Sāsv 1. (Pali)
amca-pūtaṉ, n. < aṃša- bhūta. One who forms part, as of a deity;
. ( .
166).(Tamil) amicai, n. < aṃša. Lot; (destiny).
,
. Semantics of help identify which is a ‘clothing or cover’ to
‘soma’. hen the rṣi-s employ the poetic metaphors in the vedic allegory related to soma, the
reference to is an enveloping mineral compound - ‘iron’ element called covering
the core dhātu – soma, ‘electrum’. Radiance of the ‘sun’ in the phrase used by Valmiki, suryāmśu
samtaptah can be explained as the heating by radiant mineral In a poetic exposition,
Valmiki uses the term amśu to describe the sun’s heat: suryāmśu samtaptah (‘heated by
sunbeam’) and vinihśvasita dhātunā (‘minerals in the shape of groans and sighs’). In the context
of the poet’s metaphor, the word amśu cannot be explained as related to part of a plant (e.g.
‘stalk’).

samniveshya sa taam senaam guhena paritoSitaH |

shatrughnena saha shriimaan shayanam punar aagamat || 2-85-15
15. shriimaan= the illustrious; saH= Bharata; sanniveshya taam senaam= lodging that army in
camps; paritoshhitaH= and felt delighted; guhena= by Guha’s service; samupaagamat= returned
to his camp; shayanam= and took rest; shatrughnena saha= with Shatrughna.
The illustrious Bharata, lodging that army in camps, felt delighted by Guha’s hospitality,
returned to his camp and took rest along with Shatrughna.

raama cintaamayaH shoko bharatasya mahaatmanaH |

upasthitaH hi anarhasya dharma prekSasya taadR^ishaH || 2-85-16
16. bharatasya= to Bharata; mahaatmanaH= the high soled; dharmaprekshhasya= whose only
aim is to fulfill his duty; anarhasya= and who is undeserving of sorrow; taadR^ishaH hi= indeed

28
felt; shokaH= grief; raama chintaamayah=born of anguish for Rama.
The high soled Bharata, whose only aim is to fulfill his duty and who is undeserving of sorrow,
indeed felt grief, born of anguish for Rama.

antar daahena dahanaH samtaapayati raaghavam |

vana daaha abhisamtaptam guuDho agnir iva paadapam || 2-85-17
17. agniriva= as a fire; guuDhah= hidden; paadapam= in a hollow tree; vana daahaabhi
samtaptaH= while a forest on fire is burnt up; (so did)raaghavam= Bharata’s; dahanaH= fire;
santaapayati= of anguish; antardaahena= burn within his heart.
As a fire is hidden in a hollow tree while a forest is on fire, so did Bharata’s fire of anguish burn
with in his heart.

prasrutaH sarva gaatrebhyaH svedaH shoka agni sambhavaH |

yathaa suurya amshu samtaptaH himavaan prasrutaH himam || 2-85-18
18. svedam= perspiration; shokaagnisambhavam= born of fieriness of grief; prasR^itaH= poured
off; sarvagaatrebhyaH= from all his limbs; yathaa= as; himam= the snow; prasR^itaH= melts
and flows; suuryaamshu samtaptaH= heated by solar rays; himavaan= from Himavat mountain.
Perspiration born of fieriness of grief poured off from all his limbs, as the snow heated by solar
rays melts and flows from Himavat mountain.

dhyaana nirdara shailena vinihshvasita dhaatunaa |

dainya paadapa samghena shoka aayaasa adhishR^ingiNaa || 2-85-19
pramoha ananta sattvena samtaapa oSadhi veNunaa |
aakraantaH duhkha shailena mahataa kaikayii sutaH || 2-85-20

19, 20. kaikeyiisutaH= Bharata,the son of Kaikeyi; aakraantaH= was pressed; mahata duHkha
sailena= by the weight of that colossal mountain of agony; dhyaana nirdhara shailena= consisting
of rocky caverns in the shape of settled contemplations on Rama; viniHshvasita dhaatunaa=
minerals in the shape of groans and sighs; dainyapaadapa samghena= a cluster of trees in the
shape of depressive thoughts ; shokaayaasaadhishR^iN^giNaa= summits in the form of
sufferings and fatigue; pramohaananta sattvena= countless wild beasts in the shape of swoons;
samtaapoushhadhi veNunaa= herbs and bamboos in the form of his exertions.

Bharata, the son of Kaikeyi was pressed by the weight of that colossal mountain of agony
consisting of rocky caverns in the shape of settled contemplations on Rama, minerals in the
shape of groans and sighs, a cluster of trees in the shape of depressive thoughts, summits in the
form of sufferings and fatigue, countless wild beasts in the shape of swoons, herbs and bamboos
in the form of his exertions.

The semantic component of ‘clothing or cover’ and Marathi compound: [aṃśujāla]

is consistent with the garuḍa narrative of breaking the ayah jālāni ‘iron-grid or iron-net’ shield of
a metamorphic mineral compound, to get to the ambrosia, amṛtam -- soma.

Electrum is a natural alloy of gold with at least 20 percent silver and contains also copper, iron,
palladium, bismuth and perhaps other metals. ‘The colour varies from white-gold to brassy,
depending on the percentages of the major constituents and copper.’ (Encyclopaedia Britannica).

29
Greek word ἤλεκτρον (elektron) mentioned in the Odyssey meaning a metallic substance
consisting of gold alloyed with silver. The same word was also used for the substance amber,
probably because of the pale yellow color of certain varieties, and it is from the electrostatic
properties of amber that the modern English words "electron" and "electricity" derive. Electrum
was often referred to as white gold in ancient times but could be more accurately described as
"pale gold".

Manhattan, Manhattan District, Nye Co., Nevada, USA. 1.8 x 0.7 x 0.6 cm. Electrum is a rare
natural amalgam of gold and silver (sometimes with trace amounts of copper and other minerals
as well). This smooth, water-worn nugget is from Nevada. It weighs about 7.5 cts. Ex. Carl
Davis Coll.

Electrum was used as early as the third millennium BC in Old Kingdom Egypt. In the
Babylonian Talmud (+2nd cent.), asemon is a commonly used word referring to bullion (gold,
silver of mixed). Leiden X papyrus (c. +3rd cent.) says: “no.8. It will be asem, (i.e. electrum, an
alloy of gold and silver) which will deceive even the artisans (a tin-copper-gold-silver alloy); no.
1. Falsification of gold (a zinc-copper-lead-gold alloy)…” (cited in Needham, oseph, 1985,
SCC, Vol. 5, Pt. II, pp.18- 1). Hopkins states: “The existence of this alloy (asse*m) may have
been the original cause for the suggestion of transmutation since by adding silver to it, one would
get a metal nearly identical with the crude silver from the mine; and by adding gold, something
indistinguishable from gold. [The paucity of the Egyptian language may perhaps have been
responsible for a confusion. Gold was ‘the yellow metal’, and the alloy produced was also a
‘yellow metal’.]” (Hopkins, A , 1967, Alchemy, pp. 103-104). Metals were not fully
distinguished from their alloys; all carried names such as aes, electrum etc. Ayas meant metal.
Asem denoted the natural alloy of silver and gold; it also meant any bright metal made with
copper, tin, lead, zinc, arsenic and mercury. Twelve or thirteen different alloys were called
asem… (Needham, oseph, 1985, Science and Civilization in China, Vol. 5, pt. II, p.45).

Egyptian Asem was Rigvedic soma.

Gold was the flesh of the sun god, Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology] by association it
assured immortality. Ptah-Tatenen promised Ramses II happiness, wisdom, wealth and eternal
power which was based on the strength of metals
“I have set thee as everlasting king, ruler established forever. I have wrought thy limbs of

30
electrum, thy bones of copper, thy organs of iron.”
The blessing of Ptah, Ramses II
James Henry Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Part Three, § 403
Electrum was mostly imported from countries south of Egypt: Punt, Emu, the south countries :
Punt, 80,000 measures of myrrh, [6,000] ... of electrum, 2,600 [...] staves, [... ...]
King Sahure, Palermo Stone
James Henry Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Part One, § 161
Every [statue] is overlaid on its body with electrum of Emu
Thutmose III, inscription of the speos of Artemidos
James Henry Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Part Two, § 298
..... necklaces, amulets, and pendants of real electrum, brought to his majesty from the south
countries as their yearly impost
Thutmose III
James Henry Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Part Two, § 654
Electrum was worked and used similarly to gold: chariots, thrones and offering-tables were
wrought with it, ceilings, roofs, columns and pyramidions covered with it, amulets, statues and
jewellery fashioned from it.

Rgvedic Soma as a metallurgical allegory; soma, electrum is deified -- S. Kalyanaraman (2000)

Tushara, Tocharians were mleccha (meluhha) speakers. Mujavat are a people mentioned in
Rigveda. Mujavant was the source of soma. Mujavat is muztagh ata Himalayan mountain range
in Kyrgystan. Mujavat spoke Tocharian a satem branch of Indo-European.

tūcar , n. < . Troops; .

( . . . 125).(Tamil)

31
Saka.

Gold artifacts of the Saka in Bactria, at the site of Tillia tepe.Tilliaa Tepe is located in the
Western portion of the region of ancient Bactria.

Mbh.12.64:- Here we have the following interesting passage mentioned as told by Vishnu in the
form of Indra (!) to king Mandhatri:- What duties should be performed by the Yavanas, the
Kiratas, the Gandharvas, the Chinas, the Savaras, the Barbaras, the Sakas, the Tusharas, the
Kankas, the Pathavas, the Andhras, the Madrakas, the Paundras, the Pulindas, the Ramathas, the
Kamvojas, the several castes that have sprung up from Brahmanas and Kshatriyas, the Vaisyas,
and the Sudras, that reside in the dominions of Arya kings? What are those duties again to the
observance of which kings like ourselves should force those tribes that subsist by robbery? I
desire to hear all this.

O illustrious god, instruct me. O chief of all the deities, thou art the friend of us Kshatriyas' Indra
said, All the robber tribes should serve their mothers and fathers, their preceptors and other
seniors, and recluses living in the woods. All the robber tribes should also serve their kings. The
duties and rites inculcated in the Vedas should also be followed by them. They should perform

32
sacrifices in honour of the Pitris, dig wells, and dedicate them to universal service, give water to
thirsty travellers, give away beds and make other seasonable presents unto Brahmanas.

Tusharas (alias Tukharas) were a Mlechcha tribe, with their kingdom located in the north west of
India as per the epic Mahabharata. An account in Mahabharata (Mbh 1:85) depicts Mlechchas as
the decendands of Anu, one of the cursed sons of king Yayati. Yayati's eldest son Yadu, gave
rise to the Yadavas and youngest son Puru to the Pauravas that includes the Kurus and
Panchalas. Only the fifth son Puru's line was considered to be the successors of Yayati's throne,
as he cursed the other four sons and denied them kingship. Pauravas inherited the Yayati's
original empire and stayed in the Gangatic plain who later created the Kuru and Panchala
Kingdoms. They were the followers of proper Vedic culture. Yadavas made central and western
India their stronghold. The descnedands of Anu, also called Anavas migrated to Iran, of which
the Tusharas settled in Turkmenistan, Turkistan (in Afghanistan) and Turkey. The Tushara
country mentioned in the epic could be Turkmenistan, a Central Asian Republic or the Turkistan
of Afghanistan.

References in Mahabharata

Tushara kingdom is mentioned in the traves of Pandavas in the northern regions beyond the
Himalayas:- Crossing the difficult Himalayan regions, and the countries of China, Tukhara,
Darada and all the climes of Kulinda, rich in heaps of jewels, those warlike men reached the
capital of Suvahu (3:176).

Valmiki Ramayana includes Janapadas of Andhras, Pundras, Cholas, Pandyas, Keralas,

Mekhalas, Utkalas, Dasharnas, Abravantis, Avantis, Vidarbhas, Mlecchas, Pulindas, Surasenas,
Prasthalas, Bharatas, Kurus, Madrakas, Kambojas, Daradas, Yavanas, Sakas (from Saka-dvipa),
Rishikas, Tukharas, Chinas, Maha-Chinas, Kiratas, Barbaras, Tanganas, Niharas, Pasupalas etc
(Ramayana 4.43).

Ramayana (I.54.17; I.55.2 seq), refeers to people called the Sakas, Kambojas, Yavanas,
Pahlavas, Kiratas, Haritas/Tukharas, Barbaras and Mlechchas who joined the army of sage
Vasishtha during the battle of Kamdhenu against Aryan king Viswamitra of Kanauj.

Sabha Parava of Mahabharata enumerates numerous kings from the north-west paying gifts to
Pandava king Yudhistra at the occasion of Rajasuya amongs whom it mentions the Kambojas,
Vairamas, Paradas, Pulindas, Tungas, Kiratas, Pragjyotisha, Yavanas, Aushmikas, Nishadas,
Romikas, Vrishnis, Harahunas, Chinas, Sakas, Sudras, Abhiras, Nipas, Valhikas, Tukharas,
Kankas etc (Mahabharata 2.50.1.seqq).

In the context of Krsna digvijaya, the Mahabharata furnishes a key list of twenty-five ancient
Janapadas viz: Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Magadha, Kasi, Kosala, Vatsa, Garga, Karusha, Pundra,
Avanti, Dakshinatya, Parvartaka, Dasherka, Kashmira, Ursa, Pishacha, Mudgala, Kamboja,
Vatadhana, Chola, Pandya, Trigarta, Malava, and Darada (MBH 7/11/15?17). Mahabharata
(XIII, 33.20?23; XIII, 35, 17?18), lists the Sakas, Yavanas, Kambojas, Dravidas, Kalingas,
Pulindas, Usinaras, Kolisarpas, Mekalas, Sudras, Mahishakas, Latas, Kiratas, Paundrakas,
Daradas etc as the Vrishalas/degraded Kshatriyas.

33
Rajatarangini of Kalhana, lists northern nations for king Lalitaditya Muktapida's (Kashmir) (8th
c AD) dig-vijaya: the Kambojas, Tukharas, Bhauttas (in Baltistan in western Tibet), Daradas,
Valukambudhi, Strirajya, Uttarakurus and Pragjyotisha respectively (Rajatarangini: 4.164,
4.175).

Kavyamimasa of Rajashekhar (880 - 920 AD) lists 21 north-western countries/nations of the

Saka, Kekaya, Vokkana, Huna, Vanayuja, Kamboja, Vahlika, Vahvala, Lampaka, Kuluta, Kira,
Tangana, Tushara, Turushaka, Barbara, Hara-hurava, Huhuka, Sahuda, Hamsamarga (Hunza),
Ramatha and Karakantha. (See: Kavyamimasa, Rajashekhara, Chapter 17; also: Kavyamimasa
Editor Kedarnath, trans.)

Apparently, Kamboja are the same s Gandhara.

MBH 12.207.43,44 names Yavanas, Kambojas, Gandharas, Kiratas and Barbaras (Yauna
Kamboja Gandharah Kirata barbaraih) etc as Mlechcha.

Besides, there were Janapadas of Kurus and Panchalas.

Source: http://yomi.mobi/egate/Gandhara___sharp___cite_note-2/a

Cultural differences with Vedic culture

The ancient Vedic people could not understand the real oringins of the Mlechcha tribes who
were highly skilled in weapons, warfare and material sciences but never followed the Vedic rites
properly. The confusion of ancient Vedic people in dealing with the unfamilier tribes is evidient
in the following passage from Mahabharata. At (12:35) is mentioned:- What duties should be
performed by the Yavanas, the Kiratas, the Gandharvas, the Chinas, the Savaras, the Barbaras,
the Sakas, the Tusharas, the Kankas, the Pathavas, the Andhras, the Madrakas, the Paundras, the
Pulindas, the Ramathas, the Kamvojas, the several castes that have sprung up from Brahmanas
and Kshatriyas, the Vaisyas, and the Sudras, that reside in the dominions of (Arya) kings?.

Tribute to Yudhisthira

The kings of the Pahlavas and the Daradas and the various tribes of the Kiratas and Yavanas and
Sakras and the Harahunas and Chinas and Tukharas and the Sindhavas and the Jagudas and the
Ramathas and the Mundas and the inhabitants of the kingdom of women and the Tanganas and
the Kekayas and the Malavas and the inhabitants of Kasmira, were present in the Rajasuya
sacrifice of Yudhisthira the king of the Pandavas (3:51). The Sakas and Tukhatas and Tukharas
and Kankas and Romakas and men with horns bringing with them as tribute numerous large
elephants and ten thousand horses, and hundreds and hundreds of millions of gold (2:50).

In Kurukshetra War

The Tusharas, the Yavanas and the Sakas, along with the Chulikas, stood in the right wing of the
Kaurava battle-array (6:75). The Tusharas, the Yavanas, the Khasas, the Darvabhisaras, the

34
Daradas, the Sakas, the Kamathas, the Ramathas, the Tanganas the Andhrakas, the Pulindas, the
Kiratas of fierce prowess, the Mlecchas, the Mountaineers, and the races hailing from the sea-
side, all endued with great wrath and great might, delighting in battle and armed with maces,
these all—united with the Kurus and fought wrathfully for Duryodhana’s sake (8:73). A number
of Saka and Tukhara and Yavana horsemen, accompanied by some of the foremost combatants
among the Kambojas, quickly rushed against Arjuna (8:88).

Other References

*Tuhara is mentioned as a warrior in the army of Kartikeya.

- ,- fire. [t ṣa m. ʻ chaff of grain ʼ AV. . *thuṣa -- . 3. *dhuṣa -- .

[Variation t ~ th ~ dh suggests non -- Aryan origin: cf. also MIA. bhusa -- ~ busa -- 1](CDIAL
5892)]

itra-th si &dotbelow; - &above; &below; m.pl.

large lumps of snow or hail falling (like those that usually fall in this month). -w u -
&below; m. the snow-water that comes down in the mountain
torrents in this month (looked upon as very pure, cool and, owing to its origin among the
mountain plant wholesome). (Kashmiri)

[ tuṣāramu ] tushāramu. [Skt.] n. Dew, snow, mist. . Small drops, a

sprinkling. . adj. Cool. . (Telugu) [ tuṣāra ] m (S) Thin rain,
mizzle, drizzle: also spray. 2 Dew.(Marathi)

(VI.10.66)

The Udyogaparava of the Mahabharata (MBH 5/19/21-23) tells us that the composite army of the
Kambojas, Yavanas and Sakas had participated in the Mahabharata war under the supreme
command of Sudakshina Kamboja. The epic repeatedly applauds this composite army as being
very fierce and wrathful. Some verses of Mahabharata also attest that the Tusharas or Tukharas
were also included in the Kamboja division (for example, MBH 6.66.17-21; MBH 8.88.17).

Then a hundred cars, a hundred elephants, and a number of Saka and Tukhara and Yavana
horsemen, accompanied by some of the foremost combatants among the Kambojas, quickly
rushed against Arjuna from desire of slaying him. (Mbh.8.88.5410)

And crossing the difficult Himalayan regions, and the countries of China, Tukhara, Darada and
all the climes of Kulinda, rich in heaps of jewels, those warlike men reached the capital of
Suvahu. (Mbh.3.176.8767)

The Vayu Purana (47, 44) and the Matsya Purana, (121, 45) mention that:

35
 tuṣāra a. [ - Uṇ.3.139.] Cold; frigid, frosty or dewy;

N.3.93; Śi.9.7. - 1 Frost, cold; -

Ku.5. 7. - Ice, snow; - Ku.1.6;
s.4.1. -3 Dew; R.14.84; Ś.5.19. -4 Mist, thin rain,
spray, espe- cially of cold water;
R. .13;9.68; U.5.3. -5 A kind of camphor. -6 A kind of horse;
Aśvachikitsā. -Comp. - ,- ,-
the Himālaya mountain; Me.19. - 1 the
moon. - camphor. - a dew-drop, an icicle, hoar-frost; -
Ks.19.5. - winter. - , the moon; Amaru.49;
Śi.9. 7. - a. 1 white as snow. - white with snow.
(- ) camphor. (Apte lexicon) t ṣāra m. sg. and pl. ʻ frost, snow, mist, dew, thin rain ʼ MBh.,
adj. ʻ cold ʼ Kālid.
Pk. tusāra -- n. ʻ hoarfrost, snow ʼ; Ku. tusyāro, tos ʻ frost ʼ (y ); N. tusāro ʻ snow, hoarfrost, dew
ʼ; B. tusār ʻ cold, dew, drizzle ʼ; H. tusār ʻ cold ʼ, m. ʻ cold, frost, snow, ice, hail, dew, mist, thin
rain, blight, crop ripening in cold season ʼ, tusārā, °rū ʻ cold, frosty ʼ; M. tusār, °rā m. ʻ drizzle ʼ;
Si. tusara ʻ dew, mist ʼ, adj. ʻ cold ʼ. -- K. t run ʻ to freeze ʼ < *tuhār -- ?(CDIAL
5894) Identification of Mujavant, locus of Rigvedic soma - S. Kalyanaraman (2011)

This further augments mleccha of Indian linguistic area since Tocharians (Tusharas) of Mujavant
who supplied soma were mleccha speakers (MBh.)

Georges-Jean Pinault, 2006, Further links between the Indo-Iranian substratum and the BMAC
language in: Bertil Tikkanen & Heinrich Hettrich, eds., 2006, Themes and tasks in old and
middle Indo-Aryan linguistics, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, pp. 167 to 196.

"*ancu- is admitted by Lubotsky (2001: 304, 310) as meaning 'Soma plant', being the substratum
source of Ved. ams'u- 'Soma plant' and Late Av. asu- 'Haoma plant'...This claim presupposes that
the Soma/Haoma cult had been borrowed from the BMAC culture together with the name of the
plant...A very useful discussion of the whole problem, with abundant bibliography, has been
provided by Houben (2003), in his report of the conference held at Leiden University in July
1999..." (ibid., p.184)

"...The contrast between Soma as god and ams'u- as material unit is clear from the following
mantra (TS 1.2.11a, etc. quoted in SB 3.4.3.19) ams'ur-ams'us te deva somaapyaayataam
indraayaikadhanavide 'Let stalk after stlk of thine swell strong, O divine Soma, for Indra, the
winner of one part of the booty!'. It is true that in Vedic literature ams'u- refers only to the twigs
of the Soma plant and not of any other plant, but it is only to be expected, given the prestige of
the hymns, where the word was used in hieratic language for the whole Soma plant: in this poetic
usage, it can be explained by a commonplace metonymy, and by the pressure to give many
names to Soma. Therefore, I shall assume that *ancu- originally referred to the 'twig' or 'stalk', as
a special term given to the 'body' of the holy plant, which was the most important part for ritual
purposes. There exists in Tocharian no word of similar form referring to a plant or part of a plant.

36
From the Tocharian vocabularies,we have Toch. A. *ancu 'iron', the basis of the derived
adjective ancwaashi 'made of iron', to which corresponds Toch. B encuwo, with the parallel
derived adjective encuwanne 'made of iron'...The two forms go back to CToch. oencuwoen-
non.sg. *oencuwo, the final part of which is a regular product of IE *-on. Nasal enlargement
(from: IE *-on-) of nominal stems is very common in Tocharian. This noun is deprived of any
convincing IE etymology (cf. Adams 1999:80), which is not surprising, since IE did not have a
common word for 'iron'. The connection with an Iranian form *as'wanya- according to Bailey
(1957: 55-56), which does not fit in with the first cluster, was later abandoned (Bailey, Harold
W., 1979, Dictionary of Khotan Saka. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 32, 487).
The CToch. form may reflect a term proper to the Central Asiatic region, cf. Chorasmian hnc'w
'iron' ('iron tip', see Benzing 1983: 319) < Iranian *anśuwan- (Schwartz, Martin, 1974. Irano-
Tocharica. In: Philippe Gignoux & Tafazzoli (eds.), Memorial Jean de Menasce. Louvain:
Imprimerie Orientaliste. p. 409): the formal shape is extremely close to the CToch. transposition,
so that the Iranian and Tocharian words may have been borrowed from a common substratum
language. The problem now becomes: if the original meaning of *ancu had been 'sacred plant', or
the like, it would become impossible to explain the meaning of the CToch. loan-word. A simple
solution to this dilemma is near at hand. Metals are not named from designations of plants, but
they are often named after the colour, see for instance Ved. hiraNya- and suvarNa- 'gold', rajata-
'silver', lohita- or loha- 'copper', etc. (Rau, Wilhelm, 1974, Metalle und Metallgerate im
vedischen Indien. Mainz. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. Abhandlungen der
Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jg. 1973, Nr.8. Wiesbaden: Steiner, pp. 18-24). A
secondary differentiation (from AV onwards) was also provided by colour adjectives, cf. lohitam
ayah 'reddish metal' (for 'copper') vs. s'yaamam ayah 'dark metal' (for 'iron'). The primitive
system opposed Ved. ayas- (Av. aiiah-) 'metal of utility' to hiraNya- 'noble metal': the former
term originally referred to 'copper', later to 'iron'. I recall that the prominent colour of iron ore is
rusty red, reddish-brown. Besides Toch. B eñcuwo (A *añcu), we know several names of metals
in Tocharian: B yasa (A was) 'gold', B ñakante (A nkiñc) 'silver', B pilke 'copper', B lant* (adj.
lantaṣṣe) 'lead'. Interestingly enough, the name of copper is obviously derived from the root palk-
'to shine': it originally meant 'shining like fire, gleaming', as corresponding to loha-, lohita-,
which referred to copper for its red colour. It would be likely that the name of iron be derived
from another colour, that is 'rusty (brown)'. Compare the designations of the colours in
Tocharian: B ratre A rtar 'red', B tute 'yellow', AB tsem 'blue', B motartstse 'green', B erkent- A
arkant- 'black', B kwele 'grey'. Going back to Vedic, we may assume that the borrowed word
*ancu- referred to the characteristic colour of the twig or stalk of the sacred plant. The soma
plant is qualified and also designated by various colour adjectives: hari-, aruṣa-, aruṇa-, babhru-.
The terms hari- (cf. Av. zairi-) 'yellow, fawn' to 'green'...(p.187) "...It is all the more interesting
to find an isolated reference to foreign (non-Aryan) people who also practise the Soma cult,
while using amśu-: RV VIII.53.4c (Vālakhilya hymn) śiṣṭeṣu cit te madirāso amśavah 'Among
the ś. also the exciting (Soma) plants belong to you (Indra)'. The form śiṣṭa- with variants śīṣṭra-,
śīrṣṭra- testifies to a non-Aryan name with 'intrusive -r-' (Kuiper 1991: 7,70). It would be one of
the last echoes of the widespread practice of the cult of the sacred plant in Central Asia. To
summarize my present contribution to the Soma/Haoma problem, I should like to point out the
most important provisory results: (i) The term Ved. amśu-, Av. asu- goes back to a noun
borrowed from some donor language of Central Asia, as confirmed by CToch. *oeñcuwoen-. (ii)
Since the original meaning referred to the colour of the marrow, that is the internal part of the
twigs of the plant, one may wonder whether the designation of the heart of the plant as 'the rusty

37
red one' had already been coined by the ritualists of the donor language, or whether this
denomination was conceived by the speakers of Indo-Iranian, in order to possess a
supplementary secret term to designate this holy substance. The last interpretation is admittedly
tentative, because it concerns one of the most discussed issues of Indo-Iranian studies, and it will
certainly be refined and tested according to other parameters. I should point out that this example
is not fundamentally different from others which have been discussed previously. Once it is
admitted that Ved. amśu-, Av. asu- are of foreign origin, it is legitimate to look for the most
similar form in other languages of Central Asia. Since one finds a corresponding noun of very
close, almost identical, formal shape, but with a very different meaning, referring to 'iron', there
are two possible strategies..."(p.189)."The term Ved. ams'u-, Av . asu- goes back to a noun
borrowed from some donor language of Central Asia, as confirmed by CToch. *oencuwoen-...the
BMAC language would not belong to the Indo-European family; it does not seem to be related to
Dravidian either...New identifications and reconstructions will certainly help to define more
precisely the contours of the BMAC vocabulary in Indo-Iranian, as well as in Tocharian."(ibid.,
p.192)]"

Following this insightful analysis of the Ved. amśu- cognate Toch. añcu- there is a simple
strategy to deal with Ved.soma- as a material related to the borrowed word: añcu-'iron'...As the
following are lexemes from Indian linguistic area attest, Ved. soma- might have referred to a
metallic ore from the Mount Mujavant:

, s. Sand containing silver, . (R.) , s. Rock-salt,

as .(Winslow dictionary)

samanom = an obsolete word for gold (Santali. Campbell lexicon)

sambr.o bica = gold ore (Mundarica)

hom = gold (Kannada)

somnakay = gold (Gypsy)

assem, s'm, asemon = electrum (Old Egyptian. cf. Joseph Needham)

soma man.al = sand containing silver ore (Tamil. Winslow lexicon)

Wasson wrote that the lesson to be drawn on identification of Soma -- "about the futility of much
scholarship is humbling" (1968: 92). After reviewing many scholarly attempts, Frits Staal
notes: "We have seen in the ritual dialogue that the chief Nambudiri priest asks the Soma
merchant: "Is it from Mount Mujavat?" and the merchant replies: "It is from Mount Mujavat."
Mujavat is the name of the mountain from which, according to Rigveda 10.34.1 and other early
sources, the best Soma came. Where was it located? All we know is that Mujavat is the name of
a mountain. The -vat suffix is a common possessive and the name means: "having muja-" or
perhaps: "inhabited by the Muja tribe." The element muja is not Indo-European. Michael Witzel
considered several possible etymologies in 1980(104-5 nn.16-7). According to one, muj- or its
relative munj- may be preserved in the name of the Munjan people who live north of the Hindu

38
Kush in the Kotcha Valley. There are also possible cognates in Burushaski, the language of
Hunza. More recently, Witzel (1999: 345, 363) has suggested Muztagh Ata, a colossal mountain
(24,386 ft.) close to the sources of the Oxus and Yarkand-Tarim Rivers. Tagh and ata are
common Uighur words for "mountain" and "father" and the name means "Muz Mount Father."
There are at least two other mountains carrying the name Muztagh and of which Muztagh Ata
may be called the father because it is higher. The important point of Witzel's linguistic equation
is that muz- is easily related to Vedic muj-. Mount Muztagh Ata, now on the border of Tajikistan
and China's Xinjiang, is beyond the northeast frontier of northeast Afghanistan, the area through
which Indo-Aryan speakers trekked...Tarim Basin. That basin has recently come into the news
because of the discovery of numerous so-called mummies (really dessicated corpses), with
tattooed skins and clothes surviving in excellent condition and often accompanied by little bags
containing Ephedra...The newsworthy feature of these corpses is that their physical appearance
and DNA analysis demonstrate that they belonged to people who have been called by various
terms: European, Europoid, or Caucasian. Corpses found after the third century A.D. are
increasingly Mongoloid and Chinese. It has been widely assumed that the language spoken by
these mummies before they were mummies was Indo-European. If that is so, their language must
have been Indo-Iranian or an early form of Tocharian--the easternmost Indo-European language
family...It is true that the evidence for Tocharian is Buddhist and of a later date, but it is also true
that it was spoken in the very same area of Xinjiang. All Tocharian documents have been
discovered along the northern Silk Road. The Tarim mummies have been found along the
northern and southern branches both, but in the north they are mostly concentrated near Lop Nor,
far to the east and close to China proper. Along the southern branch, a series of finds leads close
to the source of the Yarkand-Tarim River, the colossal mountain complex towered over by
Muztagh Ata, favorite candidate for the best Soma...To sum up. The Tarim is the river of the
mummies who probably spoke an Indo-European language, perhaps Indo-Iranian, Iranian, or
Indo-Aryan. The Oxus is the river of the Indo-Iranian speakers who trekked south on the eastern
side of the Caspian Sea. If Muztagh Ata is the same as Mujavat, Soma is the personification of
the Indo-Aryan or Vedic contribution to the formation of Indian culture. No wonder that Soma
developed into the most characteristic Vedic ritual, perhaps the oldest surviving ritual of
humanity and certainly the most prolific. "

If Tocharian speakers were aware of the Mujavant mountain and if Soma came from this
mountain, what did Tocharian's call Soma? Ancu ! 'iron'. This word 'ancu' is cognate with ams'u
which is used in the Rgveda to describe Soma. Soma was a metallic ore, a compound of silver
and gold called by metallurgists as: electrum. Thus, for Rgvedic kavi, description of soma in
metaphoric terms comparing it to a plant should not be treated literally as a reference to a 'plant'.
The reference could as well have been to a metallic ore subjected to refining process of smelting
in fire which could raise upto 1500 degrees C in a yajna -- agnishthoma, for example -- which
lasted continuously for 5 days and 5 nights.

Expiatory prayers in Indian tradition apologize to the divinities for the use of a substitute plant
(somalataa, e.g. the pūtīka --Guilandina Bonduc?) because Soma had become unavailable. Texts
provide an extensive list of plants that can be used as substitutes and end the list by saying that
any plant is acceptable, provided it is yellow. (Angot, Michel, 2001, L'Inde Classique, Les Belles
Lettres, Paris.)

39
Tandya Mahabrahmana 9.5.1-3 suggests the use of putika -- basella cordifolia? -- as a substitute
for Soma. Other substitutes (e.g. Satapatha Brahmana 4.5.10; 5.3.3; 6.6.3) mentioned in many
Brahmana texts were praprotha, adara, usana and prsniparni (122). Prsniparni had speckled
leaves and its wood was used to protect from the negative effects caused by evil spirits. ApSS
14.24,13 suggests the use of rice and barley as substitutes for Soma.

Jaiminiya Brahmana notes that "if they do not find Soma...they should press out Phalguna plants
with tawny panicles. Indra killed Vrtra with the Vajra. The Soma which flowed out of his nose,
became these Phalguna plants with tawny panicles. And what was produced on account of the
drawing out of the omentum, that became Phalguna plants with red panicles. Therefore they
press out Phalguna plants with tawny panicles, since these are more suitable to be used in a
sacrifice. They say: 'This (pseudo-Soma) belongs to the Asuras, therefore it should not be
pressed out (for a Soma sacrifice)'. (The answer should be:) 'In the beginning all here was with
the Asuras. The gods placed this with themselves after their victory. Therefore it should be used
for the Soma presing.' If they should not find this (substitute), they should press out Utika plants.
Indra having thrown the Vajra at Vrtra but thinking 'I have not slain him' entered the Utika
plants. Someone whose Soma they steal loses his help (Uti). They find help for him (in the form
of the Utika). When the head of the sacrifice was cut off, the sap which streamed forth out of it
became the Utika plants. Therefore also they obviously press out sacrifice itself in the form of
these Utika plants. If they should not find this---355. -- they should press out light-coloured
grass. When king Soma came to this world, then he stayed in the grasses. This is a trace of him.
Thus they press him out (when they press out the grasses). If they should not find this, they
should press out the Parna. When Suparna fetched king Soma, then the feather which fell down
became the Parna (leaf). That is his trace. Thus they press him out (when they press out the
Parna). If they should not find this, they may press out whatever plants there are. When Suparna
fetched king Soma and broke him, then the drops which fell down, became these plants. And all
plants are related to Soma. That is this trace of him. Him they thereby press out. At the morning
pressing one should pour fresh milk, at the midday pressing boiled milk and at the third pressing
coagulated milk to (these substitutes of Soma). It is obvious that they also consume this Soma,
when they consume milk, for that is the sap of all the plants. (Excerpted from HW Bodewitz,
1990, The Jyotistoma ritual: Jaiminiya Brahmana I, 66-364, Brill, p. 203)

Substrates of mleccha? Vedic, Avestan! soma, haoma.

Both Avestan haoma and Sanskrit soma derived from proto-Indo-Iranian *sauma. The linguistic
root of the word haoma, hu-, and of soma, su-, suggests 'press' or 'pound'. [Taillieu, Dieter and
Boyce, Mary (2002). "Haoma". Encyclopaedia Iranica. New York: Mazda Pub.]

See parhaoma ritual (Ab-Zohr).

The Graeco-Russian archeologist Viktor Sarianidi claims to have discovered vessels and mortars
used to prepare Soma in 'Zoroastrian temples' in Bactria. He claims that the vessels have
revealed residues and seed impressions left behind during the preparation of Soma. This has not
been sustained by subsequent investigations [C.C. Bakels, Report concerning the contents of a
ceramic vessel found in the "white room" of the Gonur Temenos, Merv Oasis, Turkmenistan.
EJVS Vol.9, 2003: Embedded below] Besides the residue of Ephedra the archeologists

40
discovered the residues of Poppy seeds and Cannabis. The vessels also had impressions created
by Cannabis seeds. Cannabis is well known in India as Bhang and sometimes Poppy seeds are
used with Bhang to make the ritual drink Bhang Ki Thandai.

Jan E. M. Houben writes: "despite strong attempts to do away with Ephedra by those who are
eager to see *sauma as a hallucinogen, its status as a serious candidate for the Rigvedic Soma
and Avestan Haoma still stands"
(Houben, 2003: https://www.academia.edu/5425231/The_Soma-
Haoma_problem_Introductory_overview_and_observations_on_the_discussion._Electronic_Jour
nal_of_Vedic_Studies_9.1 Full text mirrored at:
http://www.ejvs.laurasianacademy.com/ejvs0901/ejvs0901a.txt).

Maybe, Houben's endorsement of ephedra as an identification of soma is also questionable since

in the Indian tradition, soma substitutes were used. The substitutes were plants. What was the
original soma described in the ancient document, Rigveda? See Kalyanaraman, 2004, Indian
Alchemy: Soma in the Veda.

Description: chapter 1: Gold and the grammar of money in antiquity; chapter 2: Indus: roots of
alchemy; chapter 3: Yak\d{s}a: alchemical potential and transmutation; chapter 4: Soma and
alchemy; chapter 5: Brahmana-s: aurifiction; chapter 6: Alchemy as a state enterprise; chapter 7:
Political economy of alchemy; chapter 8: Siddha and Tantric alchemy; chapter 9: Apparatus,
terms, and symbols; chapter 10: Conclusion; chapter 11: A survey of sources for history of
alchemy

"The book ... identifies soma as electrum (gold-silver metallic compound). Soma is referred to in
the Rgveda as the soul of the yajna. The path-breaking identification is based on textual evidence
and a penetrating analysis of the Indian alchemical tradition, spanning nearly five millennia. The
author is also the discoverer of the integrating role played by the mighty Sarasvati river adored in
the Rgveda as the best of mothers, best of rivers and best of goddesses. Sarasvati and soma are
no longer mythology but relevant to present-day children, respectively, as the repository of
groundwater sanctuaries in north-west India and the metallurgical tradition starting with the
Bronze Age civilization, c. 3000 BC. Sarasvati and soma are the symbols of the great Indian
traditions of devi worship and personification and deification of natural, material phenomena.
The tirthas along the rivers are reminders of the critical nature of water management problems all
over India and soma as an integral part of the yajna process, is the embodiment of the scientific,
technological and materialist temper of ancient India."

S. Kalyanaraman, 2008, Sarasvati: Soma yajna and the Veda. The argument: Rigveda is a
metallurgical allegory; soma is electrum ore.

S. Mahdihassan, 1991, The vedic gods Agni, Indra and Soma as interrelated: A study of
Soma, Indian Journal of History of Science, 26(1), pp. 11-15.

Both Soma and the Avestan Haoma are derived from Proto-Indo-Iranian *sauma-. The name of
the Scythian tribe Hauma-varga is related to the word, and probably connected with the ritual.
The word is derived from an Indo-Iranian root *sav- (Sanskrit sav-/su) "to press", i.e. *sau-ma- is

41
the drink prepared by pressing the stalks of a plant.[K.F.Geldner, Der Rig-Veda. Cambridge MA,
1951, Vol. III: 1-9] The root is Proto-Indo-European (*sew(h)-)[M. Mayrhofer, Etymologisches
Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen, Heidelberg 1986–2000, vol II: 748]

Beyond the establishment of a common origin of haoma and soma and numerous attempts to
give that common origin a botanic identity, little has been done to compare the two. As
Indologist Jan Houben also noted in the proceedings of a 1999 workshop on Haoma-Soma,
"apart from occasional and dispersed remarks on similarities in structure and detail of Vedic and
Zoroastrian rituals, little has been done on the systematic comparison of the two" (Houben, 2003,
9/1a).Houben's observation is also significant in that, as of 2003, no significant comparative
review of cultural/sacred Haoma/Soma had extended beyond Alfred Hillebrandt's 1891
comparison of the Vedic deity and the Zoroastrian divinity. (Hillebrandt, Alfred (1891).
Vedische Mythologie. I: Soma und verwandte Goetter. Breslau: Koebner.)

http://www.jstor.org/pss/4256916

See How a psychoactive substance becomes a ritual: the case of Soma by Frits Staal (2001)

A Botanical Perspective on the Identity of Soma (Nelumbo Nucifera Gaertn.) Based on

Scriptural and Iconographic Records Andrew McDonald pg(s) S147–S173

Andrew McDonald, 2004, A Botanical Perspective on the Identity of Soma (Nelumbo Nucifera
Gaertn.) Based on Scriptural and Iconographic Records, Economic Botany 58(sp1):S147-S173.
2004

University of Texas at Austin, Plant Resources Center, 78712; [email protected]

Abstract

An examination of the mythic and artistic records of India and Southeast Asia indicates that the
famous psychotropic of the ancient Aryans was the eastern lotus, Nelumbo nucifera. Vedic
epithets, metaphors, and myths that describe the physical and behavioral characteristics of the
‘soma’ plant as a sun, serpent, golden eagle, arrow, lightning bolt, cloud, phallic pillar, womb,
chariot, and immortal navel, relate individually or as a whole to the eastern lotus. Since most
Hindu and Buddhist gods and goddesses trace their origins from the Vedas and have always
shared close symbolic associations with Nelumbo, there is reason to believe the divine status of
this symbolic plant derives from India's prehistoric past.
Agnishthoma Somayaagam, reception of Somalata (Aluva, 2009).

Haoma is the lord of knowledge and possesses good wisdom.(Yt 9:27, 10:2) He is the healing
one, beautiful, lordly, and of golden eyes. (Yt 9:17, 10:88, 17:37)

"With the return of the Indo-Iranian divinities come also the ceremonies that their early votaries
had celebrated before their separation. The Yasna Haptanghaiti already refers to the Haoma
ceremony, (42:5) the invocation of the souls of the dead, (42:39:2) and their Fravashis.(37:3) The

42
chief ceremony is the Yasna corresponding to the Vedic Yajnya, the more important part among
both being the preparation of the Haoma-Soma juice. The Haoma ceremony is shorn of its early
gross element, yet the resemblance between it and the Soma cult is so great that they are spoken
of in identical words. We shall quote a few of the more important passages to show the close
parallelism between the Haoma-Soma cult. The celestial plant, it is said, was brought upon earth
by birds. It is girishta or girijata and parvata vrddhah, say the Vedic texts, and the Avesta says it
is bareshnush paiti gairinam and paurvatahva viraodha, that is, growing on mountains. It is Av.
zairi, and Skt. hari, meaning green or golden. It is passed through a sieve of the hairs of the tail
of the sacred bull among the Iranians and from that made of sheep wool among the Indians. The
extracting process is called Av. havana, and Skt. savana. It is Av. haomahe madho, and Skt.
somyam madhu,’sweet juice of Haoma-Soma.’ It is Av. baeshaza, and Skt. bheshaja, ‘healing.’
The plant is deified among both and then it is called Av. hvaresh, and Skt. svarsh ‘celestial,’ it is
Av. hukhratu, and Skt. Sukratu, 'posessed of good intelligence.’ It is Av. verethraja, and Skt.
vrtraha, ‘victorious’. (See Hodivala, Indo-Iranian Religion in The Journal of the K.R. Cama
Oriental Institute, 4.7-10, Bombay, 1924)."

The three early pressers of Haoma (Priests) mentioned in Avesta are: Vivanghvant, Thrita and
Athwya, Pourushaspa (Pourushaspa Spitāma father of Zarathushtra) e.g. in the Hom Yasht which
mentions Vivanghvant and Thrita. Cognate with these four priests are only two divinities:
Vivasvant and Trita Aptya of Rgveda. "Possibly the conception goes back to an older period, to
the nectar in the shape of honey mead brought down from heaven by an eagle from its guardian
demon, this hypothesis being confirmed by the legend of the nectar brought by the eagle of Zeus
and the mead carried off by the eagle metamorphosis of Odhin." (A. Berriedale Keith,
1917, Indian mythology in: Mythology of All races, Boston) [Son of Athwya was Thraetaona, the
slayer of the three-headed evil monster, Dahaka. Avesta knows of Yima, son of Vivanghvant,
while the Veda speaks of Yama, son of Vivasvant. Veda knows of Ahi (serpent), not of Dahaka.]

The Avestan term Aži Dahāka. Aži (nominative ažiš) is the Avestan word for "serpent" or
"dragon." It is cognate to the Vedic Sanskrit word ahi, "snake." The original meaning of dahāka
is uncertain. Among the meanings suggested are "stinging" (source uncertain), "burning" (cf.
Sanskrit dahana), "man" or "manlike" (cf. Khotanese daha), "huge" or "foreign" (cf. the Scythian
Dahae and the Vedic dasas).

Fargard 19 and 20 (Avesta: Vendidad) deal with the origin of herbs-medicine. The inventor was
Thrita of the Saama family, to whom Ahura Mazda brought down from heaven ten thousand
healing plants that had been growing up around the tree of eternal life, the white Hom or
Gaokerena. Mentioned only once again in Avesta (Yasna 9.7), Thrita is one of the first priests of
Haoma...The functions assigned to Thrita get conferred on his semi-namesake Thraetaona
(Faridoon) who is made the inventor of medicine. (Joseph H Peterson, 1995, Avesta:Vendidad).

"ThraEtaona, in Avestan mythology, is mainly associated with the killing of the three-headed
dragon, Azhi Dahaka; just as Indra, in Rigvedic mythology, is mainly associated with the killing
of the dragon Ahi VRtra (hence his common epithet VRtrahan, found in every single MaNDala
of the Rigveda, which also becomes VRtraghna in the khila-sUktas and later SaMhitAs). The
Late Period sees a partial exchange of dragon-killers between the Vedic Aryans and the Iranians:
while ThraEtaona is demonised in the Rigveda, his dragon-killing feat is transferred to Trita

43
(X.87.8, where Trita kills the three-headed dragon TriSiras), who consequently also appears as a
partner of Indra in the killing of VRtra (VIII.7.24) or even as a killer of VRtra in his own right
(I.187.1). Likewise, while Indra is demonised in the Avesta, his epithet is adopted in the late
Avestan texts as the name of a special God of Victory, Verethraghna (Yt.1.27; 2.5, 10; 10.70, 80;
14 whole; Vd.19.125; and in the Vispered and Khordah Avesta. Verethraghna is the BehrAm of
later texts)."(Talageri, 2000, The Rigveda, a historical analysis, Delhi, Aditya Prakashan)

THE HOM YASHT

9.
1. At the hour of Havani, Haoma came to Zarathushtra, as he served the (sacred) Fire, and
sanctified (its flame), while he sang aloud the Gathas. And Zarathushtra asked him: Who art
thou, O honorable one1! who art of all the incarnate world the most beautiful in Thine own body
of those whom I have, seen, (thou) glorious [immortal]? 1. So Hum2 138; Mills has 'O man'.
2. Thereupon gave Haoma answer, the holy one who driveth death afar: I am, O Zarathushtra
Haoma, the holy and driving death afar; pray to me, O Spitama, prepare me for the taste. Praise
me so that also the other Saoshyants [benefactors] may praise me2. 2. So Hum2 74. Mills reads.
'Praise toward me in (Thy) praises as the other [Saoshyants] praise.'
3. Thereupon spake Zarathushtra: Unto Haoma be the praise. What man, O Haoma! first
prepared thee for the corporeal world? What award3 was offered him? what gain did he acquire?
3. (ashish) Mills relates Ashi to Asha and reads 'blessedness'.
4. Thereupon did Haoma answer me, he the holy one, and driving death afar: Vivanghvant was
the first of men who prepared me for the incarnate world. This award4 was offered him; this gain
did he acquire, that to him was born a son who was Yima, called the brilliant, (he of the many
flocks, the most glorious of those yet born, the sunlike-one of men), that he made from his
authority both herds and people free from dying, both plants and waters free from drought, and
men could eat inexhaustible5food. 4. Mills: 'blessedness'.
5. So Malandra, Mills reads 'imperishable'.
5. In the reign of brave6 Yima was there neither cold nor heat, there was neither age nor death,
nor envy demon-made. Like teenagers7 walked the two forth, son and father, in their stature and
their form, so long as Yima, son of Vivanghvant ruled, he of the many herds! 6. (Yimahe
xshathre aurvahe) So Malandra, Mills reads 'swift of motion'. Wolff reads 'Herrschaft' (cf B542).
7. Mills: 'fifteen-yearlings'.
6. Who was the second man, O Haoma! who prepared thee for the corporeal world? What
award8 was offered him? what gain did he acquire? 8. Mills: 'sanctity'.
7. Thereupon gave Haoma answer, he the holy one, and driving death afar: Athwya was the
second who prepared-me for the corporeal world. This award9 was given him, this gain did he
acquire, that to him a son was born, Thraetaona of the mighty clan10, 9. Mills: 'blessedness'.
10. (vîsô sûrayau) Following Gershevitch. Mills reads 'heroic tribe'. Malandra reads 'mighty
house'.
8. Who smote Azhi Dahaka11, three-jawed and triple-headed, six-eyed, with thousand
perceptions12, and of mighty strength, a lie-demon [druj] of the Daevas, evil for our settlements,
and wicked, whom the evil spirit Angra Mainyu made as the most mighty Druj [against the
corporeal world], and for the murder of (our) settlements, and to slay the (homes) of Asha! 11.
Mills: 'the dragon Dahaka'.
12. (hazanrâ-yaoxshtîm) Mills: 'thousand powers'.
9. Who was the third man, O Haoma! who prepared thee for the corporeal world? What award13

44
was given him? what gain did he acquire? 13. Mills: 'blessedness'.
10. Thereupon gave Haoma answer, the holy one, and driving death afar: Thrita, [the most
helpful of the Samids], was the third man who prepared me for the corporeal world. This award
was given him, this gain did he acquire, that to him two son were born, Urvakhshaya and
Keresaspa, the one a judge confirming order, the other a youth of great ascendant, curly-
haired14, bludgeon-bearing. 14. Mills: 'blessedness'.
15. Mills: 'ringlet-headed'.
11. He who smote the horny dragon swallowing men, and swallowing horses, poisonous, and
green of color over which, as thick as thumbs are, greenish poison flowed aside, on whose back
once Keresaspa cooked his meat in iron caldron at the noonday meal; and the deadly, scorched,
upstarted, and springing off, dashed out the water as it boiled. Headlong fled affrighted manly-
minded Keresaspa.
12. Who was the fourth man who prepared thee, O Haoma! for the corporeal world? What
blessedness was given him? what gain did he acquire?
13. Thereupon gave Haoma answer, he the holy, and driving death afar: Pourushaspa was the
fourth man who prepared me for the corporeal world. This blessedness was given him, this gain
did he acquire, that thou, O Zarathushtra! wast born to him, the just, in Pourushaspa's house, the
Daeva's foe, the friend of Mazda's lore, (14) famed in Airyana Vaejah; and thou, O Zarathushtra!
didst recite the first the Ahuna-vairya, four times intoning it, and with verses kept apart
[(Pazand) each time with louder and still louder voice].
15. And thou didst cause, O Zarathushtra! all the demon-gods to vanish in the ground who
aforetime flew about this earth in human shape (and power. This hast thou done), thou who hast
been the strongest, and the staunchest, the most active, and the swiftest, and (in every deed) the
most victorious in the two spirits' world.
16. Thereupon spake Zarathushtra: Praise to Haoma. Good is Haoma, and the well-endowed,
exact and righteous in its nature, and good inherently, and healing, beautiful of form, and good in
deed, and most successful in its working, golden-hued, with bending sprouts. As it is the best for
drinking, so (through its sacred stimulus) is it the most nutritious for the soul.
________________________________________
17. I make my claim on thee, O yellow one! for inspiration. I make my claim on thee for
strength; I make my claim on thee for victory; I make my claim on thee for health and healing
(when healing is my need); I make my claim on thee for progress and increased prosperity, and
vigor of the entire frame, and for understanding, of each adorning kind, and for this, that I may
have free course among our settlements, having power where I will, overwhelming angry malice,
and a conqueror of lies.
18. Yea, I make my claim on thee that I may overwhelm the angry hate of haters, of the Daevas
and of mortals, of the sorcerers and sirens, of the tyrants, and the Kavis, of the Karpans,
murderous bipeds, of the sanctity-destroyers, the profane apostate bipeds, of the wolves four-
footed monsters, of the invading host, wide-fronted, which with stratagems advance.
________________________________________
19. This first blessing I beseech of thee, O Haoma, thou that drivest death afar! I beseech of thee
for (heaven), the best life of the saints, the radiant, all-glorious.
This second blessing I beseech of thee, O Haoma, thou that drivest death afar! this body's health
(before that blest life is attained).
This third blessing I beseech of thee, O Haoma, thou that drivest death afar! the long vitality of
life.

45
20. This fourth blessing I beseech of thee, O Haoma, thou that drivest death afar! that I may
stand forth on this earth with desires gained, and powerful, receiving satisfaction, overwhelming
the assaults of hate, and conquering the lie.
This fifth blessing, O Haoma, I beseech of thee, thou that drivest death afar! that I may stand
victorious on earth, conquering in battles, overwhelming the assaults of hate, and conquering the
lie.
21. This sixth blessing I ask of thee, O Haoma, thou that drivest death afar! that we may get good
warning of the thief, good warning of the murderer, see first the bludgeon-bearer, get first sight
of the wolf. May no one whichsoever get first the sight of us. In the strife with each may we be
they who get the first alarm!
________________________________________
22. Haoma grants to racers who would run a course with span both speed and bottom (in their
horses). Haoma grants to women come to bed with child a brilliant offspring and a righteous line.
Haoma grants to those (how many!) who have long sat searching books, more knowledge and
more wisdom.
23. Haoma grants to those long maidens, who sit at home unwed, good husbands, and that as
soon as asked, he Haoma, the well-minded.
24. Haoma lowered Keresani, dethroned him from his throne, for he grew so fond of power, that
he treacherously said: No priest behind (and watching) shall walk the lands for me, as a
counselor to prosper them, he would rob everything of progress, he would crush the growth of
all!
________________________________________
25. Hail to thee, O Haoma, who hast power as thou wilt, and by thine inborn strength! Hail to
thee, thou art well-versed in many sayings, and true and holy words. Hail to thee for thou dost
ask no wily questions, but questionest direct.
26. Forth hath Mazda borne to thee, the star-bespangled girdle, the spirit-made, the ancient one,
the Mazdayasnian Faith.
So with this thou art begirt on the summits of the mountains, for the spreading of the precepts,
and the headings of the Mathra, (and to help the Mathra's teacher),
27. O Haoma, thou house-lord, and thou clan-lord, thou tribe-lord, and chieftain of the land, and
thou successful learned teacher, for aggressive strength I speak to thee, for that which smites
with victory, and for my body's saving, and for manifold delight!
28. Bear off from us the torment and the malice of the hateful. Divert the angry foe's intent!
What man soever in this house is violent and wicked, what man soever in this village, or this
tribe, or province, seize thou away the fleetness from his feet; throw thou a veil of darkness o'er
his mind; make thou his intellect (at once) a wreck!
29. Let not the man who harms us, mind or body, have power to go forth on both his legs, or
hold with both his hands, or see with both his eyes, not the land (beneath his feet), or the herd
before his face.
________________________________________
30. At the aroused and fearful Dragon, green, and belching forth his poison, for the righteous
saint that perishes, yellow Haoma, hurl thy mace!
At the (murderous) bludgeon-bearer, committing deeds unheard of, blood-thirsty, (drunk) with
fury, yellow Haoma, hurl thy mace!
31. Against the wicked human tyrant, hurling weapons at the head, for the righteous saint that
perishes, yellow Haoma, hurl thy mace!

46
Against the righteousness-disturber, the unholy life-destroyer, thoughts and words of our religion
well-delivering, yet in actions never reaching, for the righteous saint that perishes, yellow
Haoma, hurl thy mace!
32. Against the body of the harlot, with her magic minds o'erthrowing with (intoxicating)
pleasures, to the lusts her person offering, whose mind as vapor wavers as it flies before the
wind, for the righteous saint that perishes, yellow Haoma, hurl thy mace!
http://www.avesta.org/yasna/yasna.htm#y9

Harry Falk, 1989, Soma I and II, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,
University of London, Vol. 52, No. 1 (1989), pp. 77-90. Source:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/617914

somaiandiiharryfalk

Soma and Indian linguistic area -- EJVS

kammāra [Vedic karmāra] a smith, a worker in metals generally D ii.1 6, A v. 63; a silversmith
Sn 962= Dh 239; J i.223; a goldsmith J iii.281; v.282. The smiths in old India do not seem to be
divided into black -- , gold -- and silver -- smiths, but seem to have been able to work equally
well in iron, gold, and silver, as can be seen e. g. from J iii.282 and VvA 250, where the smith is
the maker of a needle. They were constituted into a guild, and some of them were well -- to -- do
as appears from what is said of Cunda at D ii.126; owing to their usefulness they were held in
great esteem by the people and king alike J iii.281.
-- uddhana a smith's furnace, a forge J vi.218; -- kula a smithy M i. 5; kūṭa a smith's hammer
Vism 254; -- gaggarī a smith's bellows S i.106; vi.165; Vism 87 (in comparison); -- putta "son
of a smith," i. e. a smith by birth and trade D ii.126; A v.263; as goldsmith J vi.237, Sn 48 (Nd2
ad loc.: k˚ vuccati suvaṇṇakāro); -- bhaṇḍu (bhaṇḍ, cp. Sk. bhāṇḍika a barber) a smith with a
bald head Vin i.76; -- sālā a smithy Vism 413; Mhvs 5, 31. (Pali)
s ma-yāji. n. A sacrificer, . [
s masūtramu ] s ma-sūtramu. [Skt.] n. A vessel with a spout. A basin with a spout and handle.
The receptacle or pit on the outside of a temple to receive the water with which the idol has been
bathed. ,
, .
circumambulation around a temple with such turnings that
the circumambulation shall be complete without the somasūtram (hole to receive the water.)
having been crossed. "
,
." Vanivilas. Page. 219.
[ h ma ] m (S) Burnt-offering; the casting (of clarified butter, rice &c.) into the fire as an
offering to the gods accompanied with prayers or invocations according to the object of the
offering. v . [ h makuṇḍa ] n S The hole or receptacle for the sacred fire of an
oblation. - - To cast into some grievous
trouble, into the furnace or hot fire of adversity or affliction. Also - or
To fall into &c. [ h maṇ ṃ ] v c ( ) To offer with fire; to burn in oblation to a
god. [ h madravya ] n (S) A common term for the articles used in a burnt-

47
offering. [ h maśālā ] f (S) pop. f The place or receptacle for the
sacred fire maintained by an &c. [ h mahavana ] n ( &
हवन ) A formation expressing, comprehensively or collectively, the several acts and points
appertaining to oblation by fire: also any one indefinitely or indifferently of these act and points.
Ex. . [ h māgni ] m (S) Fire prepared
for or consecrated unto burnt-offerings. (Marathi)
śyāmá ʻ black, swarthy, dark -- blue ʼ AV., °aka<- VarBrS. . śyāmā -- f. ʻ hen cuckoo ʼ
VarBrS., ʻ *hen pheasant, hen golden oriole ʼ (opposed to bright cock bird s.v. *l hiṣṭha -- ). 3.
*śyāmī -- ʻ spleen ʼ (semant. cf. Psht. t rai ~ t r ʻ black ʼ EVP 8 ). [Cf. śyāvá -- ]
1. Pa. sāma -- ʻ black, dark, golden -- coloured ʼ; Pk. sāma<- ʻ black, dark -- blue ʼ; Paš.lauṛ.
šāmāk (< *śyāmakka -- ), f. šam (< *śyāmikkī-- ) ʻ black ʼ, kch. nir. weg. sāmek, kuṛ. chil.
ṣāmāk (ṣ -- after ṣ ṇā k ʻ red ʼ s.v. ś ṇá -- 1 ); K. ś mu ʻ dark blue, dark brown ʼ, h mu ʻ dark
grey ʼ, hām f. ʻ dirtiedness ʼ; P. s vā ʻ grey, greyish, green ʼ; N. sāũ ʻ dark -- coloured ʼ; A. xāũ,
x o ʻ swarthy, lightish dark ʼ; G. sām ʻ black, dark ʼ; Si.sam -- van ʻ black colour ʼ. . Ash. s --
waċū ʻ hen monal pheasant ʼ (waċū < *vāśuka -- Add.), Kt. š m; g. ċām, ċäm f. ʻ hen golden
oriole ʼ, Tor. šām f.; Phal. Sh.pales.šām f. ʻ hen of either bird ʼ; K. "haum" f. ʻ hen pheasant ʼ. 3.
Bshk. š m ʻ spleen ʼ, Tor. šam, Phal. š mi f., Sh.pales. š m, jij. š ˘m. śyāmalá -- ; -- śyāmālatā --
Addenda: śyāmá -- : Pah.kṭg. śáũ ʻ blue ʼ.(CDIAL 1 664) Pe. homa bison. Manḍ. hama id.
Kui soma a wild buffalo [= bison]. Kuwi (Su.) homma bison; (F.) h ma sambar (sic). (DEDR
849) [ h na ] m ( S through H The figure of a swan or goose having originally been
impressed.) A gold coin, a pagoda. Some varieties of this coin are ,
, , , ,
, , , , ,
, , , ,
, , . (A being of the
price of a ) To be exorbitantly dear. [ h namā a ] f A necklace or a wreath of
pagodas (the coin ). Ta. poṉ gold, metal, iron, wealth, ornament, beauty; pudendum
muliebre; poṉṉaṉ one who has gold, one precious like gold; poṉṉavaṉ one precious like gold;
poṉmai colour of gold; poṟpa beautifully, elegantly; poṟpu beauty, decoration, abundance; poṟpi
(-pp-, -tt-) to beautify, adorn;poṟṟa golden, excellent. Ma. pon gold. Ko. pon id.; on liver-
coloured stripe on spine of cattle of another colour; on(n) n. pr. bullock; fem. ony. To.pïn gold;
gold bangle in dairy; privates of small girls; wïn four-anna piece; gold coin (in song = pi·r boṇm
[see 5457]). Ka. pon gold, metal. Koḍ.ponnï (pom-, pon-) gold. Tu. ponnu id. Te. ponnu id. Kur.
pannā iron.(DEDR 4570) H sonār, s.m.= sunār, q.v. H sunār
[Prk. ; S. ], s.m. A worker in gold, a goldsmith (also written
sonār):—sunār-haṭṭā, s.m. The goldsmith's quarter (of a town). H sunāran,
sunārin = H sunārnī [sunār, q.v.+Prk. =S. ],. s.f. A
goldsmith's wife; a woman of the goldsmith caste. H sunārnī [sunār,
q.v.+Prk. =S. ],. = H sunāran, sunārin s.f. A
goldsmith's wife; a woman of the goldsmith caste. H sunārī [S.
], s.f. The business of a goldsmith; the pay or hire of a goldsmith;—a
goldsmith's wife (=sunārnī). H sonā, (Braj) saunā [Prk. , or
; S. + ], s.m. Gold:—sonā-ćāṅdī, s.f. Gold and silver; riches, wealth;
bullion:—sonā-sā, adj. (f. -ī), Like gold; of a golden hue:—sonā-sugandh, adj. & s.m. 'Sweet or
pure as gold'; pure, spotless, innocent;—a man of high birth or of great ability:—sone-kā pānī,
s.m. Gilding:—sone-kā niwālā, s.m. A delicious morsel; dainty food; an expensive banquet:—

48
sone-kā waraq, s.m. Gold-leaf:—sone-kī ćiṛiyā, s.f. 'A golden bird'; a rich person; a fat prize:—
sone-kī salākh, s.f. An ingot of gold:—sonā-makkī, or son-mākhī, s.f. Gold-stone; marcasite;
iron pyrites. (Urdu) poṟ-kaṭṭi , n. < id. +. Nugget, ingot of gold;
.
( . . 354). poṟ-kalam , n. < id. +. 1. Golden vessel;
.
( , 06). . Golden ornament;
. ( .) poṟ-kalaṉ , n. < id. +. See .
( . . 11 ). poṟ-ki i , n. <
id. +. Gold or gold coins tied up in a piece of cloth;
. ( .
. 81). poṟ-kollaṉ , n. < id. +. See
. ( .
. , 1). poṟṟa , adj. < id. 1. Golden;
. ( . 75, 1 6). . Good, excellent, fine;
. ( . 885). poṉ , n.
[T. poṉṉu, K. M. poṉ.] 1. Gold, of which there are four kinds, viz., cātarūpam, ki icciṟai, āṭakam,
cāmpūṉatam; , , ,
.
( . 18). . Metal; .( .) , ,
. 3. Iron; .
( , 931). 4. ealth; .
( . . 68). 5. Ornament; .
( . 1 50). 6. Marriage
badge; . ...
( . 359). 7. A gold coin= 10 paṇam .) 1 . Beauty, elegance, comeliness;
.( .) ( . . 7, , ). 13.
Preciousness, excellence; rarity; . ( .
380). 14. Lakṣmī, the Goddess of Fortune; .
( . 14). 15. upiter; . ...
( . . 16). 16. Sun; .
( . 6, 145). 17. Pudendem muliebre;
.( .) poṉ-cey-kollaṉ , n. < id. + - +.
Goldsmith; . ( .
394). poṉ-cey-pulavaṉ , n. < id. +. ( . 5, 31, .) 1.
See . . Gatherer of gold, as from mines; .
poṉ-pattaṉ , n. < id. +. See . Colloq.
poṉ-maṇal , n. < id. +. Sand containing gold; gold ore;
. ( .) poṉ-malai , n. < id. +. 1. Mt. M ru, as golden;
.( . ( . . 39). . The
Himālayas; .( .) ( .
. 2). 3. Western-hill where the sun sets; .
( . 1 6). 4. One of three aerial castles destroyed by iva;
.( .) 5. The rock in Trichinopoly;
. ( .)
poṉmai , n. < id. Colour of gold; .( .)

49
 ( . 51, 8). poṉ-vari , n. < id. +. An ancient tax;
. (I. M. P. Cg. 979.) poṉ-ṉ-ampalam , n. < +.
1. Golden hall; .( . , 41, .) 2. The
golden hall of Chidambaram; .
( . . 175). s n 1
m. gold (cf. dȧgi dȧgi s n banun, p. 196a, l. 4 ; dȧsi dȧsi s n, p.
55b, l. 5; payith s n, p. 817b, l. 13) (Gr.Gr. 41, 51, 94, 148, 161; Gr.M.; W. 6, 111; L.V. 1 (=
K.Pr. 46); Śiv. 169, 43, 544, 983, 141, 16, 177, 181, 1196, 1 7, 1 33, etc., 1345, 193; Rām. 18,
58, 141, 568, 57, 682, 736, 738, 166-7, 123, 1378, 1418, 1495, 1678, 1735, 1747; K. 28, 6, 97,
183, 555, 59, 671, 69 , 831, 843, 914; YZ. 14, 86, 375; K.Pr. 46, 1 , 143, 186, 6, 36, 46,
59); riches (El.); met. anything very valuable or excellent (cf. kr hna-so, p. 469b, l. 5). s na-
bāna s na-bāna - m. a gold dish vessel, or the like. -
cucuru - &below; m. a certain mountain bird (described as
having gold-coloured wings, and a long tail). -ḍaba -
m. a box full of gold (Gr.Gr. 73); a box for holding gold. -h ru - &below;
adj. (f. -h rü - &above; &below;), covered or painted
with a pattern of gold, or with a pattern of a colour suggesting gold such as ruddy brown; cf.
s nahȧri. -h ri - &above; &below; adj. c.g., id. -h ri sāban -
&above; &below; f. (sg. dat. -h ri sābü ü -
&above; &below; &above; &below;), 'mottled soap,' hence (of some otherwise
clean cloth) the being covered, as by a pattern, with dirty marks. -hār r -
m. the being covered with a golden or ruddy brown pattern. -k mü -
&above; &below; f. gold-work, the work or trade of a
goldsmith. -kan - , m. (1) a small
fragment or speck of gold; (2) an ear decked with a gold ornament (H. vii, 11). -kotu -
&above; &below; adj. (f. -kü ü -
&above; &dotbelow; &below;), coloured with liquid gold paint. -l kh -
&above; f. (sg. dat. -l ki - &above; ), 'the golden
island,' N. of an island in the Ḍal lake near Śrīnagar (El. s nal uk; RT. Tr. II, 417, sunalānk)
(Śiv. 18 ). -l ṭü - &above; &below; f. a longish piece of gold,
(for manufacture). -mah nyuwu - &above; &below;
m. a gold statue of some individual. -m har -
f. a gold seal (such as a signet ring); a gold coin, a 'gold
mohur'; a piece of gold of the weight of a gold mohur. -mahār -
f. a bride decked with gold on all her limbs. -
marg - f. N. of a mountain plateau in the S nd Valley of Kashmīr, famous for its
flowery meads (H. xi, 3). -murg - m. the Monaul Pheasant, Lophophorus refulgens (L.
119); cf. sunal. -pingan- f. (sg. dat. pingü ü
&above; &below;), the pipe-shaped mould into which melted gold is cast. -p thar -
&above; m. (sg. dat. p tras &above; ), gold
leaf. -sh du - &above; &below; adj. (f. -sh zü -
&above; &below;), made of pure, unalloyed gold. -sondu - &above; &below;
gen. (f. -sünzü- &above; &below;), made of gold (Gr.Gr. 41;
Rām. 89, 1143j; K. 41, 9 , 17, 137; H. v, 1, 3-5; K.Pr. 183, 6); cf. s nuku, bel. -s wu -
&below; adj. (f.-s vü - &above; &below;), filled with gold
(e.g. a mining plot, a treasury, or the like) (Rām. 1784); replete with gold, incalculably wealthy

50
(Śiv. 58). -warukh - m. (sg. dat. -warakas - ), thin
leaf gold (eaten as a medicine), gold-leaf. -wasth - m. (sg.
dat.-wastas - ), a gold ornament (cf. s ni-wo, bel.). s ni-ḍaba s ni-ḍaba
&above; &below;- m. a box made of gold, a gold
casket. -k sürü - &above; &below; f. 'a golden beard of
corn,' a kind of gold flower or boss attached to an ornament. -lar - f.
a necklace set with gold bosses, flowers, or the like. -māl - f. a
long garland-like necklace set with gold, with or without other beads. -p sh -
m. N. of a certain flower. -sāga-lar - -
f. a kind of necklace worn by Musalmān women,
adorned with gold amid pearl, coral, and similar beads. - ürü -
&dotbelow;&above; &below; f.
N. of a certain small bird. -wasth - (sg. dat.-wastas -
), a gold ornament (cf. s na-wo, ab.). s nuku s nuku &below; gen. (f.
s nücü &above; &below;), of, or belonging to, gold (Śiv. 1 35, 1 38, 1 83, 17 6;
Rām. 54 , 187, 137 ). Cf. s na-sondu, ab., which means 'made of gold'. s nar s nar
or (Gr.Gr. 58) s nuru &below; (sg. ag. and
pl. nom. s nȧri &above; &below;, sg. obl. s nar . The fem. is
s nar , q.v.; his wife is also s nar-bāy - , see bel.); a
goldsmith, a worker in precious metals (Gr.Gr. 34, 39, 148; . 111; Śiv. 165 ; Rām. 166; H. v,
passim (s nar); K.Pr. 7); a man of the goldsmith caste. s nar-bāy s nar-bāy -
f. a goldsmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34); cf. s nar . -kār -
m. the goldsmith's art, working ingold. -koṭu -
&above; &below; m. a real son of a goldsmith, a good goldsmith (Gr.Gr. 13 ). -th jü -
&above; &below; f. a goldsmith's crucible. -wān or s nȧri-
wān &above; &below;- or s nȧri-wān &above; &below;-
, m. a goldsmith's shop or
workshop. s nar s nar f. a female
goldsmith (Gr.Gr. 39); a woman of the goldsmith caste; a goldsmith's wife. Cf. s nar. s nuwu
&below; adj. (f. s nüvü &above; &below;), made of gold, golden. uvu
&below;, adj. (f. üvü &above; &below;), a sec. suff. added (like the gen. term. uku) to
nouns, and signifying 'composed of'. Thus, froms n , gold, s nuvu
&below;, made of gold; see Gr.Gr. 161.(Kashmiri) tagāra (=)
, a platter, pail, bucket, tub, trough; a mason's mud- or
lime-pit (cf. rabi-to, p. 8 3b, l. 5). -- karun --
m.inf. to make mud plaster or mud mortar; to make liquid mud (to serve the purpose of writing
or daubing large letters or the like). tag ri &above; &below;
f. a large tub or trough, a kneading trough. [ ponnu ] ponnu. [Tel. and Tam. .
Kan. .] n. Gold. . A ring, rim, ferrule on a stick or a pestle.
an iron rim or ring on each end of a pestle. ponn-
arida amu. n. Orpiment. ( + ) [ svarṇamu ] svarṇamu.
[Skt.] n. Gold. , . alchemy.
he made the poet wallow in wealth.
he gilt the flagstaff
of the temple. svarṇa-kāruḍu. n. A goldsmith. .
[ sonnamu ] or sonamu. [from Skt. .] n. Gold.

51
 . A certain gold coin, ."
." Zacc. vi.
114. sonnāri. ( + .) n. A goldsmith, ,
, . [ kaṃsamu ] kamsamu. [Skt.] n. Bell
metal. . [ kamasālavāḍu ] Same as . [ kaṃsara ] or
kamsara. [Tel.] n. Smithery; working in gold: adj. Of the goldsmith caste.
a woman of that caste. the business of a gold-smith. [ kaṃsārāti ]
kams-ārāti. [Skt.] n. Slayer of Kamsa, an epithet of Krishṇa. [ kaṃsāli ] or
kamsāli. [Tel.] n. A goldsmith or silversmith. Excerpt
from http://www.huxley.net/soma/

"Designs on a cylinder seal depict a drummer, an acrobat and two men with the heads of
monkeys. The rituals that took place under the influence of the psychoactive drinks seem to have
involved the participants wearing animal masks. The discovery of these sites in the eastern
Iranian cultural region allows archaeologists to reach certain conclusions. First these temples,
which were on the scale of contemporary Mesopotamian ones, shown that the eastern Iranian
region had its own architectural traditions on a grand scale and that it was not merely a 'cultural
backwater'. Second, that the sites in Margiana precede the previously discovered fire temples of
later Iranian tradition (in some cases by a whole millennium) and should be seen as their
prototypes. Third, that the discovery in the shrines of the remains of opium, cannabis and
Ephedra in ritual vessels that are dated between 2000-1000 BC show that soma in its Iranian
form haoma may be considered as a composite psychoactive substance comprising of cannabis
and Ephedra in one instance and opium and Ephedra in another. This identification of haoma has
an archaeological background which neither the fly-agaric nor Syrian rue can match, unless such
evidence comes to light. Despite the considerable efforts made to discover the botanical identity
of soma, it may be that this is one mystery that will never be satisfactorily solved."

Soma

from
The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Substances
by Richard Rudgley
Little, Brown and Company (1998)

The Indo-Iranians were an ancient people who had their homeland somewhere in Central Asia.
About 4,000 years ago they split into two distinct groups. One group, the Indo-Aryans, moved
south to the Indus Valley; the other became the ancient Iranian peoples. Both preserved a vast
body of religious oral literature which was only later written down. These scriptures are the Rig
Veda and the Avesta, of the Indians and Iranians respectively. Both works describe rituals in

52
which a plant with hallucinogenic properties was consumed. The plant was called soma by the
Indians and haoma by the Iranians. Although some of the descendants of these peoples still
perform their rituals, the identity of the sacred entheogenic plant has been lost and non-
psychoactive substitutes are now used in place of the mysterious soma/haoma. In addition to the
various non-psychoactive plants that have been used as soma substituted in both the Zoroastrian
and Hindu traditions, a great number of candidates for soma have been put forward by Western
investigators over the last two hundred years. Among the suggestions of more or less convincing
candidates have been cannabis, Ephedra, a fermented alcoholic drink, Syrian rue, rhubarb,
ginseng, opium and wild chicory.

Most of these suggestions have been summarily rejected for reasons I will not go into here.
Scholars had become rather bored with the whole question as it seemed to many of them an
unanswerable one. However, the whole debate was rekindled by R. Gordon Wasson during the
late 1960s when he proposed a new candidate for soma - the fly-agaric mushroom. The
arguments he put forward are complex; suffice it to say that many distinguished orientalists and
other scholars accepted his thesis. In the late 1980s another highly plausible candidate was
proposed by David Flattery and Martin Schwartz. Unlike Wasson, who had largely concerned
himself with the Indian sources, they concentrated on the Iranian evidence. They suggest that
Syrian rue (Peganum harmala) was far more likely a candidate since its hallucinogenic effects
are well-known in the Indo-Iranian homeland even today. Their arguments are highly persuasive
and convincing.

However, just as Syrian rue seemed to be taking the place of the fly-agaric mushroom as the
most likely candidate for soma, archaeological evidence emerged from Russian excavations in
the Kara Kum desert of Turkmenistan that set the cat once more among the pigeons. In this area,
known to the ancients as Margiana, the Russians uncovered a number of sites of monumental
architecture dating from the second millennium BC. One of these sites, Gonur South, consists of
a fortified complex of buildings, a number of private dwellings and a fort. Within this complex
there is also a large shrine (known to have been used as a sacred fire temple) consisting of two
parts: one clearly used for public worship and the other, hidden from the gaze of the multitude,
an inner sanctum of the priesthood. In one of these private rooms were found three ceramic
bowls. Analysis of samples found in these vessels by Professor Mayer-Melikyan revealed the
traces of both cannabis and Ephedra. Clearly both these psychoactive substances had been used
in conjunction in the making of hallucinogenic drinks. In the adjoining room of the same inner
sanctum were found ten ceramic pot-stands which appear to have been used in conjunction with
strainers designed to separate the juices from the twigs, stems and leaves of the plants. In another
room at the other end of the shrine a basin containing remains of a considerable quantity of
cannabis was discovered, as well as a number of pottery stands and strainers that have also been
associated with making psychoactive beverages.

The excavators believe that, given the considerable size of the fortress, the shrine may well have
been dispensing the entheogenic drink to worshippers from all over Margiana in the first half of
the second millennium BC. The shrine at the later site of Togoluk 1 (probably dating from the
mid-second millennium) seems also to have been used to make hallucinogenic drinks as a similar
pottery strainer has been found there, although traces of psychoactive plants have not been
detected. The shrine at a third settlement, Togoluk 21, dated to the late second millennium,

53
contained vessels which revealed remains of Ephedra again, but this time in conjunction with the
pollen of poppies. An engraved bone tube from the same shrine was also found to contain poppy
pollen.

These sites also yielded up other artefacts that gave tantalising clues as to what sort of rituals
took place in these Bronze Age shrines. Designs on a cylinder seal depict a drummer, an acrobat
and two men with the heads of monkeys. The rituals that took place under the influence of the
psychoactive drinks seem to have involved the participants wearing animal masks. The discovery
of these sites in the eastern Iranian cultural region allows archaeologists to reach certain
conclusions. First these temples, which were on the scale of contemporary Mesopotamian ones,
shown that the eastern Iranian region had its own architectural traditions on a grand scale and
that it was not merely a 'cultural backwater'. Second, that the sites in Margiana precede the
previously discovered fire temples of later Iranian tradition (in some cases by a whole
millennium) and should be seen as their prototypes. Third, that the discovery in the shrines of the
remains of opium, cannabis and Ephedra in ritual vessels that are dated between 2000-1000 BC
show that soma in its Iranian form haoma may be considered as a composite psychoactive
substance comprising of cannabis and Ephedra in one instance and opium and Ephedra in
another. This identification of haoma has an archaeological background which neither the fly-
agaric nor Syrian rue can match, unless such evidence comes to light.

Despite the considerable efforts made to discover the botanical identity of soma, it may be that
this is one mystery that will never be satisfactorily solved.

suvárṇa ʻ of bright colour, golden ʼ RV., n. ʻ gold ʼ AV., suvarṇaka -- ʻ golden ʼ Hariv. .
sa varṇa- ʻ golden ʼ ŚrS., n. ʻ gold ʼ MBh. -- In many cases it is impossible to distinguish
whether a NIA. form is derived from suvárṇa -- or sa varṇa -- : they are therefore listed below
together. [su -- , várṇa -- 1]1. Pa. suvaṇṇa -- ʻ of good colour ʼ, n. ʻ gold ʼ, soṇṇa<- ʻ golden ʼ,
n. ʻ gold ʼ; NiDoc. suvarna ʻ gold ʼ; Pk. su(v)aṇṇa -- , soṇṇa -- n. ʻ gold ʼ, suvaṇṇia -- ʻ golden
ʼ. . Pa. s vaṇṇa -- , °aya -- ʻ golden ʼ; Pk. s (v)aṇṇa -- n. ʻ gold ʼ, Ap. s vaṇa -- n.1 or . Gy. gr.
sovnakáy, wel. s nakai, rum. somnakáy m. ʻ gold ʼ, Ḍ. son m.; -- (Kaf. forms Ind. NTS ii
76) Ash. sun, g. sūn, Kt. sun f., Pr. sü; <- Dm. s n, Paš.lauṛ. sū˘wan, Gmb. s ʻ n, Gaw. s ṇ,
sūṇ, ( Sv. son NOPhal 47), Kal. sūṛa, sū ä, Phal. suāṇ, Sh.gil. son m., koh. son m., gur. son
m., dr. jij. s ṇ m., pales. l lo sw ṛ ʻ gold ʼ, gil. (Lor.) s no ʻ golden ʼ, koh. gur. s ṇṷ ʻ beautiful
ʼ; K. s n m. ʻ gold ʼ, rām. s nu, kash. pog. s nn, ḍoḍ. s ṇṇā, S. sõnu m. ʻ gold ʼ (sõnõ ʻ golden
ʼ), L. sonā m., P. sonā, soinā, seonā, siūnā m., Pah.bhad. sunn , khaś. s nnu n., jaun. sūn , Ku.
suno, gng. sun, N. sun, A. xon, xonā, B. sonā, Or. sunā, Mth. son, sonā, Aw.lakh. sonu, Bhoj. H.
sonā m., OMarw. sauno, OG. sovana, sonaü n., G. s nũ n., M. sonẽ n. (sonā ʻ golden ʼ), OSi.
(Brāhmī) sovaṇa, Si. suvan -- na. -- Early Sk.: Paš.chil. swāren ʻ gold ʼ, dar. surun, Shum.
suárin, Kho. sórum (with -- m from droxum ʻ silver ʼ; Yid. suw rum). suvarṇakāra -- ,
*suvarṇataruka -- , *suvarṇadhara -- , suvarṇamaya -- , suvarṇavarṇa -- ; -- sauvarṇika --
.Addenda: suvárṇa -- . 1. Pah.kṭg. s nn , kc. suno m. ʻ gold ʼ. . sa varṇa -- : Garh. sonu ʻ gold
ʼ, OMarw. sonaü m.
suvarṇakāra m. ʻ goldsmith ʼ Mn. [suvárṇa -- , kāra -- 1]Pa. suvaṇṇakāra -- m. ʻ goldsmith ʼ,
NiDoc. suvarnakara, Pk. suvaṇṇaāra -- , suṇṇaāra -- , °ṇāra -- m., Sh. (Lor.) suniār m., K. s nar,
s nuru m., S. sonāro m., L. sunārā m., awāṇ. suniārā, P. suneār, °rā m., Ku. N. sunār, A. xonāri,

54
Or. sunāra, °ri, Bi. Mth. Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sonār, H. sonār, sun° m., G. M. sonār m., Ko. sonāru; --
Si. suvaru < *suvanaru Addenda: suvarṇakāra -- : Pah.kṭg. (kc.) s nār m. ʻ goldsmith ʼ, Garh.
sunār; -- Md. sunāru G. M. (CDIAL 13519, 135 0). Ayas and amśu are to be related in the
context of ancient metallurgy in the bronze age: Arthur Anthony Macdonell & Arthur Berriedale
Keith, Vedic Index of names and subjects, (pp.31-3 ) amāvāsya- śāṇḍilyāyana is mentioned in
the Vamśa Brāhmaṇa as the teacher of amśu dhānamjayya… ayas – The exact metal denoted by
this word when used by itself, as always in the Rigveda, is uncertain. As favouring the sense of
‘bronze’ rather than that of ‘iron’ may perhaps be cited with Zimmer (Altindisches Leben, 52) the
fact that Agni is called ayodamṣṭra, ‘with teeth of Ayas,’ (RV 1.88.5, 10.87. ) with reference to
the colour of his flames, and that the car-seat of Mitra and Varuṇa is called ayah-sthūṇa, ‘with
pillars of Ayas’ (RV 5.6 .8) at the setting of the sun. Moreover, in the Vājasneyi Samhitā
(18.13), Ayas is enumerated in a list of six metals: gold (hiraṇya), Ayas, śyāma, loha, lead (sīsa),
tin (trapu). Here śyāma (‘swarthy’) and loha (‘red’) must mean ‘iron’ and ‘copper’ respectively;
ayas would therefore seem to mean ‘bronze’. In many passages in the Atharvaveda (11.3.1.7 and
Maitrāyaṇi Samhitā) and other books, the Ayas is divided into two species – the syāma (‘iron’)
and the lohita (‘copper’ or ‘bronze’). In the śatapatha brāhmaṇa (5.4.1. ), a distinction is drawn
between Ayas and lohayāsa, which may either be a distinction between iron and copper as
understood by Eggeling (Sacred Books of the East, 41, 90), or between copper and bronze as
held by Schrader (Prehistoric Antiquities, 189). In one passage of the Atharvaveda (5.28.1), the
sense of iron seems certain. Possibly, too, the arrow of the Rigveda (6.75.15), which had a tip of
Ayas (yasyā ayo mukham), was pointed with iron. Copper, however, is conceivable, and bronze
quite likely. Iron is called śyāma ayas or śyāma alone (AV 9.5.4). See also kārṣṇāyasa. Copper is
lohāyasa or lohitāyasa. The smelting (dhmā ‘to blow’) of the metal is frequently referred to. The
śatapatha brāhmaṇa (6.1.3.5. cf. 6.1.1.13; 5.1. .14; 1 .7.1.7; ,10, etc.) states that if ‘well
smelted’ (bahu- dhmātam) it is like gold, referring evidently to bronze. A heater of Ayas is
mentioned in the Vājasneyi Samhitā (30.14; Taittirīya brāhmaṇa 3.4.10.1) and bowls of Ayas are
also spoken of (7.10. ; Maitrāyaṇi Samhitā 4. .13). Tocharian languages and writing system
(Wikipedia, 2011)

Hock, Hans, 1999, Out of India? The linguistic evidence. In Aryan and Non-Aryan in South
Asia: Evidence, interpretation and ideology, Proceedings of the International Seminar on Aryan
and Non-Aryan in South Asia, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 25-27 October 1996, edited
by Johannes Bronkhorst and Madhav Deshpande, pp. 1-18. Harvard Oriental Series, Opera
Minora, 3.

Payne, JR, [1987, Iranian languages in: Bernard Comrie (ed.), The world's major languages,
OUP, pp. 514- 519] shows fifty-seven isoglosses shared between Indic and Iranian which link
the two, 'a convincingly large number of shared characteristics to justify the Indo-Iranian unity.
Indo-Iranian dominates the IE family numerically: of the 144 IE languages listed in Ruhlen
(1987: 325), 93 are Indo-Iranian.' (Philip Baldi, 2002, The foundations of Latin, Water de
Gruyter, p. 24

55
Tocharian, spoken in the Tarim Basin of Xinjiang, in far western China.

Indo-European Languages

Tocharian Family

Jonathan Slocum and Todd B. Krause [Last Updated: Monday, 29 Sept. 2008, 12:08
Linguistics Research Center in The College of Liberal Arts at UT Austin]

Early in the 20th century, manuscripts written in a Brahmi script dated to the 6th-8th centuries
AD were found at sites surrounding the Tarim Basin in western China north of Tibet, along what

56
was once the Silk Road. The language of these ancient manuscripts was unknown, but some of
them lay side by side with Sanskrit manuscripts of the same era that recorded Buddhist texts
once in common circulation in Central Asia. Later it was determined that some manuscripts in
the hitherto-unknown language were translations of the Sanskrit texts alongside them. The new
language, now deciphered, came to be known as Tocharian. Eventually, discoveries of many
more manuscripts led to the identification of a second new language, closely related to the first;
the two became known as Tocharian A (a.k.a. Turfanian for its more eastern locale around
Turfan, or Agnean for an Indic god in Sanskrit texts), and Tocharian B (a.k.a. Kuchean for the
more western discoveries around Kucha), but they are commonly referred to via the group
designation Tocharian when distinction is irrelevant.

Tocharian proved to an Indo-European language, one however that was quite different from the
neighboring Indic and Iranian languages; indeed, the linguistic world was amazed by the
realization that Tocharian -- now the easternmost known Indo-European language -- was more
like "western" than "eastern" Indo-European languages, thus disrupting what had come to be
regarded as a geographic distinction.

As the manuscripts were more carefully dated, it turned out that Tocharian A was the older
language, while Tocharian B was younger. Texts in Tocharian A were strictly Buddhist
documents, while texts in Tocharian B included monastic and business letters, caravan passes,
and graffiti. It seems that Tocharian A, by the time the surviving documents were written, may
already have been extinct -- preserved [by Tocharian B speakers] for liturgical purposes much as
Latin was preserved in medieval Europe.

More recent discoveries of numerous Caucasian mummies dating to as early as the 2nd
millennium BC, in areas known to have been inhabited later by Tocharian speakers, have
occasioned much controversy and speculation: were these Caucasians the ancestors of the
Tocharians who later lived there? Weaving patterns in the Caucasians' clothing exhibit notable
similarities to clothing found in areas of central Europe, though no connection has yet been
proven.

Recommended Reading

Adams, Douglas Q. 1984. "The Position of Tocharian among the Other Indo-European
Languages," Journal of the American Oriental Society 104, 3: pp. 395-402.
Barber, Elizabeth J.W. 1999. The Mummies of Ürümchi. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.
Mallory, J.P. & Douglas Q. Adams, eds. 1997. Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. London
and Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers. (As the name suggests, a large encyclopedia; cf.
"Tocharian Languages" article)
See Online:

Indo-European Languages: Evolution and Locale Maps;

Tocharian Online (language lessons);
Web Links to Tocharian resources (incl. languages & texts).

INDO-IRANIAN

57
Proto-Indo-Iranian speakers moved east & south from the PIE ancestral homeland. Then, still in
prehistoric times, the Indo-Iranian family split into Indic and Iranian branches, labelled for their
early literary centers (roughly speaking) in India and Iran.

Although written Indic documents do not exist of an age comparable to that of Hittite, the
language of the Rigveda is thought to be well-preserved from a form dating to perhaps the early
2nd millenium B.C. In particular, when the grammar for Sanskrit was being composed by Panini
ca. 400 B.C., Rigvedic was already archaic and, in many respects, no longer understood -- a
situation analogous to modern English speakers' problems understanding the language of
Beowulf. Even some of the poetic structures of the Rigveda were no longer recognized -- again,
a situation analogous to our modern ignorance of Old English poetic structures. Nevertheless,
oral transmission of liturgy and poetry can be, and for the Rigveda is believed to have been,
amazingly accurate. Accordingly, early Indic compositions can be studied with almost as much
confidence as is invested in later, written texts in Pali, Prakrit, etc.

Somewhat like Rigvedic (a close descendant of Proto-Indic), Avestan (a descendant of Proto-

Iranian) was represented by memorized religious compositions for centuries before they were
written down. The Avestan language itself, then, is of unknown but great age. Although it is still
important in Zoroastrian liturgy, it does not have living descendants. Two languages closely
related to it, Bactrian and Old Persian, have many modern descendants including Pashto and
Farsi.

2000-1500 Proto-Indo-Iranian
1500-1000 Proto-Indic
1000-500 Rigvedic
500-1 BC Sanskrit, Pali
1-500 AD Prakrit
500-1000 Apabhramsha
1000-1500 Old Hindi
1500-2000 Hindi Urdu

1000-500 Proto Iranian, Avestan

500-1 BC Eastern Bactrian Western Old Persian
500-1000 Sogdian, Pahlavi
1500-2000 Pashto, Farsi

See also:

more about Indo-Iranian;

Ancient Sanskrit Online (Rigvedic language lessons);
Old Iranian Online (Avestan and Old Persian lessons);
Web Links to Indic resources and Iranian resources (incl. languages, history, etc).
TOCHARIAN

58
Like the Anatolian language family, the Tocharian family is extinct; also like Anatolian,
Tocharian texts were deciphered in the early 20th century and their study has suggested major
changes to theories about early Indo-European (IE) languages. Prominent among these is the fact
that Tocharian exhibits some fundamental affinities to the more western language families, such
as Celtic, Italic, Hellenic and especially Germanic, that distinguish it from the geographically
much closer eastern language families, such as Indo-Iranian or even Balto-Slavic. This does not
mean that Tocharian is particularly close to any western European language family, though many
individual parallels have been drawn, but only that it seems closer to them as a group than to the
eastern IE languages. How western European (?) Tocharian speakers came to live in the Tarim
Basin in Xinjiang, China, is a mystery yet unresolved. However, it is noteworthy that the Silk
Road was established through that area around the same time Tocharian speakers seem to have
arrived: the appearance of a highly mobile European people at the inception of a major Eurasian
trade link might not be a coincidence.

It is by no means certain that western European affinities demonstrate a prior western European
presence: sometimes similarities exist by chance; but if chance is ruled out, there may have been
sufficient linguistic contact between Proto-Tocharian speakers and others destined to live in
western Europe, before the IE break-up. It seems rather likely that Tocharian peoples migrated
directly east from the PIE homeland and discovered exotic trade goods awaiting further
exploitation. Tocharian, unattested, later evolved into two separate languages, conventionally
denoted as Tocharian A (eastern, a.k.a. Turfanian) and Tocharian B (western, a.k.a. Kuchean),
both located along the north rim of the Tarim Basin; in the 6th-8th century A.D. texts so far
discovered, A seems to have been in liturgical use only, while B was yet a living vernacular.
Evidence for yet a third offshoot, Tocharian C, somewhat older than the other two, has been
unearthed along the southern rim of the Tarim Basin.

2000-1000 1000-500 500-1 BC 1-500 AD 500-1000 1000-1500 1500-2000

Proto-Tocharian Tocharian? Tocharian A
Tocharian B
Tocharian C

Saving of Atri from the pit (fiery cavern) and Atri discovered the light, Soma

Atri is one of 9 brahma rishis. Bhrigu, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu, Angiras, Marichi, Daksha, Atri,
and Vasishtha: these are the nine Brahmas (or Brahma rishis) celebrated in the Puranas (Vishnu
Purana 1.7)

3 Ye freed sage Atri, whom the Panchajanāh (Five Tribes) honoured, from the strait pit, ye
Heroes with his (RV 1.117) Or those of the Five Tribes of men, bring quickly all that help to us.
(RV 5.35)

Agni saved Atri in the fiery cavem (RV 10.80.3)

(Aswins) Ye rescued Atri from distress and darkness (RV 7.71.5)

Aswins. for Atri caused the pit heated with fire to be a pleasant restingplace (RV 10.39.9)

59
As from great darkness ye delivered Atri, protect us, Visvedevas (Chiefs), from danger in the
conflict. (RV 6.50)

[1300236] High in the midst of heaven may we behold thee whom men call Savitar, the bright
red Eagle, Soaring and speeding on thy way, refulgent, unwasting light which Atri erst
discovered. (Atharva Veda 13.2)

Rajasuya. Atri was the son of Brahma, the creator of the universe, who sprang from the lotus that
grew from the navel of Narayana. The son of Atri was Soma 1 (the moon), whom Brahma
installed as the sovereign of plants, of Brahmans, and of the stars. Soma celebrated the Rajasuya
sacrifice, and from the glory thence acquired, and the extensive dominion with which he had
been invested, he became arrogant and licentious, and carried off Tara, the wife of Vrihaspati,
the preceptor of the gods. In vain Vrihaspati sought to recover his bride; in vain Brahma
commanded, and the holy sages remonstrated; Soma refused to relinquish her. Usanas, out of
enmity to Vrihaspati, took part with Soma. Rudra, who had studied under Angiras, the father of
Vrihaspati, (Vishnu Purna 4.6)

The sons of Kadru Nagas, the son of Vinata, the Gandharvas, the lords of the creation, and the
seven great Rishis, viz, Bharadwaja, Kasyapa, Gautama, Viswamitra, Jamadagni, Vasishtha, and
the illustrious Atri who illumined the world of old when the Sun was lost, all came there
(Kadru's naga yajna). (MBh.1.123.6648)

Kadru told Suparni 'Verily I have won thine own self. Yonder is Soma in the heaven' she said.
'Fetch him hither for the gods and thereby redeem thyself from death'. 'So be it' (said) Suparni
and created the metres. Speech indeed, is Suparni and from vaak (speech) the metre are born.
From among them (the metres) Gayatri fetched soma. That soma was concealed in two golden
vessels. These (vessels) were having their sharp-edged (lids) closing together at every moment
(at every twinkling of the eye). These two foresooth are consecration (diksha) and penance
(tapas). Him (Soma) these Gandharvas guarded. They are these hearths (dhishnyas), these Hotrs
(fire-priests). The Gayatri tore off one of the two vessels and brought it. Thus was consecration
(Dikshaa). By that, the gods consecrated themselves. Again she took off (to the heaven) and tore
off the other vessel and brought it. That was penance (tapas). Therewith the gods underwent
penance. They are 'the Upasadas'. Again she flew (to heaven). She took (consumed) soma by
means of a Khadira-wood-(piece). Since she ate (achakaad) with it, it is named Khadira. Hence
the yupa (sacrificial stake) is of Khadira wood. So too the wooden sword (sphya) (is of Khadira
wood). She took it (soma) away when the Acchaavaaka was protecting it. That is why
Acchaavaaka fell from grace. (Si. Ara Svaminathan, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts,
2000, Kaanvashatapathabraahmanam, volume 3, Motilal Banarsidass, Sanskrit text with English
translation, IV.6.2.4-5).

Source:
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=rEpF0GY-
vn0C&pg=PR2&dq=kadru+story&source=gbs_selected_pages&cad=3#v=onepage&q=kadru%2
0story&f=false

60
Economic Botany 58(sp1):S147-S173. 2004
doi: 10.1663/0013-0001(2004)58[S147:ABPOTI]2.0.CO;2

A Botanical Perspective on the Identity of Soma (Nelumbo Nucifera Gaertn.) Based on

Scriptural and Iconographic Records

Andrew McDonald
University of Texas at Austin, Plant Resources Center, 78712; [email protected]

Abstract

An examination of the mythic and artistic records of India and Southeast Asia indicates that the
famous psychotropic of the ancient Aryans was the eastern lotus, Nelumbo nucifera. Vedic
epithets, metaphors, and myths that describe the physical and behavioral characteristics of the
‘soma’ plant as a sun, serpent, golden eagle, arrow, lightning bolt, cloud, phallic pillar, womb,
chariot, and immortal navel, relate individually or as a whole to the eastern lotus. Since most
Hindu and Buddhist gods and goddesses trace their origins from the Vedas and have always
shared close symbolic associations with Nelumbo, there is reason to believe the divine status of
this symbolic plant derives from India's prehistoric past.

Literature Cited

Bhawe, S. S. 1957. The Soma hymns of the Rg-Veda. Vol. 1. Oriental Institute, Baroda.
Bhikku, Nanamoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi. 1995. The middle length discourses of the Buddha: A
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Fig. 1. Morphology of the lotus. a. Like soma of the Vedas, the eastern lotus is an aquatic plant
that produces upright, reedy, lactiferous, flowering stalks. Its large and showy flowers exhibit red
and white petals, an expanded golden receptacle, and numerous golden stamens. Pokhara, Nepal.
b. A full-blown lotus flower suggests the image of a radiant sun. c. Upright lotus stalks grow
from a network of serpentine rhizomes. Modern Kashmiri natives harvest long runners of the

63
plant to make starch-based glues. Dal Lake, Srinagar, India. d. The thickened, segmented
rhizomes of Nelumbo suggest the ‘nodes’ or parva of soma.
Fig. 2. Symbolic and Metaphorical Attributes of Soma. a. An Indus River seal portrays the lotus
plant as a pillared floral motif with a dimpled pericarp (Fig. 1b) and reflexed petals (or possibly
persistent stamens following anthesis). A seven-leaved fig tree forms a canopy over the plant.
Two horned dragons extend from the plant's stalk in a symbolic context that is consistent with
Vedic imagery. Indus River valley, ca. 2000 BCE. (National Museum, New Delhi). b. Buddhists
adopted the image of a lotus pillar to symbolize the ancient Vedic concept of dharma. Note that
the enlightening stalk produces a sun-like flower and two opposing serpentine tendrils. Sanci, N
gate, Madhya Pradesh, India 110 BCE. c. A pyrogenic shaft with a three-tipped arrowhead
symbolizes the divine powers and ‘truth’ (dharma) of the Hindu trinity. Note that the cosmic
arrow emerges from a lotus flower and produces a blossom at its apex. Mulchok Temple, Patan,
Nepal. 17th c. d. Ancient devotees of Sūrya envisaged their sun-god's solar chariot wheel as a
lotus flower. Konarak, Orissa, India. 13th century. e. The vajra or ‘thunderbolt’ of various Indian
gods is symbolized by opposing lotus flowers. The perianths emit a three-dimensional trident
from opposite ends of the bolt. Patan, Nepal. Medieval Period. f. Himalayan painters frequently
associate lotus flowers with billowy clouds. Gods of Brahmanic and Buddhist traditions often
drink the elixir of immortality on their floral throne. Kathmandu, Nepal. 20th c.
Fig. 3. Artistic Renderings of Vedic Gods. a. Agni, the Vedic god of spiritual fire (tapas), is often
portrayed as a brahmin with flaming shoulders. Like Indra (Fig. 5b), he displays a lotiformed
trident, vanquished serpent, and a soma-vessel that is decorated with lotus petals. Adinath
Temple, Khajuraho, Madhya Pradesh, India. 10th c. b. Indomalayan sculptors identified Śiva's
burning trident as a flaming lotus flower. Java, ca. 12th c. (National Museum, Jakarta). c. Varuna
mounts a vanquished dragon (makara or vrtra) as he displays his weapons of choice: the ‘noose
of Varuna’ and a handful lotus rhizomes. A vessel of soma is displayed in his lower hand.
Adinath Temple, Khajuraho, Madhya Pradesh, India. 10th c. d. Sarasvatī, the riverine mother of
Soma in the Vedas, is conventionally depicted as a voluptuous lotus-nymph. Note that she
presents a cluster of lotus rhizomes and flowering shoot in her upper hand and a lotiformed
soma-vessel in her lower hand. Pailu, Rajasthan. 12th c. (National Museum, New Delhi).
Fig. 4. Artistic Renderings of Vedic Gods. a. Iconographic interpretations of Soma-Candra in
India are almost indistinguishable from those of Brahmā, the lotus-born Creator of the cosmos.
With a soma-vessel in hand, Soma's golden body personifies the golden receptacle of a lotus
flower. Orissa, India. 13th c. (British Museum). b. Brahmanic artisans of Nepal portray Soma-
Candra in the image of Brahmā in the Mahabharata. Soma's floral chariot is driven by a team of
Vedic geese (hamsas). Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. 16th c. (Bakhtapur Museum).
Fig. 5. Vedic Gods in the Arts of India. a. Sūrya drives his floral chariot with a team of seven
horses. His ascent to the heavens brings life to a pair of lotus flowers. Bihar, India. 12th c.
(Victoria Albert Museum). b. In keeping with Vedic mythology, Brahmanic communities of
medieval India portrayed Indra as serpent-slaying storm-god. His lotiformed bolt impales a
three-headed serpent known as Viśvarūpa in Vedic mythology. Adinath Temple, Khajuraho,
Madhya Pradesh, India. 10th c.
Fig. 6. Symbolic and Metaphorical Attributes of Soma. a. Visnu's ‘navel of immortality’ is often
identified as a flowering lotus stalk. His cosmic umbilicus supports Brahmā, Visnu, and Śiva: the
gods of birth, existence and death (respectively). Banteay Samrei, Cambodia. 12th c. b. Mythical
serpents (nagas or vrtras) that decorate the borders and portals of Khmer temples often disgorge
a continuous procession of lotus shoots from their mouths. Muang Lam, Thailand. 12th c. c.

64
Garuda is portrayed in Nepal as lotus-born sun-god. His cosmic perch is rooted in a soma vessel.
Bakhtapur, Nepal. d. Garuda delivers a vessel of soma to the Devas after vanquishing a pair of
dragons. Note that the famous ‘bearer of oblations’ ascends to the heavens on a lotus flower and
that he wears a skirt that is made from lotus petals. Chusya Baha Temple, Kathmandu, Nepal.
17th c.
Fig. 7. The Khmer envisage Indra as a vajra-wielding, serpent-slaying sun-god. Note that the
serpent is a lotus rhizome which is born from, and consumed by, the burning face of ‘Time’
(Kāla). Banteay Srei Temple, Cambodia. 10th c.
Fig. 8. Extracting Soma in Myth and Ritual. a. Devas and Asuras churn for the elixir of
immortality by coiling the body of a serpent around a lotiformed mountain (Mount ‘Kalaśa’ or
‘Soma-vessel’). A vessel of amrita is observed on the back of Visnu's turtle incarnation (Kurma).
Angkor, Cambodia. 12th c. (Guimet Museum). b. The mouth of Rāhu disgorges soma into an
‘over-brimming vessel’ (purna-kumbha) of the Devas. Note that the urn is fashioned in the image
of a flower and that a lotus flower floats upon the elixir of immortality. Dasavatara Temple,
Deogarh, Madhya Pradesh, India. 6th c. c. Massive mortars and pestles are often placed inside
the inner sanctums of Hindu temples. The pestle is symbolic of Śiva's immortal phallus and his
creative seed (soma), while the mortar is symbolic of his consort's floral womb (yoni) of
creation. The ‘churning’ of these organs produces the elixir of immortality. Khajuraho, Madhya
Pradesh, India. 11th c. (National Museum, New Delhi). d. Javanese Brahmins decorated their
mortars and pestles with lotus flowers so as to equate the immortalizing seed of Śiva with lotus
nectar. Java, Indonesia. ca. 14th c. (National Museum, Jakarta).

ENDNOTES
RV = Rg Veda (Griffith 1991); SB = Satapatha Brahmana (Eggeling 1978); AV = Atharva Veda
(Griffith 1995); TaiS = Taittirīya Sanhita (Keith 1967); MhB (Ganguli 1990); BhG Bhagavad
Gita (Edgerton 1972)

1 RV IX.7.1; 35.6; 42.5; 48.4; 46.24

2 RV VII.99.5; VIII.85.9; X.138.3; X.170.2; AV IV.10.5
3 RV IX. 85.5; 61.17; 113.5
4 RV X.90.16; AV III.8.1–3; 9.10–13; V.28.1–6; VI.61; SB I.1.1.13; III.2.2.4; XI.1.1.1
5 RV IX.96.7–8; IX.42.4
6 RV IX.33.5; IX.74.3; IX.94.41
7 RV IX.106.8
8 RV VIII.48.3
9 RV IX.51.5
10 RV IX.21.2
11 RV IX.62.4
12 RV IX.32.6
13 RV IX.9.9
14 RV IX.4.1–10 (Panikkar 1977, p. 804)
15 RV 8.48.3
16 RV IX.9.9; SB IX.4.4.8
17 RV VIII.48.3
18 Chandogya Upanisad V.2.4–8 (Radhakrishnan 1992)
19 Brhadāranyaka Upanisad III.5.1; Chandogya Upanisad VIII. .5 (Radhakrishnan 199 )

65
20 SB II.6.1.19– 0; Svetāśvatara Upanisad VI. ; Brhadāranyaka Upanisad III. .1 –13
(Radhakrishnan 1992)
21 RV IX.2.5; IX.73.7; IX.87.2
22 RV I.34.2; IV.13.5; IX.74.2; AV X.8.2–6
23 RV II.14.2; II.39.1; V.78.6–7; AV XII.1.24–29
24 RV IX.7.1; IX.35.6; IX.66.24
25 RV IV.24.9; IV.58.5; AV X.7.41
26 AV X.7.41
27 RV I.179.4; I.32.8; VIII.1.33
28 RV IX.50.1, IX.69.1; X.42.8; X.89.5
29 RV X.89.5
30 RV IX.50.1
31 RV IX.76.3; IX.86.44–46
32 SB III.4.3.13; III.9.4.2; IV.1.4.8; IV.4.3.4
33 SB III.3.9.4; III.4.3.13; III.9.4.2; IV.1.4.8; IV.4.3.4: TaiS VI.4.7
34 RV VIII.40.6
35 SB XIII.4.3.9
36 RV X.68.9
37 SB VII.4.2.14–15
38 RV III.48.1; VIII.32.28; X.94.8
39 RV IX.61.10
40 RV VIII.32.28; VIII.33.4
41 RV IX.7.6; IX.8.6; IX.9.5
42 RV IX.72.1; IX.111.1
43 RV IX.54.2–3
44 RV IX.93.1
45 RV IX.54.3
46 RV IX.2.6; IX.18.1; IX.54.2; IX.84.2
47 RV IX.76.4; IX.9; IX.10.8–9; IX.97.46
48 RV I.135.3; IX.5; IX.15.5; IX.86.32;
49 RV II.13.2; VIII.1.7, IX.6.6; IX.12.7; IX.54.1; TaiS I.5.5; I.5.10
50 RV V.43.4; IX.46.1; IX.71.4
51 RV VII.96.2; IX.67.32; X.30.12
52 RV I.23.18–20; IX.12.3; AV XX.41.2; SB V.2.2.5
53 RV VIII.80.1
54 RV IX.54.2; IX.85.10
55 RV I.84.14; VIII.6.38–39; IX.63.22; IX.113.1
56 RV IX.97.41
57 RV IX.86.36; X.13.5; IV.28.1
58 RV IX.15.5
59 AV XIX.44.5–6
60 RV I.91.1; AV XIX.30.5
61 RV VIII.85.13–15
62 RV I.112.12; V.53.9; X.75.6
63 RV VII.33.11; VIII.1.33; AV IV.34.5
64 Chandogya Upanisad III.1.1–4, III.5.1, VIII.1.2; Kaivalya Upanisad V.6

66
65 Brhadāranyaka Upanisad II.3.6 Chandogya Upanisad III.5.1 (Radhakrishnan 199 )
66 MhB I.84,100; Garuda Purana III.2.59–60, (Shastri 1978–1980), etc.
67 BhG XV.13; MhB I.25; XIII.149.7003
68 RV I.154.5
69 SB V.5.5.1–6
70 MhB XIII.149.7003
71 BhG IX.17; X. ; XV.15; Subāla Upanisad VI.1 (Radhadrishnan 199 )
72 BhG IX.16; MhB I.25; XIII.149.6962
73 BhG IX.20
74 Histories IV.113; VII.9,64
75 Buddhacarita II.37 (Johnston 1992)
76 Buddhacarita I.61 (Johnston 1992); Bkah-Hgyur II (Rockhill, 1884: 17)
77 RV I.34.11; III.6.9; VIII.28.1; IX.92.4
78 Bkah-Hgyur II, Rockhill 1884:17; Saddharma Pundarika VII.31
79 MhB XIII.14 (Ganguli 1990, 10:57)
80 RV III.31.10; IX.74.1
81 Kurma Purana I.26.1–109 (Tagare 1981)
82 AV XII.3.58–59
83 RV VIII.116.11; X.48.9
84 RV VIII.66.11
85 RV VIII.7.22
86 RV V.31.4
87 RV III.48.1; VIII.32.28; IX.17.5; X.94.8
88 RV VI.72; IX.63.9
89 RV IV.19.3; X.99.6
90 RV IX.38.1, 67.17
91 RV I.164.14
92 RV IX.94.3
93 RV IX.84.3
94 RV II.11.9; III.32.11; V.30.6; V.32.2
95 RV IX.17.1
96 RV VI.47.27; VIII.89.9
97 RV III.44.4–5; IX.72.7; IX.77.1; X.144.2
98 RV IX.111.3; IX.72.7; X.144.2; AV I.13
99 RV IV.22.2
100 100 RV IX.47.3; IX.72.7
101 RV IX.86.3
102 RV IX.83.5
103 RV IX.74.4; IX.89.1; V I.134.6; TaiS II.5.2.6
104 AV XII.3.58–59
105 AV X.7
106 RV IX.86.44–46; SB III.4.3.13; III.9.4.2; IV.1.4.8; IV.4.3.4
107 RV IX.86.44
108 RV X.56.6
109 RV I.32.11; IV.18.8; VI.47.21; X.113.6
110 RV II.11.9; III.32.11; IV.17.7; V.30.6

67
111 RV VIII.40.6
112 BhG X.18; XII.20
113 RV IX.10.8, IX.24.4
114 RV X.90.6–9; AV XIX.6.4
115 RV IX.83.1
116 Linga Purana I.20 (Shastri 1973)
117 RV IX.2.10
118 RV IX.70.2; 95.5
119 RV IX.96.5,10
120 RV IV.26.4
121 RV IX.48.3
122 RV IX.38.4; IX.66.19; IX.71.6
123 RV 1.164.46–47
124 RV IX.71.9; RV IX.112.2
125 RV IX.9.4; IX.60.1–2
126 RV IX.48.3, 71.9
127 BhG X.30; Varaha Purana I.125.31 (Iver 1985)
128 BhG X.30; Varaha Purana I.125.31 (Iver 1985); Padma Purana I.39.124–125 (Deshpande
1988–1991)
129 RV IX.75.3
130 MhB I.16–34; Padma Purana II.47.41–173 (Deshpande 1988–1991)
131 Linga Purana I.20 (Shastri 1973)
132 RV X.81; X.82
133 RV X.7.28, 40–41; X.121
134 RV X.129
135 RV IX.96.5,10; IX.97.40
136 RV X.55.5; X.68.10, AV X.7.2,32; XIX.19.4, SB IX.4.1.7
137 RV IX.96.5–6
138 RV V.47.3; IX.112.2; X.144.5
139 Mhb III.189 (Ganguli 1990, III:566)
140 RV I.164.2
141 RV IX.89.4
142 RV V.45.9; VI.44.24
143 RV VI.46.11,14
144 RV X.8.9; SB I.6.3.1
145 RV I.70.6; II.66.4; II.148.4; IV.4.1
146 RV X.5.6
147 RV IV.3.5; IV.8.5; IV.15.19
148 RV I.105.14
149 RV III.9.6; V.9.1
150 RV I.143.1; III.1.13; III.9.1; VIII.63.9
151 RV I.59.1; X.45.4
152 RV X.79.3; I.145.4–5
153 RV I.66.4; V.19.5
154 AV X.8.3–6
155 RV IV.15.6; AV X.8.3–6

68
156 RV I.70.3; III.1.12–15; III.5.3
157 RV II.2.8; VII.10.1
158 RV I.93
159 RV VIII.1.33; TaiS IV.2.8
160 RV I.36.3; III.21.3; V.4.3
161 RV X.154.2
162 RV X.8.8
163 RV VI.74.3
164 RV VI.74
165 Bhagavata Purana V.25.3
166 MhB XII.285.72–208; XIII.17.1–18 ; Śiva Purana Satarudrasamhita 18. 6–27
167 AV XI.2.2,17; SB IX.1.1.6
168 MhB XII.285.72–208; XII.17.1–18 ; Śiva Purana Satarudrasamhita 18. 6–27
169 RV I.151.4; VII.36.2
170 RV I.43
171 RV I.24.7–9; SB VII.5.2.18
172 RV VII.89.4
173 RV I.124.7 (Coomaraswamy 1979: 8)
174 RV I.24.7–8; VII.87.1,6; VIII.82.2
175 RV IX.95.4
176 RV VI.74.4; VII.65.3 VII.84.1–2; X.85.24
177 RV X.75.5
178 RV IX.5.8; IX.67.32; X.17.7–10
179 RV III.23.4; VIII.38.10
180 RV VIII.21.17–18; VIII.38.10
181 RV II.1.14; III.1.13; III.1.13; III.54.13; IX.68.5; X.184.2; AV V.25.3–7
182 RV VII.91.5–6; AV XX.123.5
183 AV VII.5 (Panikkar 1977: 357)
184 Bhagavata Purana VIII.8.1–9.22 (Tagare 1976–1978)
185 RV I.28.4; Chandogya Upanisad VI.6.1 (Radhakrishnan 1992)
186 BhG X.28
187 Varaha Purana 35 (Iver 1985)
188 MhB VI.7; Vayu Purana 34.37–46 (Tagare 1987–1988); Visnu Purana II.2 (Wilson 1980);
Śiva Purana, Umasamhita 17.33 (Shastri 1970)
189 RV VII.33.11; IX.78.3; SB XIII.4.3.8
190 RV I.28.3; AV IX.6.15; SB I.1.1.22; I.1.4.7
191 SB VI.5.1.26, 38; IX.5.1.7; XII.7.3.8,12
192 RV III.52.5; IV.24.7; IX.8.5; IX.11.6; IX.11.2
193 RV IX.12.5; IX.17.4
194 RV IX.2.2, IX.70.7; 32.4; IX.39.6; IX.64.17; IX.90.2
195 RV IX.74.1; X.94.5
196 SB VII.5.1.10, 15, 23, 38
197 SB VII.5.1.38
198 SB IX.5.1.1–23
199 AV X.7.28; SB X.4.1.2
200 RV IX.33.5; IX.74.3; IX.94.41

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201 SB III.5.2.34–35; IX.3.4.11,17

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0001%282004%2958%5BS147%3AABPOTI%5D2.0.CO%3B2

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HAOMA i. BOTANY
Haoma is the Avestan name for a plant and its divinity, Mid. Pers. h m, Sogd. xwm, Pers. and
other living Iranian languages h m, hūm and related forms.

HAOMA

i. BOTANY

Haoma is the Avestan name for a plant and its divinity, Mid. Pers. h m, Sogd. xwm, Pers. and
other living Iranian languages h m, hūm and related forms, Skt. soma, living Indic languages
som, soma (Flattery and Schwartz, p. 68 with Table 3; Steblin-Kamenskij, 1972, pp. 138 ff.;
Idem, 1987, p. 377; Henning, “Mitteliranisch,” p. 85).

Attempts to identify the proto-Indo-Iranian *sauma- go back more than two centuries, when
Western scholars became acquainted through texts with haoma-/soma-. The word denotes
something like “that which is pressed, extract” (from Av. hu-, Skt. su-, “press, pound”), and
could be applied only by metonymy to a plant yielding that extract. Nor in theory would it
necessarily have referred to only one plant, but might have been used for several similar, or even
wholly different, plants (cf. Av. pouru.sar δa-, Y. 10.12). However, if (with Steblin-Kamenskij,
1987, p. 377; Falk, 1989, pp. 77 ff.) we reject the hypothesis that mythic characteristics of the
divinity Haoma/Soma governed the choice of a representative plant (so Kuiper, 1970; Windfuhr,
1985), we can accept that striking correspondences in the technical terms and epithets used with
reference to haoma/soma point to an extract from a specific plant having been ritually drunk by
the common ancestors of the Old Iranian and Old Indian peoples. It is then the
(psycho)pharmacological properties of that plant which must explain what is indicated of
haoma/soma in the Avesta and Vedas.

The main Avestan source for such indications is the H m Yašt (Y. 9-11). Of the gifts prayed for
there from Haoma by his worshippers, those which derive from pharmacological effects
probably include healing (Y. 9.16, 17, 19; 10.8, 9) and sexual excitation (Y. 9.3-15, 22), and
certainly physical strengthening (Y. 9:17, 22, 27), intellectual stimulation (Y. 9:17, 22) and
“intoxication” (Y. 9:17; 10:8-cf. Y. 17.6, 14, 19; 11.10). The last word has regularly been used to
render Av. maδa- which, with Skt. mada-, has been a keyword for investigations; but neither the

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Avestan texts nor their Pahlavi renderings (mʾdyšn, Y. 9:17; 10.18, 19, used elsewhere for
“coition”; mnyšn “thinking, thought,”, Y. 10:14; omitted, Y. 10:10), yield sufficient evidence for
a certain definition of the term. In the H m Yašt, the maδa of haoma is described as fraša-
“brilliant, bright,” var ziiaŋhuua- “life-invigorating” (Hintze, pp. 134-35), raoxšna- “light,” and
r njiia- “swift” (Y. 10.14, 19). Moreover, Haoma is called “the best for the soul’s journey”
(uruna a pāθmainii .t ma-, Y. 9:16), and is invoked for the “best existence” (vahišta- ahū-, Y.
9.19; 11.10). It is further said that “all other maδa- are accompanied by rath (A šma, q.v.) of
the bloody club, but Haoma’s maδa- is accompanied by joyous Truth (Aṧa, q.v.)” (Y. 10.8, cf.
Yt. 17.5 and, e.g., Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (Chowkamba, ed., 5.1. .10; see eber).

Yet since in N rangestān 1 : (ed. Kotwal and Kreyenbroek) Av. maδa- (occurring without
reference to haoma) is rendered by Pahlavi md, that is, may, “wine,” and since wine and other
alcoholic beverages have been widely used in religious rituals, during many researches (surveyed
by O’Flaherty down to 1968) there was almost consensus that *sauma was alcoholic, and this
interpretation was maintained still by Vasilii Abaev (1975) and Rausing (1987). But there is not
enough time during the ritual preparation of haoma/soma for fermentation to take place (nor
distillation, which would in any case be anachronistic), and there is no textual evidence for any
such process. A case was then made, based on Rig Veda 10.119, for *sauma having been a
hallucinogen (but on this as a wrong interpretation of the text, see Falk, 1989, pp. 78-79). In
19 1 (see O’Flaherty, pp. 1 8-29) B. L. Mukherjee proposed hemp, Cannabis sativa/indica, as
*sauma. Henrik Samuel Nyberg (pp. 177, 190, 290) independently gave support for this, but
alter Bruno Henning (1951, p. 30), rejecting his theory of Zoroaster’s use of hemp, voiced a
modern estern aversion towards psychotropic substances as leading to “physical, mental and
moral deterioration.” This, however, ignored the importance of dosage (cf. Taillieu, p. 191). In
1968 Wasson, who had worked on Meso-American psilocybine mushroom cults, proposed
another hallucinogen, the fly-agaric mushroom, Amanita muscaria. John Brough (1972, p. 360),
again ignoring dosage, argued that the stupor occasionally induced by flyagaric disqualified it
from being *sauma, which stimulated warriors. This point was virtually conceded by Wasson
(1972), whereas Ilya Greshevitch (1974, p. 50 ff.) pointed out that in moderation this mushroom
is a stimulant, and added some ingenious arguments in favor of the identification. Other
proposals were for mandrake, Mandragora turcomanica (Khlopin) and ginseng, Panax ginseng
(Windfuhr), but these rightly gained little if any support.

As for the plant yielding the extract in modern times, the Brahmans regularly used one of the
Sarcostemmas (Asclepiads), which are evidently a substitute for ancient *sauma, since they are
plants of warm climates. From the late 19th century it has been known (cf. O’Flaherty, pp. 118,
122) that the Zoroastrians of Yazd use a variety of ephedra which they call huma, hum and
which they supply to their coreligionists in India, where ephedras do not grow. The plants
flourish, however, in Inner Asia, the Indo-Iranian borderlands and Persia. Gradually it was
discovered that in a number of living Iranian languages and dialects ephedras are known as h m
or some similar term, and that in the Indic languages of Gilgit and Kāferestān (Nurestān) they are
called som, soma. Together linguistic and ritual evidence seemed decisive.

In 1989 it was partially questioned, however, in a fully documented study by the botanist David
S. Flattery, with linguistic support from Martin Schwartz. Flattery still held *sauma to have been
an hallucinogen, and argued (p. 75) that the effects attributed to haoma/soma in the texts did not

71
correspond to those provoked by ephedrine alkaloids extracted from ephedra. Therefore, ephedra
must have been mixed with another psychotropic agent, one inducing visions. In Vd. 14.4 (cf. Y.
68.1) it is indicated that haoma was pressed together with a plant called haδāna pātā- (q.v.), a
word of disputed meaning. In the known Zoroastrian rite a pomegranate twig is used, but this
must be a substitute for the original plant, which Flattery proposed to identify as harmel
(mountain/wild rue), Peganum harmala. This is known in Iranian languages as sepand, esfand,
sven, forms all derived from Av. sp nta- “holy.” It yields the β-carboline alkaloids harmaline and
harmine, whose reported sleep-inducing (side) effect might, combined with ephedrine, have
“facilitated the experience of visions”; and because of the holiness of harmel, he saw this as the
essential haoma, that called dūraoša (q.v.; Flattery and Schwartz, pp. 63-64 and n. 28), with
ephedra as the less effective ingredient. This hypothesis was open to strong objections, notably
that no convincing reason can be found for an abandoning of the easily available harmel.
Moreover, although Iranian Zoroastrians make much use of rue (now more often in the form of
garden rue, Rue graveolens) they do not crush it or associate it in any way with haoma rituals.

In the same year (1989) Harry Falk in an important article argued that the essential effect sought
from soma/haoma was not hallucinatory, but precisely that produced by ephedrine, namely
inducing alertness and awareness. He cited as evidence the previously overlooked use of soma in
the highly esteemed night-time Atirātra ritual as both a sleep-preventing drink for the priests and
a stimulating offering to Vṛtra-fighting Indra. The alkaloid ephedrine is somewhat milder yet
more prolonged in action than adrenaline, and may be changed to metamphetamin or an
analeptic amine by elimination of the hydroxyl group (OH) on the side chain (Ito, 1995, n. 1).
The basic alkaloid is water-soluble and, because of climactic conditions, its full effect could be
enjoyed only in situ, i.e., in the mountainous borderlands between India and Greater Iran, where
the ephedrine-yielding species of ephedra (Ephedra gerardiana, procera, and intermedia) grow.
This limited distribution of potent ephedra would explain the post-Vedic question put to the
soma vendor, whether his merchandise was harvested on mount Mūjavat (cf. Falk, 1989, p. 87).
Interestingly, a side-effect of ephedrine, the hindering of urination, coincides with the priestly
fear to die of urine-retention (ámeha, cf. Falk, 1989, p. 83, n. 27).

There seems no doubt that the haoma depicted in the H m Yašt is a normal, chlorofyll-bearing
plant: apart from its stock color epithet “yellow, golden, green” (Av. zairi- and zairi.gaona-, cf.
Skt. hari-) this is suggested most strongly by the mention of “stems, shoots and branches” (Av.
var šajīš, fraspar , frauuāxš , cf. Pahl. wan, sp g, tāg, Y. 10.5). Haoma is further called
“having tender/pliant ąsu(s)” (Av. nąmyąsu-, Y. 9.16) or “having tasty ąsu(s)” (Gershevitch,
1974, p. 48; pure soma, however, is not “sweet,” Skt. mádhu-, but “sharp, astringent,” Skt. tīvrá-,
cf. Falk, 1989, p. 83). This ąsu- (cf. Skt. aṃśu-) is exclusively accorded to haoma/soma and has
therefore been taken for the actual name of the *sauma-yielding plant (Brough, 1972, p. 337),
but more probably it denotes a “twig” (cf. Pahl. tāg in Y. 10. ). In favor of the fly-agaric theory
“stalk” ( asson, 1968, pp. 44 f.) and “fibre"/“flesh” (Gershevitch, 1974, p. 48, 74-75; Windfuhr,
p. 701) were proposed, but this ignores the expressed necessity of pounding the ąsu/aṃśu (see
Brough, 1972, p. 338), which seems relevant only in the case of fibrous or hard plant material
(twigs, roots, seed). Both haoma and soma are accorded fragrance (Av. hubaoiδi-, Y. 10.4, cf.
Skt. surabhintara-) and a mountainous location; the additional reference to river valleys in Y.
10.17 is probably only a poetic way of saying “all haomas, wherever they may be” (Brough,
197 , p. 343; cf. also Rig Veda 9.6. 8, and the river Aṃśumatī-, RV. 8.96.13-15). Reality has

72
been sought in haoma’s epithet “tall” (Av. b r zant-, Y. 10.21, Vd., 19.19; cf. Falk, 1989, p. 86,
who relates it to the tree-like Ephedra procera) and in the anthropomorphic appearance of the
plant (Windfuhr, pp. 704, 712). Such speculations and the overall unscientific character of the
scriptural descriptions confine the contribution of descriptive features in a botanical
identification of *saoma to that of mere touchstones.

Bibliography:

Vasilii Ivanovich Abaev, “Contribution à l’histoire des mots: 1. Vieil-iranien hauma- et le nom
eurasien du houblon,” tr. acques Veyrenc, in Mélanges linguistiques offerts à Émile Benveniste,
Collection Linguistique publicée par la Société de Linguistique de Paris 70, Paris, 1975, pp. 1-3.

Harold . Bailey, “Vedic kṣumpa- and connected data,” in Shivram Dattatray oshi, ed.,
Amṛtadhārā: Professor R. N. Dandekar Felicitation Volume, Delhi, 1984, pp. 17-20.

ohn Brough, “Soma and Amanita muscaria,” BSOAS 34, 1971, pp. 331-62.

Idem, “Problems of the ‘Soma-Mushroom’ Theory,” in Indologica Taurinensia 1: Atti del

convegno internazionale di studi indologici, Torino, 26-29 aprile 1971, 1972, pp. 21-32.

James Darmesteter, Etudes iraniennes, 2 vols., Paris, 1883.

Rahul Peter Das, “On the Identification of a Vedic Plant,” in G. an Meulenbeld and Dominik
Wujastyk, eds., Studies on Indian Medical History: Papers Presented at the International
Workshop on the Study of Indian Medicine Held at the Wellcome Institute for the History of
Medicine, 2-4 Sept. 1985, Groningen Oriental Studies 2, Groningen, 1987, pp. 19-42.

Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin, “Haoma proscrit et réadmis,” in Marie-Madeleine Mactoux and

Evelyne Geny, eds., Mélanges P. Lévêque I: Religion, Annales littéraires de l’Université de
Besançon 367, Centre de Recherches d’Histoire ancienne 79,1988, pp. 1 7-31.

H. Falk, “Soma I and II,” BSOAS 5 , 1989, pp. 77-90.

David Stophlet Flattery and Martin Schwartz, Haoma and Harmaline: The Botanical Identity of
the Indo-Iranian Sacred Hallucinogen “Soma” and Its Legacy in Religion, Language, and Middle
Eastern Folklore, Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1989; reviewed by Gherardo Gnoli in
East and West 39, 1989, pp. 320-24, and by K. Mylius, in IIJ 35, 1992, pp. 45-48.

Ilya Gershevitch, “An Iranist’s View of the Soma Controversy,” in Philippe Gignoux and Ahmad
Tafazzoli, eds., Mémorial Jean de Me-nasce, Louvain, 1974, pp. 45-75.

Gherardo Gnoli, “Lichtsymbolik in Alt-Iran: Haoma-Ritus und Erlöser-Mythos,” Antaios 8,

1967, pp. 528-49.

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Idem, “On the Iranian Soma and Pers. sepand ‘ ild Rue’,” East and est 43, 1993, pp. 35-36.

Walter Bruno Henning, Zoroaster: Politician or Witch-Doctor? Ratanbai Katrak Lectures 3,

(1949), Oxford, 1951.

Almut Hinze, ed. and tr. with commentaries, Zāmyād Yašt/Der Zam-yād-Yašt, iesbaden, 1994.

M. Hutter, “ eltliche und geistliche Berauschung: die Bedeutung von Haoma im

Zoroastrismus,” Mitteilungen für Anthropologie und Religionsgeschichte 11, 1996 (pub. 1997),
pp. 187-208.

G. Ito, “An Interpretation of Yasna 3 :14,” Orient 5, 1989, pp. 43-50.

Idem, “Nāsatya-: Ašvin- and the Yaθā ahū vairy prayer,” Orient 30-31, 1995, pp. 98-107.

Igore Nikolaevich Khlopin, “Mandragora turcomanica in der Geschichte der Orientalv lker,”
Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 11, 1980, pp. 223-31.

Firoze M. Kotwal and Philip G. Kreyenbroek (with contributions by James Russell), eds. and
trs., The H rbedestān and N rangestān II, Stud. Ir., Cahier 16, Paris, 1995.

Franciscus Bernardus acobus Kuiper, “ as the Putīka A Mushroom ” in Shivram Dattatray

oshi, ed., Amṛtadhārā: Professor R. N. Dandekar Felicitation Volume, Delhi, 1984, pp. 19-27.

S. Mahdihasan, “Soma, in Light of Comparative Pharmacology, Etymology and Archaeology,”

Janus 60, 1973, pp. 91-102.

Idem, “A Persian Painting Illustrating Ephedra, Leading to Its Identity as Soma,” ournal of
Central Asia 8, 1985, pp. 171-75.

Idem, The History and Natural History of Ephedra as Soma, Islamabad, 1987.

Henrik Samuel Nyberg, Irans forntida religioner, tr. Hans Heinrich Schaeder as Die Religionen
des Alten Iran, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft 43, Leipzig, 1938,
repr. Osnabrük, 1966; tr. Sayf-al-Din Najmābādi as Dinhā-ye Irān-e bāstān, Tehran, 1360
./1981.

. D. O’Flaherty, “The Post-Vedic History of the Soma Plant,” in Robert Gordon asson,
Soma: Divine Mushroom of Immortality, New York, 1968, pp. 95-147.

B. L. Mukherjee, “The Soma Plant,” RAS, 19 1, pp. 41 ff.

Idem, The SomaPlant, Calcutta, 1922.

G. Rausing, “Soma,” Orientalia Suecana 36-37, 1987-88, pp. 125-26.

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I. M. Steblin-Kamenskij, “Flora iranskoĭ prarodini (etimologiceskie zametki),” Etimologiya,
Moscow, 1972, pp. 138-39.

Idem, review of Papers in Honour of Professor Mary Boyce, 2 vols., Acta Iranica 24-25, in
BSOAS 50, 1987, pp. 376-78.

R. Stuhrmann, “ orum handelt es sich beim Soma ” II 8, 1985, pp. 85-93.

Dieter Taillieu, “Old Iranian haoma-: A Note on Its Pharmacology,” Acta Orientalia Belgica 9,
1994 (pub. 1995), pp. 187-91.

Robert Gordon Wasson, ed., Soma: Divine Mushroom of Immortality, Ethno-Mycological

Studies 1, New York, 1968; reviewed by Franciscus B. J. Kuiper, in IIJ 12, 1970, pp. 297-85.

Idem, “Soma of the Aryans: An Ancient Hallucinogen ” Bulletin on Narcotics , 1970, pp. 5-
30.

Idem, “Soma: Comments Inspired by Professor Kuiper’s Review,” II 1 , 1970, pp. 86-98.

Idem, “The Soma of the Rig Veda: hat as It ” AOS 91, 1971, pp. 169-86.

Idem, Soma and the Fly-Agaric. Mr. asson’s Rejoinder to Professor Brough, Botanical
Museum of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., November, 1972.

Idem, “Soma Brought Up-to-Date,” AOS 99, 1979, pp. 100-105.

Albrecht Weber, ed., The Çatapatha-Brahmaṇa in theMādhhyandina-çākhā . . . , Belin and

London, 1855; 3rd ed. Varansi, 1964.

Gernot L. indfuhr, “Haoma/Soma, the Plant,” in Papers in Honour of Professor Mary Boyce,
vols., Acta Iranica 24-25, Leiden, 1985, I, pp. 699-726.

(Dieter Taillieu)

Originally Published: December 15, 2003

Last Updated: December 15, 2003

HAOMA ii. THE RITUALS

Haoma yields the essential ingredient for the parahaoma, the consecrated liquid prepared during
the main act of worship, the Yasna, and its extensions, the Visperad and Vendidad.

HAOMA
ii. THE RITUALS

YASNA

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Haoma yields the essential ingredient for the parahaoma, Pahl. parah m, the consecrated liquid
prepared during the main act of worship, the Yasna, and its extensions, the Visperad and
Vendidad. Basic similarities between the Zoroastrian and Brahmanic haoma/soma rites (Haug,
pp. 281-83; Henry; Thieme, pp. 71-77) establish their common origin, but marked differences
developed between them. In Zoroastrian observance (except for the Vendidad service, probably
not instituted until Sasanian times), the pressing may take place only between sunrise and noon,
the “time of pressing” (Av. hāvani- ratu-, Pahl. hāwan gāh); and there are two preparations of
parah m, which are not identical. The second is repeatedly mentioned as a zaoθra “libation” in
the Young Avesta, and some details of its preparation are given in the Vendidad and
N rangestān, as well as in certain Pahlavi books and Persian Rivayats (see Darmesteter, 189 -93,
I, pp. xcii-xciii); and some Avestan manuscripts (Geldner, I, p. xxiv) have ritual instructions.
Abraham Anquetil-DuPerron (I/2, pp. 81-260) gave some ritual indications with his French
translation of the Yasna and Martin Haug (pp. 394-407) drew on unnamed Parsi priestly
informants for a fairly full account of the rituals. In 1888 Tahmuras Dinshaji Anklesaria (q.v.)
published the Yasna text with ritual notes in Gujarati. These were used by James Darmesteter
(1892-93, I, pp. iii-iv, vi-vii) for ritual notes to his French translation of the Yasna, for which he
also consulted Anklesaria personally and other Parsi priests, and also drew on manuscript
authorities. Uncharacteristically, however, this great scholar failed to mark the difference
between the two parah ms, and ivanji amshedji Modi in his account of the service (pp. 251-
309) is not consistently clear on this (see p. 303). The rituals were again recorded with the text
by the Kutar brothers and by Maneck Kanga and N. S. Sontakke, and subsequently Firoze
Kotwal published a detailed account of the rituals as performed by the Bhagarias (q.v.; see
Kotwal and Boyd, 1991). It is this account which is summarized here. Like Darmesteter, Kotwal
noted small differences from the known Irani practice, and that of other Parsi priesthoods. The
existence of minor variations in priestly usage is acknowledged already in theN rangestān (see
Tahmuras Anklesaria apud Darmesteter, 1892-93, I, p. xciv). Details of the Irani performance of
the preliminary rites are given in the manuscript F23 (Dhabhar, pp. 15-17), published (as no. 36)
by Kaikhosroo amaspAsa and Māhyār Nawwābi.

These preliminary rites, Pahl. n rangīhā ī arw sgāh “rituals of the place of worship,” are
performed now by one serving priest, the rāspī. The Parsis call them the “preceding ritual,”
paragṇa, a corruption of paragra (< Skt. prakṛyā-; see Darmesteter, 1892-93, I, p. lxx, n. 1). For
those of its rites which concern the preparation of the first parah m three twigs of h m are
required (usually used dried), a twig of pomegranate, and pure water, drawn in Persia from a
stream, in India from a well. The twigs are made “clean” by ritual laving, and “pure” by the
utterance over them of the xšnūman of H m (see below), and they and the water are then
consecrated by recital of more Avestan. The pomegranate twig is cut into pieces, which are put
with the h m twigs into a metal mortar (in the ancient rite, as the text shows, one of stone). The
priest recites over it (as in Y. 5) the xšnūman of Zoroaster and of his fravaši (q.v.), which,
according to the prophet’s hagiography, was brought to earth within a miraculous h m stalk. He
strikes the mortar and its pestle on the stone table before which he sits, and then the pestle
against the inner rim of the mortar, to east, south, west and north, while reciting Yasna 27, which
declares the forthcoming rite to be for smiting evil. He then pounds the twigs, pours over them
some of the consecrated water, and empties the mortar, in three pourings, into one of two metal
bowls. On this is set a metal strainer with nine holes. Between pourings he pounds the twigs

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again, then rubs the residue caught in the strainer against its holes, squeezes it dry, and drops it
on the floor of the pāvi (ritual precinct). He rinses the strainer, puts it on the mortar, and places in
it the varas, three hairs (Av. var sa-) from a bull’s tail wound three times round a metal ring and
tied three times with the sacred (reef) knot. This represents the hair sieve used originally. There
follows a ritual straining of the already strained liquid over thevaras in triple pourings between
the mortar and two bowls, in a sequence repeated three times, so that finally the liquid is
contained in the bowls. The priest then rearranges the ritual table, setting out three more h m
twigs and another pomegranate twig, and leaves the pāvi to procure milk, in Persia from a cow,
in India from a goat (see Modi, pp. 278-79; Kotwal and Boyd, 1991, p. 71, n. 39). Draxt ī āsūrīg
(q.v., vv. 47-52) suggests that this may be an old difference between Parthian and Persian
practice. The milk is drawn into a vessel already half-filled with consecrated water. After
returning with it to the pāvi, the rāspī picks up the residue of twigs, which he puts on a log by the
fire to dry. A second priest joins the rāspī as the celebrant, z t, of the Yasna. This service has its
own internal preliminaries, followed by the Sr š dr n (Y. 3-8). Then comes recitation of the
H m yašt (Y. 9-11), which contains what appear to be very ancient elements. It lacks the formal
features common to other yašts, but has the same intention, namely to honor an individual yazata
(divinity). With Haoma is revered the plant haoma. The Avestan is recited without special ritual
down to Yasna 11.8, when the rāspī takes one of the bowls containing parah m, pours a few
drops from it onto the barsom-tie, and hands it to the z t. ith Yasna 11.10 the z t praises and
prays to Haoma, then drinks the parah m in three sips. The liturgy for the second parah m
preparation begins with Yasna , called the “beginning of the h mast section,” h mast being
probably the corruption of a Pahlavi phrase, written ideogramatically, meaning “h m-pounding”
(Kotwal and Boyd, 1991, p. 104, n. 11 ). During recitation of Yasna 5 the z t puts the
h mtwigs into the mortar. He pours on them a little of the milk mixed with consecrated water,
adds the bits of pomegranate twig, and finally more consecrated water, saying in Avestan “these
zaoθras are for the Good Ones,” that is, the aters. The rituals that follow are essentially those
of the paragṇa, but with even more thorough pounding and straining, the residue of crushed
twigs being twice returned to the mortar for another triple pounding. The varas is not used in this
second rite, but lies on the table in its metal dish. The ritual lasts into the beginning (Y. 28) of
theAhunavaitī Gāθā. Yasnas 9 and 30 are recited without special ritual, but duringYasnas 31
and 3 the z t again pounds the twigs three times, straining some of the liquid into one of the
bowls after each pounding, and each time returning any crushed residue to the mortar. Finally,
during Yasna 33, he empties the mortar through the strainer and squeezes out the last residue,
dropping it on the pāvi floor. The rāspī picks it up and puts it beside that from the first parah m
preparation. During recital of Yasna 34, the bowl now containing all the parah m is set on the
base of the empty, inverted, mortar and covered with the metal milk-dish, a three-tiered
arrangement which remains untouched during the ritual of the ātaš z hr“offering to Fire” (q.v.),
made formerly during the recital of Yasna Haptaŋhāiti (Y.35-41; see Boyce, 1970, pp. 68-69).
There is little ritual during the recital of the remaining four Gāθās, the two Sr š yašts(Y. 56, 57),
or the linking texts. At Yasna6 , the Ātaš niāyeš “prayer for Fire,” the rāspī puts on the fire the
now-dried residue of twigs from the two parah m preparations. Although this is done at an
appropriate point in the liturgy, it is not a zaoθra of the pressed h m twigs to fire, but a ritually
proper way to dispose of combustible consecrated materials (after the service the barsom-tie etc
are similarly burnt, see Kotwal and Boyd, 1991, p. 129, n. 156). In a Pahlavi codex (ed.
amaspAsa and Nawwābi, no. 3 , p. 1 0) the instruction is: “(at) urwarąm vā the pounded h m
and urwaram (are) to be given to the fire (ātaxš dādan).” The liturgy for the āb z hr, “offering to

77
the ater(s)” (q.v.), begins with Yasna6 .11. During the recital of Yasna 6 , 64, 65 and 68, the
z t repeatedly pours theparah m between the two bowls and the now reverted mortar, so that all
three vessels hold exactly the same mixture of parah m, which itself contains every drop of the
consecrated extract and the milk (except that used in barsom-lavings). The service having ended
with Yasna 7 , the z t, attended by the rāspī, carries the mortar to the stream or well from which
pure water had been obtained, and makes libation from it, in three pourings, invoking Ar dvī
Sūrā Anāhitā (see ANĀHĪD). The parah m remaining in the mortar and bowls is usually given
to the person(s) who engaged the priests to perform the ceremony (Kotwal and Boyd, 1991, p.
129, n. 154). Drinking it in a state of ritual purity is believed to be highly beneficial for body and
soul. A little is therefore sometimes reserved to be given to the new-born or dying (Modi, pp.
306-7; Boyce, 1966, p. 115, n. 5; idem, 1970, p. 64; Kotwal and Boyd, 1991, p. 18). If not
needed, this may be poured away over the roots of fruit trees (Tahmuras Anklesaria, apud
Darmesteter, 1892-93, I, p. 441, n. 8). This second preparation of parah m appears to be
connected with the Old Avestan part of the liturgy. It has been suggested that Yasna Haptaŋhāiti,
as well as theGāθās, was composed, in whole or in part, by Zoroaster (K. Hoffman apud Barr, p.
285, n. 7; Gershevitch, 1968, p. 18; Narten, pp. 35-37), and that in it ancient elements were
modified by him in accordance with his new teachings (Boyce, 1992, pp. 87-94; idem, 1995, pp.
25-26). If this is so, it may reasonably be supposed that he made modifications also in the rituals,
one being very possibly the addition of milk to the parahaoma. This would explain why this
ingredient is always mentioned in Young Avestan references to this zaoθra. The doctrinal
significance of the milk is plainly that the animal creation is thus represented. The intention of
the zaoθras to fire and water appears to be to purify and strengthen the inner forces (mainyu-) of
these two creations and through them the inner forces of the earth, plants, and animals, so that
they may better withstand the polluting attacks of evil. It seems very possible that Zoroaster
replaced with this rite an old one, like that maintained by the Brahmans, in which priests imbibed
the parahaoma, sharing it with the gods; and that he did this because he regarded haoma as
potentially dangerous in its potency to people (cf. his probable denunciation of it, as mada-, in Y.
48.10). An extract from it was drunk by warriors to stimulate their battle lust, and (on Vedic
evidence) it was prominent in the cult of warlike Indra, to Zoroaster a da va (see DAIVA,
DĒ ). If then he restricted its use in his own act of worship to yielding a libation to the aters,
it must be supposed that, as his religion spread, priestly converts in ever increasing numbers
were reluctant to abandon the old rite, believed to give the celebrant an increase in awareness
and power, and so this came to be reinstated as a preliminary to the one he had established (see
Boyce,Zoroastrianism I, pp. 159-60. Cf. the observations by Schlerath, p. 139). The use of the
varas in it only suggests the profound conservatism of those who, on this hypothesis, gained its
reacceptance. In living observance the ingredients in both preparations of parah m are present in
very small quantities, while the Parsis keeph m twigs for at least thirteen months before use to
shed any impurity incurred on the journey from Persia (Kotwal and Boyd, 1991, p. 72, n. 43, cf.
Anquetil-DuPerron, II, p. 533; Haug, p. 399). Pahl. Dr n ī h m, Pahl/Pers. H m Dr n, Pers. also
Dr n-e Zabān (of the tongue) This short service (see DRŌN) was still solemnized in Persia
during the 1960s. A few details of its rituals are given in a service book published in Bombay
without date by Kayḵosrow son of H rbad Ḵodābaḵš, son of amšid of Mobāraka near Yazd. For
a full description, based on observation and on oral instruction by Dastur Ḵodādād N ry sangi of
Yazd, see Mary Boyce (1970, pp. 72-77). No reference to this service is recorded among the
Parsis. Its purpose is to consecrate for H m the portion assigned to him from each animal
sacrifice, namely “the two jaw bones with tongue and left eye” (Y. 11.4; on the symbolism of

78
this see Duchesne-Guillemin, 1966, pp. 25-26). The yazad is represented (Y. 11.3, 6) as cursing
him who withholds this portion, for it was believed that unless domestic animals were killed with
full rites, their spirits would not be properly released, and either they, or H m himself, would be
there to accuse their killers of this sin when their souls were judged (Boyce, Zoroastrianism I, pp.
149-50; idem, 1966, p. 109, n. 4 for Pahl. and Pers. references). Until recently, at festivals and
funerary occasions there would regularly be such sacrifices, with the H m dr n performed for
lay people by the priest of their hūšt (the area assigned to a priest); and the N rangestān (Kotwal
and Kreyenbroek, II, chap. 47) gives some instructions about its solemnization during the Yasna,
but away from the ritual precinct. For it three h m twigs are used instead of the three chips of
wood of other dr n services, and the tongue of the sacrificed animal is put on the dr n with the
other offerings. hile reciting the Pāzand prologue to the service, the priest takes the tongue in
his right hand (his left is holding the barsom) and circles his closed hand round his right eye,
passes it along his right jaw, and up round the eye again, preferably three times. He then replaces
it, and solemnizes the service in the usual way, using, while reciting Yasna 3-8, thexšnūman of
Haoma, which in its “greater” form occurs in Yasna 10. 1: “ e worship tall, golden-green
Haoma! e worship radiant Haoma, furtherer of the world! e worship Haoma dūraoša-
(haom m zairim b r zant m yazamaide haom m frasmim fradaṱ.ga θ m yazamaide. haom m
dūraoš m yazamaide). After Yasna7.15 he repeats the Pāzand prologue and ritual with the
tongue; and during the recital of the Ahunwar (q.v.) after Yasna 7. 5, and at the words a sma
baoiδi “fuel, incense” in Yasna 8.1, he places the three h m twigs, one after the other, with
incense, on the fire. The tongue is then roasted on the flat ritual ladle and returned to the dr n.
The service completed, the priest puts the tongue with a piece of thedr n in a metal bowl, to be
given with recital of one aš m vohū (q.v.) to a dog (see DOGII, p. 468). In some Pahlavi lists of
obligatory observances (Boyce, 1970, pp. 76-77), H m dr n is used as a term for blood sacrifice
with full rites. A COMMUNAL NOWRUZ RITE Until the 1960s at Nowruz in the strongly
conservative village of arifābād near Yazd, and presumably once throughout the Iranian
community, all who could, laity and priests, partook of the second parah m consecrated that day
during a Visperadservice (Boyce, 1977, pp. 233, 235). This was to gain strength and vigor for the
coming year, and prefigures a rite foretold for Fraš .k r ti (q.v.), when the blessed will partake
of a parah m prepared from the mythical “ hite H m,” which, with the fat of the sacrificed
mythical bull, Haδayans (q.v.), will confer immortality on their resurrected bodies (Dādestān ī
d nīg, Purs. 36.100, 47.16; Zādspram 35.15). The hite H m, also called G karn (Av.
Gaok r na-) grows at the source of the world river, Ar dvī Sūrā Anāhitā, and “derives its
contentment from the āb z hr"( illiams, ed., Pahl. Rivāyat 46.14), that is, from all parah m
libations made with the natural h m. THE YAZATA HAOMA The Yazata Haoma, known in
Persia as H m Izad, in India as H m Yazad, is the divinization of the force or spirit (Av.
mainyu-) within the haoma plant (cf. Boyce, 1992, pp. 52-53; Lommel, p. 187). In the H m yašt
Haoma manifests himself to Zoroaster “at the time of pressing” in the form of a most beautiful
man and exhorts him to gather and press haoma (Y. 9.1- ). He is frequently hailed as “the
Golden-Green One” (zairi-), also as “golden-green-eyed” (zairi.d iθra-). He is “righteous”
(ašavan-, q.v.), “furthering righteousness” (aša-vazah-), and “of good wisdom” (hu.xratu-,cf. Skt.
sukratu- “wise” of Soma; see Air b., cols. 46, 54-55, 1681, 1772-74, 1819). Through the
potency in his plants he grants “speed and strength to warriors, excellent and righteous sons to
those giving birth, spiritual power and knowledge to those who apply themselves to the study of
the nasks” (Y. 9- ). As the religion’s chief cult divinity he came to be perceived as its divine
priest. Ahura Mazdā is said (Y. 9.26) to have invested him with the sacred girdle,

79
theaiwiyåŋhana-, “star-adorned, spirit-fashioned—the good Mazdā-worshipping religion,” and it
is declared (Yt. 10.90) that he “was the first to offer up haomas with a star-adorned, spirit-
fashioned mortar upon high Harāiti,” the yazata of mountain plants upon the highest mountain
peak. Ahura Mazdā is also said (Yt. 10.89) to have installed Haoma as the “swiftly sacrificing
zaotar” for himself and the Am ša Sp ntas (q.v.), that is, for all other beneficent divinities. His
sacrificing to Mithra, Sraoša, and Drvāspā (q.v.) is specifically mentioned (Yt. 10.88; Y. 57.19;
Yt. 9.17). To sacrifice swiftly was required out of compassion for the animal, and as
compassionate sacrificer and yazata of plants on which animals browse (cf. Boyce, 1977, p.
60), Haoma is worshipped as protector of all beneficent animals, and is associated with Vohu
Manah (see BAHMAN) and his divine fellow-workers, Māh, G uš Urvan (see GƎ U
URUUAN), and Rāman (Persian Rivayats, ed. Unvala, I, pp. 263, l.17-264, l.4, tr. Dhabhar, p.
64). He also aids Tištrya (Tištar), āta ( ād) and Apąm Napāt (q.v.) in bringing rain (Greater
Bundahišn 6(B).3;Zādspram 3.8; D nkard, bk. 3, chap. 1.1 .5), so that plants and animals may
thrive. In Yasna 9.3-11 Zoroaster is represented as asking the yazata: Who first pressedhaoma,
and for what reward He is told Vīvahvant, whose reward was to have Yima Xša ta ( amš d) as
son; Āθwya (see ĀBTĪN), to whom θra taona (Fer d n) was born; and θrita, whose sons were
Urvāxšaya and K r sāspa (Karšāsp/Garšāsp, q.v.). These sons figure in both priestly and heroic
traditions, as does Fraŋrasyan (Afrāsiāb, q.v.), in whose story, too, Haoma is assigned a part. In
identical verses inYašt 9 (v. 17) and Yašt 17 (v. 37), Haoma, named between the P šdādiān
θra taona and Kavi Haosravah (Kay Ḵosrow), like them entreats Druvāspa and Aši (q.v.) for a
boon, that he may bind Fraŋrasyan and lead him to Haosravah, so that the latter may kill him to
avenge Syāvaršan (Siāvaḵš/Siāvaš). This feat is alluded to in Yasna11.7, where the sacrificer is
exhorted to cut Haoma’s share swiftly, lest the yazatabind him as he bound Fraŋrasyan, deep in
the earth, “metal-encircled.” The last words refer to Fraŋrasyan’s famed han-kana (Yt. 5.41; see
Darmesteter, 1883), a miraculous underground kingdom ringed by metal and secure from all
mortal attack. In Yašt 19:17 it is Haosravah who is said to have bound Fraŋrasyan, but probably
once Fraŋrasyan’s story became contaminated by the legend of thehankana, which gave him an
impregnable refuge, it had to be a divinity who would drag him out to his death, a task then
assigned to mighty Haoma. The story, fully euhemerized, is preserved in Ferdowsi’s āh-nāma
(ed. Khaleghi, IV, p. 313 ff., tr. Warner, IV, p. 260 ff.), where H m appears as a holy mountain-
dwelling solitary, immensely strong, who binds Afrāsiāb with his sacred girdle and drags him
from hishang, which is described here as a deep cavern (see HANG-E-AFRĀSIĀB). In a Persian
rivāyat (Persian Rivayats, ed. Unvala, I, p. 63, 1 -13, tr. Dhabhar, p. 63) it is Haoma’s fellow
cult-divinity G šurun (Av. G uš Urvan) who binds Afrāsiāb, which suggests a basic priestly
concept of the power inherent in the ritual offerings to overcome evil. This development in this
one legend did not affect Haoma’s veneration as yazata. Proper names were given in his honor.
There is Av. Haom .xᵛar nah “Having fortune through Haoma” (Yt. 13.116). Elamite tablets
yield u-ma-ka and umakka for OPers. *Haumaka, *Haumāka (Mayrhofer, nos. 8.1715, 1716),
and in Middle Persian a hwmk for H mag is attested ( usti, Namenbuch, p. 130), while Sogdian
has wm (Ancient Letters, q.v.) and wmdʾt “Given by Haoma” (Mugh documents;see Henning,
1965b, p. 252; idem, 1977, p. 627). A yasna may be devoted to him, and it is suggested that it
should be done in times of famine, or before battles, or for help in sickness (Persian Rivayats, ed.
Unvala, I, p. 284.14-16, tr. Dhabhar, p. 78). Probably because a yašt to him exists, he alone of
the “non-calendar” divinities may be taken as patron yazata by an individual at initiation, and he
may be venerated on any day with the recital of Yasna 9 and 10. Among traditionalists he is still
especially prayed to by women wanting children and those desiring illustrious sons. Modern

80
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Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees, 2nd ed., Bombay, 1937, repr. 1986. Georg
Morgenstierne, “A Vedic ord in Some Modern Hindu Kush Languages ” in idem, Irano-
Dardica, Wiesbaden, 1973, pp. 273-76. B. Mukhopadhvav, “On the Significance of Soma,”
Vishveshvarananda Indological Journal 16, 1978, p. 7. Johanna Narten, ed. and tr., Der Yasna
Haptaŋhāiti, iesbaden, 1986. Henrik Samuel Nyberg, Irans forntida religioner, tr. Hans
Heinrich Schaeder as Die Religionen des Alten Iran, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-
aegyptischen Gesellschaft 43, Leipzig, 1938, repr. Osnabrük, 1966; tr. Sayf-al-Din Najmābādi as
Dinhā-ye Irān-e bāstān, Tehran, 1360 ./1981. endy Donovan O’Flaherty, “The Post-Vedic
History of the Soma Plant,” in Robert Gordon asson, ed., Soma: Divine Mushroom of
Immortality, part 2, New York, 1968, pp. 95-147. Kursetji Erachji Parvi, “Ancient Ceremonies:
Additions and Improvements Made in Them,” in Dastur Hoshang Memorial Volume, Bombay,
1918, pp. 165-9 . G. Rausing, “Soma,” Orientalia Suecana 36-37, 1987-88, pp. 125-26.
Bernfried Schlerath, “Zarathustra in Awesta,” in Festgabe Deutscher Iranisten zur 500 ahrfeier
Irans, ed. Wilhelm Eilers, Stuttgart, 1971, pp. 133-40. I. M. Steblin-Kamenskiĭ, “Flora iranskoĭ
prarodini (etimologiceskie zametki),” Etimologiya, Moscow, 197 , pp. 138-39. R. Stuhrmann,
“ orum handelt es sich beim Soma ” II 8, 1985, pp. 85-93. Idem, “ gveda X.119: Der Rausch
des Kiebitz,” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 11/12, 1986, pp. 299-309. Dieter Taillieu, “Old
Iranianhaoma-: A Note on Its Pharmacology,” Acta Orientalia Belgica 9, 1994 (pub. 1995), pp.
187-91. Paul Thieme, “Vorzarathustrisches bei den Zarathustriern und bei Zarathustra,” ZDMG
107, 1957, pp. 66-104. amshedji Maneckji Unvala,Neryosangh’s Sanskrit Version of the H m
Yašt (Yasn IX-XI) with the Original Avestan and Its Pahlavi Version,Vienna, 1924. Robert
Gordon Wasson, ed., Soma: Divine Mushroom of Immortality, Ethno-Mycological Studies 1,
New York, 1968; reviewed by Franciscus B. J. Kuiper, in IIJ 12, 1970, pp. 279-85. Idem, “Soma
of the Aryans: An Ancient Hallucinogen ” Bulletin on Narcotics , 1970, pp. 5-30. Idem,
“Soma: Comments Inspired by Professor Kuiper’s Review,” IIJ 12, 1970, pp. 286-98. Idem,
“The Soma of the Rig Veda: hat as It ” AOS 91, 1971, pp. 169-86. Idem, Soma and the
Fly-Agaric. Mr. asson’s Rejoinder to Professor Brough,Botanical Museum of Harvard
University, Cambridge, Mass., November, 197 . Idem, “Soma Brought Up-to-Date,” AOS 99,
1979, pp. 100-105. Idem,”The Last Meal of the Buddha,” AOS 10 , 198 , pp. 591-603. Alan V.
illiams, ed. and tr., The Pahlavi Rivāyat Accompanying the Dādestān ī d nīg, vols.,
Copenhagen, 1990. Gernot L. indfuhr, “Haoma/Soma, the Plant,” in A. D. H. Bivar and . R.
Hinnells, eds., Papers in Honour of Professor Mary Boyce, 2 vols., Acta Iranica 24-25, Leiden,
1985, I, pp. 699-7 6. Zādspram, izīdagīhā, ed. and tr. Philippe Gignoux and Ahmad Tafazzoli
as Anthologie de Zādspram, Paris, 1993. (Mary Boyce) Originally Published: December 15,
2003 Last Updated: December 15, 2003http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/haoma-ii

83
Soma

This article is about the Vedic plant and ritual.

Soma (Sanskrit sóma), or Haoma (Avestan), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *sauma-, was a
ritual drink of importance among the early Indo-Iranians, and the subsequent Vedic and greater
Persian cultures. It is frequently mentioned in the Rigveda, whose Soma Mandala contains 114
hymns, many praising its energizing qualities. In the Avesta, Haoma has the entire Yašt 0 and
Yasna 9-11 dedicated to it.

The RgVeda calls the plant, Soma the "Creator of the Gods" (RV 9.42[1]) and gives Soma
precedence above Indra and the other Gods calling Soma "a God for Gods" (RV 9.42).

It is described as prepared by extracting juice from the stalks of a certain plant. In both Vedic
and Zoroastrian tradition, the name of the drink and the plant are the same, and also personified
as a divinity, the three forming a religious or mythological unity.

There has been much speculation concerning what is most likely to have been the identity of the
original plant. There is no solid consensus on the question, although most Western experts
outside the Vedic and Avestan religious traditions now seem to favour a species of Ephedra,
perhaps Ephedra sinica.[2][3]

Contents
1 Etymology
2 Vedic Soma
3 Avestan Haoma
4 Candidates for the Soma plant
5 Contemporary Hinduism
6 Western reception
6.1 Literature and music
6.2 Pharmaceutical drug
7 See also
8 Notes
9 References

Etymology
Both Soma and the Avestan Haoma are derived from Proto-Indo-Iranian *sauma-. The name of
the Scythian tribe Hauma-varga is related to the word, and probably connected with the ritual.
The word is derived from an Indo-Iranian root *sav- (Sanskrit sav-) "to press", i.e. *sau-ma- is
the drink prepared by pressing the stalks of a plant [4]. The root is Proto-Indo-European
(*sew(h)-)[5]

Vedic Soma
Further information: Somayajna and RV 9

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In the Vedas, Soma is portrayed as sacred and as a god (deva). The god, the drink and the plant
refer to the same entity. Two holy drinks exist: Soma for the immortal soul and Amrita for the
immortal body.{reference needed} In this aspect, Amrita is similar to the Greek ambrosia; both
is what the gods drink, and what made them deities. Indra and Agni are portrayed as consuming
Soma in copious quantities. The consumption of Soma by human beings, as attested in Vedic
ritual, probably results from the belief that it bestows divine qualities on them.

The Rigveda (8.48.3, tr. Griffith) states,

a ápāma s mam am tā abhūm ganma jy tir ávidāma dev n

c kíṃ nūnám asm n kṛṇavad árātiḥ kím u dhūrtír amṛta mártyasya
We have drunk Soma and become immortal; we have attained the light, the Gods discovered.
Now what may foeman's malice do to harm us? What, O Immortal, mortal man's deception?
The Ninth Mandala of the Rigveda is known as the Soma Mandala. It consists entirely of hymns
addressed to Soma Pavamana ("purified Soma"). The drink Soma was kept and distributed by the
Gandharvas. The Rigveda associates the Sushoma, Arjikiya and other regions with Soma (e.g.
8.7.29; 8.64.10-11). Sharyanavat was possibly the name of a pond or lake on the banks of which
Soma could be found. It is described as "green-tinted" and "bright-shining" in the RigVeda.
(R.V., 9.42.1 and 9.61.17)

The plant is often described as growing in the mountains (giristha, cf. Orestes), notably Mount
Mūjavant. It has long stalks, and is of yellow or tawny (hari) colour. The drink is prepared by
priests pounding the plants with stones. The juice so gathered is filtered through lamb's wool,
and mixed with other ingredients (including cow milk) before it is drunk. It is said to "roar" and
unify or tame the senses, represented by horses. It is said to be the bringer of the gods.

Later, knowledge of the ingredients was lost altogether, and Indian ritual reflects this, in
expiatory prayers apologizing to the gods for the use of a substitute plant (e.g. the pūtīka)
because Soma had become unavailable. In the Vedic ritual Agnistoma (or Somayaga), Soma is to
be presented as the main offering.[6]

Avestan Haoma
Main article: Haoma
The finishing of Haoma in Zoroastrianism may be glimpsed from the Avesta (particularly in the
H m Yast, Yasna 9), and Avestan language *hauma also survived as middle Persian h m. The
plant Haoma yielded the essential ingredient for the ritual drink, parahaoma.

In the H m yašt of the Avesta, the Yazata (divine) Haoma appears to Zoroaster "at the time of
pressing" (havani ratu) in the form of a beautiful man. Yasna 9.1 and 9.2 exhort him to gather
and press Haoma plants. Haoma's epitheta include "the Golden-Green One" (zairi-, Sanskrit hari-
), "righteous" (ašavan-), "furthering righteousness" (aša-vazah-), and "of good wisdom"
(hu.xratu-, Sanskrit sukratu-).

In Yasna 9.22, Haoma grants "speed and strength to warriors, excellent and righteous sons to
those giving birth, spiritual power and knowledge to those who apply themselves to the study of

85
the nasks". As the religion's chief cult divinity he came to be perceived as its divine priest. In
Yasna 9.26, Ahura Mazda is said to have invested him with the sacred girdle, and in Yasna
10.89, to have installed Haoma as the "swiftly sacrificing zaotar" (Sanskrit hotar) for himself and
the Amesha Spenta. Haoma services were celebrated at least until the 1960s and 1970s in a
strongly conservative village near Yazd.

But the Avesta also warns of misuse. He distinguishes between the currently used drug-like
Haoma, including Opium, and the real Divine Haoma.

Candidates for the Soma plant

Main article: Botanical identity of Soma-Haoma
There has been much speculation as to the original Proto-Indo-Iranian Sauma plant. It was
generally assumed to be Entheogenic, based on RV 8.48 cited above (we have attained the light).
Many descriptions of Soma are associated with excitation. Soma is associated with the warrior-
god Indra, and has been drunk by him before his battle with Vṛtra. For these reasons, there are
stimulant (amphetamine like) plants as well as entheogenic plants among the candidates that
have been suggested. Soma is also often associated with Light and Indra is the "Lord of Light" as
shown in the following verses from the RgVeda: RV 8.82.25 For thee, O Lord of Light, are shed
these Soma-drops, and grass is strewn. Bring Indra to his worshippers. May Indra give thee skill,
and lights of heaven, wealth to his votary. And priests who praise him: laud ye him.

There are numerous references in the RgVeda, associating Soma with the visionary seeing of
Light e.g. RV 9.4, RV 9.5, RV 9.8, RV 9.10, RV 9.42.

Candidates that have been suggested include honey,[7] and fly agaric (Amanita muscaria), which
was widely used among Siberian shamans for its entheogenic properties. Several texts like the
Atharvaveda extol the medicinal properties of Soma and he is regarded as the king of medicinal
herbs (and also of the Brahmana class).

From the late 1960s onwards, several studies attempted to establish soma as a psychoactive
substance. A number of proposals were made, including one in 1968 by the American banker R.
Gordon Wasson, an amateur ethnomycologist, who asserted that soma was an inebriant, and
suggested fly-agaric mushroom, Amanita muscaria, as the likely candidate. Since its introduction
in 1968, this theory has gained both detractors and followers in the anthropological literature.[8]

Wasson and his co-author, Wendy Doniger O'Flaherty, drew parallels between Vedic
descriptions and reports of Siberian uses of the fly-agaric in shamanic ritual.[9]

Since the late 18th century, when Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron and others made
portions of the Avesta available to Western scholars, several scholars have sought a
representative botanical equivalent of the haoma as described in the texts and as used in living
Zoroastrian practice.

In the late 19th century, the highly conservative Zoroastrians of Yazd (Iran) were found to use
Ephedra (genus Ephedra), which was locally known as hum or homa and which they exported to

86
the Indian Zoroastrians.[10] There are numerous mountain regions in the northwestern Indian
subcontinent which have cool and dry conditions where ephedra plants can grow. Later Vedic
texts mention that the best Soma plants come from Mt. Mūjavant, which may be located as a tall
mountain in N. Kashmir and in neighboring western Xinjiang (Muzh Tagh Ata).

In 1989, in a highly influential paper, Harry Falk noted that, in the texts, both haoma and soma
were said to enhance alertness and awareness, did not coincide with the consciousness altering
effects of an entheogen, and that "there is nothing shamanistic or visionary either in early Vedic
or in Old Iranian texts", (Falk, 1989) Falk established that the effect of the alkaloid ephedrine
was, in many respects, similar to adrenaline, but "its actions are less intense but more prolonged
than those of adrenaline, and, most important, it prevents sleeping." Chemically, ephedrine is
structurally similar to amphetamine--historically, amphetamine itself originated as an innovative
"upgrade" of an ephedrine prototypical base.[citation needed] Falk also asserted that the three
varieties of ephedra that yield ephedrine (geradiana, major procera and intermedia) also have the
properties attributed to haoma by the texts of the Avesta. (Falk, 1989)

In the conclusion of his observations on the 1999 Haoma-Soma workshop in Leiden, Jan E. M.
Houben writes: "despite strong attempts to do away with Ephedra by those who are eager to see
*sauma as a hallucinogen, its status as a serious candidate for the Rigvedic Soma and Avestan
Haoma still stands" (Houben, 2003). This supports Falk, who in his summary noted that "there is
no need to look for a plant other than Ephedra, the one plant used to this day by the Parsis."
(Falk, 1989)

The Graeco-Russian archeologist Viktor Sarianidi claims to have discovered vessels and mortars
used to prepare Soma in 'Zoroastrian temples' in Bactria. He claims that the vessels have
revealed residues and seed impressions left behind during the preparation of Soma. This has not
been sustained by subsequent investigations [11] Besides the residue of Ephedra the
archeologists discovered the residues of Poppy seeds and Cannabis. The vessels also had
impressions created by Cannabis seeds. Cannabis is well known in India as Bhang and
sometimes Poppy seeds are used with Bhang to make the ritual drink Bhang Ki Thandai.

Contemporary Hinduism
See also: Chandra
In Hindu art, the god Soma was depicted as a bull or bird, and sometimes as an embryo, but
rarely as an adult human. In Hinduism, the god Soma evolved into a lunar deity. Full moon is the
time to collect and press the divine drink. The moon is also the cup from which the gods drink
Soma, thus identifying Soma with the moon god Chandra. A waxing moon meant Soma was
recreating himself, ready to be drunk again. Alternatively, Soma's twenty-seven wives were the
star goddesses, the Nakshatras - daughters of the cosmic progenitor Daksha - who told their
father that he paid too much attention to just one of them, Rohini. Daksha subsequently cursed
Soma to wither and die, but the wives intervened and the death became periodic and temporary,
and is symbolized by the waxing and waning of the moon. Monday is called Somvar in Sanskrit
and modern Indo-Aryan languages, such as Hindi, Bengali, Kannada Marathi and Telugu, and
alludes to the importance of this god in Hindu spirituality.

87
The Sushruta Samhita localizes the best Soma in the upper Indus and Kashmir region.[12]

The Maharishi Mahesh Yogi's Transcendental Meditation-Sidhi Program involves a notion of

"Soma", allegedly based on the Rigveda.[13][14][15]

Western reception
In Western artistic and cultural depictions, Soma often refers to some form of intoxicating drug.

Literature and music

In the 19th century, John Greenleaf Whittier wrote a poem called The Brewing of Soma. The last
part speaks of how Christians should draw near to God without such things as soma. This part of
the poem has been made into a hymn.[citation needed]

In Aldous Huxley's dystopian novel Brave New World, Soma is a popular dream-inducing,
hallucinogenic drug. It provides an easy escape from the hassles of daily life and is employed by
the government as a method of control through pleasure. It is ubiquitous and ordinary among the
culture of the novel and everyone is shown to use it at some point, in various situations: sex,
relaxation, concentration, confidence. It is seemingly a single-chemical combination of many of
today's drugs' effects, giving its users the full hedonistic spectrum depending on dosage.

In the books Junkie and Naked Lunch, author William S. Burroughs refers to soma as a non-
addictive, high-quality form of opium said to exist in ancient India.

A song titled "Soma" appears on The Strokes 2001 album Is This It? The lyrics include
references to the Indo-Iranian ritual drink: "Soma is what they would take when hard times
opened their eyes/Saw pain in a new way."

A song titled "soma" appears in the album Siamese Dream by the Smashing Pumpkins.

A song titled "Soma" also appears on the second mix album by electronica artist deadmau5,
titled For Lack of a Better Name.

A song titled "Soma" also appears on the album Corridor of Mirrors by psytrance artist
Prometheus (musician). The lyrics include descriptions of Soma as the origin of poetry.

A song titled "Love is as good as Soma" appears on the Tiamat album Judas Christ, originally
released in 2002.

A song titled "Soma" appears on the 2002 album Truthless Heroes by the Alternative metal band
Project 86. Also, in their song, "Circuitry," off of their 2003 album Songs to Burn Your Bridges
By, the chorus repeats, "Soma, soma, running, running down."

Pharmaceutical drug

88
Soma® is a brand name for the muscle relaxant drug carisoprodol, manufactured and marketed
in the United States by Meda Pharmaceuticals. It is used to relieve discomfort associated with
painful musculoskeletal conditions such as backache. Soma® is a 'centrally acting spasmolytic',
which means that it works by altering communication between the central nervous system (brain
& spinal cord) and the nerves that control muscles. In contrast to fictional depictions, Soma® has
significant habit-forming potential and sedative side effects; it is therefore available by
prescription only.

See also
Mead of Poetry

Notes
↑ RV 9.4
↑ "Botany of Haoma", from Encyclopædia Iranica. Accessed March 15, 007
↑ Booth, Martin ( 005). Cannabis: A History. Picador. ISBN 9780312424947. Retrieved 2009-
04-25.
↑ K.F.Geldner, Der Rig-Veda. Cambridge MA, 1951, Vol. III: 1-9
↑ M. Mayrhofer, Etymologisches rterbuch des Altindoarischen, Heidelberg 1986-2000, vol
II: 748
↑ "Somayagam to be conducted at Aluva". The Hindu. 009-02-08.
↑ Oldenberg, Hermann (1988). The Religion of the Veda. ISBN 978-8120803923.
↑ Furst, Peter T. (1976). Hallucinogens and Culture. Chandler & Sharp. pp. 96–108. ISBN 0-
88316-517-1.
↑ ( asson, Robert Gordon (1968). "Soma: Divine Mushroom of Immortality". Ethno-
Mycological Studies (New York) 1. ISBN 0156838001.)
↑ Aitchison, 1888
↑ C.C. Bakels, Report concerning the contents of a ceramic vessel found in the "white room" of
the Gonur Temenos, Merv Oasis, Turkmenistan. EJVS Vol.9, 2003 [1]
↑ Sushruta Samhita: 537-538, SS.CS. 29.28-31.
↑ Langone, Michael D. (1995). Recovery from Cults: Help for Victims of Psychological and
Spiritual Abuse. W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 132–134. ISBN 0393313212, 9780393313215.
↑ illiamson, Lola, Transcendent in America: Hindu-Inspired Meditation Movements as New
Religion", NYU Press, 2010 ISBN 0-8147-9450-5, 9780814794500, pp. 99-100
↑ Hendel v orld Plan Executive Council, 1 4 LR 957 ( anuary , 1996); affd 705 A. d 656,
667 (DC, 1997)

References
Bakels, C.C. 003. “The contents of ceramic vessels in the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological
Complex, Turkmenistan.” in Electronic ournal of Vedic Studies, Vol. 9. Issue 1c (May 003)
Jay, Mike. Blue Tide: The Search for Soma. Autonomedia, 1999.
Lamborn Wilson, Peter. Ploughing the clouds:The search for Irish Soma, City Lights,1999.
McDonald, A. "A botanical perspective on the identity of soma (Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn.)
based on scriptural and iconographic records" in Economic Botany 2004;58
Rigveda Mandalas 1 · 2 · 3 · 4 · 5 · 6 · 7 · 8 · 9 · 10

89
Deities
Devas (Agni · Indra · Soma · Ushas · Mitra · Varuna) · Asuras (Vrtra) · Visvedevas · Maruts ·
Ashvins

Rivers
Sapta Sindhu · Nadistuti · Sarasvati · Sindhu · Sarayu · Rasā

Rishis
Saptarishi (Gritsamada · Vishvamitra · Vamadeva · Atri · Angiras · Bharadvaja · Vasishta)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soma

Review to the asson’s Soma

F.B.J. Kuiper

Indo-Iranian Journal, vol. 12, pp. 279-285, 1970

1. When Hillebrandt in his Vedische Mythologie (vol. P. pp. 193-498) gathered all the
indications of the Rgveda and the later literature that might give a clue to the identification of the
Soma plant—a much disputed problem up to that time and ever since —, he wrote in his
preliminary remarks the following words which deserve to be kept in mind by anyone dealing
with this subject: "Ich habe nicht den Eindruck, dass die Pflanze, welche einst den Vorvätern der
vedischen Inder als die trefflichste galt, notwendig eins mit der gewesen sein muss, welche von
ihren Naehkommen in indischen Landen zur Gewinnung ihres Göttertrankes gebraucht wurde."
The complexities of the problem should not, indeed, be underestimated. Among them the
following should be stressed:

a. The ancestors of the Aryans (both Indian and Iranian) pressed a beverage from a plant to
which they attributed a miraculous potency. Both the plant and its juice they called *Sauma-
"pressing". Parallels in the Old Nordish mythology, to which Adalbert Kuhn was the first to
draw attention in 1859, suggest the conclusion that the practice of crushing the stalks of that
plant and drinking its juice was a Proto-Indo-Iranian innovation and that the *Sauma has taken
the place which the *médhu "mead" had in the older religion. This may account for the fact that
mádhu is still occasionally used in the poetic idiom of the Rigveda to denote the Soma. Just
when and where this change may have taken place one cannot say but it is not impossible that the
use and worship of the *Sauma- was borrowed by the Proto-Indo-Iranian speaking peoples from
Borne foreign culture at a time when they bad already split ~ as a separate community from the
other groups which spoke Indo-European languages (see below, p. 284).

b. On the other hand, this Sauma soon got a central place, along with Agni, in the mythology and
particularly in the cosmogonical myth. Both the Avesta and the Veda state that the plant grew on
the top of mountains. As far as the Veda is concerned, it seem that Soma and Agni were
conceived of as having originally dwelt within the primordial hill, where they were guarded by a
snake or dragon (áhi) who impersonated the power of "resistance" (vrtra-). Hence Soma, like

90
Agni, belonged to the primeval world of undivided unity which was the realm of the "Father
Asura" (RS.X.124.3). The mythic pattern, accordingly, demanded that the plant which in the
ritual functioned as the representative of its mythic prototype should grow on the mountains, and
collecting it must have been considered an "impure," if not dangerous, affair. The ritual of the
purchase of the Soma plant, as a preliminary to the Soma sacrifice, makes it quite clear that the
Soma was at first identical with the inauspicious and dangerous god Varuna and that all
precautions had to be taken with regard to it. Hence it is that Brahmin who sells it (not a sudra,
As Hilldebrandt states on the basis of a late Sutra), is identified with the snake demon Krsanu,
who guarded it in the primordial world of darkness (apad asta S.B. 1.7.1.1., III.3.4.10, (à)star
áhasta Krsana M.S. I.2.5: p. 14, 11, cf. III.7.7: p. 84,16, III.8.10: p. 109,10 and svana bhrajeti
japati somavikrayinam iksamanah, Katy, VII.8.24). This brahmin takes on himself the darkness
of the sacrificer (TS. VI.1.10.4, .Ap. X.26.14, Hir. VII.2.8).

c. In the light of this mythic background it would seem likely that the botanical identity of the
plant with which the ancient Indians performed the pressing ritual of their ancestors was to them
of minor importance, their main concern being the reiteration of the sacred act itself A
confirmation of this conclusion may be seen in the circumstance that many substitutes for the
authentic Soma plant (whatever idea the ritualists may have had of the latter) were admitted.
According to modern scholars of the Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala in Poona the substitute has
only to meet the following requirements (Wasson, p. 14): "the plant should be small, it should be
leafless, and it should possess fleshy stalks."

2. In this magnificently produced book Gordon Wasson (if I am not mistaken, the only living
ethno-rnycologist today) has set himself the task of identifying as a botanist the original Soma
plant. The work is a monument of devotion, zeal and courage, in which the author tries to defend
the unorthodox theory that the original Soma-plant was the fly-agaric (Amanita muscaria).
Leaving aside Hiliebrandt’s detailed analysis of the characteristics of the plan. (Ved. Myth., F,
pp. 204-247) and the convenient arrangement of the Rigvedic data in the Index to Geldner’s
translation (pp. 234 f., 241-243, 248-250) he here checks his theory against the description of the
plant as found in book IX of the Rigveda. In addition he has invoked the assistance of a
professional Sanskritist, Dr. endy Doniger O’Flaherty, who contributed Part Two of the book,
on "The Post-Vedic History of the Soma Plant" (pp. 95-147, including a chapter on "Later
Researches in the Twentieth Century", pp. 130-147).

For his study of the Rigvedic evidence Wasson has mainly made use of the recent translations by
Renou (Et.vêd.et pan., VIII and IX) and Bhawe, The Soma Hymns (whose reliability in
philological matters lie overestimated). Since this is no philological work the only thing that
matters is what special contribution Wasson, with his unique knowledge of the use of
hallucinogenic plants among archaic peoples, is able to make towards the problem of Soma.
However, although a discussion of philological details would be out of place here, the difference
between the general methodological approach of the philologist and historian of religion on the
one hand, and that of the botanist on the other, can hardly be ignored since this affects even the
primary question: what exactly is the "problem of Soma"?

91
The Indian priest who crushed the Soma stalks knew that this ritual meant the killing of King
Soma in order to make free his victorious, invigorating and life-promoting power. Besides clear
indications of a rain magic, some general cosmological notions should be borne in mind. Agni
and Soma represent two parallel, but also contrasting aspects of the organized cosmos. In the
cosmic classificatory system they are mostly attributed to different points of the compass and the
phenomena of this world can be classified according as they have a predominant Agni-nature
(manifested by téjas-) or a more pronounced Soma-character (saúmya-). Just as Agni Vaisvinara
is conceived of as representing the cosmic totality and as such is identified with the Tree of Life
in the world centre, so Soma is said to grow "in the navel of the earth, on the mountains"
(IX.82.3). It may be of importance in this connection that where in the Vrtra-myth mention is
made of "mountains" this appears to be a mere poetic variant for the more frequent reference to
the "mountain", which no doubt means the primordial bill. So, when in another passage (IX.74.4)
it is said with reference to the Soma-pressing that "the navel of the cosmic order, (the beverage
of) life is born", the underlying idea must be that Soma in its mythic aspect was closely
connected with the world centre.

3. It is a well-known fact that the constant references to the mythic prototypes constitute one of
the main difficulties of the interpretation of the Vedic hymns. The words of the poets are often
intentionally ambiguous since they refer at the same time so to say, to two different levels: that
of the ritual and that of the myth. it is necessary to stress this point because for many passages
which Wasson explains as descriptions of the fly-aganc the possibility of widely divergent
interpretations is open.

As a single instance that illustrates this fundamental difficulty I may quote IX 71.2 pra krstihéva
susa eti róruvad, asuryàm varnam ni rinite asya tám /jáhati vavrim pitúr etiniskrtam, upaprútam
krnute nirnijam rana, which Wasson renders as follows: "Aggressive as a killer of peoples he
advances, bellowing with power. He sloughs off the Asurian colour that is his. He abandons his
envelope, goes to the rendez-vous with the Father. With what floats he makes continually his
vesture-of-grand-occasion." These lines, when taken as referring to the mushroom, may be
interpreted as follows (Wasson, p. 40): "In the first line the poet reminds us of the extraordinary
strength displayed by a simple mushroom in forcing its way to the surface against obstacles.
‘Asurian’ is not a colour: it is the radiance associated with Asuras, which at this period in Indo-
Aryan history meant the divinities. The fly-agaric sloughs off the radiant envelope that the
‘universal veil, and prepares to meet with the Sky (= Father). He dons of course his gorgeous
apparel, his nirnij..."

The epithet krstihan-, which presents one of the minor difficulties of this stanza, may owe its
origin to the fact that as early as the common Indo-Iranian period *Sauma- must have been
considered a "slayer of resistance" (*vrtrajhán-, cf. Ved. vrtrahán-, Av. varatrajan-). On the
"Asurian colour", however, the comments do not throw much light. Roth conjectured
"Charakter" for várna- (PW, VI [1871], col. 739), which was accepted by Bergaigne, Rel.véd.,
III (1883), p. 85 ("nature") and von Bradke, Dyáus Asura (1885), pp. 27, 38 ("Art"). Ludwig,
however, rejected Roth’s interpretation (Der Rigveda, 11, 1876, p. 475) and the modern
translators Geldner and Renou follow him in rendering the phrase as "his Asuric colour". The
main reason for this divergence probably was that Roth’s meaning "Charakter" was mainly based

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upon brahaman texts, whereas according to the current opinion the Asuras have only in the last
period of the Rigveda and in the brahmanas come to be considered as "demons", in fact,
however, Devas and Asuras can be shown to represent the two cosmic moieties and there would
not seem to be a fundamental difference in this respect between the older parts of the RigVeda
and the later Vedic literature: the Asuras are the gods of the primordial undivided world and, as
such, the "elder brothers" of the Devas.

Now it is a well-known fact that according to the brähmanas "King Soma", when bought from
the Soma vendor, is Varuna as long as he is tied up. Cf. MS. 111.7.8 (p. 85,17ff.), KS. XXIV.6
(p. 96,2), KKS. XXXVII.7 (p. 201,6f.), TS. VI.l.11.4-5. During this time Soma has a dangerous
and inauspicious character, cf. AB. 1.13.24-26. In this light it may be understood that both Agni
and Soma are called asurya- (JB. 11.155,1.7 tasmad ahur agnisomav asuryav iti, cf. KS
XXX1V.3: p. 37,19f. Somo va eso ‘surya iva tu, tasman na ‘bhisutyah) and that Soma is
sometimes even identified with Vrtra. Cf. MS. 111.7.8 sómo vai vrtráh, KS. XX1V.9: p. 100,14,
KKS. XXXVIII.2: p. 206,12 somo vrtro, SB. III. 4.3.13, IV.2.5.15 vrtró vai sóma asit, tásyaitác
chariram, yad giráyo.

Geldner, in a note to IX.71.2, rightly refers to IX.99.1 "where Soma in his first stage [that is, in
the shape of Varuma] is apparently called asura" (similarly IX.73.1, 74.7). In the course of the
ritual, however, Soma casts off his Asuric várna-. It is curious that Geldner here translates
"colour" although in a note ad 1.176.6, where it is said of Agastya ubhaú varnav rsir ugráh
puposa, he bad tightly pointed to a specific meaning of várna- in the two oldest Yajurvedic texts
(MS., KS.). He omitted to quote, however, KS. IX.11 (p. 112,20-113,1), a passage which depicts
how Prajapati created the Devas and Asuras at representatives of the two cosmic moieties: ahna
devan asrjata, te suklam varnam apusyan, ratrya surams, te krsna abhavan. With this passage we
may compare vs. 11.4, VSK. 11.3 where the garment of the consecrated (diksita-) is addressed in
the words tam tva sivam sagmam pári dadhe bhadrám várnam púsyan. Here the corresponding
brähmana (SB. III.I.2.20) opposes the bhadram varnam to the papam várnam, which the diksita
had "fostered" when unconsecrated. It is clear that as early as the Rigveda varnam pus- was a set
phrase. Agastya, who (like Prajapati, and Kasyapa in the later mythology) represented the
totality, "fostered the two moieties", that is the dasa- varna- (11.12.4) as well as the arya- várna-
(111.34.9). A similar interpretation may be suggested for 1.73.7 nákta ca cakrúr usása virupe,
krsnám ca várnam arunám ca sám dhuh, where the reference is not so much to the colour as
rather to the contrasting cosmic moieties.

It is, indeed, especially with reference to the contrast between day and night that the word varna-
is used. Cf., e.g., KS. VIII.3 (p. 86,3 if.), KKS. VI.8 (p. 67.15ff.) âgneyi vai ratry, aindram ahar,
yad udite surya adadhita gneyad varnad iyad, yad anudita aindrad, anudite ‘pare adheya, udite
purva, ubha eve ‘ndragnyor varna apnoty, asurya vai ratri varnena, sukriyam ahas, sukriya
adhatte ya [yad KKS] udite surya adhatte. That varna- here denotes a group, rather than
"Charakter" (as Roth translated it) is apparent from such passages as AB. VL36.l4, where Indra
asuryam varnam abhidasantam apahan "smote away the Asuric party when attacking" (not "the
Asura hue", as Keith rendered it, because it paraphrases the preceding asuravisam. So varna-
denotes what later in a non-religious sense was expressed by paksa- "a half, side, party, faction".
These two "parties" (note the reference, not to dvaú but to ubhaú várnau RS. I.179.6, MS. III.3.3,
p. 34,19, PR. XII.3.5. etc.) manifested themselves on the level of the gods in the contrast of

93
Devas and Asuras, on the social level in that of aryas and dasas1 and on the level of nature in
that of day and night (usasa-nakta).

Since the Rigveda in its use of the phrases varnam pusyati and ubhaú várnau fully agrees with
the linguistic usage of the brähmanas, the words asuryàm varnam in IX.7 1.2 may also be
interpreted in the light of the later evidence. Consequently asuryam várnam ni rinite asya tám
must mean that Soma "casts off this Asuric party that is his", that is, that aspect that is connected
with Varuna and the primeval world. Later texts would have said that Soma is no longer
varunadevatya- (MS. III.7.8: p.85,18) or vâruna- (KS. XXIV.6: p. 96,17, KKS. XXXVII.7: p.
01, 1). In stanza 8 of the same hymn, Soma’s várna- is said to assume a resplendent
appearance; tvesam rupám krnute varno asya (which Geldner and Renou, unlike Ludwig,
erroneously take as two sentences). This can only refer to Soma’s new "party" (against Renou,
EVP., IX, p. 82).2

4. A comparison M.S. IX.71.2 with IX.68.2 (and 14.4), to which Geldner refers, shows that the
whole verse depicts the Soma-pressing and that the words jahati vavrim (like hitvi vavrim in
69.9) must be interpreted in the light of IX.14.4 jáhac cháryani tanva, 68.2 ní saryani dadhate
devá á váram. See Geldner and Renou, EVP., 1X, p.75: "parties fibreuses".

It is not, of course, the object of this lengthy discussion to show that asson’s comment on
IX.71.2, viz. "The fly-agaric sloughs off the radiant envelope that is his" cannot be accepted for
philological reasons. Generally speaking, his interesting attempt to interpret the Vedic evidence
in the light of his novel theory encounters difficulties when the separate passages are considered
in the context of Vedic mythological and ritualistic thought.

Such a passage like IX.86.44c ahir ná jürnam áti sarpati tvácam, rendered as "like a serpent he
creeps out of his old skin" (p. 41), when considered separately, might suggest the idea that it
depicts the fly-agaric. Tempting though this may seem at first sight, the whole stanza, with the
words mahi ná dhara ‘ty ándho arsati "like a big stream the juice runs through (the filter)"
immediately preceding in b, shows that this passage, too, refers to the ritual pressing.

In spite of the beautiful and suggestive photos of a fly-agaric in day-light and at night (plate VIII
a and b) it remains doubtful if IX.97.9 diva harir dadrse náktam rjráh proves anything in favour
of his theory. Cf., e.g., Hillebrandt, Ved.Myth., I2, p. 327, Lüders, Varuna, pp. 214, 267.

If we were to look for Vedic evidence in support of asson’s theory, the strongest argument in
my opinion would be the frequent statement of the poets that Soma is the cosmic pillar which
supports the sky in the world centre (p. 471.). Cf., e.g., IX.72.7 nabha prthivya dharúno mahó
divó. The same, however, is said of Agni, who is also "in the navel of the earth" (I.59.2. cf. 1)
and supports the sky (111.5.10, V1.8.3) and, besides, the notion of a world pillar is primarily a
mythical one. The question as to whether Soma as a pillar has been directly identified with the
world tree has been answered in different ways (pro: Lommel, Wörter und Sachen, 19 [1938], p.
244, contra: Thieme, Untersuchungen zur Wortkunde und Auslegung des Rigveda, p. 70 n. 5, cf.
Adalbert Kuhn, Die Herabkunft des Feuers unddes Göttertranks [1859]. p. 149f.). In any case,
the general mythical notion of a central cosmic pillar hardly owes its origin to any natural

94
phenomenon. It must be admitted, though, that the fly-agaric, if it would have occurred in the
Panjab, might have been regarded as a striking manifestation of that notion (see plate XI).

Similarly the enigmatic epithet sahásrabhrsti- in IX.83.5, 86.40, where it is applied to Soma,
would find an interesting illustration in the mushroom (p. 59 and plate XII) but its more frequent
occurrence as an epithet of the vájra- (four times) points to a different meaning from that
assumed by asson. It must be conceded that Hillebrandt’s identification of Soma with the
Moon (Ved.Myth., I, p. 312) does not account for the use of this word but the great number of
epithets of Soma with sahásra- as their first member (Renou, EVP., VIII, p. 62) should be noted.
Incidentally it may be noted that Bhawe’s translation of vás4uni IX 15.6 by "shining" (p. 59) is
one of his unacceptable eccentricities.

5. Since the evidence of the ninth book of the Rigveda turns out to be so elusive, the question
arises whether one of "The Ground Rules of the Search" (p. 12) is likely to be correct. Here
Wasson states that "It is certain that the poets of the Rgveda knew the original Soma at first
hand, and they never strayed from it for long. I invoke later texts and the Avesta only where they
help us to know what the Rgveda means." One wonders why this preference should be given to
hymns that for the greater part must have been composed in the hot plains of the Indus valley.
The Avesta, it is true, does not yield much useful information but, on the other hand, Zarathustra
lived in a non-tropical climate. Why could he not have known "the original Soma" (in any case,
something nearer to the original hallucinogenic plant) better than the Vedic Indians? The fly-
agaric grows only in an underground relationship with the pines, the firs and above all the
birches" (pp. 13, 212). Since there is ample evidence to show that the fly-agaric can also be
"taken in the urine of the person who has ingested it" directly (p. 25 and passim), the surprising
novel interpretation of Zarathustra’s words mütram ahy madahya Y. 48.10 (p. 3 ) may well
contain a grain of truth, more so than the ambiguous term áva mehanti in RS. IX.74.4 (p. 29).

However that may be, the *Sauma- must have been firmly rooted in the proto-Indo-Iranian
cosmogony, as is shown by the myth of the eagle bringing the Soma plant (apparently from the
primordial world, called "rock" or "heaven") to Indra in order to give him the strength necessary
for performing his mythic exploit. It should be noted that sometimes the poets still use the
ancient Indo-European word mádhu in this connection, as in 1V. 18.13 ádha me syenó mádhv
jabhara "then the eagle brought me the mead". As far back as 1859 Adalbert Kuhn drew attention
to a similar myth in the Snorra Edda, where Odhin contrives to get access to the mead of
Suttung, which was hidden in the mountain Hnitbjorg, by boring a hole and entering the
mountain through it in the shape of a snake. After having drunk all the mead of the three barrels
he flies away in the shape of an eagle but, being pursued by Suttung, he loses some of the mead
(just as the archer Krsanu shoots some feathers from the eagle). See Die Herabkunft des Feuers
und des Göttertranks, p. 149f. (A translation of this passage can be found, e.g., in Hugo Geriong,
Die Edda übers undd erläutert, p. 356f.) It would seem a reasonable conjecture, therefore, that at
some moment in their common prehistory the Indo-Iranians, having become acquainted with the
practice of crushing and pressing a certain plant and drinking its juice which had an invigorating
effect, substituted the *Sauma- for the older mádhu. At that time, however, they may still have
been living far to the north or north-east of their later habitat. This means that the search for "the
original Soma" might lead as far beyond the field of Indo-Iranian studies proper. Wasson also

95
points to the possibility that, if there has been borrowing (in whatever direction, this might have
occurred "before the Aryans emigrated to what has since been called Iran" (p. 331).

The invigorating effect of the drinking of the Soma, of which the Rigvedic poets tell us, may
ultimately have been based upon real experience and is, indeed, strongly reminiscent of the
effects of JUSTIFYeating the fly-agaric. In the Rigveda, however, this is primarily sacred
tradition and it remains doubtful how much factual knowledge about the original hallucinogen
still survived among the priests. Wasson, with his unique knowledge of the use of hallucinogens
in Eurasia, may be perfectly right in assuming that the original Soma plant was the Amanita
muscaria but to prove this the evidence of the Rigveda would seem to lack decisive force.

6. In conclusion it should be stressed that in view of the amazingly wide horizon of asson’s
work, which deals with botany, modern folk-lore, prehistoric and historical cultures and
linguistic details ranging from the British Isles to China, no specialist in a comparatively small
field like the Rigveda is competent to judge on the theory as a whole. One reads the book with
absorbed interest and its main theory deserves thorough consideration from the viewpoint of
different disciplines. It must be regretted, therefore, that neither the small number of copies
issued (only 680), nor the price of the book (S 200 or Dglds. 720), nor even its title are
conducive to such an ample discussion. If the title were "The role of the fly-agaric in the
prehistoric and historical cultures of Eurasia", the book might attract the attention of a wider
circle of competent critics. "Soma" is not comprehensive enough as a title of this book because it
focuses the interest on the minor problem of "the original Soma", which in my opinion cannot be
solved beyond doubt.

There are two details that deserve special mention. Among the fascinating vistas opened by this
book is the suggestion that mushrooms may have been used for shamanic practices among
Uralian peoples from 6000 B.C. onwards. On the other hand, there as a remarkable mycophobia
"in the ring of people who dwell around the shores of the North and Irish seas in gigantic and
evil fairy-rings, as .. were, embracing the surviving Celts, many of the Germanic peoples,
provincial France (where the ‘toad’ figure may have come down from the Gauls), and the
Spanish Basque country of Guipuzcoa and Biscay" (p. 186). This mycophobia Wasson ascribes
to a prehistoric taboo, which can explain why in these areas the fly-agaric has been considered
poisonous up to recent years. On the other hand, it is here (though not exclusively here) that the
mushroom is connected with the toad, it being called the toad’s "stool", "hat" or "skin". One can
imagine that a mushroom evoked the idea of a stool, but why, then, a "toad-stool", "paddestoel"?
Now, toads have of old been considered venomous, and in addition to the use of a toad as the
first ingredient of the concoction of the three witches in Macbeth, Act IV, scene 1, line 6 (see
Wasson, p. 188) may be quoted Topsell, History of Serpents, ed. 1658, p. 730 (which quotation
occurs in the Arden Edition of Macbeth by Kenneth Muir, London, 1963, p. 109): "All manner
of toads, both of the earth and of the water, are venomous... The women-witches of ancient time
which killed by poisoning, did much use Toads in their confections." This venomousness,
although explained from the fact that the secretion of their skin-glands "contains a poisonous
substance (phrynin) acrid enough to be felt on tongue or eyes", seems nevertheless to a large
extent to be due to superstition (see Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, V [1932-33],
col. 608 f.). In some parts of Germany toads are considered "heilsam", just as in Ancientt Greece

96
(col 612f) and sometimes, especially to >Switzerland, they are respected as "Hausgeist" (col.
628). This close relation between mushrooms and toads, however, is unlikely to be due to their
supposed venomous nature, since "toad-mushroom" is in China the common name for the "fly-
agaric" (Wasson, p. 189). On the other hand, if the popular belief in Western Europe which
considers the fly-agarics venomous is rightly attributed to a very old taboo, the question may
arise if a similar belief with regard to the toad may possibly have the same origin.

Finally a linguistic detail may here be briefly be touched upon because of the far-reaching
conclusions that could possibly be drawn from it. In the beginning of this century Holger
Pedersen, then still a young man, proposed to connect etymologically Old Church Slavonic goba,
Old High German swamb, Greek sphóngos and Latin fungus (see Wasson, pp. 168. 319f.). At
that time Pedersen could only conceive of such an etymological connection in terms of a
common Proto-Indo-European origin, in which case, however, the phonological difficulties are
considerable. It is significant that in spite of these difficulties some sound etymologists (like N.
van Wijk and Berneker) considered this idea "seductive". Nowadays our judgment will be
different in so far as not a few, while retaining Pedersen’s basic idea, will no longer try to trace
these words back to a Proto-Indo-European ancestor. As for Greek spóngos, Latin fungus and
Armenian sunk, sung, they are now explained as an "altes Wanderwort", see Frisk, Griech. etym.
Wörterbuch, Lief. 19 (1968), p. 770. On the other hand, the Germanic words presuppose four
different prehistoric variants, viz. *swamba-, *swamma-, *swampu- and *swumpa. See, e.g.,
Falk-Torp, Wortschatz der germanischen Spracheeinheit (1909), p. 549. They accordingly show
the same type of variation as Dutch klem: kkzmp: MHG. klambe (see Mnemes Charin, I, p. 223
n. 53), which is not suggestive of taboo-deformation but rather points to borrowing from some
non-Indo-European source. The idea that "the pon cluster of the Uralic peoples" (p. 169) may
have correspondences in some Indo-European languages is attractive but, if so, the connection
would have to be restricted to the Mediterranean word-family of fungus. This would rule out the
possibility of an indo-European origin of the pon cluster. It may still be true, then, that the
mushroom has played a role in the religious life of "our own remotest ancestors" or "our own
European ancestors" (both p.172, cf. pp. 202, 209) if only this term is not taken in a too narrow,
strictly linguistic, sense.

Notes

1) Cf. TB. 1.2.6.7 daívya vai várno brahmanah, asuryàh sudrá.

2) It must be conceded that here the meaning "group, party" seems to border upon "group-
character" so that the meaning might be paraphrased by "the character of his group manifests
itself by its resplendent appearance". In later texts it seems to have become more or less
synonymous with rüpa-, várnam kr- being used for what in the Rigveda still is rüpám kr-. Cf.
TB. I.4.7.1 asuryh va etásmad várnam krtva pasávo viryam ápakramanti yásya yupo vir hati…
yá evá rupanam tse, sò ‘smin pasun viryam yacchati. Similarly PB. IX.10. , where the
commentator glosses varnam by rüpam. The same shift of meaning may occur in TB. III.7.13.2
áhac chárrram páyasa samétya, anyò ‘nyo bhavati várno asya. A detailed investigation of the use
of várna- in the later literature would, however, be out of order here.

97
http://www.samorini.it/doc1/alt_aut/ek/kuiper.htm

Soma siddhas and alchemical enlightenment: psychedelic mushrooms in Buddhist tradition:

Scott Hajicek-Dobberstein (1995)

Soma
Linguistic AreaSanskrit and Prakrit inscriptions from Maurya period in India, Indonesia,
Cambodia, Java, Nepal, Srilanka, Bangladesh and Afghanistan
Indian Lexicon introduction

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/08/indus-economics-language-and-script.html

Kuiper: Genesis of Linguistic Area

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com.au/2011/09/decipherment-of-soma-and-ancient-
indo.html?view=flipcard

http://www.mindat.org/gm/1365 (Public Galleries: 40 images of Gold, Variety Electrum

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Křepice, Strakonice, South Bohemia Region, Bohemia, Czech Republic

Largest Crystal Size: 3 cm

Electrum piece app. 3 cm from famous find in 19 7. Specimen exhibited in Prácheňské muzeum
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Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

98
H-W mine, Buttle Lake, Vancouver Island, Alberni Mining Division, British Columbia, Canada

Dimensions: 4.4 cm x 3.4 cm x 3.4 cm

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Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Christopher Island, Baker Lake, Kivalliq Region, Nunavut Territory, Canada

Field of View: 6 cm
A quartz vein from Miller's Locality 3 that has been sawed for analysis. The 1 mm disseminated
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Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag), Pyrite : FeS2

99
Rells valley, Vandans, Montafon, Vorarlberg, Austria

Largest Crystal Size: 0.5 μm

Tiny electrum grains (white) in pyrite.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag), Pyrite : FeS2

Rells valley, Vandans, Montafon, Vorarlberg, Austria

Largest Crystal Size: 5 μm

5 micron, porous electrum grain (white) in pyrite (grey).

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag), Quartz : SiO2

100
Greens Creek, Admiralty District, Juneau Borough, Alaska, USA

Dimensions: 1 inches x 0.75 inches x 0.25 inches

A small sponge of electrum with wire silver and a tiny bit of matrix and quartz still attached.
Collected in the 1990's.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Bestandige Liebe Mine, Underberget Mining Field, Kongsberg Silver Mining District,
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Dimensions: 40 mm x 30 mm x 25 mm
Gold var.electrum from the Kongsberg mine - Bestandige liebe . Probably collected around the
year 1700.
Collection - Museum of Natural History Oslo

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

101
Greens Creek, Admiralty District, Juneau Borough, Alaska, USA

Dimensions: 8.0 cm x 5.4 cm x 3.0 cm

8.0 x 5.4 x 3.0 cm. Electrum specimens are very rare from Alaska and are very uncommon from
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Greens Creek, Admiralty District, Juneau Borough, Alaska, USA

Electrum, 15mm by 25mm. Collected by geologist Rene Foehl. Rolf Luetcke specimen and
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Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

102
Baffin Island, Nunavut Territory, Canada

FOV is 10mm across.

Rick Dalrymple Specimen & Photo.

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Seven Troughs District, Pershing Co., Nevada, USA

Crystalline gold (electrum) agregates with unidentified Ag mineral (acantite?) in low

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Photographed by Peter Tucek, collection of SLOMIN, Ltd.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag), Quartz : SiO2

103
Seven Troughs District, Pershing Co., Nevada, USA

Crystalline gold (electrum) agregates with unidentified Ag mineral (acantite?) in low

sulphidation suggary quartz. Size of the specimen is 5 x 3.5 cm.
Photographed by Peter Tucek, from collection of SLOMIN, Ltd.

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Butte District, Silver Bow Co., Montana, USA

A small sheet of "electrum" (visually identified) collected during the summer of 2002 at one of
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104
Bucium, Apuseni District, Alba Co., Romania
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Manhattan, Manhattan District, Toquima Range, Nye Co., Nevada, USA

Gold var. Electrum. Found on the "city" streets after road grading. 3.5mm field of view. Image
created using CombineZ software. Michael Cline specimen and photograph.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

105
Round Mountain Mine, Round Mountain, Round Mountain, Round Mountain District, Toquima
Range, Nye Co., Nevada, USA
Nicely crystallized electrum forms a butterfly like aggregate, no matrix. Width is 3 cm.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Ace Of Diamonds Mine, Liberty, Swauk District, Kittitas Co., Washington, USA

Dimensions: 3.2 mm
Electrum in the form of deformed and spinel-twinned dodecahedrons, the group somewhat
resembling a short-legged army ant. Specimen 3.2 mm in length. Collection and photograph
Norman King.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au,

Ag), Chalcopyrite : CuFeS2, Covellite : CuS, Hematite : Fe2O3, Goethite : α-Fe3+O(OH)

106
Touré, Tillabéry Department, Niger
Polished section with two minute electrum grains in a groundmass of hematite and goethite,
along the contact between chalcopyrite and groundmass small blades of blue covellite; parallel
nichols; scale bar 10µm = 0.01mm; found in 1998 by Wolfgang Hampel; photograph by Thomas
Hatzl.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Křepice, Strakonice, South Bohemia Region, Bohemia, Czech Republic

Cabinet sized specimen from the collection of Czech National Museum in Prague, size of stand
app. 10cm.
Photographed through the cabinet window 14. 8. 2010. (Canon EOS 550D, Sigma 24mm f/1.8
EX DG Aspherical Macro, ISO 3200, f 3,2, 1/100, no flash or tripod allowed).

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

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Křepice, Strakonice, South Bohemia Region, Bohemia, Czech Republic

Cabinet sized specimen from the collection of Czech National Museum in Prague, size of stand
app. 10cm.
Photographed through the cabinet window 14. 8. 2010. (Canon EOS 550D, Sigma 24mm f/1.8
EX DG Aspherical Macro, ISO 3200, f 3,2, 1/100, no flash or tripod allowed).
Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Křepice, Strakonice, South Bohemia Region, Bohemia, Czech Republic

App. 8cm gold plate from the collection of Czech National Museum in Prague, size of stand app.
10cm.
Photographed through the cabinet window 14. 8. 2010. (Canon EOS 550D, Sigma 24mm f/1.8
EX DG Aspherical Macro, ISO 3200, f 3,2, 1/100, no flash or tripod allowed).

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

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Hornitos, Hornitos District, West Belt, Mariposa Co., California, USA

Dimensions: 1.2 cm x 1.3 cm x 1 cm

Spongy gold growing on quartz matrix.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag), Sphalerite : ZnS

El Bronce Mine, El Bronce District, Petorca Province, Valparaíso Region, Chile

A fine group of Gold wires (var. Electrum) on Sphalerite xls: wires are up to 1.2 cm; from El
Bronce mine, El Bronce district, Petorca Province, Valparaiso Region, Chile. Fov 5x6 aprox:
M.Dini foto & collection

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag), Quartz : SiO2, Sphalerite : ZnS

109
Idarado Mine, Telluride, Ouray District, San Miguel Co., Colorado, USA

Dimensions: 9 cm x 8.8 cm x 0.5 cm

9.0 x 8.8 x 0.5 cm. A fantastic and historic slabbed specimen of Gold (var "Electrum") from the
famous Idarado mine (650 Level, Tomboy Vein). The Gold has a lustrous, bright, metallic
appearance, and stands out beautifully against the snow-white Quartz and black Sphalerite
matrix. It was collected by Andy Sutyak of Ouray, Colorado in 1927. The piece later went to
Clancy Fleetwood (Brian Kosnar's great-grandfather), and in 1984 became part of the famous
Colorado mineral collection of Richard Kosnar, whose hand-painted catalogue number
(G1084Tb) is on the bottom of the specimen. Ex. Richard Kosnar Collection.
Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Atlin Mining Division, British Columbia, Canada

Dimensions: 1.1 cm x 0.7 cm x 0.3 cm

A leafy crystallized grouping of "electrum" measuring 1.1 x 0.7 x 0.3 cm in size overall. Ex
Anna Mae Anderson collection.

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Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

New Bullfrog Mine, Bullfrog District, Bullfrog Hills, Nye Co., Nevada, USA

Field of View: 5 mm
Gold, variety electrum on a unknown green mineral. Associated minerals include
uytenbogaardtite. FOV 5mm. Brent Thorne specimen and photograph.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Cold Springs Prospect, Eastgate District, Churchill Co., Nevada, USA

A tiny grain of electrum (EDS indicated 55% Au, 45% Ag) which I smeared with a metal pin.
The electrum occurs finely disseminated in quartz with acanthite.

This material assayed at 1.06 oz/ton Au and 6.8 oz/ton Ag. The black circle is ink.Area in view is
~2mm.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

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Rauriser Goldberg, Kolm-Saigurn, Alteck - Hoher Sonnblick area, Hüttwinkl valley, Rauris
valley, Hohe Tauern, Salzburg, Austria
gold (very rich in silver); aggregate size 0,7 mm; Chris Auer photo and collection, self collected
in 1988

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag), Albite : NaAlSi3O8

Rauriser Goldberg, Kolm-Saigurn, Alteck - Hoher Sonnblick area, Hüttwinkl valley, Rauris
valley, Hohe Tauern, Salzburg, Austria

This is a really rare specimen of Electrum on Albite xls. Field of View: 8mm
Collected in the 19th century!
Photo and Collection of Martin Slama

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

112
Kittitas Co., Washington, USA

Larger crystal grouping is 1.5 cm. More specific locality information not provided. S078-12
Excalibur Mineral specimens.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Manhattan, Manhattan District, Toquima Range, Nye Co., Nevada, USA

Dimensions: 1.8 cm x 0.7 cm x 0.6 cm

1.8 x 0.7 x 0.6 cm. Electrum is a rare natural amalgam of gold and silver (sometimes with trace
amounts of copper and other minerals as well). This smooth, water-worn nugget is from Nevada.
It weighs about 7.5 cts. Ex. Carl Davis Coll.
Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

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Ace Of Diamonds Mine, Liberty, Swauk District, Kittitas Co., Washington, USA
15 x 10 mm specimen of electrum on matrix. T1822.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Liberty, Swauk District, Kittitas Co., Washington, USA

A 6mm crystaline group with calcite. Photographed by, and in the collection of, karl Volkman.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

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Silbak Premier Mine, Stewart, Skeena Mining Division, British Columbia, Canada

3mm ribbon of Electrum on matrix. Photographed by, and in the collection of, Karl Volkman. Ex
George Downey Collection

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Round Mountain Mine, Round Mountain, Round Mountain, Round Mountain District, Toquima
Range, Nye Co., Nevada, USA

A nearly pure mass of crystalline electrum with a few 1mm crystals of quartz.Specific locality
details: High Grade Vein, Phase 5, 6005 Bench, Round Mountain Mine.Analysis shows the make
up of the electrum to be 66.7% Gold, 33.3% Silver.

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Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Round Mountain Mine, Round Mountain, Round Mountain, Round Mountain District, Toquima
Range, Nye Co., Nevada, USA

A rich mass of finely defined octahedrally grown electrum over milky white crystalline
quartz.Specific locality details: High Grade Vein, Phase 5, 6005 Bench, Round Mountain
Mine.Analysis shows the make up of the electrum to be 66.7% Gold, 33.3% Silver.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag), Pyrite : FeS2

Roşia Montană, Alba Co., Romania

Dimensions: 25 mm x 20 mm

Beautiful gold agregate from Rosia Montana Au deposit in Romania.

Size of the specimen is 2.5 x 2 cm.

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Photographed by Peter Tucek, collection SLOMIN, Ltd.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Roşia Montană, Alba Co., Romania

Dimensions: 3 cm x 2.5 cm
3X2,5 CM.

Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Round Mountain Mine, Round Mountain, Round Mountain, Round Mountain District, Toquima
Range, Nye Co., Nevada, USA
A piece of crystalline aborescent electrum is exposed on a dense reddish electrum rich
matrix.Specific locality details: High Grade Vein, Phase 5, 6005 Bench, Round Mountain
Mine.Analysis shows the make up of the electrum to be 66.7% Gold, 33.3% Silver.

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Gold (Var: Electrum) : (Au, Ag)

Ace Of Diamonds Mine, Liberty, Swauk District, Kittitas Co., Washington, USA

Dimensions: 6 cm x 5 cm x 3 cm

Very fragile. Found in sand. Julian Campbell analysed a xl and got 73.14% Au
26.13% Ag, so this is electrum as the colour indicates.

This piece came from the estate of Ernest Butler who supplied John Barlow with all the Ace of
Diamonds specimens figured in the Barlow book. A collector once told me that he didn't care
what specimen had passed through whose collection, except for the specimens a collector died
owning. Those are the best and Butler must have thought so as he never sold this one.

Annex. Interpretation of varnam in R 9.70.2 by FBJ Kuiper

[quote]It is a well-known fact that the constant references to the mythic prototypes constitute one
of the main difficulties of the interpretation of the Vedic hymns. The words of the poets are often
intentionally ambiguous since they refer at the same time so to say, to two different levels: that
of the ritual and that of the myth. it is necessary to stress this point because for many passages
which Wasson explains as descriptions of the fly-aganc the possibility of widely divergent
interpretations is open.

As a single instance that illustrates this fundamental difficulty I may quote IX 71.2 pra krstihéva
susa eti róruvad, asuryàm varnam ni rinite asya tám /jáhati vavrim pitúr etiniskrtam, upaprútam
krnute nirnijam rana, which Wasson renders as follows: "Aggressive as a killer of peoples he
advances, bellowing with power. He sloughs off the Asurian colour that is his. He abandons his
envelope, goes to the rendez-vous with the Father. With what floats he makes continually his
vesture-of-grand-occasion." These lines, when taken as referring to the mushroom, may be
interpreted as follows (Wasson, p. 40): "In the first line the poet reminds us of the extraordinary

118
strength displayed by a simple mushroom in forcing its way to the surface against obstacles.
‘Asurian’ is not a colour: it is the radiance associated with Asuras, which at this period in Indo-
Aryan history meant the divinities. The fly-agaric sloughs off the radiant envelope that the
‘universal veil, and prepares to meet with the Sky (= Father). He dons of course his gorgeous
apparel, his nirnij..."

The epithet krstihan-, which presents one of the minor difficulties of this stanza, may owe its
origin to the fact that as early as the common Indo-Iranian period*Sauma- must have been
considered a "slayer of resistance" (*vrtrajhán-, cf. Ved. vrtrahán-, Av. varatrajan-). On the
"Asurian colour", however, the comments do not throw much light. Roth conjectured
"Charakter" for várna- (PW, VI [1871], col. 739), which was accepted by Bergaigne, Rel.véd.,
III (1883), p. 85 ("nature") and von Bradke, Dyáus Asura (1885), pp. 27, 38 ("Art"). Ludwig,
however, rejected Roth’s interpretation (Der Rigveda, 11, 1876, p. 475) and the modern
translators Geldner and Renou follow him in rendering the phrase as "his Asuric colour". The
main reason for this divergence probably was that Roth’s meaning "Charakter" was mainly based
upon brahaman texts, whereas according to the current opinion the Asuras have only in the last
period of the Rigveda and in the brahmanas come to be considered as "demons", in fact,
however, Devas and Asuras can be shown to represent the two cosmic moieties and there would
not seem to be a fundamental difference in this respect between the older parts of the RigVeda
and the later Vedic literature: the Asuras are the gods of the primordial undivided world and, as
such, the "elder brothers" of the Devas.

Now it is a well-known fact that according to the brähmanas "King Soma", when bought from
the Soma vendor, is Varuna as long as he is tied up. Cf. MS. 111.7.8 (p. 85,17ff.), KS. XXIV.6
(p. 96,2), KKS. XXXVII.7 (p. 201,6f.), TS. VI.l.11.4-5. During this time Soma has a dangerous
and inauspicious character, cf. AB. 1.13.24-26. In this light it may be understood that both Agni
and Soma are called asurya- (JB. 11.155,1.7 tasmad ahur agnisomav asuryav iti, cf. KS
XXX1V.3: p. 37,19f.Somo va eso ‘surya iva tu, tasman na ‘bhisutyah) and that Soma is
sometimes even identified with Vrtra. Cf. MS. 111.7.8 sómo vai vrtráh, KS. XX1V.9: p.
100,14,KKS. XXXVIII.2: p. 206,12 somo vrtro, SB. III. 4.3.13, IV.2.5.15 vrtró vai sóma asit,
tásyaitác chariram, yad giráyo.

Geldner, in a note to IX.71.2, rightly refers to IX.99.1 "where Soma in his first stage [that is, in
the shape of Varuma] is apparently called asura" (similarly IX.73.1, 74.7). In the course of the
ritual, however, Soma casts off his Asuric várna-. It is curious that Geldner here translates
"colour" although in a note ad 1.176.6, where it is said of Agastya ubhaú varnav rsir ugráh
puposa, he bad tightly pointed to a specific meaning of várna- in the two oldest Yajurvedic texts
(MS., KS.). He omitted to quote, however, KS. IX.11 (p. 112,20-113,1), a passage which depicts
how Prajapati created the Devas and Asuras at representatives of the two cosmic moieties: ahna
devan asrjata, te suklam varnam apusyan, ratrya surams, te krsna abhavan. With this passage we
may compare vs. 11.4, VSK. 11.3 where the garment of the consecrated (diksita-) is addressed in
the words tam tva sivam sagmam pári dadhe bhadrám várnam púsyan. Here the corresponding
brähmana (SB. III.I.2.20) opposes the bhadram varnam to the papam várnam, which the diksita
had "fostered" when unconsecrated. It is clear that as early as the Rigveda varnam pus- was a set
phrase. Agastya, who (like Prajapati, and Kasyapa in the later mythology) represented the
totality, "fostered the two moieties", that is thedasa- varna- (11.12.4) as well as the arya- várna-

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(111.34.9). A similar interpretation may be suggested for 1.73.7 nákta ca cakrúr usása virupe,
krsnám ca várnam arunám ca sám dhuh, where the reference is not so much to the colour as
rather to the contrasting cosmic moieties.

It is, indeed, especially with reference to the contrast between day and night that the word varna-
is used. Cf., e.g., KS. VIII.3 (p. 86,3 if.), KKS. VI.8 (p. 67.15ff.)âgneyi vai ratry, aindram ahar,
yad udite surya adadhita gneyad varnad iyad, yad anudita aindrad, anudite ‘pare adheya, udite
purva, ubha eve ‘ndragnyor varna apnoty, asurya vai ratri varnena, sukriyam ahas, sukriya
adhatte ya [yad KKS] udite surya adhatte. That varna- here denotes a group, rather than
"Charakter" (as Roth translated it) is apparent from such passages as AB. VL36.l4, where Indra
asuryam varnam abhidasantam apahan "smote away the Asuric party when attacking" (not "the
Asura hue", as Keith rendered it, because it paraphrases the preceding asuravisam. So varna-
denotes what later in a non-religious sense was expressed by paksa- "a half, side, party, faction".
These two "parties" (note the reference, not to dvaú but to ubhaú várnau RS. I.179.6, MS. III.3.3,
p. 34,19, PR.XII.3.5. etc.) manifested themselves on the level of the gods in the contrast of
Devas and Asuras, on the social level in that of aryas and dasas (Cf. TB. 1.2.6.7 daívya vai várno
brahmanah, asuryàh sudrá.) and on the level of nature in that of day and night (usasa-nakta).

Since the Rigveda in its use of the phrases varnam pusyati and ubhaú várnau fully agrees with
the linguistic usage of the brähmanas, the words asuryàm varnam in IX.7 1.2 may also be
interpreted in the light of the later evidence. Consequently asuryam várnam ni rinite asya tám
must mean that Soma "casts off this Asuric party that is his", that is, that aspect that is connected
with Varuna and the primeval world. Later texts would have said that Soma is no longer
varunadevatya- (MS.III.7.8: p.85,18) or vâruna- (KS. XXIV.6: p. 96,17, KKS. XXXVII.7: p.
01, 1). In stanza 8 of the same hymn, Soma’s várna- is said to assume a resplendent
appearance; tvesam rupám krnute varno asya (which Geldner and Renou, unlike Ludwig,
erroneously take as two sentences). This can only refer to Soma’s new "party" (against Renou,
EVP., IX, p. 82). ( It must be conceded that here the meaning "group, party" seems to border
upon "group-character" so that the meaning might be paraphrased by "the character of his group
manifests itself by its resplendent appearance". In later texts it seems to have become more or
less synonymous with rüpa-, várnam kr- being used for what in the Rigveda still is rüpám kr-. Cf.
TB. I.4.7.1 asuryh va etásmad várnam krtva pasávo viryam ápakramanti yásya yupo vir hati…
yá evá rupanam tse, sò ‘smin pasun viryam yacchati. Similarly PB. IX.10. , where the
commentator glosses varnam by rüpam. The same shift of meaning may occur in TB. III.7.13.2
áhac chárrram páyasa samétya, anyò ‘nyo bhavati várno asya. A detailed investigation of the use
of várna- in the later literature would, however, be out of order here.) [unquote]
.
Source: http://www.samorini.it/doc1/alt_aut/ek/kuiper.htm

Some excerpts from Chandogya Upanishad:

Sutra 1

tad-antara-pratipattau ramhati samparishvaktah prashna-nirupanabhyam

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 tat - of that; antara - of another; pratipattau - in the attainment; ramhati - goes;
samparishvaktah - embraced; prashna - from the questions; nirupanabhyam - and answers.

In going to another it is embraced. This is so from the questions and answers.

A king named Pravahana, who was the ruler of Pancala-desha, asked five questions of a
brahmana bow named Shvetaketu who had come to his court. These questions concerned: 1. the
destination of they who perform pious deeds, 2. the way these persons return to the earth, 3. they
who do not attain that world, 4. how the path to the devas and the path to the pitas are different
paths, and 5. the question expressed in these words (Chandogya Upanishad 5.3.3):

vettha yatha pancamyam ahutav apah purusha-vacaso bhavanti

"Do you know why the fifth libation is called

purusha?

Answering the last question first, Pravahana described (Chandogya Upanishad (5.4.1) the five
fires: 1. heaven, 2. rain, 3. earth, 4. man, and 5. woman. Then he described the five libations for
these fires: 1. shraddha, 2.soma, 3. rain, 4. food, and 5. seed. The priests offering all these
libations are the devas. The homa (yajna) here is the devas' throwing of the spirit soul, which is
enveloped in its subtle body, up to the celestial worlds (dyuloka) so it may enjoy celestial
pleasures.

(Chandogya Upanishad 5.9.1):

iti tu pancamyam ahutav apah purusha-vacaso bhavanti.

"Thus the fifth libation is called purusha."

Sutra 2

try-atmakatvat tu bhuyastvat

tri-atmakatvat - because of being threefold; tu - but; bhuyastvat - because of being prominent.

But because of being threefold and because of being prominent.

Sutra 3

prana-gatesh ca

prana - of the pranas; gateh - of the departure; ca - and.

Also because of the pranas' departure.

Sutra 4

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agny-adi-gati-shruter iti cen na bhaktatvat

agni - fire; adi - beginning; gati - going; shruteh - fromthe Shruti-shastra; iti - thus; cet - if; na
- not;bhaktatvat - because oif being a metaphor.

If it is said that the Shruti-shastras describe the departure of fire and other elements, then I
reply: It is not so, because it is a metaphor only.

Sutra 5

prathame 'shravanad iti cen na ta eva hy upapatteh

prathame - in the first; ashravanat - because of not being described in the Shruti-shastra; iti -
thus; cet - if;na - not; tah - they; eva - indeed; hy - indeed; upapatteh - because of being
appropriate.

If it is said that in the beginning there is no description, then I reply. It is indeed that, because
that is appropriate.

tasminn agnau devah shraddham juhvati

"The devas offer a yajna, placing shraddha in the fire."

(Taittiriya-samhita 1.6.8.1) explains: shraddha va apah "The word shraddha means water."

Sutra 6

ashrutatvad iti cen na ishtadi-karinam pratiteh

ashrutatvat - because of not being described in the Shruti-shastra; iti - thus; cet - if; na - not;
ishtadikarinam - by they who perfom pious deeds; pratiteh - because of the understanding.

If it is said that this is not proved in the Shruti-shastra, then I reply: No, because this is
understood to be about they who perform pious deeds.

Chandogya Upanishad 5.10.3-4 says: atha ya ime grame ishtapurte dattam ity upasate te dhumam
abhisamvishanti. . . akashac candramasam esha somo raja. "They who perform pious deeds in
their village enter the smoke, . . . and then they go from the sky to the moon planet, this is king
soma."

Chandogya Upanishad 5.4.2: devah shraddham juhvati. tasyah ahuteh somo raja
sambhavati. "The devas offer shraddha in sacrifice. From that offering he becomes a king of
soma."

Sutra 7

122
bhaktam vanatma-vittvat tatha hi darshayati

bhaktam - metaphor; va - or; an - not; atma - the soul; vit - knowing; tvat - because of the
condition; tatha - so;hi - indeed; darshayati - shows.

Or it is a metaphor, because of ignorance of the Supersoul. This the Shruti-shastra shows.

Adhikarana 2

yavat sampatum ushitvathaitam evadhvanam punar nivartate. "After staying there for some time
his karma is exhausted and he again returns."

prapyantam karmanas tasya "He stays there until he reaches the end of his karma."

Sutra 8

kritatyaye 'nushayavan drishta-smritibhyam

krita - of what is done; atyaye - at the end; anushaya - karma; van - possessing; drishta - from
the Shruti-shastra; smritibhyam - from the Smriti-shastra.

The Shruti-shastra (Chandogya Upanishad 5.10.7) explains: tad ayam ramaniya-caranabhyaso ha

yat te ramaniyam yonim apadyeran brahmana-yonim va kshatriya-yonim vaishya-yonim va. atha
ya iha kapuya-caranabhyaso ha yat te kapuyam yonim apadyeran shva-yonim va shukara-yonim
va candala-yonim va. "When one acts piously, he attains a good birth. He is born as a brahmana
or a kshatriya or a vaishya. When one acts sinfully, he attains a sinful birth. He is born as a dog,
a pig, or an outcaste."

Sutra 9

yathetam anevam ca

yatha - as; itam - departed; an - not; evam - thus;ca - and.

Also, not as he went.

Sutra 10

caranad iti cen na tad-upalakshanartheti karshnajinih

caranat - by conduct; iti - thus; cet - if; na - not;tad-upalakshana-artha - that meaning; iti -
thus; karshnajinih - Karshnajini.

If it is said to be by conduct, then Karshnajini replies: No. Here it has the same meaning.

123
Sutra 11

anarthakyam iti cen na tad-apekshatvat

anarthakyam - meaninglessness; iti - thus; cet - of;na - not; tad-apekshatvat - because of being
in relation to that.

If it is said that it has no meaning, then I reply: No. Because it is in relation to that.

Sutra 12

sukrita-dushkrite eveti tu badarih

sukrita—pious deeds; dushkrite—impious deeds; eva—indeed; iti—thus; tu—but; badarih—

Badari.

But Badari Muni indeed thinks it means pious and impious deeds.

Adhikarana 3
Do the Impious Also Go to Candraloka?

Sutra 13

anishtadi-karinam api ca shrutam

an—not; ishta—pious deeds; adi—beginning with; karinam—of the performers; api—also;

ca—and; shrutam—in the Shruti-shastra.

The Shruti-shastra declares that it is also so for they who do not perform ishta or other pious
deeds.

Sutra 14

samyamane tv anubhuyetaresham arohavarohau tad-gati-darshanat

samyamane—in Samyamani Puri; tv—but; anubhuya—experiencing; itaresham—of others;

aroha—ascent; avarohau—descent; tat—of them; gati—travel; darshanat—by the Shruti-shastra.

But the others go to and return from Samyamana-pura. the Shruti-shastra describes this as
their travels.

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Sutra 15

smaranti ca

smaranti—the Smriti-shastra; ca—also.

The Smriti-shastras also affirm it.

Sutra 16

api sapta

api—also; sapta—seven.

There are seven and others also.

Sutra 17

tatrapi ca tad-vyaparad avirodhah

tatra—there; api—even; ca—also; tat—of Him; vyaparat—because of the activities; a—

without; virodhah—contradiction.

There is no contradiction, for He also acts there.

Sutra 18

vidya-karmanos tv iti prakritatvat

vidya—of knowledge; karmanoh—of action; tu—but; iti—thus; prakritatvat—because of

being the topics.

But because pious deeds and knowledge are the topics.

Comment: In the Chandogya Upanishad (5.10.1) it is said that they who are situated in
knowledge travel on the path to the devas. In Chandogya Upanishad (5.10.3) it is said that they
who perform pious deeds travel on the path to the pitas. Thus when it is said that all (sarve) go to

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Candraloka, the meaning is that all who have qualified themselves in these ways go to
Candraloka.

Here someone may object: Is it not so that without first going to Candraloka it is not possible for
sinners to attain a new material body? This is the reason: Because (without first going to
Candraloka) it is not possible to offer the fifth libation (by which one attains a new body).
Therefore, in order to attain a new material body, all must first go to Candraloka.

If this objection is raised, then the author of the sutras gives the following reply.

Sutra 19

na tritiye tathopalabdheh

na—not; tritiye—in the third; tatha—so; upalabdheh—because of the perception.

Not so in the third, for it is so perceived.

Sutra 20

smaryate 'pi ca loke

smaryate—affirmed in the Shmriti-shastra; api—and; ca—also; loke—in the world.

The Smriti-shastras affirm that it is also in this world.

Sutra 21

darshanac ca

darshanat—from seeing; ca—also.

From seeing also.

Comment: In the Chandogya Upanishad (6.3.1) it is said: tesham khalv esham bhutanam triny
eva bijani bhavanti. anda-jam jiva-jam udbhij-jam. "Living beings are born in one of three ways.
Some are born from an egg, some are born live, and some are plants •sprouting from a seed."

Sutra 22

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tritiya-shabdavarodhah samshoka-jasya

tritiya—shabda—word; avarodhah—description; samshoka—from grief; jasya—born.

The grief-born is included in the third word.

Adhikarana 4
The Soul Does Not Become Ether

athaitam evadhvanam punar nivartante yathetam akashasm akashad vayuh bhavati vayur bhutva
dhumo bhavati dhumo bhutva abhram bhavaty abhram bhutva megho bhavati megho bhutva
pravarshati

"He returns by this path. First he becomes ether. From ether he becomes air. Having become
air he becomes smoke. Having become smoke he becomes mist. Having become mist he
becomes a cloud. Having become a cloud, he becomes rain."

Sutra 23

tat-svabhavyapattir upapatteh

tat—of them; svabhavya—similarity; apattih—attainment; upapatteh—because of being

reasonable.

It is similar to them, for that is reasonable.

Adhikarana 5
The Passage From Ether to Rain Is Quick

Sutra 24

nati-cirena visheshat

na—not; ati—very; cirena—for long; visheshat—because of something specific.

Not for very long, because of something specific.

Adhikarana 6
The Descending Soul Does Not Take Birth Among the Plants

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Sutra 25

anyadhishthite purvavad abhilapat

anya—by an other; adhishthite—occupied; purva—before; vat—like; abhilapat—because of

the statement.

In what is occupied by another because of a statement like the previous.

Sutra 26

ashuddham iti cen na shabdat

ashuddham—impure; iti—thus; cet—if; na—not; shabdat—because of Shruti-shastra.

If it is said to be impure, then I reply: No, for that is the statement of the Shruti-shastra.

Sutra 27

retah-sig-yogo 'tha

retah—semen; sik-sprinkling; yogah—contact; atha—then.

Then there is contact with the male that sprinkles the semen.

Comment: In the Chandogya Upanishad (5.10.6) it is said: yo yo 'nnam atti yo retah sincati tad
bhuya eva bhavati "A male eats that grain and then sprinkles semen. From that semen the fallen
soul takes birth. He becomes just like his father."

Sutra 28

yoneh shariram

yoneh—from the womb; shariram—a body.

The body comes from the womb.

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Comment: In the Chandogya Upanishad (5.10.7) it is said: tad ya iha ramaniya-caranah "They
who perform pious deeds attain an auspicious birth. They who sin attain an inauspicious birth."

Pada 2 Adhikarana 1
The Supreme Personality of Godhead Creates Dreams

Comment: In Chandogya Upanishad (8.7.1) Prajapati declares that by willing the individual soul
has the power to create.

Sutra 1

sandhye shrishnir aha hi

sandhye - in the junction; shrishnir - creation; aha - says; hi - indeed.

Indeed, it says that in the junction there is creation.

Sutra 2

nirmataram caike putradayash ca

nirmataram - the creator; ca - and; eke - some; putra - sons; adayas - beginning with; ca - also.

Others that He is the creator. Sons and others also.

Sutra 3

maya-matram tu kartsnyenanabhivyakta-svarupatvat

maya - the maya potency; matram - only; tu - but; kartsnyena - completely; an - not;
abhivyakta - manifested; svarupatvat - because of the condition of having a form.

But it is the maya potency only, because the forms are not completely manifested.

Adhikarana 2
Not All Dreams Are Illusions
Sutra 4

sucakash ca hi shruter acakshate ca tad-vidah

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 sucakas - an indicator; ca - and; hi - indeed; shruter - of the Shruti-shastra; acakshate -
declare; ca - and; tad - that; vidah - they who know.

It gives omens. The Shruti-shastra and the experts affirm it.

Sutra 5

parabhidhyanat tu tirohitam tato hy asya bandha-viparyayau

para - of ther Supreme Personality of Godhead; abhidhyanat - by the will; tu - indeed;

tirohitam - withdrawn; tato - from Him; hi - indeed; asya - of him; bandha - bondage; viparyayau
- release.

By the will of the Supreme Personality of Godhead it is withdrawn. Indeed, bondage and
liberation also come from Him.

Adhikarana 3
The Supreme Personality of Godhead Creates the Waking State

Sutra 6

deha-yogad va so 'pi

deha - of the body; yogad - from contact; va - or; so - that; api - even.

That also from contact with the body.

Adhikarana 4
The Supreme Personality of Godhead Is the Creator of Dreamless Sleep

Sutra 7

tad-abhavo nadishu tac chruter atmani ca

tad - of that; abhavo - the absence; nadishu - in the nadis; tat - that; shruter - from Shruti-
shastra; atmani - in the Supreme Personality of Godhead; ca - also.

Its absence occurs in the nadis and the Supreme Personality of Godhead. This is so because of
the Shruti-shastra.

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Sutra 8

atah prabodho 'smat

atah - therefore; prabodho - waking; asmat - from Him.

Therefore the waking state is from Him.

Adhikarana 5
The Same Person Returns to the Body

Sutra 9

sa eva tu karmanusmriti-shabda-vidhibhyah

sas—he; eva — indeed; tu—but; karma—karma; anusmriti—memory; shabda—of the Shruti-

shastra; vidhibhyah—from the instructions.

It is he, because of the memory of karma and because of the teachings of Shruti-shastra.

...

Sutra 49

mauna-vad itaresham apy upadeshat

mauna—silence; vat—like; itaresham—of others; api—also; upadeshat—from the teaching.

Because there is teaching of others like a silent sage.

Sutra 50

anavishkurvann anvayat

anavishkurvan—not manifesting; anvayat—because of tradition.

He does not reveal, because of the disciplic succession.

Sutra 51

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aihikam aprastuta-pratibandhe tad darshanat

aihikam—in the presrnt life; aprastuta—not manifested; pratibandhe—impediment; tat—that;

darshanat—from seeing.

Sutra 52

evam mukti-phalaniyamas tad-avasthavadhrtes tad-avasthavadhriteh

evam—thus; mukti—of liberation; phala—the result; a—not; niyamah—rule; tat—of that;

avastha—state of being; avadhrteh—because of the determination.

In the same way there is no specific rule about liberation, for it depends on the circumstances.

http://nitaaiveda.com/All_Scriptures_By_Acharyas/Baladeva_Vidyabhushana/Vedanta_Sutra/Ch
p_3.htm

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