Reviews of Environmental (158pages) Contamination and Toxicology Ed2012

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by Alan Axelrod and Guy Antinozzi
A member of Penguin Group (USA) Inc.

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by Alan Axelrod and Guy Antinozzi
A member of Penguin Group (USA) Inc.

To Anita and Ian.—AA
To Jennifer, Rudy, Joshua, Salvatore, Vincent, Vito, Dominic, Luca, Anthony, and Mia.—GA
And to the officers and forensics professionals who serve and protect.—AA and GA
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1 Right and Wrong and Cops and Robbers 3
Introduction to criminology and criminal investigation.
2 Crimes to Order 17
How crimes are classified—and why.
3 Profiling the Bad Guys 29
The art and science of criminal profiling.
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4 The Arrival 47
The crime scene—who does what and why.
5 Bringing Method to the Madness 57
How investigators “read” the scene of the crime.
6 Gathering the Evidence 77
Gathering evidence: the tools and techniques.
7 The Fingerprint Story 93
History and modern practice of fingerprint identification.
8 Crime Lab 107
The scientific analysis of physical evidence.
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9 House Call 125
Examining the body at the scene of the crime.
10 Body of Evidence 137
The work of the medical examiner.
11 Death by Poisoning 147
Forensic toxicology explained.
12 Of Teeth and Bones 161
The world of forensic odontology and anthropology.
13 Of Bugs and Botany 173
Forensic entomology and botany—with a dash of geology.
14 DNA Evidence: The “Smoking Gun”? 185
DNA and DNA “fingerprinting.”
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15 Policing: The Way It Was 199
Origin and history of professional policing.
16 Policing America 211
Development of the American police department.
17 Policing: The Way It Is 223
The modern police department.
18 The Ultimate Weapon: Information 237
How police obtain and manage information.
19 Lie Detectors 247
The polygraph and new alternatives.
20 Beyond the Fringe 263
Truth serum, regressive hypnosis, and “psychic detectives.”
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21 Future Crime 277
The future of crime, based on current trends and technologies.
22 Future Cops 291
The future of police technology, techniques, and ethics.
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A Who’s Who in Criminal Investigation and Forensics 305
B Milestones in Crime and Crime Fighting 313
C The “Ten Code” 319
D Further Reading and Favorite Websites 325
Index 329
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Everyone’s Got a Theory ...............................................................4
Authority Figures .........................................................................4
Tabloids and TV ...........................................................................5
Your Own Perspective ...................................................................6
Order and Law ...............................................................................6
What Is Criminology?...................................................................7
What Is Criminal Investigation?...................................................8
When It Comes to Crime, Everything’s Relative .........................8
The Difference Between Right and Wrong.....................................9
Is That Legal? ............................................................................10
Where’s the Harm? ....................................................................10
Right Is Right!............................................................................10
Check the Label ..........................................................................11
Right Is Human .........................................................................11
Deviance Is Normal ....................................................................11
The Professor and the Cop..........................................................12
Criminology in Theory................................................................12
Criminology in Practice...............................................................12
Sleuths and Scientists ...................................................................12
Crime Scene ...............................................................................13
Just the Facts, Ma’am ................................................................13
Goals of Criminal Investigations .................................................14
Get Real: The Truth About Criminal Investigation ...................14
Fantasy Cops...............................................................................14
Pressures, Dangers, and the Nitty-Gritty ....................................15
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Classifying Crime .........................................................................18
What’s the Point? .......................................................................19
Setting Priorities ........................................................................19
Predictions as Prevention.............................................................20
The Stat Keepers.........................................................................21
Crimes Against Persons ...............................................................22
Homicide ....................................................................................22
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Robbery.......................................................................................22
Assault .......................................................................................23
Sex Offenses................................................................................23
Crimes Against Children ............................................................23
The Serial Offender....................................................................24
Crimes Against Property..............................................................24
Burglary.....................................................................................24
Environmental Crime.................................................................24
Arson..........................................................................................25
The Drug Cycle ...........................................................................25
White-Collar Crime.....................................................................26
Fraud .........................................................................................27
Computer Crime.........................................................................27
Victimology ..................................................................................27
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Psychology Gets a New Branch ..................................................30
Criminal Profiling: Fact vs. Fiction.............................................31
Welcome to Hollywood.................................................................31
A Dose of Reality ........................................................................31
A Short History of Criminal Profiling ........................................32
Looking for the Ripper ................................................................33
A Profile of Der Führer..............................................................34
Mad Bomber of New York...........................................................34
Boston Strangler .........................................................................36
FBI Crime Scene Analysis............................................................37
Investigative Psychology: The Canter Approach........................39
Interpersonal Coherence ..............................................................40
Significance of Time and Place ....................................................40
Criminal Characteristics .............................................................40
Criminal Career.........................................................................40
Forensic Awareness......................................................................40
Behavioral Evidence Analysis: The Turvey Approach ................40
Equivocal Forensic Analysis .........................................................41
Victimology.................................................................................41
Crime Scene Characteristics ........................................................41
Offender Characteristics ..............................................................41
Profiling Scorecard.......................................................................42
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Who’s on Call ...............................................................................48
Uniformed Officers .....................................................................48
Detectives ...................................................................................50
Police Lab Personnel ...................................................................51
Medical Examiner’s People..........................................................52
Prosecutor’s People.......................................................................52
Criminalists................................................................................52
Pitfalls ...........................................................................................53
Inside the Pressure Cooker...........................................................53
Media Spotlight ..........................................................................53
Chain of Custody ........................................................................54
Of O. J. and JonBenét................................................................54
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Crime Scene .................................................................................58
Primary and Secondary Crime Scenes .........................................58
Macroscopic and Microscopic ........................................................58
Crime Scene Search ....................................................................59
Sorting Out the Mess..................................................................60
Physical Evidence—and How to Use It ......................................60
Modus Operandi .........................................................................61
All About Linkage ......................................................................61
Recording the Scene ....................................................................62
Investigative Photography ...........................................................62
Crime Scene Sketches ..................................................................66
Computer-Aided Imaging ...........................................................66
Taking Note..................................................................................67
Those Pads—and What Investigators Write on Them .................67
Reducing It to Words...................................................................67
Asking Questions..........................................................................68
“You Have the Right to Remain Silent” ......................................68
Productive Questioning ...............................................................69
Look Me in the Eye.....................................................................70
Search Me .....................................................................................70
The Fourth Amendment .............................................................71
What Investigators Look For.......................................................72
How They Look ..........................................................................72
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Special Searches............................................................................72
In the Garbage ...........................................................................73
Vehicle Searches ..........................................................................73
Suspect Searches..........................................................................73
Dead Body Searches ....................................................................74
Release the Hounds! ....................................................................75
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An Investigator’s Toolkit ..............................................................78
Chalk, Tweezers, Wrecking Bar … .............................................78
Forensic Light Sources.................................................................81
What Is Evidence, Anyway?.........................................................82
Shoe and Tire Impressions ...........................................................82
Tools and Tool Marks ..................................................................83
Broken Glass...............................................................................84
Soils and Minerals ......................................................................84
Cigarette Butts ...........................................................................85
Rope and Tape.............................................................................85
Alcohol........................................................................................86
Drugs.........................................................................................86
Weapons and Ammo ...................................................................86
Clothing and Laundry Marks .....................................................87
Hair and Fibers ..........................................................................87
Blood and Body Fluids.................................................................87
Fingerprints ...............................................................................88
An Unbroken Chain.....................................................................88
Examining Evidence ...................................................................89
Preserving and Storing Evidence.................................................90
Presenting Evidence ....................................................................91
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Early Criminal Identification.......................................................94
The “Father of Scientific Detection” ..........................................95
Fingerprinting: A Short History..................................................97
Malpighi’s Treatise......................................................................97
Purkinji and Herschel: Fingerprinting Becomes an
Identification Tool .....................................................................97
Faulds and Galton: The Classification of Fingerprints..................98
FBI on the Case, 1924 ................................................................99
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Finding the Prints ......................................................................100
Visible, Invisible, and Plastic .....................................................100
Dusting for Prints ....................................................................100
Chemical Processing ..................................................................101
Loops to Whorls: The Classification of Fingerprints ..............102
Loops ........................................................................................102
Arches ......................................................................................102
Whorls .....................................................................................103
The Nine Basic Patterns ...........................................................103
AFIS: Automated Fingerprint Identification System................104
A Word about DNA “Fingerprinting”? ....................................105
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Forensics: What It Is..................................................................108
Physical Sciences........................................................................108
Medical Sciences........................................................................108
Work of the Modern Crime Lab ...............................................109
Chemical Analysis: Trace Evidence ............................................109
Chemical Analysis: Drugs, Poisons, and Other Substances..........110
Hairs and Fibers.......................................................................112
Polarized Light Microscopy .......................................................114
Voice and Image Analysis ..........................................................114
Firearms Identification..............................................................116
Tool Marks, Shoe Prints, and Tire Prints ..................................117
Questioned Documents ..............................................................118
Arson Investigation ...................................................................119
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The Crime Scene .......................................................................126
Dying Declaration ....................................................................126
Protecting the Scene ..................................................................126
Capturing the Scene..................................................................127
Checklist: Gathering Information .............................................127
Signs of Struggle ......................................................................127
Condition of the Body................................................................128
A Step Back.................................................................................130
Stains and Splatters ..................................................................130
Fingernails ...............................................................................132
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Reading the Wounds ..................................................................132

Gunshot....................................................................................133
Stab and Cutting Wounds .........................................................133
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Meet the ME ..............................................................................138
Dead Men and the Tales They Tell ...........................................138
Preparing for Autopsy ...............................................................138
The Cutting .............................................................................139
Death: How?...............................................................................140
Natural or Unnatural ..............................................................140
Shooting ...................................................................................140
Stabbing ...................................................................................141
Beating.....................................................................................141
Asphyxia...................................................................................141
Death: When? ............................................................................143
Temperature .............................................................................143
Eyes..........................................................................................143
Stomach....................................................................................143
Decomposition ...........................................................................144
Death by Poisoning: Forensic Toxicology.................................144
Identification ..............................................................................145
Fingerprinting..........................................................................145
Forensic Odontology ..................................................................145
Forensic Anthropology ...............................................................145
The Bug Detectives ...................................................................146
Talking Plants ..........................................................................146
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Job Description...........................................................................148
The Case of the Lethal Umbrella .............................................150
Toxicologist on the Case .............................................................150
Case Closed? .............................................................................151
Poison World..............................................................................152
Poison? Drug? Narcotic?...........................................................152
Death by Substance ...................................................................153
A Dynamic Situation................................................................154
Scorecards ...................................................................................155
Togetherness—Not Always a Good Thing ..................................156
Popularity Contest ....................................................................156
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What Do You Expect?...............................................................157
From the Autopsy Table.............................................................157
Acid or Base? ............................................................................158
From Fluid Sample to Drug Sample .........................................158
Even the Toxicologist Has Limits...............................................158
The Future .................................................................................159
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The Dentist Is in (No Appointment Necessary).......................162
Better than DNA?....................................................................162
A Bite Out of Crime.................................................................163
The Bone Detectives..................................................................165
Hidden Crime Scene .................................................................166
Bone Story ................................................................................166
Bringing the Dead to Life..........................................................168
Two-Dimensional Methods........................................................168
The Third Dimension ...............................................................168
Forensic Superimposition...........................................................169
A Little Background .................................................................169
Not Quite a Miracle .................................................................169
Inadmissible..............................................................................170
More Evidence ...........................................................................171
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Time of Death ............................................................................174
The Blowfly Bears Witness........................................................174
The Clock Starts .......................................................................175
Blowfly Alternatives..................................................................175
A Matter of Protocol .................................................................177
Beyond PMI ...............................................................................178
Forensic Science Turns Over a New Leaf.................................180
Pollen Police..............................................................................180
Ecological Investigation .............................................................181
Written in Water .....................................................................181
Bone Dating .............................................................................182
Last Meal.................................................................................183
Tree Ring Circus.......................................................................183
Rock Patrol .................................................................................184
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The Double Helix ......................................................................186
Biological Barcode .....................................................................187
DNA Fingerprinting ................................................................187
Step by Step................................................................................188
Obtaining the Specimen ............................................................188
Getting at the Good Stuff .........................................................188
Let It Gel .................................................................................189
Preserving the DNA.................................................................190
Conducting the Probe ................................................................190
Hard Cases..................................................................................191
PCR: A Biological Xerox Machine.............................................192
The Mitochondrial Method .......................................................192
Playing the Numbers and Making the ID.................................192
DNA Evidence in the Courts ....................................................193
The Future of DNA Identification............................................194
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The First Cops ...........................................................................200
Case Study: London ...................................................................201
From Mr. Fielding’s People to the Bow Street Runners ..............201
The Peelers, 1829 .....................................................................202
Officer Down, 1830..................................................................204
Metropolitan Police Expand ......................................................204
The First Detectives ..................................................................204
Headquarters: Scotland Yard .....................................................205
Terrorism 1884: A New Police Challenge..................................205
Jack the Ripper and After .........................................................206
Policing for a New Century, 1900.............................................207
Wireless Police Work: The Infamous Crippen Case ....................207
Women Join the Force, 1914.....................................................208
The “Police Box” Experiment, 1928..........................................209
Dial 999, 1937 ........................................................................209
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New York City Before 1895.......................................................212
Constable System ......................................................................212
Following the London Model .....................................................212
Rival Forces ..............................................................................213
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Politics as Usual........................................................................213
The City’s Utility Men..............................................................214
The Precinct: Sanctuary and Dungeon ......................................214
Enter Commissioner Roosevelt .................................................215
New Zeal, New Discipline.........................................................215
Thank You, M. Bertillon...........................................................216
The First Bicycle Squad ............................................................216
Honor and Morale ....................................................................216
A Nation of Immigrants.............................................................217
Policing Diverse Populations .....................................................217
Prejudice and Racism ................................................................217
A Nation of Lawbreakers ...........................................................218
Prohibition and Policing............................................................218
Organized Crime......................................................................219
The Evolution of the FBI ..........................................................219
Tainted Bureau.........................................................................220
The Hoover Era Begins.............................................................221
Building a Rep, Setting a Standard...........................................221
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To Serve and to Protect .............................................................224
Typical Organization ................................................................224
Community Emphasis ...............................................................227
Old Dangers, New Pressures.....................................................228
Taking the Point .......................................................................229
An Armed Camp ......................................................................230
Police Academy: The Latest Sequel ..........................................231
Deadly Force and Gentle Persuasion ........................................234
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Sources of Information ..............................................................238
Reports and Records...................................................................238
Victims .....................................................................................239
Witnesses ..................................................................................240
Suspects ....................................................................................240
Undercover Work......................................................................241
The Information File .................................................................241
The Rat—a Necessary Evil........................................................242
A Question of Cash ...................................................................243
The Pitfalls...............................................................................243
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Police Networking .....................................................................243
Interpersonal Cooperation..........................................................244
International Accord .................................................................244
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The Polygraph............................................................................248
What It Is ................................................................................248
How It Works ...........................................................................249
What It’s Used For ...................................................................250
A Short History of the Lie Detector .........................................251
Marston’s Marvel .....................................................................251
Larson’s Refinements.................................................................251
Keeler the Popularizer ..............................................................252
The Lindbergh Kidnapping .......................................................253
The Polygraph in Action ...........................................................255
What Can Go Wrong? ..............................................................256
False Confession ........................................................................256
Beating the Machine.................................................................256
Guilt or Fear? ..........................................................................257
Inadmissible? The Courts and the Polygraph...........................257
Alternatives to the Polygraph ....................................................258
Forensic Psychology and Deception Detection ........................259
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“Truth Serum”............................................................................264
What Is It?...............................................................................264
Does It Work?...........................................................................265
Will the Courts Accept It?.........................................................265
You Are Getting Sleepy ….........................................................266
Hypnotic Regression ..................................................................266
Not an Option for Suspects........................................................267
Digression: A Story of Alien Abduction......................................267
What the Courts Say ................................................................270
Psychic Hotline ..........................................................................270
Dauphine, France, 1662...........................................................271
Manville, Alberta, 1928 ...........................................................271
Williston, Florida, 1997 ...........................................................271
Intuition on Steroids ..................................................................272
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Based on Current Statistics … ...................................................278
Public Perception Versus the Numbers .......................................278
What’s Hot...............................................................................279
What’s Not...............................................................................279
Economy and Opportunity ........................................................280
Hard Times and Crime.............................................................280
New Opportunities....................................................................281
New Victims: Elder Crime ........................................................281
The Drug Scene .........................................................................282
New Designs.............................................................................282
New Users ................................................................................283
Techno Crime.............................................................................284
Credit Card Crime ...................................................................284
ATM Spoofing..........................................................................284
Identity Theft ...........................................................................285
Cyber Crime...............................................................................286
Hacking It................................................................................286
Going Phishing.........................................................................287
Cyber Terror.............................................................................287
Child Porn ...............................................................................288
The New Counterfeiters............................................................288
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New Technologies and Traditional Values ................................292
Some Things Just Don’t Change ...............................................292
Policing: From Reactive to Proactive..........................................293
An Ounce of Prevention … .......................................................294
Security Horizons.......................................................................295
Emphasis on Information...........................................................295
New Computers, New Networks................................................296
Communications and Access.......................................................296
Artificial Intelligence.................................................................297
Identification Technologies .........................................................298
Big Brother?.............................................................................299
Computer Forensics ...................................................................300
Fragile Evidence .......................................................................300
Typical Procedures.....................................................................300
Reading the Mail......................................................................301
Beyond Investigation .................................................................301
The Arsenal of the Future .........................................................301
Guns and More Guns ...............................................................302
Nonlethal Weapons ...................................................................302
Policing for the People ..............................................................304
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4]`Se]`R
In 1943, the great American psychologist Abraham Maslow drew up a list of what he con-
sidered the most basic human needs. These included physiological needs such as breath-
ing, drinking, eating, and the like; safety needs, including physical security; love and social
needs; a need for respect and self-respect; a need to increase knowledge; a need for
aesthetic satisfaction—for beauty; a need to strive toward what Maslow called self-
actualization; and a need for spiritual fulfillment, which Maslow called self-transcendence.
There is a great deal to think about in this list, and certainly law enforcement—of which
forensics and criminal investigation are such vital elements—grows directly from and con-
tributes to the “safety needs” Maslow identified. But as comprehensive and thought pro-
voking as his list is, the psychologist left out two major items: the need for truth, and the
need for justice. They are the human needs at the very heart of forensic science.
Science is a search for truth—objective, above prejudice, and beyond passion. Forensics
puts that search in the service of justice, which is the application of truth (likewise above
prejudice and beyond passion) in an effort to identify the guilty, to exonerate the innocent,
to redress as far as possible injury and wrong, and to protect and continually improve our
society and civilization.
Modern forensics brings to bear contributions from virtually every branch of science to
illuminate the darkest and most desperate of human deeds and to discover the truth in
situations in which the truth has been hidden, whether by nature, by deliberate criminal
action, or both. Having discovered the hidden truth, forensics then seems to make it avail-
able to the cause of justice.
This book by Alan Axelrod, a writer and teacher, and by Guy Antinozzi, a veteran crimi-
nal investigator, is an exciting and authoritative introduction to criminal investigation and
the science of forensics. It focuses on the historical background behind modern criminal
investigation, brings readers up to date on current practices, then goes beyond to the cut-
ting edge of forensics in the near future. Axelrod and Antinozzi capture the fascination
that drives so much of what we see on television and theater screens, but they also separate
the facts from the fiction, the hype from the reality, to provide a razor-sharp 360-degree
picture of the extraordinarily varied work of today’s forensic professionals. For anyone who
wants to investigate criminal investigation, there is no better place to start than with The
Complete Idiot’s Guide to Forensics, Second Edition.
Harold Copus
FBI Special Agent (retired); managing director, HRH Risk Mitigation, Inc.; and consul-
tant, The Dr. Phil Show
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Good and evil. At any time, in any place, among any people of any culture, could any-
thing be more basic than these eternally present, perpetually warring opposites?
The closest most of us get to evil is crime. We fear it. It consistently tops the list of
concerns people express in public opinion polls—and with very good reason. About 13
million people, some 5 percent of the U.S. population, become victims of crime each
year. Of this number, 1.5 million are victims of violent crime, each year.
But it’s not just fear that motivates our interest in this evil called crime. Most of us
have, it seems, a natural need for justice. A wrong, we feel, must not remain uncor-
rected or, at least, unpunished. That’s why crime is such a compelling subject for nov-
els, TV shows, films, and “true crime” narratives. A crime is committed, it throws the
world off balance, and we cannot rest—we’ll keep turning the pages, we’ll stay glued
to the TV, we won’t leave the theater seat to get a tub of popcorn—until the crime is
solved and the balance set right again.
Crime and punishment, like good and evil, are very basic to us all, summoning up our
animal instincts for survival, arousing in us a primitive hunger for vengeance, yet also
calling on our noblest aspirations for justice, for healing, and for making things right
again.
Basic, yes, but hardly simple. Since time immemorial, societies have searched for the
cause of crime. They have sought ways to prevent crime as well as ways to cure it.
Each answer offered has shown promise, but also flaws. Absolute government and
dictatorship surely stamp out some kinds of crime, but they do so by holding everyone
prisoner. Democracy brings opportunity and freedom, but that includes the opportu-
nity and freedom to commit crimes.
Driven by the most basic of human forces, rooted in the most basic human needs,
desires, and perceptions, crime and the social response to crime are nevertheless
highly complex subjects. We become outraged after seeing a TV news report of some
terrible crime. We fume. We demand justice now. But then we learn more about the
background of the suspect, a life of poverty, abuse, and victimization. Or we hear
that the state’s evidence against him is circumstantial—a suggestive case, perhaps, but
hardly airtight. Or we learn that the prosecution’s main witness is himself a felon who
has “cut a deal” in return for spilling his guts in testimony to convict the chief suspect.
Or we listen to the prosecution’s expert forensic witness interpret the evidence 100
percent one way, then listen further as the defense forensic expert reaches the opposite
conclusion. And on and on it goes, the question of guilt or innocence spiraling farther
and farther from what seemed the compelling core issues of simple good versus simple
evil.
ff BVS1][^ZSbS7RW]ba5cWRSb]4]`S\aWQaASQ]\R3RWbW]\
Most of us have strong feelings about crime, punishment, and justice. Yet, in our free
society, these basic, urgent issues become so complex that we are pulled and pushed in
a variety of directions and often find it almost impossible to take a stand. This book is
intended to help us all sort things out.
The Complete Idiot’s Guide to Forensics, Second Edition, explores the history, present,
and future of police work, with special emphasis on that aspect of police work called
forensics: the processes of discovering, collecting, analyzing, and presenting evidence
to prove the truth or falsity of particular criminal issues in law. Part 1, “The Usual
Suspects,” briefly surveys the scope and goals of criminology, then focuses on crimi-
nal investigation in general and forensics in particular. Here are chapters on how
crimes are classified (and why it is necessary to classify them) and how modern cops
attempt to profile criminals in order to understand, identify, and apprehend them.
Part 2, “On the Scene (and in the Lab),” begins with the police arrival at a crime
scene and discusses how investigators size up the scene and interrogate suspects, wit-
nesses, and victims. Chapters in this part explain just what evidence the cops look for,
and how they find it, gather it, and analyze it, as well as the tools they use and the
techniques they call upon.
Part 3, “The Body in Question,” looks at what is often the single most compel-
ling object at a crime scene: the body of the victim. Chapters in this part explain what
investigators do at the scene and in the medical examiner’s office. Special chapters are
devoted to toxicology; the forensic investigation of dental and skeletal evidence; foren-
sic entomology, botany, and geology; and the discovery, recovery, and analysis of DNA
evidence.
Part 4, “The Long Arm,” begins with the origin and history of the professional
police force in Europe and America, then explores police operations as they are today,
including police organization, police communications and intelligence gathering, the
science of lie detection, and certain “extreme” investigative methods: the use of truth
serum, hypnosis, and psychics.
Part 5, “Crime in a Crystal Ball,” looks forward to the future of crime—with
emphasis on the burgeoning areas of information and computer crime, as well as iden-
tity theft—and the future of police work and forensic science.
The Complete Idiot’s Guide to Forensics, Second Edition, concludes with appendixes cover-
ing who’s who in criminal investigation, milestones in crime and crime fighting, the
police “Ten Code” communication system, and suggestions for further reading.
7\b`]RcQbW]\ ffW
3fbÒa
In addition to the main narrative of The Complete Idiot’s Guide to Forensics, Second
Edition, you’ll find other types of useful information, including the following special
features:
Sworn Statement
In these boxes you’ll find defi- This feature offers quota-
nitions of the technical terms, tions concerning crime,
jargon, and slang used by cops, forensics, and crime fight-
forensic scientists, and criminals. ing.
By the Numbers
Case in Point
Here are the most revealing
crime and crime-fighting These boxes present important
statistics. facts from real-life forensic cases.
/QY\]eZSRU[S\ba
My thanks and respect to my co-author, Guy Antinozzi, who serves and protects.
I am also grateful for the fine work and support of the folks at Alpha, especially Randy
Ladenheim-Gil, Megan Douglass, Lynn Northrup, Katherin Bidwell, and Susan
Aufheimer.
—Alan Axelrod
I would like to thank the following people, beginning with my son Dominic. His
enthusiasm for police work reminds me why I do what I do. My lovely wife, Jennifer,
and all my sons provide the love and challenges necessary to motivate an otherwise
easily complacent middle-aged man. My father, Rudy, showed me the gift of faith that
guided me through some dark days. My brother Joe has become my confidant and
friend. My deep respect, gratitude and admiration for Chief Rus Drew, Columbus
State University Police, grows with the passing years.
Chief Henry Hope, Agnes Scott College Police, and Chief John Richey, DeKalb
County District Attorney’s Office, are two of the finest examples of law enforcement
officers and leaders. Lieutenant Connie Rembert, Agnes Scott College Police; Captain
Bobby Tribble, Walton County Sheriff’s Office; and Officer Lee Swann, DeKalb
ffWW BVS1][^ZSbS7RW]ba5cWRSb]4]`S\aWQaASQ]\R3RWbW]\
County Police, have provided support and friendship for many years. Officer Joshua
Fritz, DeKalb County Police, is a fine example of the future of law enforcement.
I am honored to serve the Oglethorpe University community with the finest cam-
pus safety staff anywhere. Supervising Officers Stephen Oliver, Reginald Maddox,
Aaron Melbourne, and Ernest Winston are dedicated to the university and loyal to
me far beyond their compensation. My thanks go to President Larry Schall and Vice
President Marilyn Fowle, who trust me to serve at Oglethorpe University and will
guide us to great things.
Harold Copus and John Weeks, of HRH Risk Mitigation, Inc, are true profession-
als who practice the science of criminal investigation with vigor, knowledge and
experience. Alan Axelrod is always pleasant and usually sarcastic. I find both qualities
wonderful and refreshing. Wystan Getz is a defense attorney who serves the system
by demanding accountability. My respect for him is immeasurable. Roger Guilford,
Stephen Newman, and Michael Powell are loyal, fun and generous family.
Lastly, I want to mention the victims and children I have served for many years now.
Your suffering has been felt, though never mentioned. It has been the job of others to
weep with you and hold your hand. I have been honored by your trust to stand firm in
the face of evil and injustice to help provide you the opportunity for safe passage to a
better life. That some of you have made this passage makes it all worthwhile.
—Guy Antinozzi
BÒRS[O`Ya
All terms mentioned in this book that are known to be or are suspected of being
trademarks or service marks have been appropriately capitalized. Alpha Books and
Penguin Group (USA) Inc. cannot attest to the accuracy of this information. Use of a
term in this book should not be regarded as affecting the validity of any trademark or
service mark.
1
>O`b
BVSCacOZAca^SQba
Just about everyone has a theory about crime: why it happens, who com-
mits it, how to fight it, and how to prevent it. We begin by looking at some
popular points of view and how these fit into the history of criminology and
relate to the business of criminal investigation and the science of forensics.
In this part of the book, you’ll find prehistoric and early historical views of
crime and punishment, as well as the birth, evolution, and current state of
criminal investigation as a field of scientific study.
@WUVbO\RE`]\UO\R
1VO^bS`
1
1]âO\R@]PPSà
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Crime: the popular view
X Criminology, criminal investigation, and forensics defined
X Some leading theories of crime
X Relation of criminology to criminal investigation and forensics
X At the crime scene
X Fantasy cops vs. real investigators
To a question recently posed by the public opinion firm Zogby

International—“Have you or any member of your immediate family been
a victim of nonviolent crime over the last five years?”—26 percent of
Americans asked answered yes, while an additional 9 percent said they
had been victims of violent crime. According to the public opinion analysts
at Public Agenda Online, crime tops the list of what Americans say are
the most important problems the United States faces in the twenty-first
century. For most Americans most of the time, crime looms with greater
" >O`b( BVSCacOZAca^SQba
importance than moral values, health care, poverty, the economy, education, the envi-
ronment, drugs, jobs and unemployment, overpopulation, and war.
Clearly, crime is very much on our minds. And it has always been, in both a collective
social sense and individually. Can you remember a time when you didn’t know about
right and wrong or cops and robbers? Yet can you answer the following questions:
What, exactly, is crime? And what causes it?
3dS`g]\SÂa5]bOBVS]`g
Well, maybe you believe you can answer these questions. But how do you know you
have the right answers? Start talking to people about crime and the causes of crime,
read the popular press, turn on the TV, or think about your own experience, and
you will likely discover there are at least as many opinions concerning the nature of
wrongdoing and criminality as there are actual misdeeds.
/cbV]`Wbg4WUc`Sa
For most of us, our first concepts of the nature of right and wrong come from our
parents and other early authority figures. At first we believe that a thing is wrong
because Mom or Pop or some other important adult says it’s wrong or, perhaps, pun-
ishes us for doing that thing. Many people never
By the Numbers really move beyond this concept, and many people
The FBI reported that see no reason to move beyond it. They are content to
11,556,854 crimes were define crime as conduct forbidden by authority. End
committed in the United of story.
States in 2005—3,899 crimes
per each 100,000 inhabitants. But what authority? For some, it is nothing less than
Offenses included in the FBI God. For others, it may be the government, it may
statistics are the violent crimes of be a king or tyrant, or it may not be a person at all,
murder, non-negligent manslaugh- but custom and law. Act contrary to the “will” of any
ter, forcible rape, robbery, and of these authorities, and you have committed a crime.
aggravated assault, as well as
the property crimes of burglary, One of the earliest surviving documents of civiliza-
larceny/theft, motor vehicle theft, tion is the Code of Hammurabi, king of Babylon,
and arson. which dates from before 1750 B.C.E. The first three
of the 282 laws of the Code of Hammurabi are …
1. If any one ensnare another, putting a ban upon him, but he can not prove it,
then he that ensnared him shall be put to death.
1VO^bS`( @WUVbO\RE`]\UO\R1]âO\R@]PPSà #
2. If any one bring an accusation against a man, and the accused go to the river and
leap into the river, if he sink in the river his accuser shall take possession of his
house. But if the river prove that the accused is not guilty, and he escape unhurt,
then he who had brought the accusation shall be put to death, while he who
leaped into the river shall take possession of the house that had belonged to his
accuser.
3. If any one bring an accusation of any crime before the elders, and does not prove
what he has charged, he shall, if it be a capital offense charged, be put to death.
BOPZ]WRaO\RBD
If most of us derive our earliest concepts of right and wrong—and, therefore, of
criminality—from our parents, many of us go on to gather our first, and perhaps even
our most enduring, concepts of the causes of crime from the media outlets of popular
culture.
Novels, newspapers, tabloids, and television introduce us to a vast array of criminals
or, at least, fictional portrayals of criminals. All of these media aim to present good
stories. Now, a story may include plenty of exciting action, but such action alone
is not sufficient to make a really good story. A good story always makes sense of the
action it presents, neatly tying up any loose ends; therefore, most popular portrayals of
criminal behavior include some explanation for that behavior.
Since the advent of the scientific study of
psychology toward the end of the nine-
teenth century, many explanations have Sworn Statement
been psychological in nature. The criminal There are two kinds of
behaves as he or she does because of psy- criminals: those who get
chological forces over which the criminal caught and the rest of us.
has no control. —Anonymous observation
quoted in Leonard Roy Frank,
But the psychological explanation, although ed., Random House Webster’s
prevalent, is not the only common rea- Quotationary (New York, 1999)
son given for criminal behavior. TV and
tabloids portray many people who turn to
crime because they were raised in poverty or exposed to the “bad influences” of “peer
pressure” in a “rough neighborhood.” Some criminals are portrayed as the products of
bad families, families that find crime acceptable.
$ >O`b( BVSCacOZAca^SQba
Still other popular images of the criminal include those who are wicked for some
unknown reason: a genetic flaw, perhaps, as in the 1956 film The Bad Seed, in which a
little girl proves literally to be a born criminal. Another familiar criminal image is the
product of the Judeo-Christian tradition, which divides the world into those who walk
the godly path of righteousness, and those who, for some reason known perhaps only
to God, turn away from the straight gate and follow the way of the devil.
Gloomiest of all the popular images of criminality is the explanation that wrongdoing
is not aberrant at all, but rather part of human nature; that is, anyone would commit a
crime if that person were certain he or she could get away with it.
G]c`=e\>Sà^SQbWdS
It is, of course, ultimately your own experience that filters all of the concepts, half-
concepts, and vague thoughts about crime and criminality. You may come to favor this
view or that, based on people you have known and things you have seen.
If you are a certain kind of person, you may try to look at everything from a fresh per-
spective. Maybe crime and criminality are not about bad individuals behaving badly,
but about society labeling certain behavior as criminal and thereby creating criminals.
Maybe treating someone as if he or she is deviant can, by and by, make that person
deviant. Or perhaps at least some crime is merely a definition used by society’s “haves”
to control society’s “have nots.” In this connection, the writer Howard Scott wryly
observed, “A criminal is a person with predatory instincts who has not sufficient capi-
tal to form a corporation.”
=`RSÒ\R:Oe
While it is hardly difficult to find disagreement over the nature and causes of crime
and criminality, just about everyone agrees that this behavior must be a central focus
of any society and civilization. Crime, whatever it is, whatever its causes, must some-
how be dealt with.
There was a time in which dealing with crime was simple. The king declared this and
that wrong and therefore punishable. Or the high priest declared this or that a sin and
therefore punishable. Doubtless, there are still places in the world where this system
is applied. But in a modern democracy such as ours, simple tyranny does not hold.
Crime and criminality, therefore, become proper—and urgent—subjects for rational,
scientific inquiry: hence criminology.
1VO^bS`( @WUVbO\RE`]\UO\R1]âO\R@]PPSà %
Many people think about

crime, but for most people,
“criminology” never gets
beyond an image like this: an
urban cop from 1940.
(Image from Arttoday.com.)
EVOb7a1`W[W\]Z]Ug-
Defined at its broadest and most basic, criminology is the systematic inquiry into the
causes of crime.
An eighteenth-century Italian, the Marchese
Cesare Beccaria, is generally credited with
having introduced the rational, systematic Criminology is the systematic
study of crime and punishment with a 1764 inquiry into the nature and
book titled —what else?—On Crimes and causes of crime, typically with
Punishments. Thus, criminology is a fairly the object of creating social
strategies to prevent crime and to
youthful science, yet it has branched out
respond more effectively to it.
to encompass many and varied approaches.
However varied, criminology generally
addresses three main areas:
1. Crime causation, sometimes referred to as criminogenesis, or the branch of
criminology devoted to studying the causes of crime. Most criminologists con-
sider this the heart of their discipline.
& >O`b( BVSCacOZAca^SQba
2. The sociology of law—that is, how crime and law relate to society and the par-
ticular values of a given society.
3. Social responses to crime—how the police, courts, and correctional institutions
cope with crime.
EVOb7a1`W[W\OZ7\dSabWUObW]\-
The principal objective of criminology is to create theories of crime causation. It is
hoped that such theories will ultimately serve a practical purpose, suggesting ways in
which crime can be prevented, predicted, and appropriately responded to by police,
the courts, and lawmakers.
Criminology looks at the big picture, identifying trends and searching for meaning.
However, criminology is not about solving individual crimes. That is the province
of criminal investigation. Although the theories of the criminologist may assist and
inform the work of the criminal investigator, criminal investigation is more practical
than theoretical, and, in its most modern application, the practical aspects of criminal
investigation are highly technical and scientific. Traditionally, criminal investigation
has encompassed the tools, techniques, and processes of solving crimes—identifying
the perpetrator or perpetrators and providing the legal evidence to bring him, her, or
them to justice. Over the past quarter century, these tools, techniques, and processes
have become increasingly sophisticated and specialized as the science of forensics.
Criminal investigation is the general process of discovering, collecting, identifying,

preparing, analyzing, and presenting evidence, often directly from or related to a crime
scene, to prove the truth or falsity of an issue of law.
Forensics is an approach to criminal investigation that uses the tools, techniques, and
processes of science and technology to identify, recover, and analyze crime scene evi-
dence so that this data can be presented effectively in a court of law.
EVS\7b1][Sab]1`W[S3dS`gbVW\UÂa@SZObWdS
Now that we’ve defined criminology (as the study of the causes of crime in general),
criminal investigation (as the practical business of solving particular crimes), and
forensics (as the scientific study of evidence), let’s return to the issue we opened with:
just what is crime?
1VO^bS`( @WUVbO\RE`]\UO\R1]âO\R@]PPSà '
BVS2WTTS`S\QS0SbeSS\@WUVbO\RE`]\U
It is a cornerstone of our legal system that only individuals determined to be “com-
petent to stand trial” can be validly judged guilty or not guilty of a crime. Among the
most basic determinants of such competence is the ability to “distinguish right from
wrong.”
Yet the fact is that the difference between right and wrong is not always clear-cut,
even to sane and intelligent people. And the relation between what is right and legal
and what is wrong and illegal is not absolute. For example, almost all societies in all
recorded times have deemed premeditated murder both wrong and illegal. But ear-
nest, well-meaning people disagree on whether abortion is premeditated murder and,
therefore, both wrong and illegal. If the anti-abortion lobby secures legislation out-
lawing abortion, does that make abortion wrong? Or if the pro-choice lobby succeeds
in upholding the legality of abortion, does that make abortion right?
Case in Point
In recent years, the state of Oregon and the United States Department of Justice have
come to loggerheads over the legality of physician-assisted suicide. In 1994 and again
in 1997, the citizens of Oregon voted to permit doctors to aid terminally ill patients to
end their lives; but on November 6, 2001, then-U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft
issued a directive stating that prescribing, dispensing, or administering federally con-
trolled substances to assist suicide violated the federal Controlled Substances Act (CSA).
Oregon challenged this directive in the federal courts. When the Oregon statute was
upheld in 2002, Ashcroft filed an appeal in the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. The
appeal court upheld the Oregon statute in 2004, whereupon Ashcroft filed another
appeal, which was rejected. Ashcroft then appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court,
which, on January 17, 2006, upheld the 9th U.S. District Court of Appeals’ decision.
Oregon’s law therefore remains in effect. Yet does this complex deliberative process
answer the root question: is physician-assisted suicide inherently criminal?
While most of us would agree that the definition of crime should relate in some way
to concepts of right and wrong, the relation is not as absolute as most of us would like
it to be. At any given moment, people may legitimately disagree on what is wrong
and what is right and, therefore, on what is criminal and what is not. When the per-
spective of history is taken into account, the issues become even more complex. For
instance, in seventeenth-century Europe, the most common of all crimes was witch-
craft. Today, many people would dismiss witchcraft as mere superstition, and those
folks who still take it seriously might regard witchcraft as a sin, but not as a crime.
Just as we may venture outside of our own point of view or out of our own historical
period to get a radically different perspective on the definition of crime, so we might
travel to a different culture. Theft, most of us would agree, is a crime. Yet if we lived
in a communal society such as that of the aboriginal people of Australia, who have no
concept of private property, theft not only would not be a crime, it would not even be
a concept, because it would be totally without meaning.
7aBVOb:SUOZ-
If absolute concepts of right and wrong cannot be looked on as the foundation for
an absolute definition of crime, what about taking the less ambitious approach of
simply defining crime as whatever the state calls crime? That is, if an act is against
the law and is subject to a specific, state-sanctioned penalty, it is therefore a crime.
Criminologists call this the “formal legal” definition of crime, which holds that crime
is defined by the laws of a particular state.
While such a definition may serve in a pragmatic and immediate context, it is not
very satisfactory in a moral or philosophical sense. In Nazi Germany, for example, it
was a “crime” to give aid and protection to Jews, Gypsies, Communists, homosexuals,
and other “undesirables.” Closer to home, in 1955, Rosa Parks, an African American,
was arrested for and convicted of refusing to yield her seat to a white passenger on a
Montgomery, Alabama, city bus, a clear violation of the city’s segregation ordinance.
Until very recently, in Afghanistan, under the rule of the fundamentalist Taliban
government, it was a crime for a woman to seek an education. By the formal legal
definition, these are all crimes. But who among the readers of this book would truly
consider them so?
EVS`SÂabVS6O`[-
An alternative to an absolute right-versus-wrong definition of crime and a narrow for-
mal legal definition is the “social harm” concept, which defines a crime as any action
(or, for that matter, inaction) that causes some type of harm. Assault causes harm and
is, therefore, a crime, but so is negligence—the failure to act in a given situation—
because it, too, causes harm.
@WUVb7a@WUVb
In our quest for a definition of crime, we might revisit the right-versus-wrong
argument and make it less absolute. While there may be no universal standard for
1VO^bS`( @WUVbO\RE`]\UO\R1]âO\R@]PPSà
unfailingly telling right from wrong, there are certain cross-cultural norms by which
some acts (not all) are always (or almost always) deemed crimes. Murder, for instance,
is a crime from Atlanta to Zanzibar.
In criminology, cross-cultural norms identify certain acts as universally deemed crimes,

regardless of cultural or historical context.
1VSQYbVS:OPSZ
A more radical perspective altogether rejects crime as a thing in itself and holds that
crime exists when a social response to an act brands it as criminal. This is known as
the “criminal labeling approach.” In civilized society, crime is defined by society. In
the absence of a label, a given act is not a crime.
@WUVb7a6c[O\
Case in Point
For some, the only significant definition of
crime is an act that violates human rights. The While it’s unlikely criminologists
“human rights perspective” defines crime as will ever agree on a single defi-
any act that violates human rights, regard- nition of crime, it doesn’t mean
criminology is a failed science.
less of whether a particular state authority or
Of greater value than defining
jurisdiction deems the act a crime. From this crime once and for all is the
perspective, the persecution of the Jews in Nazi ongoing attempt to define it. This
Germany; the Montgomery, Alabama, segrega- ensures that thought on the nature
tion ordinances; and the Taliban’s strictures and causes of crime will continue
against female education are all crimes—even to evolve, perhaps yielding more
though they were perfectly legal in Germany, effective approaches to prevent-
Alabama, and Afghanistan. ing and dealing with criminal
behavior.
2SdWO\QS7a<]`[OZ
Yet another approach defines crime as deviance, but also defines deviance as a normal
response to oppressive or inherently unequal circumstances. That is, the dominant
group in a society attempts to restrict human diversity of language, experience, or
culture in order to retain its dominance. This restriction is achieved by classifying
certain manifestations of diversity as deviance and by deeming deviance as criminal.
Criminologists call this definition of crime the “human diversity approach.”
BVS>`]TSaa]Ò\RbVS1]^
Can the cop on the beat or the judge on the bench afford the luxury of theorizing
about the nature and causes of crime? Is there a point at which criminology and crimi-
nal investigation meet? Does criminology have immediate, practical value?
1`W[W\]Z]UgW\BVS]`g
As an academic pursuit, criminology is a specialized branch of sociology. Formulating
theories of crime and criminality is, in part, an academic end in itself, its goal neither
more nor less than attaining a fuller understanding of society. But most academic
criminologists attempt to reach beyond the merely academic. They try to evolve
the big picture of crime and its relation to society, not for the purpose of helping
the patrol officer in the squad car, but for viewing momentous social issues in new
ways. For example, a criminologist might speculate on the wisdom of building more
and bigger prisons when imprisonment has failed to achieve a dramatic reduction in
crime. The object of such speculation, on a theoretical level, is not to improve this or
that aspect of the penal system, but to invite profound rethinking of society’s entire
approach to crime and punishment.
1`W[W\]Z]UgW\>ÒQbWQS
Not all criminologists are theoreticians. So-called vocational or professional criminol-
ogy does not shy away from theory, but, in contrast to strictly academic criminology,
it does seek to apply theory directly to practices employed by various professionals
within the criminal justice system, including criminal investigators, beat cops, prosecu-
tors, judges, and lawmakers.
AZScbVaO\RAQWS\bWaba
While criminologists ponder the causes of crime, criminal investigators focus on the
results of crime for the purpose of identifying and apprehending the perpetrator, and
ultimately bringing him or her to justice. In the process, side benefits of a particular
investigation may include deriving some lessons on how to prevent certain crimes in
the future and how to identify patterns of criminal behavior that might assist investi-
gators in solving future crimes. However, the main purpose of criminal investigation
is implied in the verb investigate and, in particular, in the Latin root from which it is
1VO^bS`( @WUVbO\RE`]\UO\R1]âO\R@]PPSà !
derived: vestigare, “to track or to trace.” The ultimate purpose of such investigation is
implied by the Latin root of the word “forensic,” forensis, which conveys the sense of a
forum, a place in which facts and findings—evidence—are presented publicly.
Criminal investigators, including detectives and forensic scientists, track and trace a
particular crime both to identify and apprehend the criminal, but also and always to
gather and analyze evidence such that it can be effectively presented in a public forum
(the courtroom) to bring justice by convicting the guilty.
1`W[SAQS\S
Most criminal investigations begin at the scene of a crime. Virtually all human activity,
including crime, leaves a trace of some sort. Television and movie depictions of so-
called “professional criminals” notwithstanding, most criminal activity is carried out
by ordinary people in the heat of desperation. Perpetrators make mistakes. They leave
fingerprints, they make noise (which a witness hears), they leave something behind.
Crime is typically a messy business.
Even those criminals who go about their activities with cool competence create evi-
dence in the very act of committing the crime. There may be bloodstains, footprints,
body hairs, clothing fibers, and other examples of trace evidence.
Detectives and forensic scientists alike
regard the crime scene as a kind of book.
The print on the page may be faint and
Trace evidence is extremely small
incomplete. The language may be strange
matter left at a crime scene, such
and difficult to parse. But still, the scene is as bloodstains, body hairs, and
there to be read—if one possesses the skill, clothing fibers.
experience, and tools to read it.
8cabbVS4OQba;OÂO[
The category of forensic scientists include specially trained crime scene technicians as
well as pathologists and laboratory scientists who do the closest “reading” of the crime
scene and various items of evidence recovered from the crime scene. Operating in
close cooperation with the scientists, detectives at some point in the investigation shift
their focus from reading the scene to seeking suspects, victims, and witnesses. They
ask them questions, and they listen first and foremost to the spontaneous statements
that are made as close to the time of the crime as possible.
5]OZa]T1`W[W\OZ7\dSabWUObW]\a
Criminal acts vary widely, as does the quality of crime scenes and the presence and
reliability of witnesses. But all criminal investigations have similar general goals:
1. To determine, first of all, if a crime has been committed
2. To obtain, legally, evidence and information to identify the person or persons
responsible for the crime
3. To find and arrest the suspect or suspects
4. To recover property, if any has been stolen
5. To present the prosecuting attorney with the best possible case
5Sb@SOZ(BVSB`cbV/P]cb1`W[W\OZ7\dSabWUObW]\
We’ve seen all this a thousand times on television and in the movies: Sherlock Holmes
in his deerstalker cap or Columbo in his wrinkled trench coat with his eagle eyes riv-
eted on this piece of evidence or that, the one clue that, for the super sleuth, immedi-
ately reveals the identity of the criminal.
Real investigations are typically much harder work and much less instantly revealing.
It is also a fact that many crimes cannot be solved, even by highly skilled investigators.
Some crime scenes present insufficient evidence and offer no witnesses. That is a hard
reality not very conducive to an exciting hour of television.
4O\bOag1]â
The classic criminal investigator of pulp fiction and pulp film operates on sheer intu-
ition and an uncanny ability to “think like a criminal.”
While it is true that intuition and empathic imagination—an ability to put oneself in
the place of another—are valuable qualities in an investigator, they are hardly enough.
Real-life detectives are patient, careful, and observant of detail. They have a talent for
obtaining and also retaining information. They have a detailed familiarity with the
mechanics of crime, with the way particular criminal acts are usually done. Yet they
remain open-minded and objective. They deal with intensely emotional situations in
a logical way. While they obtain vast amounts of information, they are selective and
systematic and refuse to be overwhelmed. Their work is occasionally exciting, but it is
always hard.
1VO^bS`( @WUVbO\RE`]\UO\R1]âO\R@]PPSà #
Police professionalism grew

up alongside the academic
development of criminology
and the professionalization
of criminal investigation.
Reform-minded bureaucrats
and politicians (like Teddy
Roosevelt, who was appointed
a New York City police com-
missioner in 1889) did much
to bring scientific knowledge
and discipline to modern
police work. This contempo-
rary political cartoon shows
Commissioner Roosevelt as
the ever-watchful Cheshire
Cat.
(Image from Arttoday.com)
>`Saac`Sa2O\USàO\RbVS<Wbbg5`Wbbg
Gathering information, scrutinizing the crime scene, finding and following up on
leads, and doing research is hard and painstaking work. But as grueling as gathering,
evaluating, sorting, and analyzing evidence are, and as demanding as finding witnesses
and suspects can be, all of this is only part of what makes the work of a criminal inves-
tigator difficult.
There’s the added grind of the nitty-gritty, of
Case in Point
ensuring that all the paperwork is executed cor-
rectly and completely, that no suspect’s civil Criminal investigations are car-
rights have been violated, and that no evidence ried out under pressure—pressure
has been obtained or handled in a legally ques- from prosecutors and defenders,
pressure from politicians, pressure
tionable manner. There are a hundred traps to
from the press, pressure from the
avoid, and while the legal system is set up to public—and the work can be
ensure that the innocent are not erroneously dangerous. Suspects don’t gen-
punished, it is all too easy for some oversight, erally sit still and politely await
some investigative lapse, to implicate the inno- arrest.
cent or to set a guilty person free. That is the
reality of criminal investigation.
BVS:SOabG]c<SSRb]9\]e
X Crime is a big part of civilized life, yet it is a phenomenon surprisingly difficult
to define.
X Criminology studies the causes of crime, whereas criminal investigation discov-
ers, collects, prepares, identifies, and presents evidence relating to a particular
crime.
X Forensics is the application of scientific method and technology to criminal
investigation.
X The fantasies of novelists and screenwriters notwithstanding, crime scene investi-
gation is hard and painstaking work, rarely glamorous, and often dangerous.
1`W[Sab]=`RS`
1VO^bS`
2
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Why classify crimes?
X The major crimes against persons
X The major crimes against property
X Drugs and crime
X The white-collar offenses
X Victimology: a new focus on the victim
A brontosaurus was lumbering in the background while a pterodactyl

soared overhead. Vines clung from trees in a primordial mist. Lugg clubbed
Ugg on the head and dragged her by her hair into his cave. The local law
enforcement officer who responded to the scene after Ugg woke up did
not complete a Domestic Violence Incident Report. While there may have
been a need for record keeping and criminal statistics in the Stone Age,
there were so many other needs that this mundane practice didn’t become
popular until much later.
Today it seems that we have become obsessed with numbers and statisti-
cal record keeping. From elections to grocery shopping, many of our daily
activities are recorded, processed, disseminated, and utilized to affect our
lives in countless ways. And that includes how we classify crime—the topic
of this chapter.
1ZOaaWTgW\U1`W[S
For today’s law enforcement professional, numbers are everything. How many tickets
does a traffic officer write? How many cases does a detective close? Where should
uniform patrol be increased? Where can it be decreased in order to increase it some-
where else? What are the crime patterns? Do property crimes increase in a particular
area when school is out of session or as the holidays approach?
You get the idea. It may seem as if we are drowning in numbers and losing focus on
the important issues. But compiling and analyzing statistics, especially statistics on
distinctly defined types of crime, are aimed at achieving two goals. First, they help
police agencies set law enforcement priorities and genuinely realizable goals. Second,
the careful classification of crime aids criminal investigators and forensic scientists by
associating specific types of evidence with specific types of crime. For example, when
investigators are brought in to examine a fire of suspicious origin, they focus their
investigation on looking for and analyzing the types of evidence commonly associated
with arson. These include the remains of incendiary devices (timers, candles, wire, and
so on), traces of accelerants (gasoline, lighter fluid, kerosene, and so on), and remnants
of bombs or Molotov cocktails (glass fragments, for example). By analyzing such evi-
dence, investigators may determine not only that the fire really was an act of arson—a
crime as opposed to an accident—but they may also find out something about the per-
petrator. For instance, if sophisticated incendiary devices (electronic timers, say) are
found, the arsonist is probably highly “organized,” a professional. If, however, nothing
more than matches and gasoline are discovered, the arsonist may well be a “disorga-
nized” amateur who simply used materials at hand to commit the crime. Moreover, by
investigating what remains of the arsonist’s materials, it may be possible to determine
where they were purchased—a first step to determining who purchased them. Or by
patiently recovering glass fragments from a shattered Molotov cocktail, it may even be
possible to recover fingerprints.
Knowledge of crime classification allows investigators to obtain intelligent search war-
rants. The U.S. Constitution forbids unreasonable searches, and judges are very wary
about issuing “blanket” search warrants. If, however, investigators know that they are
looking into a case of arson, they can obtain very specific warrants, authorizing them
to search for such evidence as the components of incendiary devices, how-to books,
computer evidence (a hard disk showing that the suspect has surfed the Internet for
incendiary recipes, for example), accelerants, and other types of physical evidence that
will allow investigators to compare material found at the crime scene with material
found in a suspect’s house or place of business.
1VO^bS` ( 1`W[Sab]=`RS` '
EVObÂabVS>]W\b-
There was a time when an officer’s career could have been made or unmade by the
number of traffic citations she wrote—or to whom they were written. Those days are
mostly gone, but the numbers are still important. If an officer works diligently in an
area with moderate to heavy vehicle traffic, the number of observable traffic violations
is legion. The issue becomes one of common sense. A prudent officer will enforce the
traffic laws and make a useful impact on the safety of the driving public, but the offi-
cer will not be so zealous as to be seen as heavy-handed. A gentle touch is often best.
Besides, a traffic pullover is the most dangerous of police-initiated encounters with the
public.
Case in Point
Nothing is ever routine, including the traffic pullover. The vehicle must be guided to a
stopping point that will provide the officer with room to maneuver. This is not to say that
the driver will in fact stop. If she flees, the officer must follow the SOP (standard operat-
ing procedures) of the department when deciding whether to give chase. If she slows
but fails to pull over promptly, the officer must expect a “bush bond,” in which the driver
exits the rolling vehicle and flees on foot. Even if the driver does pull over, the situation
may still be dangerous. A sizable fraction of people stopped for traffic violations are, in
fact, guilty of something far more serious and do not want to be caught.
ASbbW\U>`W]`WbWSa
During the 1980s, driving under the influence of alcohol (DUI) became the focus
of a passionate crusade both inside and outside of law enforcement. The crime that
was once seen as a social faux pas now became a heinous offense. Earlier, police
officers had given rides home to drivers who had had too much to drink. Now
DUI enforcement became a high priority. Officers were establishing traffic safety
checkpoints—roadblocks typically set up to check drivers for alcohol intoxication and
for such violations as failure to wear safety belts or to possess a valid driver’s license,
registration, and insurance identification card—to apprehend and jail offenders. Some
civil libertarians have challenged the checkpoint as a violation of the constitutional
presumption of innocence.
Another example of making and revising priorities is the so-called war on drugs. In
the nineteenth century and early twentieth, before passage of the Pure Food and Drug
Act of 1906, cocaine was considered an innocuous pick-me-up and was even an ingre-
dient in Coca-Cola—just the thing to make it the “pause that refreshes.” During the
last two decades, however, the war on drugs, especially cocaine and its derivatives,
has consumed an incredible proportion of the time and budget of law enforcement
agencies.
Even more recently, following the horrific terrorist
attacks on New York and Washington on September
11, 2001, terrorism has become an urgent law
Quality of life offenses gener- enforcement priority, severely straining local policing
ally include such misdemeanors budgets and manpower.
as littering, defacing property
The point is not that fighting drug-related crimes
with graffiti, and panhandling.
During the last decade of the
and preventing acts of terrorism are invalid priori-
twentieth century, New York ties, but they are relatively recent priorities, and,
City pioneered the vigorous like every priority, they exact a price on law enforce-
prosecution of such offenses—a ment at every level, from the cop on the street to the
controversial policy which, some courts to the corrections system. Focusing on one
argued, drained law enforcement type of crime inevitably removes the focus from some
resources and others claimed other type. In many jurisdictions, the rates of various
greatly improved the livability of
categories of violent crime, which had been on a gen-
the city.
erally downward trend, have recently begun to rise
again. Many believe this is the result of the refocus-
ing of police priorities.
>`SRWQbW]\aOa>`SdS\bW]\
When we decide that certain behaviors are negative, we also decide that actions
should be taken to suppress them. New York City was the first of the nation’s law
enforcement jurisdictions to determine that quality of life offenses should be prosecuted
vigorously. This was a huge leap for a municipality that many had written off as a
wasteland of crime and an example of the degradation of modern society. As many see
it, police policies under former mayor Rudolph Giuliani made the city not only more
livable, but may well have served as a basis for the reconstruction necessary after the
attack on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. It is conceded, even by
many skeptics, that policies focusing on quality of life offenses at the very least compel
municipal leaders to seek alternatives to the graffiti, panhandling, and public disorder
that were once thought to be inevitable features of urban life.
1VO^bS` ( 1`W[Sab]=`RS`
BVSAbOb9SS^Sà
The crime analysis and police management process known as COMPSTAT was
developed by the New York City Police Department. The essence of the process is to
collect, analyze, and map crime data and other essential police performance measures
on a regular basis and hold police managers accountable for their performance as mea-
sured by these data.
The four principles of COMPSTAT express the rationale for keeping accurate crime
statistics:
1. To obtain accurate and timely intelligence. Officers at all levels of the police
department must understand when (time of day, day of week, week of year) vari-
ous types of crimes have been committed as well as how, where, and by whom
they have been committed.
2. To formulate effective tactics. Having Case in Point
collated, analyzed, and mapped intel-
ligence, the department’s commanders The Federal Bureau of
Investigation’s (FBI) Uniform Crime
must develop effective tactics for dealing
Reporting program and the U.S.
with the problems that are revealed. To
Department of Justice’s Bureau
bring about permanent change in crime of Justice Statistics are two key
conditions, tactics must be comprehen- sources of crime statistics in the
sive, flexible, and adaptable to changing United States. You can access
trends. They must also involve other law both of these sources at www.
enforcement agencies such as the FBI, fedstats.gov.
DEA (Drug Enforcement Agency), and
ATF (Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and
Firearms), prosecutors, probation services, other city agencies not directly con-
nected to law enforcement, as well as the public (such as community groups,
schools, and neighborhood associations).
3. To enable the rapid deployment of personnel and resources. Once a tacti-
cal plan has been developed, the deployment of personnel must be rapid and
focused. To be effective, the response to a crime or quality of life problem
demands that patrol and special units coordinate their resources and expertise
and act with a sense of urgency.
4. To promote relentless follow-up and assessment. All actions must be relent-
lessly followed up and assessed to ensure that the desired results have been
achieved. This is the only way of ensuring that recurring or similar problems are
dealt with effectively in the future.
COMPSTAT is now being used in many police departments around the country and
is having a profound influence on the way policing is done, even where the process
has not been formally adopted. Today, even small to medium-size departments break
down their crime statistics by geographic area, time of day, and type of crime. What
was once a “rash of break-ins” is now a statistically analyzed recurring set of similar
incidents—in other words, it is now evidence of potential investigative, forensic value.
Even before COMPSTAT, all law enforcement jurisdictions recognized certain broad
classifications of crime. The rest of this chapter discusses them.
1`W[Sa/UOW\ab>Sà]\a
In our society, top priority is given to preventing and punishing crimes committed
against persons. The most serious of such offenses is homicide.
By the Numbers
Most murderers and victims are well acquainted. According to the Bureau of Justice
Statistics, between 1976 and 2004, 13.9 percent of murders were committed by
strangers to the victim, whereas 51.2 percent were committed by spouses, rela-
tives, friends, or other acquaintances. (In 34.9 percent of the cases, the relationship
of perpetrator and victim was undetermined.)
6][WQWRS
Homicide is the general term for the killing of a human being. Murder is a specific type
of homicide: the killing of another human being “with malice aforethought” or during
the commission of a felony. Another form of homicide is voluntary manslaughter, the
killing of another human being as a result of a sudden and violent passion arising from
a serious provocation. There are also two types of involuntary manslaughter: a killing
caused by the commission of a nonfelonious unlawful act, and a killing caused by the
commission of a lawful act in an unlawful manner likely to cause death. The single
common element to all homicidal offenses is the death of a human being.
@]PPS`g
A person commits the offense of robbery when, with the intent to commit a theft,
she takes property by the use of force, intimidation, threat of force, coercion, or by
sudden snatching. In armed robbery, the offender employs an offensive weapon or a
1VO^bS` ( 1`W[Sab]=`RS` !
replica, article, or device having the appearance of such a weapon. The offender who
seeks to hedge his bet by using a toy gun, hoping to evade an armed robbery charge if
caught, is in for a rude awakening.
/aaOcZb
Simple assault is the deliberate violent injury to the person of another or the commis-
sion of an act that places another in reasonable apprehension of immediately receiving
a violent injury. Aggravated assault is assault with the intent to murder, rape, or rob
with any weapon or any object, device, or instrument likely to result in serious bodily
injury.
ASf=TTS\aSa
A man commits the offense of rape when he has carnal knowledge of a female against
her will. Carnal knowledge means penetration of the female sex organ by the male sex
organ. The meaning of sexual assault varies with jurisdiction. In some states, it is virtu-
ally synonymous with rape, but may also encompass an assault with the clear intent to
commit rape. In some jurisdictions, sexual assault is defined far more narrowly and is
deemed to have occurred when any person who has supervisory or disciplinary author-
ity over another person engages in sexual
contact with that other person. Sexual bat- Sworn Statement
tery is intentional physical contact with
Give me a kid who knows
the intimate parts of the body of another
nothing about sex, and
person without the consent of that person. you’ve given me my next victim.
Aggravated sexual battery is the intentional
—Child molester quoted in the
penetration, with a foreign object, of the Child Lures Prevention website
sexual organ or anus of another person (www.childlures.com)
without the consent of that person.
1`W[Sa/UOW\ab1VWZR`S\
Child molestation is any immoral or indecent act against, with, or in the presence
of any child under age 16 with the intent to arouse or satisfy the sexual desires
of either the child or the adult. Aggravated child molestation is molestation that physi-
cally injures the child or involves an act of sodomy.
BVSAS`WOZ=TTS\RS`
Perhaps the most grotesquely intriguing criminal is the serial offender. While there
is no universally accepted definition of this criminal, he is more often than not white,
male, intelligent, attractive, and personable. (Even after these sociopathic monsters
are convicted and sentenced to a life behind bars—or even to death—they are often
besieged by marriage proposals from enamored female suitors.)
Serial offenses committed range from property crimes to sexual sadism to murder, or
any combination of these. But the crimes committed by any one offender are typically
quite consistent. The fetishes and quirks are very personal to the offender. What turns
on one serial sexual sadist may disgust another. Roy Hazelwood, a former FBI special
agent and profiler, describes serial sexual crimes as existing in the fantasy world of the
offenders. The more complex the crime, the more complex the fantasy, and the more
intelligent the offender.
1`W[Sa/UOW\ab>`]^S`bg
Crimes against property are second in priority only to crimes against persons. Note
that robbery is classified as a crime against a person, whereas burglary is deemed a
crime against property.
0cÙZO`g
A person commits the offense of burglary when, without authority, with or without
force, and with the intent to steal, she enters any structure, including a dwelling or a
vehicle used as a dwelling.
3\dW`]\[S\bOZ1`W[S
Criminal codes relating to natural resources regulate such areas as parks, historic sites,
and recreation areas; mineral, water, and forest resources; soil erosion and sedimenta-
tion; waste management; air pollution; asbestos safety; underground storage tanks; oil
spills; and sewage holding tanks.
Environmental laws are complex and vary greatly from jurisdiction to jurisdiction.
For example, in many states it is a misdemeanor to operate without authorization any
motorized vehicle or machine on sand dunes or beaches. Similarly, it is unlawful to
enter a park without complying with all the rules, regulations, and permits regarding
use of the park. It is unlawful to violate laws regulating the archaeological exploration
or excavation of a historic site.
1VO^bS` ( 1`W[Sab]=`RS` #
/à]\
The basic definition of arson is simple: it is the willful and malicious burning of prop-
erty. The crime, however, is often quite complex, because the motives of arson are
many.
Some arsonists are motivated by excitement. They may be thrill seekers, attention
seekers, or even driven by sexual perversion (achieving sexual gratification by setting
and watching fires). Some arsonists are moti-
vated by revenge, perhaps personal retaliation Case in Point
for some wrong, perceived or actual; perhaps
retaliation against a corporation or institution; Two special types of arson are
extremist motivated—that is, terror-
or perhaps retaliation against society itself.
ism, hate crimes, or rioting—and
Arson may be used to conceal other crimes, serial. Some arsonists, especially
including murder, suicide, breaking and enter- those who derive sexual gratifica-
ing, embezzlement, fraud, and so on. Some tion from the offense, indulge in
arsonists destroy their own property in order to spree or mass arsons.
make an insurance claim.
The evidence of arson is often quite apparent—the presence of an accelerant (such
as gasoline) or an explosive device—at the crime scene. But because so much of the
physical evidence is destroyed by the crime itself, it is often extremely difficult to trace
the particular act of arson to a particular perpetrator.
BVS2`cU1gQZS
The “war on drugs” has been an essential part of law enforcement for nearly three
decades. Are we winning the war? This would be easier to determine if what consti-
tutes “victory” were clearly defined. The fact is that the objectives of the war seem to
change as frequently as they are discussed.
From a tactical point of view, today’s police officer is better trained and more capable
of handling the dangerous situations the war on drugs often entails. Weapons are bet-
ter, and training is better, but does this translate into better law enforcement?
It all depends on who you ask. Few police officers live where they work, and the war
on drugs has left many cops feeling like an invading army in a very real war zone. It is
hard to tell the good guys from the bad guys, and drug use is so prevalent that it alone
cannot be the determinant of good versus bad. Drug dealers themselves are frequently
the victims of violent crimes.
Most jurisdictions do make distinctions among different controlled substances. They

are classified according to their potential for abuse, their medical importance, and
their level of safety.
The Georgia Controlled Substances Act of 1974 is an example of an attempt to clas-
sify drugs according to their potential for abuse. Crimes involving drugs higher up on
the schedule are deemed more serious than those involving drugs lower down:
X Schedule I. High potential for abuse, no currently accepted medical use, and a
lack of accepted safety; for example, nonmedicinal opiates and hallucinogens
X Schedule II. High potential for abuse, current accepted medical use, and if
abused may lead to severe physical or psychological dependence; for example,
medicinal opiates, cocaine, coca leaves, and depressants
X Schedule III. Less potential for abuse, medically accepted use, and moderate to
low physical dependence, but high risk of psychological dependence; for exam-
ple, certain stimulants, certain depressants, and anabolic steroids
X Schedule IV. Low potential for abuse, currently accepted medical uses, and lim-
ited physical and psychological dependence; for example, serotonin inhibitors
X Schedule V. Lower potential for abuse than Schedule IV drugs, currently
accepted medical use, and if abused may lead to limited physical or psychological
dependence; includes substances with very limited narcotic concentrations
Generally, it is more serious to sell than to possess controlled substances, but distinc-
tions are also made on the basis of seemingly arcane issues. For example, sellers as
well as users of powdered cocaine are generally treated with greater leniency than
sellers and users of the popular rocklike street version commonly known as “crack.”
Moreover, for many offenders, drug dealing is a way of life, and “three strikes, you’re
out” sentencing in some jurisdictions has put even low-level drug dealers behind bars
for decades.
EVWbS1]ZZO`1`W[S
White-collar crime encompasses business-related or occupational offenses such as
embezzlement and fraud. Although often very serious—and costly—they are not
directly violent crimes. (But who can measure the emotional violence inflicted on a
victim of fraud who has lost his family’s life savings?)
1VO^bS` ( 1`W[Sab]=`RS` %
4ÒcR
Arguably, fraud is the most frequently perpetrated crime. Offenses range from the
complicated telemarketer scam in which thousands of persons are tricked into pur-
chasing five years of subscriptions to magazines they may never read at a price
exponentially greater than they would have paid from a reputable distributor, to
multimillion-dollar fraudulent insurance claims, to billion-dollar embezzlement
schemes. Some authorities believe that about one-third of all insurance claims have
at least an element of fraud in them. For instance, following a collision, it is very
common for a person to report existing damage as damage caused by the collision
under claim.
The victims of fraud are often multiple. In the case of the insurance company that
pays a fraudulently inflated claim, the company is certainly victimized, but so are
policyholders, who end up making up the insurer’s losses by paying higher premiums
because actuarial tables become skewed.
1][^cbS`1`W[S
Who can calculate the benefits comput-
ers have brought to commerce and the
economy? Yet as wonderful as the computer Victimology is the study of the
is, the technology has also provided a new victim’s role in a particular crime
vehicle for criminals of many kinds. From and particular classes of crime.
money scams to financial transaction card The objective of victimology is
fraud to identity theft to child pornography to use victims’ experiences to
on the Internet, the surge in computer use prevent future crimes and to find
ways to restore crime victims to
has aided perpetrators and frustrated law
wholeness.
enforcement officers. Many jurisdictions
now have units specifically tasked to
combat the crimes made popular—or
even possible—by computers.
DWQbW[]Z]Ug
For centuries the focus of law enforcement has been exclusively on the perpetrator.
The victim was left to fend for himself. Recently, the focus has broadened. One of
the most dynamic areas in recent criminology and criminal investigation is victimology.
The hope of this new field is that studying the victim will produce better results in
crime prevention and prosecution. In effect, the victim is now regarded as part of the
whole evidence picture. Victimology can fill in the pattern created by forensic analysis
of physical evidence, adding a further human dimension to it.
Crime is never the victim’s fault, but it is often the case that certain actions or behav-
iors on the part of the victim might have made the victim vulnerable. Learning from
victims’ actions may aid in preventing crime.
Victimology also strives to help the victim heal after the offense. More and more juris-
dictions are offering victims financial assistance, psychological counseling, and other
help.
Victimology promises to be an increasingly active area in criminology as well as in all
phases of the criminal justice system.
X To begin to understand crime, including the nature of the evidence typically
associated with crime, it is first necessary to obtain reliable statistics on crime
pegged to time, place, and circumstance, and to organize and analyze the data
obtained.
X Police agencies and the criminal justice system as a whole give top priority to
addressing crimes against persons, which put lives at jeopardy.
X Crimes against property are the most common and numerous offenses.
X The “war on drugs” is a relatively new priority for law enforcement, which many
feel consumes an inordinate proportion of police, court, and penal resources.
X White-collar crimes are nonviolent but costly, ranging from scams perpetrated
against individuals to embezzlement (typically a crime against a corporation) to
massive frauds committed by some of the nation’s wealthiest and biggest compa-
nies.
X Increasingly, crime statistics are being analyzed not just to understand criminals,
but to learn more about victims in order to address their needs; this is known as
victimology.
>`]TWZW\UbVS0OR5cga
1VO^bS`
3
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Criminal profiling and forensic psychology
X Hollywood myth vs. nitty-gritty reality
X Evolution of profiling: from Jack the Ripper to the Boston Strangler
X FBI profiling practices
X Profiling serial offenders: the Canter method
X Turvey’s Behavioral Evidence Analysis method
X How effective is criminal profiling?
If you’re a fan of old detective movies, crime shows of television’s Golden

Age, or pulp detective fiction of the ’40s and ’50s, you’ve doubtless heard
and read a lot about “MO.” It’s short for modus operandi (Latin for “method
of operating”) and refers to a once commonly held assumption that indi-
vidual criminals or types of criminals almost invariably behave in the same
way. That is, a given repeat offender or class of offender always leaves a
recognizable signature on each crime committed. The clever detective
arrives on the scene of the crime, looks around, instantly recognizes a
familiar MO, then goes out and gets his or her man. Piece of cake.
! >O`b( BVSCacOZAca^SQba
Most criminal investigators today regard the concept of modus operandi as too sim-
plistic to be of much practical use. But far from obsolete is the idea that offenders
motivated by certain emotional drives, offenders shaped by certain elements in their
current life and in their background, leave a recognizable signature on the crimes they
commit. In contemporary criminal investigation, the modus operandi concept appears
as the much more sophisticated and refined process of criminal profiling, which we’ll
discuss in this chapter.
>agQV]Z]Ug5SbaO<Se0Ò\QV
In a German courtroom in 1896, physician Albert von Schrenk-Notzing testified in
the sensational case of a man accused of murdering three women. Citing research into
memory and suggestibility, Schrenk-Notzing argued that pre-trial publicity had made
it impossible for witnesses to distinguish between what they actually saw and what
they read in newspapers. This instance of expert psychological testimony is generally
considered the birth of forensic psychology—the application of psychological principles
and knowledge in the legal sphere.
Today, forensic psychologists (generally persons
holding a doctorate in clinical psychology who have
Forensic psychology applies psy- devoted special study to forensic psychology) and
chological principles and knowl- forensic psychiatrists (medical doctors specializing
edge in the sphere of law. in psychiatry who have focused on forensic matters)
study and testify about matters of criminality, crimi-
nal responsibility, a defendant’s competency to stand trial, sentencing, and assessment
of future risk (is a convicted person likely to offend again?).
Some forensic psychologists and psychiatrists help to process crime scenes from a
psychological point of view in an effort to determine what the nature of the crime
indicates about the personality—and likely identity—of the perpetrator. Such forensic
psychologists attempt to define and classify the range of criminal behavior and are
often referred to as “criminal profilers.”
Today, criminal profiling is the most widely familiar specialty in forensic psychology;
however, most of today’s profilers are not psychologists by profession, but specially
trained criminal investigators with knowledge of certain principles of psychology and,
when necessary, a willingness to consult with forensic psychologists and forensic psy-
chiatrists.
1VO^bS`!( >`]TWZW\UbVS0OR5cga !
1`W[W\OZ>`]TWZW\U(4OQbda4WQbW]\
Let’s get the inevitable pun out of the way fast: these days, criminal profiling is a high-
profile investigative technique. The public is fascinated by it and sees TV news maga-
zine stories about it, watches movies about it (such as the 1999 Denzel Washington
vehicle, The Bone Collector; or Morgan Freeman in Kiss the Girls, 1997; and Along Came
a Spider, 2001) and TV cop shows built
around it (aired from 1996 to 2000, Profiler,
for example, was about a sexy forensic psy-
chiatrist, haunted by the murder of her hus- Criminal profiling uses crime
band, but possessing an uncanny knack for scene evidence and other (mainly
psychological) data to indicate
nailing “the criminal mind.”). Even more
the type of person likely to have
recently, the CBS television series Criminal committed a crime under investi-
Minds focuses on the FBI’s Behavioral gation.
Analysis Unit.
ESZQ][Sb]6]ZZge]]R
As portrayed in popular fiction, film, and TV, detectives are cops who operate on
(invariably brilliant) hunches, while “profilers” are detectives whose hunches are raised
to the nth degree by a combination of nerdy scientific savvy and paranormal psychic
ability. They arrive at a crime scene, slip on the latex gloves, pick up a few pieces of
evidence, stand back and survey the scene, frown, grimace, then raise their eyebrows
and declare, “The doer is a white guy, early twenties, brown hair, brown eyes, and a
fan of Seinfeld reruns. Let’s go get him!” (See Chapter 20 for more on psychic detec-
tives.)
And if it’s never quite this simple on the more sophisticated shows, well, the loose
ends are nevertheless almost always tied up before the last commercial break.
/2]aS]T@SOZWbg
Thus spake Hollywood. In reality, however, profiling is first and foremost painstak-
ing detective work, which begins with a by-the-book analysis of physical evidence at
individual crime scenes in the light of certain principles of psychology. By inductive
reasoning—that is, reasoning that uses specific physical facts to build generalizations—
the criminal profiler begins to identify the tendencies and typologies that characterize
various classes of offender.
! >O`b( BVSCacOZAca^SQba
It is only after carefully analyzing many crime scenes that the criminal profiler can,
with some confidence, attempt to reconstruct the behavior of a perpetrator at a partic-
ular crime scene and, from this reconstruction, draw inferences about his motivation.
No reputable criminal profiler believes in the old-time definition of MO, that a cer-
tain type of criminal behavior is always and inevitably the result of the same motiva-
tion. On the contrary, it is assumed that a given behavior may have resulted from any
number of motives. Say an investigator finds a body with its eyes covered by a cloth.
Does this reveal a significant psychological kink in the offender? Or does it mean that
the offender knew the victim and didn’t want to be recognized?
Usually, the most that can be expected from real-life criminal profiling is a narrowing
of the range of suspects. Although this is no investigative silver bullet, it is a valuable
tool, because it allows police agencies to focus their limited resources more efficiently.
If the perpetrator is likely to possess characteristics A, B, and C, detectives don’t have
to hunt for suspects who partake of the rest of the alphabet.
Sworn Statement
The criminal profiler should … have [some] understanding of … psychology: the
study of individual behavior; sociology: the study of group behavior, groups being
comprised of individuals; criminalistics: a general term for the scientific study of recog-
nition, collection and preservation of physical evidence as it is related to the law; …
forensic pathology: a branch of medicine that applies the principles and knowledge of
the medical sciences to problems in the field of law …. Anyone without specific training
from qualified experts, or experience in at least the above fields is not, in my opinion,
capable of the complex processes involved in rendering a criminal profile.
—Brent E. Turvey, M.S., in “What Is Criminal Profiling?”
/AV]`b6Wab]`g]T1`W[W\OZ>`]TWZW\U
Ask most law enforcement professionals who “invented” criminal profiling, and the
credit will probably be given to the Behavioral Sciences Unit (BSU) of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation, based at the FBI Academy in Quantico, Virginia. While it
is true that a number of FBI special agents, including Roy Hazelwood and Robert
Ressler, among others, have pioneered contemporary profiling, the idea of creating
criminal profiles was born long before the FBI even came into existence.
1VO^bS`!( >`]TWZW\UbVS0OR5cga !!
Sworn Statement
In each case the mutilation was inflicted by a person who had no scientific nor
anatomical knowledge. In my opinion he does not even possess the technical
knowledge of a butcher or horse slaughterer or any person accustomed to cut up dead
animals.
—London Metropolitan Police surgeon Dr. Thomas Bond, in reference to the work of
Jack the Ripper
:]]YW\UT]`bVS@W^^S`
The most famous early historical example of profiling is the work of London
Metropolitan Police surgeon Dr. Thomas Bond, who in 1888 performed the autopsy
of Mary Kelly, the last victim of Jack the Ripper. Bond’s autopsy led to the conclu-
sion that, contrary to what many believed, the Ripper had no knowledge of surgical
technique. But Bond went beyond this to reconstruct certain aspects of the crime and,
based on wound patterns and the use of a sheet to cover the victim’s face, he advised
police to seek a quiet and inoffensive-looking man, neatly dressed, and in his middle
age.
Based on his examination of all of the Ripper’s victims, Bond concluded that the
crimes were the work of the same perpetrator, a man of “great coolness and daring.”
This 1888 cartoon from the

British humor magazine
Punch is titled “Blind Man’s
Buff” and depicts what the
public perceived as the utter
confusion of the police in their
failed pursuit of Jack the
Ripper.
(Image from ArtToday)

!" >O`b( BVSCacOZAca^SQba
While Bond’s analysis was thought-provoking, it did not assist police in tracking the
Ripper. He was never brought to justice.
/>`]TWZS]T2S`4V`S`
Something very like modern profiling was employed in the study of another infamous
murderer, Adolf Hitler. During World War II, the precursor agency to the CIA, the
Office of Strategic Services (OSS), called on psychiatrist Walter Langer to “profile”
Hitler in an attempt to gain a strategic edge against German forces. “If Hitler is run-
ning the show,” OSS officials asked Langer, “what kind of person is he? What are
his ambitions? We want to know about his psychological make-up—the things that
make him tick. In addition, we ought to know what he might do if things begin to go
against him.”
Langer made a number of fascinating speculations, the most intriguing of which
involved predicting what would happen to Hitler in the end. Langer believed that
Hitler was too healthy to die of natural causes (recently discovered evidence suggests
that he actually suffered from Parkinson’s disease and other ailments). While he did
not rule out the possibility of assassination, he did conclude that Hitler, in defeat,
would never seek refuge in another country, because the dictator was convinced that
he was the savior of Germany. Langer predicted that Hitler would commit suicide if
defeat seemed inevitable. This, of course, is precisely what Der Führer did.
;OR0][PS`]T<SeG]`Y
On November 16, 1940, someone walked unseen into the 64th Street offices of
Consolidated Edison, New York City’s electric power generating company, dropped
his toolbox, and walked out again. Workers opened the toolbox and discovered an
unexploded pipe bomb with a note wrapped around it: “Con Edison crooks, this is for
you.” The NYPD Bomb Squad was summoned but, finding no fingerprints or other
evidence, let the matter lie.
One year later, an unexploded alarm clock bomb was found in a gutter just outside
another Con Ed building, this one on 14th Street. Three months after this, the police
received a letter: “I will make no more bomb units for the duration of the War—My
patriotic feelings have made me decide this—Later I will bring the Con Edison to
justice—they must pay for their dastardly deeds.”
True to his word, the perpetrator the press dubbed the “Mad Bomber” planted no
more bombs during World War II, but he did continue to send letters (each signed
1VO^bS`!( >`]TWZW\UbVS0OR5cga !#
“F.P.,” for “Fair Play”) to various individuals, newspapers, movie theaters, Con Edison,
and the police. Then, on March 29, 1950, a bomb was discovered in Grand Central
Station. During the next half-dozen years, 30 more were found, in phone booths, in
the public library, in subway stations, and in movie theaters (here the Mad Bomber
would slit a seat, tuck in a bomb, then disappear through a fire exit). Up to this point,
none of the Mad Bomber’s devices had actually exploded, but on December 2, 1956,
the detonation of one in a Brooklyn movie house injured six people, three critically.
At last the police were driven to take unconventional action. They called on Dr. James
Brussel, a Manhattan forensic psychiatrist.
Brussel intensively reviewed the massive 16-year case file on the Mad Bomber, includ-
ing his many letters. After some deliberation, Brussel delivered a remarkably detailed
and specific criminal profile: the Mad Bomber was a middle-age man, heavyset but
meticulous in grooming, self-educated, and of Slavic, Roman Catholic background.
Brussel believed that he was single and living with a brother or sister in Connecticut.
He suffered from an Oedipus complex. Brussel also concluded that the bomber had
worked for Consolidated Edison or one of its subsidiaries.
Dr. Brussel had some pointed recommen-
dations for the detectives. He told them
not to keep the profile confidential, but
to publicize it widely so that the bomber, In psychoanalytic theory, an
antagonized, would be lured out of cover. Oedipus complex is the uncon-
In addition, he urged them to search Con scious sexual desire in a child,
Ed files pertaining to former employees. especially a boy, for the parent
Just as the detectives were leaving with their of the opposite sex. Unresolved,
marching orders, Brussel added: “One more the Oedipus complex may result
in an adult neurosis.
thing. When you catch him, and I have no
doubt you will, he’ll be wearing a double-
breasted suit. And it will be buttoned.”
The police reluctantly followed Brussel’s recommendation about publicizing the pro-
file and, as the doctor had predicted, the stories so irked the Mad Bomber that he
revealed himself by sending to a newspaper a detailed account of his motive: an acci-
dent he had suffered while working for Con Ed and what he alleged was the compa-
ny’s plot to cheat him out of workmen’s compensation.
The police consulted Con Ed files and arrested George Metesky, a heavyset bachelor
living in Waterbury, Connecticut. At the time of his arrest, he was wearing a double-
breasted suit. It was buttoned.
!$ >O`b( BVSCacOZAca^SQba
Committed to an asylum, Metesky was released in 1974 and returned to Waterbury,

where he lived quietly until his death, at age 90, in 1994.
0]ab]\AbÒ\UZS`
In Boston, on June 14, 1962, the body of Anna Slesers, age 55, was discovered by her
son. She had been strangled with her own belt. Before the end of June, three other
Boston women—ages 85, 68, and 65—were discovered strangled to death.
The press began referring to the unknown assailant as the Boston Strangler, and
police called in a team of forensic psychiatrists to create a profile of the killer. The
psychiatrists concluded, among other things, that the murderer was acting out a
hatred of his mother, and his next two murders, during August 1962, both of elderly
women (75 and 67), seemed to bear this out. But on December 5, 20-year-old Sophie
Clark was found strangled and, on the 31st, the body of Patricia Bissette, 23, was
found.
Stymied, police again called on Dr. Brussel. Whereas the earlier profilers had con-
cluded that the serial killer was between 18 and 40 and suffered from delusions of per-
secution and a hatred of his mother, Brussel believed that the murderer was about 30,
of strong build and average height, clean shaven, with thick dark hair. He was, Brussel
thought, of Spanish or Italian heritage and a paranoid schizophrenic.
Despite possessing this profile, the police turned up nothing as five more women,
ranging in age from 19 to 69, were found strangled in Boston. The break in the case
came not from the profile, but from the perpetrator himself.
On October 27, 1964, posing as a detective, Albert DeSalvo entered a young woman’s
home. He bound her and began to assault her sexually. Then, as suddenly as he
had attacked her, he stopped, said “I’m sorry,” and left. The woman subsequently
described him to police, and he was soon identified by other rape victims. He was
apprehended for the rapes, but he was not suspected of being the Boston Strangler
until he voluntarily confessed. The police were impressed not only by the detailed
nature of his confession, but by how well he fit Brussel’s profile.
Because there was no evidence to corroborate his confession, DeSalvo was never tried
for the stranglings, but he was tried for robbery and rape and sent to prison for life in
1967. Six years later, he was murdered in his cell by a fellow inmate.
Although he fit the forensic psychiatrist’s profile to a tee, nobody personally
acquainted with DeSalvo ever believed he was the Boston Strangler—not his wife, his
1VO^bS`!( >`]TWZW\UbVS0OR5cga !%
former employers, his lawyer, his prison psychiatrist, and not even police officers who
knew him as a small-time burglar. Furthermore, no physical evidence connected him
to any of the murders, and there were no eyewitnesses to place him anywhere near any
of the crime scenes.
Some experts now believe that the murders were perpetrated by more than one per-
son. But why would DeSalvo have confessed to horrendous crimes he didn’t commit?
Some point out that he believed the rape convictions would send him to prison for life
in any event. By confessing to the sensational Boston Strangler crimes, he could sell
his story to support his family financially. Besides, the high-profile stranglings were a
“step up” for a petty criminal.
4071`W[SAQS\S/\OZgaWa
In the 1960s, Howard Teten, an investigator with the San Leandro (California) Police
Department, worked with the School of Criminology of the University of California
to develop a systematic approach to profiling. In 1970, after Teten became an FBI
special agent, he initiated what would become the bureau’s famous profiling program,
working in conjunction with Pat Mullany, a specialist in abnormal psychology. The
FBI’s profiling methods were further refined in the late 1970s by John Douglas and
Robert Ressler, who introduced the “organized/disorganized method,” still a corner-
stone of the FBI profiling procedure.
FBI Crime Scene Analysis begins by distinguishing between an “organized” and “dis-
organized” crime scene. Organized offender characteristics include:
X Average to above average intelligence
X Adequate level of social competence
X Prefers skilled work
X Sexually competent
X High birth-order status
X Father had/has stable work
X Childhood discipline inconsistent
X Mood was controlled during the crime
X Used alcohol in connection with the crime
X Situational stress precipitated crime

!& >O`b( BVSCacOZAca^SQba
X Lives with partner
X Is mobile; owns a car in good condition
X Follows crime in the news media
X May change jobs or leave town after the crime
Disorganized offender characteristics include:

X Below average intelligence
X Socially inadequate
X Works at unskilled labor
X Sexually incompetent
X Low birth-order status
X Father has/had unstable work
X Received harsh discipline as a child
X Mood was anxious during the crime
X Minimal use of alcohol in connection with the crime
X Situational stress played little role in precipitating the crime
X Lives alone
X Lives or works near the crime scene
X Not interested in following the crime in the news media
X Significant behavior change follows the crime; may resort to drug or alcohol use
Between 1979 and 1983, agents from the FBI’s Behavioral Sciences Unit interviewed
incarcerated offenders about their backgrounds, crimes, crime scenes, and their vic-
tims. They supplemented the interviews with reviews of court transcripts, police
reports, and psychiatric and criminal records. Using this data, they developed a six-
step “Crime Scene Analysis” procedure for building a suspect profile:
1. Inputs. The first step is collecting and assessing materials relating to the case
under investigation, including crime scene and victim photographs, a thorough
background check of the victim, autopsy reports, and other forensic data.
1VO^bS`!( >`]TWZW\UbVS0OR5cga !'
2. Models. The modeling phase requires arranging the data gathered in the input
stage into a logical, coherent pattern for analysis.
3. Assessment. Using the sorted and arranged data, the profiler attempts to recon-
struct the sequence of events and the behaviors of the perpetrator as well as the
victim. The object is to determine the role each played in the crime.
4. Profile. Based on the reconstruction of the crime, a list of background, physical,
and behavioral characteristics is prepared. This is the profile of the perpetrator.
The profiler tries to advise police officials on how to identify, apprehend, and
then interview the suspect.
5. Investigation. In this stage, the profile is fully integrated into the investigation
of the crime. If the profile fails to turn up suspects—or if new evidence comes to
light—it is reevaluated and, possibly, modified.
6. Apprehension. Any suspects who are apprehended are cross-checked against the
profile to assess how closely the suspect’s characteristics correspond with it.
7\dSabWUObWdS>agQV]Z]Ug(BVS1O\bS`/^^`]OQV
David Canter is a British psychologist long associated with the University of Surrey,
where, under the auspices of Scotland Yard, he developed a leading method of psycho-
logical profiling designed especially to identify serial rapists and murderers.
Canter is best known for his work in nail-
ing John Duffy, England’s “railway rapist,”
during the 1980s. By identifying certain
features of Duffy’s crimes—location, tim- The five-factor model is the basis
ing, method—Canter established that the of the criminal profiling method
offender had a troubled, childless mar- developed by David Canter. It
riage, that he was interested in martial arts, evaluates evidence of interper-
sonal coherence, the significance
and that he was employed as a semiskilled
of the time and place of the
laborer. Using this and other information, crime, criminal characteristics,
police were able to pick Duffy out of a field criminal career, and the offend-
of 1,999 suspects. er’s forensic awareness.
Canter’s method is based on what he calls
the five-factor model, analysis of five key
aspects of the interaction between the victim and the offender: interpersonal coher-
ence, significance of time and place, criminal characteristics, criminal career, and
forensic awareness. Let’s take a closer look at each.
7\bS`^Sà]\OZ1]VS`S\QS
Canter believes that features of an offender’s criminal activity relate to features of
his activity in noncriminal situations. For example, the most infamous serial killer of
the 1970s, Ted Bundy, apparently selected victims who somehow resembled a former
girlfriend. Canter makes the assumption that offenders deal with their victims in ways
that are similar to how they deal with people in their everyday lives.
AWU\WTWQO\QS]TBW[SO\R>ZOQS
Because the offender chooses the time and place of the crime, this information may
reveal information about the perpetrator’s mobility and where he lives or works. The
choice of time and place may also suggest how the offender views his surroundings
and may say something about the offender’s usual schedule: when he is (legitimately)
at work, for example.
1`W[W\OZ1VOÒQbS`WabWQa
This is a catchall category in which the investigator may list characteristics that seem
significant and compare these to the evidence found at the crime scene. The FBI’s
organized/disorganized categories are examples of criminal characteristics that might
be considered.
1`W[W\OZ1O`SS`
Based on the crime scene evidence, does it seem likely or unlikely that the offender
has committed other crimes? Is he a career criminal? A serial offender?
4]`S\aWQ/eO`S\Saa
This is strongly related to the “criminal career” category. The investigator looks for
signs of the perpetrator’s awareness of police techniques relating to the collection of
evidence. Such awareness strongly suggests a serial offender as opposed to someone
who committed an isolated or random crime on impulse or because of opportunity.
0SVOdW]ÒZ3dWRS\QS/\OZgaWa(BVSBc`dSg/^^`]OQV
Brent E. Turvey is a California-based private criminal profiler who has extensively
interviewed convicted sex offenders and serial killers in an effort to understand char-
acteristics common among them. He developed Behavioral Evidence Analysis (BEA),
1VO^bS`!( >`]TWZW\UbVS0OR5cga "
a four-step profiling method. It begins with a new concept called equivocal forensic
analysis, the assumption that any given piece of evidence may suggest more than one
interpretation, then narrows this down and proceeds through analysis of victimology,
crime scene characteristics, and offender characteristics.
3_cWd]QOZ4]`S\aWQ/\OZgaWa
Turvey assumes that physical evidence found at a crime scene is typically equivocal in
nature; that is, any given piece of evidence may suggest more than one interpretation.
Therefore, the first step in analysis is to list the possible interpretations and assess the
most likely one.
DWQbW[]Z]Ug
After thoroughly evaluating evidence related to the crime scene, Turvey turns next to
the victim, profiling him or her in much the same way and with the same thorough-
ness as the perpetrator is profiled. Assessing how, where, when, and why a victim was
chosen suggests a wealth of information about the offender. For instance, the physical
build of the victim implies much about the physique and strength of the offender and
whether or not he worked alone or with others. The presence or absence of signs of
struggle may suggest whether or not the victim and offender were acquainted with
one another.
1`W[SAQS\S1VOÒQbS`WabWQa
Crime scene characteristics are, according to Turvey, the “distinguishing features of
a crime scene as evidenced by an offender’s behavioral decisions regarding the victim
and the offense location, and their subsequent meaning to the offender.” Is there evi-
dence to suggest that the scene of the crime has special significance for the offender?
How does this crime scene compare with the scenes of prior, apparently related,
crimes? Does the crime scene reveal little forensic information? This is significant, in
that it may suggest that this scene is only one of several scenes involved in the crime
under investigation.
=TTS\RS`1VOÒQbS`WabWQa
Using data and conclusions derived from the first three steps, the investigator now
attempts to create a picture of the characteristics of the offender. The features that
make up this picture typically include the following:
X Physical build and other characteristics
X Gender
X Presence and type of vehicle used
X Offender’s residence or workplace in relation to the crime scene
X Level of skill
X Criminal history, repeat or serial offender
X Aggressiveness
X Medical history
X Marital status
X Race or ethnic origin
>`]TWZW\UAQ]`SQO`R
Because criminal profiling is almost always just one element in any criminal investiga-
tion, it is difficult to assess how effective or ineffective it is in bringing about an arrest.
Moreover, the quality of the profiling depends on the quality of the crime scene and
crime scene investigation. The skill, knowledge, experience—and, yes, luck—of inves-
tigators also vary widely.
Nevertheless, research conducted in the early 1990s
Case in Point
strongly suggests that trained profilers provide more
The FBI musters a few agents useful and more valid criminal profiles than general
who specialize in criminal profil- clinical psychologists or even detectives do. While
ing. A number of private inves- it is clear that criminal profiling does not magically
tigators market themselves as deliver the offender into police custody, profiling
criminal profilers and are hired
often significantly improves the odds of making an
on a case-by-case basis by local
police departments. In large arrest and doing so with less time and less wasted
urban departments, some detec- effort than would be the case without the profiling
tives receive training as criminal information, especially when the perpetrator is a
profilers. repeat or serial offender.
1VO^bS`!( >`]TWZW\UbVS0OR5cga "!
X Criminal profiling employs meticulous analysis of crime scenes in order to
reconstruct offender and victim behavior and draw conclusions about the charac-
teristics and identity of the perpetrator.
X Although the FBI Behavioral Sciences Unit brought profiling to a high level of
sophistication in the 1970s, the technique was used at least as early as 1888 in the
case of Jack the Ripper.
X Alternatives to “FBI Crime Scene Analysis” include the Canter method of inves-
tigative psychology and Brent Turvey’s Behavioral Evidence Analysis approach.
X Criminal investigation involves too many variables to permit an unambiguous
assessment of the effectiveness of profiling, but most experts believe that, espe-
cially in serial cases, criminal profiling is a significant aid to investigation.
2
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=\bVSAQS\S
O\RW\bVS:OP
Edmond Locard, the French police official who established the world’s
first crime lab in 1910, proclaimed the chief assumption of forensic sci-
ence. “Every contact,” he said, “leaves a trace.” Crime, especially violent
crime, is a profound and terrifying contact between assailant and victim.
Criminal investigators, including forensic scientists, look for the traces of
this contact, collect them, examine them, and use them to solve the crime
and secure justice.
This part tells what patrol officers and detectives do when they arrive at a
crime scene; how investigators “read” that scene and question witnesses,
victims, and suspects; and how evidence is gathered, processed, and ana-
lyzed. A special chapter is devoted to the history and present practice of
fingerprint identification and analysis.
BVS/``WdOZ
1VO^bS`
4
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Crime scene roles
X Processing the scene
X Investigative pitfalls
X Learning from the O. J. Simpson and JonBenét Ramsey cases
As with any big event, the entrance is often the most important moment in
the crime scene investigation. How first responders enter the scene sets the
tone for the entire investigation. The initial responding officer, the lowest-
paid officer holding the lowest rank, makes decisions that will affect the rest
of the case or, more critically, whether or not a criminal case can even be
made.
Safety comes first. A hot crime scene may include injured victims and
may yet harbor dangerous perpetrators. And once the scene is secured, it
becomes a matter of keeping your eyes open and taking care not to com-
promise any pieces of evidence. This chapter covers the initial investigative
assessment and continues through the “processing” of a crime scene—the
gathering of evidence for subsequent analysis and ultimate use at trial.
"& >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
EV]Âa]\1OZZ
Responding to a crime involves a number of professionals, typically beginning with
the dispatcher, who takes the emergency 911 call and relays vital information to a
responding officer or officers. In the case of any major crime, other investigators are
called in, including detectives, investigators from the prosecutor’s office, and, depend-
ing on the nature of the crime, the medical examiner and his or her staff.
C\WT]`[SR=TTWQSà
Uniformed police officers hold the most important job in law enforcement. Under-
paid, overworked, stressed, tired, and often young, they are also brave, dedicated,
trained, and mature beyond their years.
When an officer leaves the academy, he or she is faced with a tangled web of complex
laws and even more complex human emotions, which make for a degree of confusion
greater than what a rookie in any other field faces. In law enforcement, your mistakes
shoot at you. You must make quick and positive decisions at the most inopportune of
times. It is an awakening akin to a cold slap in the face when a new officer arrives at a
violent domestic disturbance, a grisly murder scene, or a horrific traffic accident. The
thought runs through that officer’s mind that someone—please!—should call 911. Then
it hits the rookie: Well, someone already did.
The training calls for the officer to be calm, to look
Case in Point
for and aid injured victims, to apprehend the perpe-
How does a lowly uniformed offi- trator, and to preserve the crime scene. Sometimes
cer keep a superior from mucking the mere presence of the officer is a sufficient calm-
up the crime scene? By issuing ing force to comfort the victims. As for the perpetra-
a judicious reminder that, since
tor, he may be sitting in a chair, dazed, surveying the
all officers on scene may be
called on to testify, the superior’s damage he has just done, or he may be attempting to
presence will probably mean flee or has fled. The emotions of all parties simmer,
a subpoena to a court appear- boil, and swirl. Amid the chaos, the uniformed officer
ance. No overworked cop likes must conduct a security sweep, care for the injured,
to appear in court, and a and begin the process of calling for backup and inves-
word to the wise is usually suf- tigative help, if needed. While doing all of this, he or
ficient to discourage unwanted she must take steps to secure the scene so that it is
interference from on high.
not contaminated in ways that might hinder forensic
investigation or compromise the value of evidence
that must ultimately hold up in court.
1VO^bS`"( BVS/``WdOZ "'
In addition to securing the scene for investigation by the forensics team, the uni-
formed officer should also act as the first investigator. Only the victim and the
offender are closer to the crime than the first responding officer. His or her trained
eye and skill at recording events can mean the difference between a successful pros-
ecution and the failure of justice.
One of the most difficult but most critical duties of the uniformed officer is to secure
the crime scene and control access to it. This means keeping nonessential persons
out—including the overly inquisitive fellow patrol officer, the caring neighbor, the
distraught relative, the pushy media personality, and even the micro-managing police
chief about to breathe down the investigator’s neck.
Assuming the absence of an obvious threat—for example, gunfire—the uniformed
officer begins by determining the location and condition of the victim or victims. If he
or she is confronted by an “active shooter,” the officer must attend to that danger first.
If not, the officer next takes these steps:
X Determines if the suspect is still at the scene.
X Determines if any weapon is involved.
X Determines what, if any, crime has occurred.
X Summons an ambulance if the injuries require one.
X Separates the victim, suspects, and witnesses.
X Prevents communication between the parties. This includes removing the victim
and witnesses from the suspect’s line of sight and range of hearing.
X Takes care to disturb no evidence and summons other investigators, as required,
if the dispatcher has not already done so.
Case in Point
One of the toughest judgments an officer must make is to employ a level of force appro-
priate to the situation. Take the job of separating the parties at the scene. Simple? Not
always. The officer must go about this without provoking violence or further violence
and in a way that keeps fellow officers in his or her line of sight and range of hearing.
This is particularly critical in responding to domestic violence incidents. These calls are
often the most volatile, unpredictable, and dangerous. It is common for the respond-
ing officers to be attacked not only by the offender, but by the victim they were sent to
protect—once it dawns on her that her husband, boyfriend, or partner is about to go to
jail.
# >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
While the uniformed officer does all of this, he or she must also keep in mind the
report that will soon have to be written. Older cops tell this to the rookies: “If it is not
in the report, it did not happen.” That is, in court, little or no weight will be given to
any police testimony that is not documented in the on-the-scene report.
2SbSQbWdSa
Many uniformed officers want to be detectives—or so they think, until they actually
get that promotion. The hours are long, the frequent calls to crime scenes are bur-
densome, and the responsibility is tremendous. Detectives usually have at least three
years of law enforcement experience before they are even considered for the position.
In large jurisdictions they may be assigned to a specialized unit: Homicide, Burglary,
Auto Theft, White Collar, or Narcotics. In many smaller departments they need to be
an expert in whatever crime they are called to investigate.
Upon arrival at the scene the detective gets the first explanation of the event from
the responding uniformed officer. The better the job the officer has done, the bet-
ter understanding the detective will have of the crime scene and the events that took
place.
All detectives have their own personal style. Some are gruff, some are smooth, but all
the good ones have the practical knowledge of a seasoned street officer; a grasp of the
forensic sciences; the legal knowledge of a prosecutor; and an ability to place people,
events, and tangible and intangible evidence in space and time in order to put together
an investigative scenario of the criminal event.
The detective begins by making certain that all of the duties of the patrol officer have
been effectively completed or are on their way to being completed. A good detec-
tive not only knows that the case depends on what the responding patrol officer has
done, but also remembers what it was like to be in uniform. Rapport and cooperation
between patrol officers and detectives are essential.
After getting a rundown from the patrol officer, the detective does the following, gen-
erally in this order:
X Determines if immediate judicial action is required, such as securing a search
warrant.
X Reinterviews the victim(s).
X Determines the status of the alleged perpetrator. Is the perpetrator in custody?

Is the perpetrator a juvenile? Has the perpetrator been read his or her Miranda
rights? (We’ll discuss Miranda rights in Chapter 5.)
1VO^bS`"( BVS/``WdOZ #
X Determines if the witnesses are only that or are more deeply involved in the
commission of the crime.
X Contacts appropriate forensic technicians.
X Reports the early status of the investigation to supervisors, uniformed officers,

detectives, and staff.
X Determines if other law enforcement agencies should be notified, such as federal,
state, county, or municipal departments.
X Controls the flow of information and media access.
X Develops theories about the incident based on the evidence.
The more serious and complicated the crime scene, the more time is taken to gather
and document evidence, and the more forensic specialists may be required, either on
the scene or in the lab. In some cases, the detective is competent to assess and gather
all relevant physical evidence. Usually, however, one or more forensic technicians will
be called to the scene. Indeed, on a homicide scene, the detective may choose not to
gather or disturb the evidence, but to leave this to forensic technicians and criminal-
ists, who are forensic technicians specially trained not only in the collection and pres-
ervation of physical evidence, but in some of the more advanced aspects of forensic
science, including the performance of some types of physical and chemical analysis.
Criminalists are often called on to give expert testimony in court. Also typically pres-
ent at homicide scenes is someone from the medical examiner’s office. Although the
medical examiner may perform a detailed autopsy in the morgue, a trained forensic
pathologist can tell much about the circumstances of death by first examining the
body at the scene.
>]ZWQS:OP>Sà]\\SZ
In large departments, forensic technicians and criminalists are full-time investigators
exclusively assigned to crime scene evidence gathering and analysis. They are usually
assigned to every busy shift and remain on call at off hours. Smaller departments rely
on regular detectives to do crime scene technical work.
Many forensic technicians (and all criminalists) hold academic degrees in the forensic
sciences, but their qualifications run deeper. These are the people who can leave a
bloody homicide scene and wolf down a piece of cold pepperoni pizza in the car. They
are as caring and committed as most folks—probably more so—but they are condi-
tioned to be clinical and deliberate. If they ever complain, it is only about other law
enforcement officers messing up their crime scene.
# >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
;SRWQOZ3fO[W\S`Âa>S]^ZS
The role of the medical examiner (ME) has changed dramatically in the last several
decades. The professional ME is now usually a physician specializing in pathology
and specially trained in forensic science (see Chapter 10). The investigators working
for the medical examiner are usually former detectives with a background in homicide
investigation.
Once on the scene, the ME’s personnel can generally determine whether the murder
occurred at that location or somewhere else. They are able to differentiate between a
homicide and a suicide by the evidence available, both tangible and intangible. These
investigators live with death. It is a part of their daily lives. Personally, they range
from profoundly focused to overwhelmingly morbid. Professionally, they perform
invaluable work in determining the cause of the event and the responsible party.
>`]aSQcb]`Âa>S]^ZS
Once the work of the police and medical examiner is finished, the prosecutor’s inves-
tigators evaluate the case to ensure that it is ready for trial. These investigators are
usually former detectives. They are still certified law enforcement officers, with full
powers of arrest, but they’ve found a job with regular hours.
The trend today is for the prosecutor’s office to get involved early in the case.
Investigators from the prosecutor’s office may be present at a traffic safety checkpoint
(roadblock) or assigned to a homicide or narcotics task force. This proactive approach
allows the early input of the office that has the ultimate responsibility and accountabil-
ity for law enforcement.
1`W[W\OZWaba
As mentioned earlier, criminalists go beyond the work of forensic technicians to exam-
ine and identify physical evidence in order to reconstruct a crime scene. This evidence
may be a weapon, a piece of clothing, a bloodstain, hairs, fibers, drugs, or even a vapor
in the air. The objective is to use the evidence to establish a link between the suspect
and the victim. Typically, criminalists work at a crime laboratory and receive the col-
lected evidence from crime scene investigators; however, some criminalists
collect physical evidence at crime scenes, but they do so only as the investigation
progresses.
1VO^bS`"( BVS/``WdOZ #!
A criminalist examines and identifies physical evidence in order to reconstruct a crime

scene. Criminalists often specialize in serology (body fluid evidence), DNA typing, trace
evidence, firearms and tool marks, impression evidence, or drug identification. They are
qualified to give expert testimony in court.
>WbTOZZa
Investigating crime is a high-stakes occupation. Do the job right and lives may be
saved and justice served. Make a mistake—or a misjudgment—and people can get hurt
or a criminal can walk free. The job has to be done quickly and efficiently, but also
painstakingly—not an easy combination.
7\aWRSbVS>`Saac`S1]]YS`
Try to imagine the pressure on a law
enforcement officer assigned to solve a
crime or end a crime spree. Maybe the case
in question is a high-profile serial murder Sunshine laws is a general
investigation. Maybe it’s a “routine” rash term for legislation mandating
of convenience store robberies. To the offi- free and open public (including
cer in charge, the responsibility is great in media) access to many aspects
either instance. of the police investigative pro-
cess. The idea is to eliminate
Throughout the investigation, the officer any dark corners of the criminal
is considering not only the present victims, justice system by “letting the sun-
but future ones as well. If the suspect is not shine in.”
located, properly treated, and fully investi-
gated, the officer knows only too well that
many more horrible things may take place.
;SRWOA^]bZWUVb
These days, the media is rarely friendly to law enforcement. At one time, a local
reporter was assigned to the police beat, and usually felt like “one of the boys.” Today,
the relationship between police and media is more adversarial. With the advent of
sunshine laws, the reporter is no longer solely reliant on the willingness of the police
to provide information. Since the reporter is no longer dependent on the police for
access to information, the climate of collegial cooperation has all but disappeared.
#" >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
Why buy lunch for a detective when you can force the release of information by other
means?
Police officials want to be responsible and responsive to the public, but the wrong
information published at the wrong time can seriously compromise a case, making the
work of the forensics team more difficult, either in the investigative stage or when the
matter goes to trial. While the prospect of police acting omnipotently or in secrecy
is appalling, unbridled criticism in the press undermines police effectiveness, not to
mention department morale, and the public’s trust and willingness to cooperate with
law enforcement professionals.
1VOW\]T1cab]Rg
Chain of custody is a concept that is drilled into police officers from their first days in
the academy to the last day of their career. The idea is this: evidence is subject to loss,
damage, contamination, tampering, or the suspicion of any of these things. Therefore,
it is critically important to control the evidence and to be accountable for that control.
Chain of custody is a complete and seamless record of all investigative and judicial
personnel who have had custody of a piece of evidence.
The chain of evidence concept is simple in theory, but it is often complicated in prac-
tice. Once evidence is obtained, the goal is to seize it properly and use it against the
accused. If the evidence is tangible—for instance, a gun, fingerprints, or a bloody
shirt—it is seized, logged, secured, and processed. At the appropriate time, it is
brought to trial to be used in the prosecution of the case. At each step, every time the
evidence changes hands, it must be accounted for. The person who releases the evi-
dence to the next person must sign a release, and the receiver must sign a receipt.
In the case of intangible evidence, such as a statement, the material must be reduced
to writing or video and/or audio recording. Each time a transcript is shared or a tape
passed on, the same releases and receipts must be signed.
=T=8O\R8]\0S\{b
Throughout this book there are examples of cases investigated, solved, brought to
trial, and successfully prosecuted. Sometimes, however, the public hears most about
the cases that show everything that can go wrong and demonstrate just how high the
investigative stakes are.
The nearly year-long trial of O. J. Simpson for the brutal murder of his ex-wife,
Nicole Brown Simpson, and her friend, Ronald Goldman, in 1995 was nationally tele-
vised and followed by the public like a soap opera.
1VO^bS`"( BVS/``WdOZ ##
The Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) presented prosecutors with what lead
prosecuting attorney Marcia Clark called a “mountain of evidence” against Simpson.
Bloodstains found at the crime scene were tested to determine blood type and to pro-
vide DNA samples. Bloodstains were found in Simpson’s white Bronco SUV, on a pair
of socks in his bedroom, on a pair of gloves, at the crime scene, in his driveway, and in
his house.
DNA samples taken from blood at the crime scene were compared to samples from
O. J. Simpson, Nicole Brown Simpson, and Ron Goldman. While expert witnesses
for the prosecution testified that the DNA definitively linked O. J. Simpson to the
murders, defense witnesses supported the claim that crime scene samples were mis-
handled, contaminated, or even planted as part of a racist police conspiracy.
Shoe-print evidence found at the scene (see Chapter 8) indicated that the murderer
wore size 12 Bruno Magli “Lorenzo” shoes, and snapshots by a photojournalist
showed Simpson wearing such shoes—but the actual shoes were never recovered, and
the jury seemed unimpressed.
One of the most critical pieces of evidence
Sworn Statement
presented was a pair of bloody gloves. The
left-handed glove was found outside Nicole If it doesn’t fit, you must
Brown Simpson’s residence, and the right- acquit.
handed glove was recovered from O. J. —O. J. Simpson attorney Johnnie
Simpson’s estate. During a June 15, 1995, Cochran, regarding the infamous
court session, Simpson put on the gloves, glove evidence in his summation
to the jury
which appeared to be too small. The pros-
ecution pointed out that the gloves, having
been drenched in blood, had shrunk. The defense turned the evidence against the
prosecution, however, claiming that if the glove didn’t fit, Simpson could not be the
killer.
To the stunned dismay of many, O. J. Simpson was acquitted of murder charges, the
“mountain of evidence” notwithstanding. Physical evidence could not overcome the
jury’s suspicion that the LAPD was a racist organization quite capable of framing a
high-profile black celebrity.
By the Numbers
Forensic evidence is not always compelling. In a CNN poll taken shortly after
the O. J. Simpson verdict, 62 percent of whites believed that Simpson was guilty,
whereas only 14 percent of African Americans believed him guilty. Twenty-one per-
cent of whites and 66 percent of African Americans stated their belief that he was
innocent. To the question “Was Simpson framed by the LAPD?” 62 percent of whites
answered no, and 65 percent of African Americans answered yes.
#$ >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
Similarly dismaying was the tragic case of JonBenét Ramsey, a six-year-old girl found,
on December 26, 1996, strangled and sexually assaulted in the basement of her fam-
ily’s Boulder, Colorado, home. Physical evidence abounded, including a purported
ransom note, a ligature around the girl’s neck, and the body itself. Yet the crime scene
was poorly processed, access to it poorly controlled, and cooperation among local
law enforcement agencies and between the police and JonBenét’s parents—who were
treated by some officials as suspects, but were never arrested—seemed to range from
grudging to nonexistent. On August 16, 2006, John Mark Karr confessed to the mur-
der but, based on forensic evidence, officials concluded that this was a false confession.
Karr’s DNA did not match DNA trace evidence found at the murder scene.
In a situation characterized by many investigative errors, the physical evidence proved
sufficient to eliminate one suspect—Karr—but consistently insufficient to identify any
other suspects. Despite the forensic resources devoted to the case as well as intense
public pressure, the murder of JonBenét remains unsolved as of 2007.
X A 911 call mobilizes an array of law enforcement professionals, beginning with
uniformed officers, then continuing to detectives and other investigative special-
ists.
X Although the uniformed patrol officer soon relinquishes responsibility for the
crime scene to other investigators, his or her actions as the first to respond often
determine whether or not the case will be solved, suspects apprehended, and
offenders successfully prosecuted.
X Complex or serious crimes are investigated by forensic specialists, criminalists,
and the medical examiner in addition to detectives.
X Investigating a crime requires individual expertise and collective cooperation
among a variety of law enforcement officials. When the expertise is seriously in
doubt or cooperation breaks down, crimes remain unsolved and suspects walk
free.
0`W\UW\U;SbV]Rb]
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X The crime scene: a systematic approach
X The importance of recording the crime scene
X The linkage principle
X The police report
X Interrogation: techniques and objectives
X Searches and the law
So much goes on during a criminal investigation that it is essential to

filter the information coming in. This is the only way to separate use-
ful information from the garbage. Information gathered is—or can lead
to—inculpatory evidence, legally incriminating facts that may be used to
prove an allegation of guilt. An investigation may also turn up exculpatory
evidence, which suggests that the accused is innocent of the charges or at
least not guilty beyond a reasonable doubt—and guilt beyond a reasonable
doubt is the only legally acceptable standard for conviction.
#& >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
Whether inculpatory or exculpatory, evidence must be probative; that is, it must have
more value in providing information than in creating a sensational or emotional effect.
While the investigator will use and filter all the information provided, he or she must
always weigh the value of the evidence and its usefulness in prosecuting the case at
hand. This chapter explains how investigators develop compelling probative evidence.
1`W[SAQS\S
The crime scene is a site of great contradiction. To the perpetrator, it is the place
where his future has changed. For the victim, it may well be the place where life
ended and the future became an impossibility. But for the forensic team—detective,
crime scene technician, medical examiner, criminalist, and perhaps other specialized
forensic investigators—it is a place of possibility, of science, and the practice of a craft
requiring much training and expertise. The crime scene tech wants to know what the
responding officer found, and what—she hopes—he did not touch or contaminate.
She knows what the detective will be looking for, and she knows what the courts will
allow. She expects to be grilled by the defense attorney and cajoled by the prosecutor.
She expects to be questioned repeatedly by those who know much less than she. She
knows that the crime lab personnel will second-guess her actions and wonder why she
used one technique rather than another.
>`W[O`gO\RASQ]\RO`g1`W[SAQS\Sa
The site of the first or original criminal activity is called the primary crime scene. This
may not be the location to which the technician is first called, but it is the site where
the criminal activity took place. Any locations associated with the primary crime scene
are called secondary crime scenes.
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The macroscopic crime scene is the crime scene at its largest, most comprehensive
level. It may be composed of many smaller crime scenes. For example, the scene of a
shooting in which shots were fired by several persons
is the macroscopic crime scene, whereas investigators
The site of the first or original
treat each of the shootings as smaller crime scenes
criminal activity is the primary within that larger, all-encompassing scene.
crime scene. All other sites asso- The microscopic crime scene is the smallest area
ciated with the primary crime
under examination above the molecular level. The
scene are classified as second-
ary crime scenes.
area around a gunshot wound, for example, or the
fiber evidence left behind in the trunk of a car or
1VO^bS`#( 0`W\UW\U;SbV]Rb]bVS;OR\Saa #'
the footprint made by a fleeing suspect are all examples of a microscopic crime
scene—even though they may not literally require the use of a microscope to
investigate.
1`W[SAQS\SASO`QV
Before a crime scene technician or other forensic investigator can begin to collect and
analyze evidence, the evidence has to be found. There is only one right way to search
a crime scene: systematically. There are several methods. The method chosen is deter-
mined by the layout of the scene, the preference of the investigator in charge, and the
personnel available.
Crime scene investigators may make a spiral search, starting from the outside of the
crime scene and walking in a spiral path toward the center.
Sometimes the grid method is used, in which the scene is divided into a grid, so that
the search can be conducted grid square by grid square. This is very useful in large
crime scenes, especially outdoors, where small items of evidence may otherwise be
easily overlooked.
A strip or line search is made by walking a straight line from one corner (let’s say the
lower right) of the crime scene to the upper right corner, making a U-turn at the
end of the walk, then walking back across the crime scene a few feet to the left of
the original path. At the end of this line, the investigator turns back again, a few feet
to the left of the downward path and walks up the scene. The process is repeated until
the entire scene has been covered, right to left.
Finally, a crime scene may be divided into quadrants or zones, each of which is thor-
oughly searched.
Common sense is important in crime scene searches. First, it is essential to have
enough personnel to conduct a thorough and complete search. You get one chance
at the search. Once the scene is released, returning to it is usually not an option. In
some cases, it may be possible to seal off a scene for hours, even days. Outdoor scenes
and places of public activity (a train station or airport concourse, for example) cannot
be isolated for long periods. But even when a scene can be effectively sealed for an
extended period, it is always best to gather evidence when it is at its freshest.
Second, the layout and nature of the scene often dictates the type of search employed.
A search for a spent shell casing in a parking lot cannot be conducted in the same
manner as a search for a small body part in a wooded area. For example, investigators
searching in a stream always walk upstream; otherwise, the silt they kick by walking in
the water will cloud the water.
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Thinking of the crime scene in macroscopic and microscopic order and making a sys-
tematic search are ways of sorting out and interpreting the reality of a crime.
Crime is rarely neat. Most often, crime involves some passion. Whether a husband
butchers his wife and her lover after finding them together, or a lone computer hacker
finds a way to compromise the identity and assets of hundreds of people, the motivat-
ing passion exists. Passion leads to excitement, excitement leads to mistakes, mistakes
lead to trace evidence, and trace evidence provides the crime scene investigator with
the target of his pursuit.
Much of what we see on fictional television shows based on forensics is just plain silly,
but the episodes in which the crime scene technician attempts to recreate the steps of
a criminal event are truest to life.
A good criminal investigator asks, “When did passion take over from reason in the
commission of the act?” “When did rage supersede restraint?” “What would happen if
someone crossed the line by committing a certain criminal act?”
It is not easy to put oneself in the mind of a crimi-
nal committing a heinous act, but that is precisely
Sworn Statement what investigators do every day on the job. On
The study of crime begins the old Dragnet TV show, Detective Sergeant Joe
with the knowledge of one- Friday admonished witnesses to tell him “Just the
self. facts, ma’am.” While it is true that investigators
—Henry Miller, The Air- look for facts, hard and cold, they analyze them
Conditioned Nightmare, 1945 with imagination, always making an effort to get
into the minds of both suspects and victims.
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The analysis of physical evidence determines what happened at a crime scene. The
crime scene is a canvas painted upon by the perpetrator and influenced to some degree
by the victim. By examining the physical evidence, investigators attempt to answer
questions such as these:
X Did the victim flail around, fight back, or simply comply?
X How strong or weak was the killer?

1VO^bS`#( 0`W\UW\U;SbV]Rb]bVS;OR\Saa $
X Does the evidence suggest wild passion or cold, calculating precision?
X Was there a sexual element in the crime?
X Did the burglar leave anything behind?
X Did the offender use the toilet before he left the scene? (A surprising number
do.)
X Did he raid the victim’s refrigerator? (And many do this, too.)
;]Rca=^SÒ\RW
Physical evidence may reveal much about the perpetrator’s method—what crime writ-
ers like to call the criminal’s modus operandi, his way of operating.
Determining a modus operandi is especially useful in following the trail of a serial
criminal. That person may not follow the usual rules of social behavior, but he still
follows certain rules, rules laid down by the drive and perversion of the serial criminal.
/ZZ/P]cb:W\YOUS
At bottom, crime scene investigation is about linkage, connecting together persons,
objects, and the scene. Unless the evidence obtained at a crime scene can be associated
with a particular suspect, all the investigative activity is no more than an empty exer-
cise. The goal is ever and always to link the physical evidence obtained at the crime
scene to a particular suspect and to do so with sufficient probative value that a jury
will be convinced that the suspect committed the crime.
While other factors may be involved in a jury’s determination of guilt beyond a rea-
sonable doubt, none is more compelling than good, solid physical evidence. A bloody
knife with the suspect’s fingerprints on the handle, a computer hard drive holding
thousands of child pornography images, the paint scraping of a second vehicle found
on the car of a hit-and-run/vehicular homicide suspect—all such items are extremely
compelling.
This has always been the case, but it is especially true in the current legal climate, in
which eyewitness testimony, law enforcement accounts, and even confessions are sub-
ject to close and skeptical scrutiny.
@SQ]`RW\UbVSAQS\S
The crime scene itself is the first piece of evidence that the investigator comes upon
after the original call for assistance, which typically provides only the location and a
few limited details. The scene is, therefore, a critical piece of the puzzle and may pro-
vide perspective for understanding the events that occurred. Who did what, where,
and why may be explained to a large extent by the physical geography of the location.
However, the only way that most juries, who are the final arbiters of fact in a criminal
proceeding, will get to observe the crime scene is through photographic evidence;
therefore, it is essential for the investigator to be able to reproduce the crime scene for
the jury in as much detail as possible and in a fair and probative manner.
Case in Point
One of the most important aspects of crime scene photography is perspective. The pho-
tographer uses objects of known size—rulers, pencils, quarters, and so on—to provide
a sense of scale that puts the evidence into perspective. A photograph of a laceration
next to a 6-inch ruler provides a vivid and yet objective image of the extent of the
injury.
7\dSabWUObWdS>V]b]UÒ^Vg
Photographs are excellent evidence—if they are properly taken, produced, and
explained. There is an accepted method of crime scene photography used in most
jurisdictions in the United States. The purpose of photographing the crime scene is to
make a record of the scene to create a vivid demonstration and description for a jury.
The crime scene photographer sets out to photograph the scene much as an average
person would approach that scene. Thus, the first photos are overviews, which present
the big picture, the crime scene as it fits into the surrounding landscape or cityscape.
After documenting an overview, the photographer captures the midrange. These
photos are of a particular room or area, and they constitute a sequence of photo-
graphs taken to show the immediate area of the incident. Midrange photographs
may be taken of each room in a house to show how the rooms relate to one another.
Generally, the photographer moves logically, from outside to inside.
After the midrange photos have been made, the photographer turns to close-ups,
images of particular pieces of evidence. In a domestic violence investigation, for exam-
ple, these photographs may be of bruises and other injuries. In the case of homicide,
blood-splatter patterns are especially important, as are close-ups of such evidence as
fingerprints (see Chapter 7).
1VO^bS`#( 0`W\UW\U;SbV]Rb]bVS;OR\Saa $!
These are six of some 80 pho-

tographs taken at the scene
of a death ruled a suicide.
Notice the orderly approach
to the scene, beginning with
an overall view of the room,
then focusing on the victim,
then on relevant artifacts
associated with the victim—
body-building supplements
and books (including several
addressing dark and violent
subjects).
(Photos courtesy of Bobby Tribble,

Clarke County [Georgia]
Coroner)
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1`W[SAQS\SAYSbQVSa
Sketching the crime scene is one of the first things a crime scene tech does as she
organizes her thoughts, especially when working a complicated scene.
On-the-scene sketches are also helpful supplements to photographic evidence. Most
useful is a carefully measured overhead plan of the scene, showing how one relevant
element relates to another—for example, the position of a body relative to a gun on
the floor and relative to windows and doorways.
Investigators do not attempt great feats of artistry in
making crime scene sketches, but they do try to cre-
ate a sketch that accurately portrays and conveys the
Computer-aided imaging physical facts, that clearly relates to the sequence of
employs CAD (computer-aided events at the scene, and that precisely establishes the
design) software to create accu- location and relation of pieces of evidence.
rate, clear, and rapid renderings
of crime scenes. Sketches have value in investigation, as aids to think-
ing through a problem. They also help the jury fit
separate pieces of evidence into the big picture.
1][^cbS`/WRSR7[OUW\U
Today’s investigators often make use of computer-aided imaging to render more accurate
and realistic sketches. Special drawing software specifically adapted to the require-
ments of police officers and lawyers speeds up the sketching process and makes it more
accurate. The presentation is often neater and clearer. Best of all, the software makes
it easy to create three-dimensional full-perspective renderings from two-dimensional
floor-plan sketches. Such sketches are typically easier for a jury to understand.
This computer-aided 3D
rendering of a crime scene
employed Crime Zone soft-
ware from the CAD Zone
company.
(Image courtesy of CAD Zone,

Inc.)
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BOYW\U<]bS
One of the first things police officers in the academy are cautioned about is this: if it’s
not in the report, it didn’t happen. Seasoned investigators take ample notes, because they
realize that if they don’t write it down—now—it is probably not going to get into the
final report. Gone are the days when police officers were trusted implicitly and their
testimony taken as gospel. The juries of today give police testimony little, if any, more
credibility than that of any other witness. The credibility comes not from the badge,
but from the documentation, recording, and reporting. It must be routine, systematic,
and reliable.
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The paper pad is one of the most essential tools of police investigation. Of course, it
does little good without a pen, but even in an era of tight city budgets pens are still
being provided to police officers.
The investigator—typically the first officer on the scene, or the detective that follows
her—records the name, street address, date of birth, Social Security number, tele-
phone number, and whatever other information relevant to the investigation the sub-
ject provides. Some pads have preprinted blocks for this information. It may seem like
a very easy thing to do, writing down the personal information someone provides to
you; however, it is remarkable how many people forget their birth date or even their
own name when talking to a police officer, especially after involvement in a violent
crime. Also, in many jurisdictions today, people of various cultures and nationalities
coexist, and many languages are used. If the officer and the victim or witness do not
speak the same language the same way, the possibility of confusion and misinforma-
tion is dramatically increased.
The practice of taking notes has become such an integral part of criminal investiga-
tion that defense attorneys often demand the policeman’s pad as an actual part of the
report. In the past, the notepads were discarded. Now they are kept in a secure loca-
tion and indexed for use at a later time.
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Many officers would rather conduct an operation into a very dangerous location than
write a report afterward. Usually, by the time detectives have achieved that rank they
have found a style that helps them struggle through the mundane task of report writing.
The preferred style is neither flashy nor complicated. It is not filled with police jargon
or unfamiliar code signals. Like any good writing, it is clear, concise, and truthful.
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It is very difficult, if not impossible, to present to a jury evidence that did not find its
way into the police incident report. Another real-world fact is that the time between
the event and the trial is often so long that unaided memory fails the testifying officer.
Commonly, investigators are asked to relay their recollections of events based upon
a review of their police report prior to testimony. If a report is not sufficiently clear
and detailed in the first place, the testimony will be that much less convincing. Juries
do not look favorably upon testifying officers who seem unsure of the facts or, worse,
appear to be making up the evidence as they go along.
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The trained investigator—whether cop or criminalist—is a difficult person to be
around. The children of such a person can always be sure of some type of interroga-
tion upon returning home after being out: “Where were you? Who were you with?”
The assumption is that everyone is lying, at least a little bit. Whether or not this
assumption is warranted is arguable. What is not arguable is that a generous helping
of skepticism can go a long way in testing the veracity of another person.
It’s amazing the things people lie about. The secrets we wish kept are often of such a
trivial nature that one would think they mean nothing. To the police interrogator—
and that is what a good investigator needs to be, an interrogator (as asker of questions
and interpreter of answers)—these lies are the doors that open to the truth.
If you can get to what people are lying about, then you can get to the truth: Who is
being protected and why? What motive is there for not coming clean? These are the
questions the experienced investigator seeks to answer.
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Miranda v. Arizona was the 1966 United States Supreme Court case that affirmed an
accused person’s right to be explicitly informed of the Fifth Amendment right to avoid
self-incrimination by remaining silent.
When an accused person is in custody and is subjected to police interrogation, a
Miranda warning is given to remind the accused of his or her Miranda rights. If the
Miranda warning is not given and the right to remain silent is not freely and volun-
tarily waived, then any statement made by the defendant or any subsequent evidence
garnered by his statement cannot be used against him in court.
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A Miranda warning is issued to any suspect taken into police custody and subjected
to police interrogation; it advises the suspect of his constitutional rights to remain silent
(to avoid self-incrimination) and to legal representation. The warning is named after the
landmark 1966 Supreme Court decision in the case of Miranda v. Arizona.
Most police officers carry the Miranda warning on a printed card:

You have the right to remain silent.
Anything you say can and will be used against you in a court of law.
You have the right to an attorney.
If you cannot afford an attorney, one will be appointed to represent you if you
wish.
You can decide at any time to stop answering questions if you wish.
Miranda can be tricky. Key terms to remember are custody and interrogation. Miranda
applies only when the suspect is actually in custody or, more commonly, under arrest,
and responding to police questions. It is not necessary, nor is it good police practice,
to “Mirandize” everyone at a crime scene automatically and perfunctorily.
The most remarkable thing about Miranda is that so many accused individuals still
talk, even after they are warned. Is it because they are sure that they are much smarter
than the police officer? Or do they have a sudden, urgent need to bare their souls?
Whatever the motive, suspects talk, and talk a lot. Often, the overworked and weary
investigator secretly longs to say, “You have the right to remain silent. Why don’t you
exercise it?” Of course, he or she says no such thing and goes right on listening, some-
times late into the night.
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One of the most valuable lessons an investigator learns is to avoid asking questions to
which he or she does not already know the answer. It is critical to direct the flow of
information. Rare is the subject who freely divulges truthful, useful, and concise infor-
mation. It is far more common for the suspect to talk around the questions. This can
lead to the truth, but not without some nudging.
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Case in Point Often, the first task is simply to get the person talk-
ing. The detective must figure out what sort of
The five basic rules of interroga- persona he or she needs to project in order to get
tion are:
through to the suspect—a parental figure, a confes-
1. Be an active listener. sor, an intimidator, or even something of a friend and
2. Ask relevant questions.
ally. The detective tries to be whatever it takes to get
3. Do not interrupt.
the tongue wagging. In this role playing, the suspect
4. Maintain eye contact.
5. Be attentive. often unknowingly assists the interrogator. Appealing
to the bravado, pride, machismo, the need for under-
standing, or insecurity the suspect exhibits is often
effective in overcoming a reluctance to talk.
If interrogators should be good questioners, they must be even better listeners.
Interrogators avoid questions that produce nothing more than a yes or no. Instead,
they ask open-ended questions that keep the conversation going.
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Interrogators use many methods to assess the truthfulness of a suspect. Kinesics is one
effective method all experienced investigators use, whether they call it by that name
or not. Kinesics is the formal study of nonverbal communication, what is familiarly
called “body language.” There is a lot to be learned from the suspect’s movements,
expressions, and gestures in response to questions or what psychologists call other
“stressors.” The suspect may touch his nose, touch his mouth, grab his neck. He may
cross his arms over his chest, or may laugh inappropriately. He may avoid eye contact
or chew on his lip when being spoken to. Various protective and evasive movements
are innate human responses to stressors. They are hardly proof of guilt, but they are
indicators of a lack of truthfulness. Deception detection, really a subfield of forensic
psychology, has received increasing attention in recent years; see Chapter 19.
In jurisdictions that encompass culturally diverse populations, the interrogator must
also be aware of how culture and tradition may influence gestures. For example, in
some cultural traditions, it is considered impolite to look someone in the eye. The
interrogator needs to be certain that a suspect who appears evasive is not merely act-
ing as a result of upbringing and background.
ASO`QV;S
In criminal investigation, a search is a quest for information. As defined in the land-
mark Supreme Court case of Elliot v. State, a search is “an examination of a person’s
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house or other buildings or premises or of the person for the purpose of discovering
contraband, illicit or stolen property, or some evidence of guilt to be used in prosecut-
ing a criminal action with which the person is charged.”
There is usually little glamour in searching a person’s body, dresser drawers, closet,
garbage can, vehicle, or file cabinet. The hoped-for result is to find probative evi-
dence, seize it, then use it in a trial. If the evidence located is formidable enough, the
accused may plead guilty, and a trial may be avoided.
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All search and seizure law in the United States stems from the Fourth Amendment,
which guarantees that people shall “be secure in their person, houses, papers and
effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures.” The framers of the Constitution
wanted to ensure that people would be free from governmental interference in their
personal liberties except for those instances in which probable cause has been estab-
lished and a judicial officer has issued a warrant ordering that interference.
As a result of the Fourth Amendment, it is
assumed that people have a right to a rea-
sonable expectation of privacy. While not Probable cause is a collection of
unlimited, this right to privacy cannot be facts that would lead a reason-
violated lightly and must be intruded upon able person to believe that a
only on the basis of probable cause. crime has been committed or is
about to be committed. This is a
A search of a person may be conducted standard less than a certainty, but
after an arrest has been made. A search more than a probability.
of a premises may be conducted after a
judge issues a search warrant. Both of these
instances require preexisting probable cause that a crime has been committed. The
Bill of Rights permits no general or blanket warrants. The law enforcement officer
must swear that the facts are such that they reasonably justify the search in this partic-
ular case. The judge reviews the affidavit of the applying officer and grants the search
warrant if it is deemed that probable cause of the alleged criminal activity exists. It is
not legally sufficient to justify a search after the fact. That is, an officer cannot pres-
ent the judge with a piece of probative evidence found in an illegal search and ask the
judge to issue, in effect, a retroactive search warrant. The probable cause must exist
prior to the search.
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The search warrant lists items or classes of items to be seized. These may include, for
example, narcotics, weapons, “fruits of a crime,” money, or clothing. The warrant may
also specifically list various ordinary items from which forensic scientists may recover
such trace evidence as blood, semen, hair, and so on. In such cases, a criminalist is
usually part of the search team. In addition, the searching officer may seize contra-
band, stolen property, or evidence of another crime. Once the object or objects named
in the warrant are found, the search is ended. However, items that are in plain view
may also be seized, even though they are not specifically named, provided that they fit
into the general categories of objects that may be taken.
Investigators must conduct the search in a systematic manner. No rummaging or ran-
sacking is allowed, and the search must be carried out with reasonable care to avoid
damage to property. (This is not always possible. If the police have demonstrated
probable cause to search for a body buried in the basement, they are authorized to
take sledgehammer and jackhammer to the basement floor.) A copy of the search
warrant must be served upon the person whose premises are being searched, and an
inventory of the items taken must be left with that person. If no one is present dur-
ing the search, a copy of the search warrant must be left in a conspicuous place, along
with an inventory.
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A systematic search may be done in a circular pattern or a grid pattern. There is no
one right way to do it, and the search is typically tailored to the specific layout of the
area to be searched.
To keep to a minimum the number of officers that need to be subpoenaed when the
case comes to trial, there is usually one “finding officer” assigned when a search is
being conducted. All searchers report to that officer, and he or she takes primary
responsibility for anything recovered. The idea is to be thorough, but also to keep the
search manageable.
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Most searches are routine hunts for particular evidence in a residence or place of busi-
ness. A few are more specialized.
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7\bVS5O`POUS
A garbage pull is one of the least pleasant types of search. It is often part of a narcotics
investigation, in which suspects discard drug-related paraphernalia and, if cornered,
even the drugs themselves.
The most important factor in a garbage pull is to be certain that the garbage searched
actually belongs to the subject of the investigation and that the garbage has been
legally abandoned by having been placed in a location for pickup by sanitation work-
ers. Searching through abandoned garbage does not require a warrant.
A garbage pull may yield such evidence as
drug residue, packaging materials, and many
other indicators of illegal drug transactions
or manufacture. Trash is also a treasure A garbage pull is police jargon
trove of materials of interest to a forensic for a search through trash or
accountant, an investigator who specializes garbage in an effort to find evi-
in the interpretation of financial transac- dence.
tions from such fragmentary evidence as
discarded receipts, credit card and bank
statements, and the like.
Working a garbage pull is hard, time-consuming, unpleasant, and often subject to
stringent challenge from defense attorneys. Therefore, it is usually conducted as a last
resort and bolstered by a good deal of other investigation.
DSVWQZSASO`QVSa
Often the most useful vehicle search is not a search as defined in legal terms and
is therefore not subject to the Fourth Amendment strictures against unreasonable
searches and seizure. Vehicles impounded, for whatever reason, are subject to an
inventory, an administrative procedure conducted to catalog the contents of vehicles
for safekeeping purposes. No search warrant is required, and anything found during
this administrative procedure may be used as evidence. Performing a close search for
trace evidence, such as fibers and fluids, may require a search warrant, however.
Aca^SQbASO`QVSa
It is legally permissible for a police officer to intrude upon the personal body space of
a suspect if the officer has what is called in law “reasonable articulable suspicion” of
criminal activity and that suspicion is particularized to an individual. In such a case,
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the officer may stop the person for a brief period to investigate further. If the officer
can justify his or her belief that the person may be armed and therefore poses a threat,
the officer may “frisk” the person for weapons.
This situation is known as the Terry Stop, named after the 1968 Supreme Court case
of Terry v. Ohio. Although frisking a suspect is not a search, it does come under the
Fourth Amendment. If, during the “pat-down of the outer clothing for weapons,” the
officer immediately recognizes an object to be contraband without squeezing, sliding,
or otherwise manipulating it, the officer may seize that item and use it as evidence
against the person. This is called the “plain feel doctrine,” which was allowed after the
1993 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Minnesota v. Dickerson.
Once a person is taken into custody or arrested, it is assumed that probable cause
existed prior to this action and, at this time, a suspect is subject to a “search incident
to a lawful arrest.” This is a constitutionally unlimited search and may be conducted at
the scene or, later, in a more secure location.
Case in Point
In Terry v. Ohio (1968), the U.S. Supreme Court ruled: “Where a police officer
observes unusual conduct which leads him reasonably to conclude in light of his experi-
ence that criminal activity may be afoot and that the persons with whom he is deal-
ing may be armed and presently dangerous, where in the course of investigating this
behavior he identifies himself as a policeman and makes reasonable inquiries, and
where nothing in the initial stages of the encounter serves to dispel his reasonable fear
for his own or others’ safety, he is entitled for the protection of himself and others in the
area to conduct a carefully limited search of the outer clothing of such persons in an
attempt to discover weapons which might be used to assault him.”
2SOR0]RgASO`QVSa
If a garbage pull is unpleasant and arduous, searching a dead body can be downright
gruesome, especially if the body is in an advanced state of decomposition.
Like any other search, the dead body search is conducted systematically, usually begin-
ning with the clothing. Obvious targets of a search include the wallet, identification
papers, and personal effects. The investigator is also careful to search around and
under the body after it is removed. Beyond these searches, most further investigation
is carried out by the medical examiner (see Chapter 10).
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The bond between human beings and dogs is older than history, and the working rela-
tionship between canine (K-9) officers and their “partners” (that’s how they invariably
think of their dogs) is especially strong. Police use dogs not only to assist in tracking,
apprehending, and controlling suspects, but also in conducting specialized searches.
With their keen sense of smell, dogs can
be trained to search for very specific items,
By the Numbers
from human suspects, to narcotics, to explo-
sives. Dogs can search large areas more effi- According to a 1990 study
ciently than human beings can, and, in the conducted for the Lansing
(Michigan) Police Department,
instance of an explosives search, they can
a single K-9 team typically com-
do so in a way that minimizes the risks to pleted building searches seven
police officers. times faster than four officers
Savvy criminals have sometimes attempted working together. The dog team
found hidden suspects 93 per-
to foil dog searches by masking narcot-
cent of the time, while human
ics and even explosives with other odors. officers found them 59 percent of
However, because dogs can distinguish the time.
more than one odor simultaneously and to
a degree far beyond that of human beings,
such masking efforts fail.
Just because a dog isn’t human doesn’t mean that dog searches are immune from the
Fourth Amendment. The courts consider dogs to be agents of the police and, there-
fore, dog searches require probable cause. Unlike human officers, however, no dog has
ever been subpoenaed to testify in a criminal trial.
X Carefully, accurately, and concisely recording the crime scene, in pictures and
words, is not only an aid to solving the crime, but essential to prosecuting sus-
pects.
X The goal of any crime scene investigation is to identify evidence linking a sus-
pect to the scene.
X Investigators must take careful notes, which become part of the record of the
criminal investigation; from the beginning of their training, police officers are
admonished: If it’s not in the record, it didn’t happen.
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X Searches and interrogations must be thorough and efficient, and they must be
conducted within the strictures of the Bill of Rights, particularly the Fourth and
Fifth Amendments.
X The typical search is of a dwelling or other building; special searches range from
sifting through garbage, searching on and around dead bodies, and using dogs to
track suspects or to sniff out explosives or narcotics.
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6
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X Tools of the investigator’s trade
X A catalog of physical evidence
X Discovering and collecting physical evidence
X Importance of the “chain of custody”
Edgar Allan Poe is best remembered for his gothic short stories (such as
“The Pit and the Pendulum”) and his gothic poetry (“The Raven” comes
instantly to mind), but, as the Mystery Writers of America recognized when
they named their annual mystery fiction award “The Edgar,” Poe is also
celebrated as the inventor of the detective story.
In 1841, Poe published in Graham’s Lady’s and Gentleman’s Magazine (of
which he happened to be editor) “The Murders in the Rue Morgue.” In
it, he introduced the key elements that would become so very familiar in
detective fiction: the exquisitely sensitive, brilliant, eccentric investigator
(C. Auguste Dupin) who calmly surveys the scene of a bizarre and utterly
baffling crime, hones in on precisely the handful of cryptic clues that have
escaped the attention of the ordinary policemen, and rapidly works back-
ward from these clues (with nary a misstep) to discover the process, motive,
and perpetrator of the crime.
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Real-life criminal investigators do, in fact, embody some of the characteristics of

Dupin, Sherlock Holmes, Hercule Poirot, or any of a number of other fictional detec-
tives. A good investigator needs a sharp mind and a sharp eye, a large helping of intu-
ition, and a flexible imagination. But, most of all, he or she needs a willingness to
do the often hard, tedious, and always meticulous work of gathering evidence for
analysis—because, in the court room, eccentricity, acute imagination, and keen intu-
ition count for precisely zip.
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A crime is committed in a big city. Investigators pull up to the scene, one of them—
sometimes a cop or detective but often a civilian crime scene technician—carrying an
aluminum case, bigger than an attaché but smaller than a suitcase. Ah, what high-tech
investigative wonders must it contain?
Few, if any.
For the most part, investigators bring to the scene cameras, a set of simple tools, and
an array of containers.
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The standard investigative toolkit holds tools for gathering evidence, not for analyzing
it. Accordingly, the typical kit contains little more than the following:
X Angle mirror, with collapsible handle. This
Case in Point
device is handy for looking into difficult-to-
At present, most police depart- get-at places and for getting a quick look at the
ments use conventional film cam- underside of vehicles.
eras rather than digital cameras,
because many courts do not X Bloodborne pathogen protection kit. This
admit digital images as evidence is used to protect the evidence gatherer from
and, even when they do, a disease. The kit generally includes such items
defense attorney may point to the as fluid solidifying reagent; biohazard scoop;
ease with which digital images disposable biohazard gown, shoe covers, and
can be altered.
bonnet; an assortment of biohazard bags; dispos-
able clean-up towels; exam-quality gloves; a clear
plastic eye shield; antiseptic cleansing wipes; and
germicidal wipes.
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X Body fluid collection kit. This kit is used to collect wet or dry stains on crime
scene surfaces—such as walls, doors, floors, window frames, and so on—that can-
not be readily transported to the crime laboratory for analysis. This kit typically
includes rubber gloves, a vial of distilled water, sterile envelopes, and sterile cot-
ton swabs. The kit may also contain instructions for collecting dried stains and
wet stains.
X Camera (still) and film. Investigators take a lot of still pictures. (Well-funded
departments send along a trained crime scene photographer to take the pictures.)
Often a video camera is also included, because it can provide a good overall pic-
ture of the crime scene, one that clearly shows the layout of an area or a room,
the relation of one object to another, the location of doors and windows, and so
on. The investigator can also supply a running spoken commentary as he or she
pans the camera over the scene.
X Chalk. Yes, investigators really do draw a chalk or, sometimes, tape outline to
mark the position of bodies or other objects before they are removed from the
scene. In crime scenes, the position of a body or other objects in relation to the
rest of the crime scene tells a story. It is crucially important to note and record
this.
X Compass. This piece of equipment is essential for determining directions and
accurately reporting the orientation of bodies or objects at outdoor crime scenes.
At some scenes, especially in rural or semiwilderness settings, it is helpful to
have GPS (geographical positioning satellite) directions provided by a portable
GPS receiver, which can pinpoint the exact longitude and latitude of the scene or
scenes involved in a crime.
X Containers and envelopes. Much of the investigator’s toolkit consists of noth-
ing more than bags, boxes, bottles, envelopes, and other scrupulously clean, seal-
able containers to carry small pieces of evidence, especially trace evidence, away
from the scene.
X Crayon, markers, pencils, pens. All evidence containers must be clearly and
completely labeled. Most police departments provide printed labels with spaces
for the required information.
X Fingerprint kit. This includes the various developing powders, chemicals, and
lifting tapes discussed in Chapter 7. Some investigators are equipped with a spe-
cial fingerprint camera, usually a Polaroid-type camera fitted with a macro lens
designed to work at close range, to record prints developed at the scene.
X Flashlights. These light sources will do for a start. Investigating and recording
some crime scenes requires setting up portable lighting equipment or the use of
special forensic light sources, which will be discussed in a moment.
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X Knife. An ordinary jack knife or Swiss Army knife can be used for many investi-
gative tasks.
X Magnifier. Sherlock Holmes wasn’t the last detective to make use of a magnify-
ing glass. Some investigators use handheld magnifiers, some employ hands-free
magnifiers that fit like goggles or glasses for locating minute or trace evidence,
such as hairs and fibers.
X Measuring tape, rulers, protractors. Recording precise distances and dimen-
sions is crucial in crime scene investigation. Evidence that is recorded at the
scene is often photographed with the inclusion of a ruler in the picture. A pro-
tractor is necessary for measuring angles.
X Picks. The investigator may need lock picks to gain access to locked rooms or
cabinets. He or she may use dental picks to collect (scrape and pry) certain kinds
of evidence.
X Plaster. Plaster of Paris and other molding substances are commonly used to
obtain casts of footprints, tire tracks, and the like.
X Pliers. Gathering some evidence requires prying and twisting.
X Rope or tape. Fluorescent rope or bright yellow crime scene tape are required
to mark off and protect the crime scene.
X Scissors. A basic investigative tool.
X Screwdrivers. These are often necessary to access evidence.
X Sexual assault kit. Hospital emergency rooms and rape crisis centers have such
evidence-gathering kits, as do crime scene evidence gatherers. The kit is often
referred to as a SAFE (Sexual Assault Forensic Evidence) kit, and its purpose is
to preserve physical evidence to be used in criminal proceedings. The kit typi-
cally contains cotton swabs, urine collection containers, and sterile sample con-
tainers and sealable envelopes for holding physical evidence such as hair, semen,
blood, and body tissues.
X Sketching supplies. Paper, graph paper, pencils, and so on are used to make a
quick sketch of the scene, mainly for purposes of orientation and layout.
X Spatula. This tool may be used to dig, scoop, or otherwise gather evidence.
X Tweezers (forceps). Indispensable for picking up small evidence items without

contaminating them.
X Wrecking bar. This may be used to pry open doors, windows, and so on.
1VO^bS`$( 5ObVS`W\UbVS3dWRS\QS &
4]`S\aWQ:WUVbA]c`QSa
If the notable absence of high-tech equipment disappoints you, take heart. Most inves-
tigative kits also include a very cool forensic light source or two.
A forensic light source is a powerful por-
table lamp that contains ultraviolet (UV),
visible, and infrared components of light.
A forensic light source is a
Using optical filters, the investigator can
powerful portable lamp whose
select (tune) individual color bands (wave- spectrum contains ultraviolet (UV),
lengths) to enhance the visualization of visible, and infrared light compo-
evidence by means of fluorescence (making nents, which can be selectively
the evidence glow), absorption (making the filtered (tuned) to provide narrow
evidence appear darker), and oblique light- portions of the spectral band for
ing (making small-particle evidence more investigative purposes.
apparent).
Forensic lighting is especially useful in detecting latent fingerprints (see Chapter 7),
especially on surfaces that are difficult to dust and lift, such as thin plastic bags, rigid
duct tape, thin aluminum foil, heavily grained wood, concrete walls, and brick walls.
Investigators lightly dust such surfaces with a special fluorescent powder, which glows
under ultraviolet light to reveal the fingerprint.
Such body fluids as semen, saliva, and vaginal fluid are naturally fluorescent under
ultraviolet light. Precisely filtered forensic light sources can reveal the presence of
these dried fluids on carpeting, mattresses, clothing, and so on.
In its natural state, blood does not fluoresce under UV light but, using the appropri-
ate filter on the forensic light source, blood traces appear to darken, making it much
easier to detect and photograph them. (See Chapter 9 for a discussion of how investi-
gators detect blood traces and analyze blood splatter evidence.)
Strong oblique lighting of a surface tends to reveal small particles such as hair and
fibers, which may then be collected as evidence. Some hair and fibers also glow under
ultraviolet light.
By adjusting the filters on a forensic light source, bruises and wound patterns, invisible
under normal white light, may be revealed. Bite marks, shoe marks, and other dis-
tinctive wound evidence may also become visible or more clearly defined. Exposing a
suspect’s palm may reveal a bruise pattern that links him to the use of a bludgeon-type
weapon.
EVOb6`3dWRS\QS/\geOg-
Evidence is anything that helps to establish the facts of the crime under investigation.
As discussed in Chapter 5, some evidence is more valuable in a legal sense (more “pro-
bative”) than others. In addition to witness, victim, and suspect testimony (all promis-
ing sources of probative evidence), investigators gather physical evidence, especially of
the following types.
Case in Point
Many a poorly trained sleuth has been unable to resist the urge to measure a shoe print
by attempting to fit his or her own shoe into the suspect’s print. The result? A ruined
piece of evidence.
AV]SO\RBW`S7[^`SaaW]\a
Shoe soles and heels leave characteristic prints and impressions, as do tire treads. If
a pattern found at the scene can be linked to shoes worn by the suspect or a vehicle
driven by him, a strong connection to the scene is made. If the prints are on smooth
surfaces, they are photographed. They may also be lifted, using special transparent
adhesive tape.
On soft surfaces, such as earth, shoes and tires make an impression rather than a print.
These are photographed at the scene. An investigator will also usually make a plaster
cast of such prints. Some investigators use dental casting material, some use Plaster of
Paris.
In the increasingly specialized world of forensics, investigators can call on specialists
in shoe prints and tire prints—forensic footwear examiners and forensic tire examin-
ers. Footwear specialists are not only experts in methods of photography, casting, and
lifting, but also in the chemical enhancement of impressions; footwear manufacturing
methods as they relate to the examination; the evaluation of classes of footwear and
the identifying characteristics of footwear; and footwear sizing issues. Tire examiners
often have extensive experience in the tire industry, which has given them a back-
ground in tire manufacturing, tire re-treading, and tire wear patterns, as well as the
recovery and enhancement of tire tread evidence.
1VO^bS`$( 5ObVS`W\UbVS3dWRS\QS &!
Shoe impressions are typically

subtle. An investigator would
do her best to make a usable
casting of this print in wet,
sandy soil.
(Photo by Guy Antinozzi)
B]]ZaO\RB]]Z;O`Ya
Tools are commonly used to force entry into buildings or rooms. Any tools found at
a crime scene—pry bars, screwdrivers, and the like—need to be collected as evidence
and, certainly, dusted for fingerprints. Pieces of broken tools are also important and
are collected by investigators. Sometimes it is possible to match a broken tool piece to
the rest of a tool found in the suspect’s possession.
Tools leave characteristic marks on anything they are applied to. A screwdriver used to
pry open a window, for instance, will leave an impression in both the window and sill.
These marks need to be noted, photographed, and, perhaps, even cast. They may be
matched to a tool found in the suspect’s possession.
Sometimes it is possible to match marks on a tool with marks left on the object to
which the tool was applied. For example, the sledgehammer used to open a strongbox
or safe will leave an impression on the metal of the safe, which may be matched to the
surface of the hammer head. If that safe was painted, it may be possible to find traces
of the paint on a hammer known to be owned by the suspect.
&" >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
As in the case of forensic footwear examiners and forensic tire examiners, there are
investigative experts who specialize in analyzing tool-mark evidence. The individu-
als are usually members of the Association of Firearms and Tool Mark Examiners
(AFTE), a professional organization dedicated to the exchange of information and
developments; the standardization of theory, practice, and techniques; the dissemina-
tion of information at annual training seminars; and the publication of a professional
journal that covers the latest developments in the field.
0`]YS\5ZOaa
Broken glass is nasty stuff. It adheres to shoes and clothing. Finding shattered glass at
a crime scene and tiny glass fragments embedded in the sneaker soles of a suspect can
provide a strong evidentiary link between crime and suspect. Large fragments of glass
are routinely dusted for fingerprints.
The pattern created by broken glass says much about how the glass was broken and
from what direction it was hit. Was it broken from the inside of the building or the
outside? Was it hit from above or below?
The size and shape of bullet holes in glass indicate the direction of the bullet’s travel
and the angle of fire. If the bullet does not shatter the glass, it leaves a conical hole,
the smaller hole at the point of entry, the larger at the point of exit. It is even pos-
sible to estimate the velocity of the bullet from the appearance of the hole. The faster
the bullet, the smaller the cracks will be and the tighter the hole at the point of entry.
This information, in turn, enables an investigator to estimate the distance from which
the shot was fired.
A]WZaO\R;W\SÒZa
Fans of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle will remember that Sherlock Holmes was always
interested in mud and soil tracked into a crime scene. Holmes was an expert on soils
and could tell at a glance where, geographically, a particular sample came from. No
one expects a criminal investigator to possess Holmes’s encyclopedic knowledge of
soils and minerals, but investigators are careful to collect any soil or mineral deposits
they find at a crime scene. These can be submitted to a forensic geologist for identifi-
cation, who may be able to provide analytical results linking a suspect to the scene (see
Chapter 13).
Not all soil or mineral samples are of natural origin. They may be traces of cement,
plaster, or even building insulation. All of this is typically collected and analyzed. If
1VO^bS`$( 5ObVS`W\UbVS3dWRS\QS &#
necessary, investigators may consult the FBI Laboratory, which maintains extensive
databases on construction materials, or may call upon the expertise of materials manu-
facturers or people in the building trades.
1WUO`SbbS0cbba
Sherlock Holmes was also an expert on rare tobaccos, and he carefully analyzed the
butts of certain exotic cigarettes left at a crime scene. Today, cigarette butts provide
evidence Holmes never dreamed of. Saliva deposits on a cigarette are a rich source of
DNA evidence. Many people involved in a crime are nervous, and many people smoke
when they’re nervous. Investigators eagerly collect and carefully bag any cigarette
butts found at the crime scene.
Sworn Statement
I get to the scene. I look at an ashtray—how they put out a cigarette butt. Which
one is still warm? The way each of us puts out a cigarette butt shows certain habits.
Then we look for whether there’s lipstick or grease on it. You sort it out before you send
it to the laboratory. If you do the work, you already know how many people sat in
there and smoked, and whether or not there were females or auto mechanics. Then if I
go to a suspect’s home, I look at the way he or she puts out a cigarette to see if there
are similarities with what we found. You make an interpretation of existing patterns.
—Dr. Henry C. Lee, forensic scientist
@]^SO\RBO^S
Rope and tape are often used to bind the hands and feet of a victim. Burglars may
use tape to hold back a door latch. Tape must be dusted for fingerprints, of course,
but tape as well as rope evidence are always carefully collected because it may be pos-
sible to match the type of tape or rope found at the scene with materials in a suspect’s
possession or known to have been purchased by him. Tear patterns in tape or fraying
patterns on rope found at the scene may be matched with material associated with the
suspect. As with other manufactured materials, the FBI Laboratory maintains compre-
hensive data on tape and rope. Manufacturers may also be consulted.
&$ >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
/ZQ]V]Z
Driving Under the Influence (DUI) is one of the most commonly charged offenses.
Usually a type of machine called a breathalyzer is used to measure the percentage level
of alcohol in a suspect’s system by analyzing a sample of breath. The record provided
by this machine is evidence usable in court. Another way of measuring someone’s
blood alcohol level (BAC) is with a blood test. Unlike the breath test, which can be
performed in the field, at the moment of arrest, the blood for the test is almost always
drawn in a hospital emergency room. It is then sent to the crime lab for analysis.
Urine samples may also be used to charge this offense.
2`cUa
Drugs associated with a crime scene are always important, whether the drug in ques-
tion is an illicit substance or a prescription product. This material is carefully collected
and sent to the lab for analysis.
Whenever marijuana, narcotics, or other controlled substances are seized by officers,
they are field tested before charges are brought by the police. Later, the seized mari-
juana or controlled substances are sent to a crime lab for thorough analysis. Some
large local police agencies have their own marijuana testing labs, but usually the state
crime lab is involved. This places a huge burden on the scientists at the crime lab, and
it often takes many months for evidence to be processed and the results of analysis
delivered. Prosecution cannot be completed until the testing is done.
ESO^]\aO\R/[[]
Most violent crimes involve firearms. Ballistics, the forensic analysis of firearm-related
evidence, can often match a bullet to a gun (see Chapter 8), but first the evidence
must be collected.
Investigators look for any weapons left at the crime scene. These may be dusted for
fingerprints at the scene, but they must be handled carefully, so that they can be exam-
ined further by ballistics experts. The investigator also typically notes at the scene the
make, caliber, model, type, and serial number of any weapons found.
Investigators carefully comb the crime scene for bullet holes, bullets lodged in holes,
and spent cartridge casings. The position of all bullets and cartridge casings found
must be carefully marked and photographed before this evidence is collected and sent
to the lab for analysis.
1VO^bS`$( 5ObVS`W\UbVS3dWRS\QS &%
1Z]bVW\UO\R:Oc\R`g;O`Ya
Clothing may provide a wealth of evidence. Clothing fibers may connect a suspect and
victim. A piece of torn clothing—even a thread or two—left at the scene may point to
a suspect.
Many professional laundries and dry cleaners use readily identifiable marking sys-
tems. The standard systems are on file with the Laundry and Dry Cleaning National
Association, and the FBI and other police laboratories also maintain files of marking
systems. Such markings can help identify clothed unknown human remains. It should
be noted that many laundry marks are visible only under ultraviolet light.
6OWÒ\R4WPSà
Hair and fibers can provide much valuable evidence because they are often shed
(“transferred”) by a perpetrator during a struggle or even in casual contact with the
victim or with objects at the crime scene (see Chapter 8). However, this kind of trace
evidence requires both a keen eye to locate and great care in collecting. Often, the
best thing to do is to collect any objects that may be expected to harbor hair and fiber
evidence and carefully bag the entire object for later laboratory analysis.
Hairs and fibers that are definitely located at the scene are collected with tweezers and
put in appropriate envelopes or other containers.
0Z]]RO\R0]Rg4ZcWRa
The analysis of blood and other body fluid evidence is discussed in Part 3. On the
scene, the principal task is to identify the presence of body fluids, which can be col-
lected for analysis.
Blood makes obvious stains—so obvious that perpetrators often try to wash away any
blood evidence. Investigators use forensic light sources and chemical agents (Luminol
is the best known) to reveal the presence of blood traces. Even with a cleaning so
thorough that the visible stains have been entirely eradicated, hemoglobin in the
blood leaves traces that fluoresce when treated with Luminol or that turn color when
treated with other substances, such as Orthotolidine.
These days, blood and body fluid evidence is more important than ever, because DNA
analysis can often provide positive identification of the human source of the evidence.
&& >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
Case in Point
Famed forensic investigator Dr. Henry C. Lee was called in on a murder case that
lacked a body. (Without a corpse, it is difficult to obtain a homicide conviction.) A
16-year-old girl who worked at a massage parlor was called out on a job. When
she failed to return, the police were summoned. Officers found nothing at her client’s
house. Frustrated, detectives called Lee. “When I got to the basement, I said it was just
too clean. It had a wall-to-wall carpet that had recently been shampooed. It was kind
of wet.” Lee tested the carpet with Orthotolidine, which turned blue, indicating blood
traces. Investigators cut the carpet and discovered a pool of blood beneath it. The
amount of blood, 2,000 cc, was ample trial evidence of murder. A person who lost
that volume of blood had to be dead.
4W\US`^`W\ba
Finding fingerprints is almost always a prime focus of evidence gathering. The process
of lifting and analyzing fingerprints is discussed in the next chapter. But before finger-
prints can be lifted and analyzed, they must be found. This often requires a long and
exhausting search. Think of all the fingerprints that accumulate in an average room.
Investigators rarely attempt to cover an entire room, but instead focus on areas and
objects most likely to be associated with the crime. Even so, identifying the pertinent
prints and eliminating the prints of others—say, the homeowner and family—can be a
massive chore.
And this assumes investigators are lucky enough to find any usable prints. Most finger-
prints on most surfaces are fragmentary smudges, not neat, full-finger patterns.
/\C\P`]YS\1VOW\
Finding and analyzing evidence is only half of the investigative process. Correctly
handling and presenting evidence is vital to the probative value of the material. If a
defense attorney can create in the mind of the jury a reasonable doubt that evidence
was handled properly, the value of that evidence shrinks—perhaps to zero. A signifi-
cant portion of the successful defense in the infamous O. J. Simpson murder trial was
based on the questionable handling of physical evidence.
Evidence, from discovery to courtroom presentation, is supposed to be subject to a
flawless chain of custody—a complete record of precisely who had custody of the evi-
dence at each stage of handling. Any weak, let alone broken, link in this chain admits
the possibility of accidental contamination or deliberate tampering and provides the
basis for a defense argument of reasonable doubt.
1VO^bS`$( 5ObVS`W\UbVS3dWRS\QS &'
3fO[W\W\U3dWRS\QS
As soon as an item of evidence is discovered, the investigator, after initially examining
it, labels it, preferably with a department-standard card or label. Typically, the label
includes the investigator’s signature, certifying the authenticity of the evidence and
making him or her the first link in the chain of custody. A label or card accompanies
the evidence wherever it goes. Each person who subsequently examines the evidence
item—including other investigators, forensics experts, and lab technicians—signs the
evidence card, noting the date and time the item came into his or her possession.
Standard two-sided evidence

tag.
(Image courtesy City of Decatur

[Georgia] Police Department)
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>`SaS`dW\UO\RAb]`W\U3dWRS\QS
Contrary to what some defense attorneys might claim, evidence is rarely subject to
deliberate tampering. However, too often, delicate evidence suffers from poor or care-
less handling.
Guy Antinozzi logging evi-

dence. Notice the telephone,
radio, camera, narcotics test
kit, and two-hole punch, all
essential investigative tools.
(Photo by Sgt. Connie Rembert,

Agnes Scott College Police
Department)
Medical and some narcotics evidence is perishable and must be carefully preserved in
storage. Investigations may consume days, weeks, months, or years. It may take many
months for a case to come to trial, then the trial itself may be subject to multiple
delays. Even after conviction, the appeals process can span years. Through all of this,
evidence must be preserved under proper conditions.
Labels fall off. Ink on labels smudges, fades, becomes illegible. Improperly sealed
containers allow liquids (body fluids, for example) to evaporate. Envelopes containing
trace evidence become unsealed. In everyday life, these things happen all the time. In
police work, they can destroy evidence—and thereby wreck a case.
Many police departments have adopted the kind of modern methods of inventory
control retailers use, logging in each piece of evidence into a computer database and
printing out a unique, machine-readable barcode label for the item. Centralizing the
evidence inventory in this manner helps ensure an unbroken chain of custody.
1VO^bS`$( 5ObVS`W\UbVS3dWRS\QS '
>`SaS\bW\U3dWRS\QS
At trial, physical evidence is discussed by the attorneys for the prosecution and the
defense, but it is usually first presented by the police officer who discovered the evi-
dence.
When an officer presents physical evidence in court, he or she is asked to identify the
item. The officer examines the object, making certain that it is authentic and unal-
tered. The officer is then usually asked to describe exactly where the evidence was
found. He or she may be asked to establish the chain of custody from discovery to the
present.
It is not the officer’s job to analyze the evidence or to draw conclusions from it in tes-
timony. The officer establishes the context of the item within the crime scene and the
item’s authenticity. After this, it is up to various forensic expert witnesses to persuade
the jury of the meaning or significance of the evidence. Then, in the end, it is the
jury—not the evidence, not the investigator, not the forensic expert—that convicts or
acquits the defendant.
X Before physical evidence can be analyzed, it must be found and collected. This
requires a few simple tools in the hands of diligent, sharp-eyed, experienced, and
patient investigators.
X The potential range of physical evidence is huge, encompassing anything the
victim and perpetrator used or came into contact with.
X Equal in importance to collecting and analyzing physical evidence properly is
handling and storing it in ways that preserve an unbroken chain of custody.
X The police investigator usually presents the physical evidence in court, saying
how, when, and where it was recovered and establishing its authenticity; a foren-
sic expert is then usually responsible for conveying to the jury the analytical sig-
nificance of the evidence item.
BVS4W\US`^`W\bAb]`g
1VO^bS`
7
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Early criminal identification and the Bertillon System
X A brief history of fingerprinting
X Detecting fingerprint evidence
X Classifying prints
X Role of the computer in fingerprint identification
Hear the words “criminal investigation” and, chances are, fingerprints leap
to mind. As the layperson (or “civilian,” as cops call someone who isn’t a
cop) sees it, investigating a crime and identifying fingerprints, like salt and
pepper at the dinner table, go together.
The association seems so natural that it’s hard to imagine a time when
fingerprinting was a novel idea, let alone a revolutionary one. After all,
archaeologists have discovered evidence suggesting that interest in
fingerprints dates to prehistory. On a Nova Scotia cliff face, for example,
there is a petroglyph (stone drawing) showing a hand with exaggerated
fingerprints—whorls and loops—presumably the work of prehistoric
Native Americans. In ancient China and Babylon, fingerprints were
routinely impressed on clay-tablet documents, perhaps for purposes of
authenticating them (or perhaps merely out of superstition). Inked finger-
prints are present on Chinese documents of the Tang Dynasty (618–907).
'" >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
In this chapter, we’ll look at the history of fingerprint identification and the role it
plays in criminal investigation.
3O`Zg1`W[W\OZ7RS\bWTWQObW]\
There is ample archaeological and historical evidence of an age-old belief that each
human fingerprint is unique. In the fourteenth century, a Persian physician and gov-
ernment official put the belief in writing, observing that no two persons have identical
fingerprints.
As we shall see later in this chapter, the seventeenth-century Italian anatomy profes-
sor Marcello Malpighi made careful observations concerning fingerprints and even
described their features with terms very much like those fingerprint experts use today,
calling them “loops and spirals.”
More recently, in 1858, the chief administrative officer of the Hooghly district of
British India, frustrated by the natives’ habit of voiding contracts and other legal
instruments simply by denying the authenticity of their signatures, required business-
men to place their fingerprints on contracts in addition to their signatures. This, the
official declared, would surely “frighten [the signer] out of all thought of repudiating
his signature.”
Yet well into the nineteenth century, there seems to have been little interest in using
fingerprints to help identify the perpetrators of crimes. This does not mean there was
a lack of concern about identifying criminals. More than 2,000 years ago, the Roman
legions tattooed mercenary soldiers as a means of discouraging desertion—the tattoo
would unmistakably identify the runaway as a deserter.
This was, in effect, preemptive criminal identification—a way of discouraging an act
before it was committed. But many early societies used mutilation (amputating the
hand of a thief, for example) or branding as a way to stigmatize offenders. The pur-
pose was not only to punish wrongdoing, but also to discourage repeat offenses and
to put the public on guard in the presence of the offender. In the event of a repeat
offense, the mutilation or brand made it easier to identify the perp. As civilization
progressed beyond the brutality of mutilation and branding as punishments for crime,
career criminals found it easy to disguise their identity and blend in with the law-
abiding crowd. Even when a recidivist was appre-
hended, there was no guarantee that officials would
connect him with his past criminal record. Thus,
A recidivist is a repeat criminal
offender. many repeat offenders were treated with the leniency
accorded first timers.
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BVS¿4ObVS`]TAQWS\bWTWQ2SbSQbW]\À
Alphonse Bertillon (1853–1914), a Frenchman, the son of a physician whose rather
erudite hobbies were statistics and anthropology, decided to find a way of identifying
known criminals. In 1878, shortly after he became a clerk in the Paris Prefecture of
Police, Bertillon undertook the monumental task of rationalizing the police depart-
ment’s chaotic records and slipshod methods of identifying prisoners. After seven
years on this job, he formulated the identification method that earned him the title of
“Father of Scientific Detection.”
The Bertillon System, or bertillonage, had nothing to do with fingerprinting. Instead,
it relied on anthropometry, a carefully formulated combination of physical measure-
ments made by procedures Bertillon stan-
dardized. These included (for example)
measuring the width of the skull, the length
of the foot, the length of the forearm from The Bertillon System, also called
the elbow to the tip of the middle finger bertillonage, was a systematic
(the biblical “cubit”), the length and girth method of measuring certain key
features of the human body and
of the trunk, and the length of the left
classifying them rationally as a
middle finger. Along with hair color, eye means of positive identification.
color, and front- and side-view full-length
and head-and-shoulder photographs, these
key measurements were recorded on standardized cards. Bertillon divided each of the
measurements into small, medium, and large groupings, thereby placing the dimen-
sions of any person into one of 243 distinct categories.
The Bertillon System accomplished several important things. It ensured that a good
description of each prisoner would be obtained, it focused on features that could not
be readily disguised or altered, and it introduced a significant degree of objectivity
into criminal identification. While any number of people might be of similar height
and build, it was believed highly unlikely (maybe even impossible) that any two people
would exhibit the same relationship among all of the features Bertillon measured.
Perhaps most important of all, the Bertillon System made it relatively easy to iden-
tify repeat offenders. Once arrested, a suspect was measured, described, and photo-
graphed. The completed Bertillon card was indexed and placed in the appropriate
category. Statistically, in a file of, say, 5,000 criminal records, each primary Bertillon
category would hold only about 20 cards. Police officials had to compare the descrip-
tion and photos of the present prisoner not to 5,000 others, but to about 20.
'$ >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
One of the facial features

Bertillon focused on was the
nose. He recognized 15 dis-
tinct types, as illustrated here.
(Image from the authors’ col-

lection)
Not only did the Paris prefecture adopt the Bertillon System (in 1882), but much of
the world quickly followed suit. It was introduced into the United States in 1887 by
Major R. W. McClaughry, warden of the Illinois State Penitentiary, and it rapidly
caught on nationwide.
At first, the universal acceptance of the Bertillon System discouraged the development
of alternative systems of identification, including fingerprinting. But, after some years,
the Bertillon System began to prove increasingly unwieldy. In large jurisdictions,
criminal identification still consumed inordinate amounts of time as clerks searched
for matching cards. There was also the ever-present problem of the accuracy of the
measurements. The Bertillon System required exact training, which was often imper-
fect or simply unavailable. The result was flawed measurements and inaccurate data.
Then came the real bombshell: although the likelihood of any two individuals possess-
ing identical relationships among the various features Bertillon measured was remote,
it was not impossible. Bertillon measurements were not absolutely unique. Instances
of mistaken identity were rare, but they did happen.
1VO^bS`%( BVS4W\US`^`W\bAb]`g '%
Case in Point
In the United States, the beginning of the end of reliance on the Bertillon System came
in 1903. A man named Will West was sent to the Federal Penitentiary at Leavenworth,
Kansas. He denied that he had ever been incarcerated there before, but his Bertillon
measurements matched those on file for a William West. Moreover, the photographs
of the new prisoner looked very much like those on file for William West. About to call
Will West a liar, the clerk flipped over the card for William West. It noted that he was
currently in custody at Leavenworth Federal Penitentiary. The case of the two Wests
simultaneously demolished the certainty of Bertillon measurements and encouraged
adoption of fingerprint identification.
4W\US`^`W\bW\U(/AV]`b6Wab]`g
Fingerprinting for criminal identification began to catch on in England and the
United States at the beginning of the twentieth century, and in 1924, the United
States Congress enacted legislation creating the Identification Division of the Bureau
of Investigation (the federal law enforcement agency that was renamed the Federal
Bureau of Investigation—the FBI—in 1935) as a central repository of fingerprint files.
How did law enforcement finally catch up with the long history of general interest in
fingerprints?
;OZ^WUVWÂaB`SObWaS
Marcello Malpighi was an Italian anatomy professor at the University of Bologna who
made a number of important medical discoveries, including observations relating to
the structure of the skin (the “Malpighi layer,” a deep layer of the epidermis, is named
after him) and the existence of capillaries, a key to understanding the human circula-
tory system.
In a treatise of 1686, he published another discovery, which, at the time, must have
seemed rather minor: the human fingertips, he wrote, were characterized by distinc-
tive patterns of spirals and loops and whorls.
>c`YW\XWO\R6SàQVSZ(4W\US`^`W\bW\U0SQ][SaO\7RS\bWTWQObW]\B]]Z
Malpighi suggested no practical application for his observations on fingerprints, and
it wasn’t until 137 years later, in 1823, that John Evangelist Purkinji, a professor of
anatomy at the University of Breslau, published a thesis in which he identified nine
'& >O`b ( =\bVSAQS\SO\RW\bVS:OP
distinct fingerprint patterns. Even prior to Malpighi, the uniqueness of each human
fingerprint was theorized. What Purkinji showed was that, while fingerprints were
indeed unique from person to person, they were not simply random, but formed rec-
ognizable categories of patterns. Most modern fingerprint classification systems are
based on Malpighi’s patterns (see “The Nine Basic Patterns” later in this chapter).
Yet even this insight seems to have gone nowhere. Certainly, it did not lead Purkinji
or any of his contemporaries to suggest that fingerprints, unique but capable of cat-
egorization, could be used for personal identification.
Thirty-three years later, it was Sir William Herschel, the British administrator in
colonial India, who first deliberately used fingerprints for the purpose of positive
identification. He was unfamiliar with Purkinji, and his idea of asking an Indian busi-
nessman, Rajyadhar Konai, to put his inked palm (not just his fingers) on the back of
a contract so that he couldn’t later repudiate it, was something of a whim. But when
Herschel saw that Konai was so impressed that he swore he would never repudiate the
contract, Herschel made it a rule that all contracts he witnessed had to be signed and
printed—although he decided that the print of the right index and middle fingers, not
the whole palm, would be sufficient (and a lot less messy).
Over his years of public service in India, Herschel accumulated a sizable fingerprint
collection, which he offered as empirical proof of what had often been asserted in
theory: that each fingerprint was unique as well as permanent to the individual.
4OcZRaO\R5OZb]\(BVS1ZOaaWTWQObW]\]T4W\US`^`W\ba
Purkinji had demonstrated recognizable pattern types in fingerprints, and Herschel
had empirically proved that each fingerprint was unique and, therefore, uniquely use-
ful for purposes of identification. In the 1870s, Dr. Henry Faulds, British surgeon-
superintendent of Tsukiji Hospital in Tokyo, Japan, put these two concepts together.
After studying finger marks left on certain examples of prehistoric pottery, Faulds not
only recognized the importance of fingerprints as a means of identification, but set out
to devise a method of classifying them.
In 1880, he proposed in a scientific journal that printer’s ink could be employed to
make fingerprints usable for identification. He may also have been the first person
actually to determine identity on the basis of a fingerprint clue when he matched to its
owner a greasy fingerprint left on an alcohol bottle.
In the same year that he published his early work on fingerprinting, he sent an expla-
nation of his system of fingerprint classification to no less a figure than Sir Charles
1VO^bS`%( BVS4W\US`^`W\bAb]`g ''
Darwin, creator of the theory of evolution. Old and ailing, Darwin apologized to
Faulds that he was unable to devote time and attention to his ideas on fingerprinting,
but he promised to pass the information to his cousin, Sir Francis Galton.
Galton was a prominent anthropologist, and he was quite excited by Faulds’s work.
Building on it and on his own observations, he published in 1892 a book simply
titled Fingerprints, in which he clearly identified the characteristics by which finger-
prints could be identified. He called these characteristics minutiae, but today they are
referred to as Galton’s Details, some of which remain the basis on which fingerprints
are classified.
Galton’s Details, named for the nineteenth-century fingerprinting pioneer, Sir Francis
Galton, are distinctive features of fingerprint patterns that can be used to compare and
match sets of fingerprints for identification purposes. Galton’s Details are also called
minutiae.
407]\bVS1OaS' "
Britain’s famed Scotland Yard began systematically using fingerprint identification
early in the twentieth century, and various police and correctional agencies in the
United States began to follow suit. In 1924, Congress funded the creation of the
Bureau of Investigation’s Identification Division, which immediately took custody of
810,188 fingerprint files, mostly from the Leavenworth Penitentiary.
As the automobile became a fixture of American life, more criminals crossed state lines
in the commission of crimes, and the centralized, federalized fingerprint collection
became increasingly important in law enforcement. Investigators not only concen-
trated on obtaining and classifying prints, but began developing techniques for finding
fingerprints on weapons and on other features of crime scenes.
By the Numbers
Currently, FBI files bulge with more than 250 million sets of fingerprint records,
including criminal and civil prints (prints of government employees and applicants
for federal jobs). The FBI receives more than 34,000 fingerprint cards from vari-
ous federal, state, and local agencies every workday. Pile up all of the fingerprint
cards on file with the FBI, and you’d have 133 stacks, each as tall as the Empire State
Building. The increasingly widespread adoption of electronic scanning of fingerprints
promises to put an end to inked cards.
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Few criminals are either sufficiently stupid or obliging to go about their business
with ink on their fingers (although bloodstained or dirty finger and palm prints are
sometimes clearly visible at crime scenes). The unfortunate fact is that, at many crime
scenes, no fingerprints are found at all and, even when they are, they may not be clear
enough to use. Even assuming that good prints can be found, they are of limited use if
matching prints are not on file. (While such prints can’t be used immediately to iden-
tify a known perpetrator, they can be filed and compared to fingerprints taken from
suspects who are subsequently apprehended.)
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Latent fingerprints are what criminal investigators seek as evidence. These are finger-
print impressions transferred to a surface, either by the natural oils and sweat on the
ridges of the fingertips or by dirt, blood, or other substances on the fingers. Latent
prints may be visible, invisible, or plastic:
X Visible fingerprints are made by stained or dirty fingers. They are usually
found on smooth, glossy, or light-colored surfaces.
X Invisible fingerprints, made by natural oils or sweat, are typically found on
nonporous surfaces and must be rendered visible either by dusting or chemical
processing.
X Plastic fingerprints are print impressions left in soft materials, such as tar, wax,
soap, or even dust.
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Special powders are used to “develop” invisible prints left on hard, nonabsorbent sur-
faces such as glass, tile, mirrors, and painted wood. The powder is carefully dusted
onto the surface using a fine brush. It reacts with deposited skin oils, adhering to oils
or sweat and thereby revealing an impression of the print.
Fingerprints revealed by dusting are carefully photographed. In addition, they may
be lifted, using a special transparent adhesive tape. The tape is applied to the dusted
print, lifted off, and the resulting image is immediately transferred to a fingerprint
card. The photograph or card is analyzed to determine the classification of the print,
and it is then compared to prints that are on file.
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Example of a lifted finger-

print.

lection)
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To develop invisible prints that may have been left on soft, porous surfaces such as
cardboard, paper, or cloth—substances that don’t work well with powders—special
chemical agents are used.
Iodine vapors react with skin oils to stain the invisible print brown. For iodine fuming,
iodine crystals are loaded into a special fuming cabinet (if the object to be examined
is small enough to take to the crime lab and fit into the cabinet) or into a fuming gun
(which can be used at the crime scene). The image that results from fuming quickly
fades and must therefore be photographed immediately.
Case in Point
New high-tech methods for developing latent prints are emerging, including the use of
laser technology. However, many police agencies use cyanoacrylate fuming, a fancy
term for exposure to the fumes of Super Glue or Crazy Glue. Typically, Super Glue is
put in a dish or on a hot plate, heated in a closed container along with the evidence,
and the vapor settles on the print, forming a white outline.
Ninhydrin (Triketohydrindane hydrate) can be sprayed or brushed onto evidence or,

if practical, the evidence can be dipped into the ninhydrin. This chemical reacts with
amines, which are the residue of peptides and proteins that are transferred from the
fingertips to an object as it is touched or manipulated. Reacting with the amines, nin-
hydrin turns purple, creating a fingerprint image. At room temperature, the chemical
reaction (“development”) takes as long as two hours, so, typically, heat is applied to
hasten the reaction. While the resulting image does not quickly fade, it does lose con-
trast over time and, as with images produced by iodine fuming, it must therefore be
preserved through photography.
Silver nitrate develops the sodium chloride (the salt that is in sweat) deposited by the
fingers and produces a red-brown print. The evidence may be sprayed with a silver
nitrate and alcohol solution or it may be dipped. Exposure to light speeds develop-
ment. Again, however, the image is ephemeral and must be photographed.
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As we’ve mentioned, fingerprints are a compelling means of identification because
they are unique to the individual, yet they are readily classifiable into distinct catego-
ries that greatly facilitate comparison between any latent prints recovered at a crime
scene and prints on file in police agencies.
Fingerprint patterns are divided into three broad groups: loops, arches, and whorls.
:]]â
Sixty to 65 percent of fingerprints are loops, a pattern in which one or more ridges
enter from one side of the print, curve around, and exit from the same side. Varieties
of the loop are the plain loop that enters and exits on the right, the plain loop that
enters and exits on the left, the central pocket loop, the lateral pocket loop, and the
twinned loop.
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Arches come in two basic varieties, the plain arch and the tented arch. In either case,
the pattern begins on one side, rises to a peak or arch, and exits on the other side.
Arches account for about 5 percent of fingerprints.
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EV]`Za
A whorl is a circular pattern with no Sworn Statement
entrance or exit. The two basic whorls are
Fingerprints are of extreme
simple and accidental. The simple whorl
evidentiary value in criminal
exhibits only the circular pattern, whereas
investigations, because they are
the accidental whorl contains more than the strongest possible evidence of
two deltas, which are places where two a person’s identity.
lines run side by side, then diverge with —Wayne W. Bennett and Kären
a significant line that curves around and M. Hess, Criminal Investigation
passes in front of the delta.
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Many fingerprint experts recognize even more varieties of loops, arches, and whorls
than the basic patterns just mentioned; however, these patterns account for what the
FBI calls the nine basic fingerprint patterns: plain arch, tented arch, plain loop (right),
plain loop (left), simple whorl, central pocket loop, lateral pocket loop, twinned loop,
and accidental whorl.
The basic patterns allow investigators to narrow the search for file prints that may
match prints obtained from crime evidence. Once a group of possible matches is
obtained, a fingerprint expert compares specific identification points, minute features
within the patterns that allow for specific matching of an evidence print with a file
print. Common features include islands (small enclosed ridge patterns), dots (isolated
dots rather than ridge lines), bifurcations (ridges that diverge or fork in various ways),
and ending ridges (ridges that don’t connect, but simply dead end). Some experts
recognize as many as 100 or more identification points in any given print. In order to
declare a match between a file print and an evidence print, a minimum of 12 identical
identification points is typically required.
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The nine basic fingerprint

patterns, used by the FBI
and adapted from Purkinji’s
original classification system.
(Image from the Federal Bureau

of Investigation) Plain arch Tented arch Plain loop
Plain loop Whorl Central pocket loop
Lateral pocket loop Twinned loop Accidental
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Fingerprint classification and matching takes skill and patience—traditionally, a lot of
patience. Comparing evidence prints to file prints is essentially an exercise in pattern
recognition, an activity in which modern, graphically oriented computer systems excel.
Automated Fingerprint Identification Systems are computerized systems that electron-
ically scan evidence prints and compare the scan to a digitized database of file prints,
outputting potential matches for a human operator to examine and review.
The investigator runs the evidence print through an optical scanner that is linked
to a computer. The computer program analyzes the scan for matching identification
points. The computer then outputs a list of file prints that have the closest correla-
tion to whatever criteria the investigator has specified. The computer’s “word” is
not accepted as law; a trained human expert always examines the prints to verify the
match. AFIS technology has greatly accelerated the process of fingerprint identifica-
tion.
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In recent years, DNA evidence has become increasingly important in criminal inves-
tigation, and we often hear about “DNA fingerprinting.” This process is covered in
Chapter 14, and although it should not be confused with conventional fingerprint
examination and analysis, there are important analogies between the use of DNA and
conventional fingerprint evidence in criminal investigation. Both conventional finger-
printing and “DNA fingerprinting” analyze evidence resulting from various forms of
physical contact and interaction in order to ascertain the identity of the person or per-
sons involved in that contact and interaction. Despite the attention—especially in the
media—lavished on DNA evidence during recent years, it is likely that conventional
fingerprint examination will remain an important part of criminal investigation for
a long time to come because most crimes, especially violent crimes, involve physical
manipulation—actions that may transfer minute traces of sweat, oils, or amines to an
object, but not the transfer of DNA-bearing substances.
X Alphonse Bertillon, a nineteenth-century French police clerk, developed the
Bertillon System, the first effective attempt to identify criminals objectively and
unambiguously.
X Interest in fingerprints dates from prehistory, but it wasn’t until the end of the
nineteenth century that it became viable as a means of identification.
X Flaws in the Bertillon System spurred almost universal adoption of fingerprint
identification by the early twentieth century.
X Criminal investigators attempt to recover latent fingerprints in order to compare
these with fingerprints on file, either locally or at the FBI.
X The systematic classification of a relatively small number of basic fingerprint pat-
terns makes fingerprint identification and matching practical.
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8
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X The field of forensics
X The modern crime lab
X Forensic chemistry
X Ballistics and firearms examination
X Analyzing prints: tools, shoes, and tires
X Arson investigation
Fans of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s archetypal sleuth Sherlock Holmes cer-
tainly have a vivid picture of a crime lab: Holmes’s London parlor at 221B
Baker Street, in which flasks, bubbling retorts, and a microscope stand
cheek by jowl with the detective’s Meerschaum pipe and Stradivarius fiddle.
Holmes routinely subjected tiny bits of evidence (today these would be
called “trace evidence”) to microscopic and chemical analysis, and he wrote
learned treatises on such arcane subjects as how to determine what type of
tobacco an offender smoked by analyzing the ashes left behind.
At one time, of course, all science was a kind of hobby, the leisure pursuit
of gentlemen with time on their hands. And as a Victorian gentleman par
excellence, Sherlock Holmes had plenty of time to devote to science in the
service of his all-consuming avocation, crime detection.
Twenty-first-century criminal investigation has no patience with amateurs, even those

on a par with Sherlock Holmes. As we’ll see in this chapter, a high level of profes-
sionalism is required when so much rides on the work of the crime lab: the efficient
allocation of police resources to apprehend an offender, the thorough and accurate
analysis of evidence that will be used to prosecute the accused—or to exonerate the
innocent—and the protection of the public safety.
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Let us review: forensic science (sometimes simply called forensics) is the application of
science—including physical, medical, and behavioral science—as it relates to the law.
Scientific methods, procedures, and equipment are used in investigating crimes as well
as in proving, in a court of law, the guilt of the accused.
Potentially, any field of scientific inquiry might be applied to forensic work, but it is
certain disciplines from the physical and medical sciences that are called on most fre-
quently.
Trace evidence is extremely small physical matter (such as a carpet fiber, a hair, a chip
of paint) that has evidentiary value. Questioned documents are any documents that may
have relevance to the commission of a crime. The term is often used specifically to refer
to suspected forgeries or documents that have been illicitly altered.
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Chemistry and physics are the two broad fields of physical science that have the
most direct application to forensics. Chemical analysis is important in analyzing the
nature of trace evidence, including questionable substances (such as illicit drugs), hairs
and fibers, firearms identification, tool marks, shoe prints, and voice analysis. It is
also used to analyze questioned documents (documents that may be forged or may have
other relevance to the commission of a crime), an area discussed later in the chapter.
Specialists often study documents in which ink or paper type might hold clues as to
origin, which might in turn help uncover the identity of an offender.
;SRWQOZAQWS\QSa
Homicide leaves in its wake one or more bodies, and other crimes, such as rape, typi-
cally leave fluid and tissue traces. The medical sciences have assumed such importance
1VO^bS`&( 1`W[S:OP '
in forensics that they are treated in the three chapters of the next part of this book,
Part 3. In this chapter, we focus exclusively on the physical sciences in the crime lab.
For a discussion of the forensic application of behavioral science, see Chapter 3.
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At its best, the modern crime lab is a state-of-the-art research laboratory. Any research
laboratory needs up-to-date equipment, highly trained researchers, and a set of
orderly procedures scrupulously followed. Good science depends on these things. A
laboratory that puts science in the service of criminal investigation must, if anything,
adhere to even higher standards. After all, the enforcement of law, the determination
of guilt or innocence, and, ultimately, the safety and well-being of the public depend
on the work it does.
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The chemistry section of the crime lab is equipped to subject a variety of trace evi-
dence to analysis, including …
X The presence and type of dyes and chemicals. Many banks use specific dyes
and chemicals in such security devices as packs of money that are rigged to
explode after a certain delay period, spraying a dye marker on whomever is close
to the stolen cash. Even after repeated cleaning, traces of the dye remain on
skin, hair, clothing, automobile interior, and other items. Also, some cash may be
treated with special dye markers, visible or invisible, so that stolen cash can be
identified. The chemistry lab can analyze samples of clothing or currency.
X Stained clothing or other items found at a crime scene. The forensic chem-
ist can analyze the stain to determine what it is. The presence of certain lubri-
cant stains, for example, may provide clues to an offender’s occupation as a
factory worker, for instance, or an auto mechanic. Often it is possible to analyze
stains with great precision, so that the substance found may be associated with a
very specific activity or vocation: motor oil is chemically distinct from lubricants
used in various factory processes; silicone lubricants are used exclusively in some
industries, petroleum lubricants in others. The lab can also compare stains or
markings to suspected sources: the stain found on a suspect’s clothing may be
analyzed and compared to a substance found at the scene of the crime.
X Unknown substances found in conjunction with a crime scene; the chemistry
lab can run tests to identify them.
X The composition of inks and papers. For example, it may be possible to dis-
cover the author of a ransom note or a bomb threat when comparing the ink or
paper with known samples.
X Manufacturing or building materials, many of which have distinctive chemi-
cal compositions. A forensic chemist can analyze and compare items found at a
crime scene to suspected sources. Experts from specific manufacturing or build-
ing industries may also be consulted.
X Plastics in wire insulation and miscellaneous plastics such as buttons can be
compared with known sources.
X Duct tape, which is sometimes used to restrain the victim of a violent crime.
The lab can analyze tape samples to determine composition, construction, and
color, and from this determine the manufacturer. The FBI crime lab maintains a
National Forensic Tape File, with samples of virtually every known tape. If the
manufacturer of the tape is known, it may be possible to identify stores in a given
area that sell the tape. Investigators can call on these stores and ask questions
concerning suspects.
X Caulks, sealants, and adhesives, which may be identified as to color, composi-
tion, and maker.
X Traces of paint. For example, the color, year,
make, and model of an automobile can be deter-
Case in Point
mined by comparing a very small sample of
Another important source of paint—rubbed or chipped off, say, when the get-
auto-related evidence is found in away car sideswiped the side of a building—to
fragments of trim, which can be a comprehensive file of known sources. Paint
compared with plastic remaining
on safes, vaults, window sills, and door frames
on the property (or person) struck
can be transferred to and from burglar tools.
in a hit-and-run case.
Chemical examination of suspicious tools can
demonstrate their use in a particular crime.
1VS[WQOZ/\OZgaWa(2`cUa>]Wa]\aO\R=bVSÀcPabO\QSa
The chemistry section of the crime lab is often called on to analyze substances sus-
pected of being—or known to be—illegal drugs. Even minute traces can be analyzed,
and the chemist can usually report on the type of drug, its strength, and sometimes its
probable origin.
1VO^bS`&( 1`W[S:OP
The crime lab is called upon to perform many functions related to chemical analysis,
from confirming the presence of alcohol in the blood or urine sample of an accused
DUI suspect to the presence of toxicological evidence of a poisoning in a murder case.
Most of the requests are mundane. The officer obtains the body substance sample and
preserves it in the manner prescribed by the crime lab (see Chapter 6). The samples
are taken to the crime lab and the questioned material is analyzed. The sheer volume
of material delivered to most crime labs is enough to delay prosecution of cases sig-
nificantly.
A variety of bodily fluids and body parts are delivered for analysis.
X Blood and urine: The standard tests for the presence of illegal substances in
blood and urine are gas chromatography and mass spectrophotometry. These tests
produce graph-type results that show peaks and valleys, which alert the lab tech-
nician to the presence or absence of certain substances.
X Stomach contents: Chromotgorahy,
which separates the various constitu-
ents of a fluid mixture, is used to Gas chromatography and mass
analyze stomach—or gastric— spectrophotometry are the stan-
contents, which may show a higher dard crime lab tests for detecting
and measuring illegal substances
concentration of a suspicious sub-
in the blood. The tests produce
stance than is present in the blood or graph-type results, the peaks and
urine. valleys of which indicate the
X Vitreous humor: The gelatinous presence and level of specific
substances.
substance present in the ocular area
around the eyeball, the vitreous
humor, often persists in a cadaver during and after decomposition and may be
the only body fluid remaining in a corpse. Analysis of it is therefore useful in
determining facts surrounding the death of the person.
X Bile and liver: Most metabolic processes take place in the liver. The substance
it secretes, bile, often contains significant quantities of drugs or controlled sub-
stances.
X Hair: In recent years, kits have become available with which parents can test
the hair of children they suspect of drug use; however, hair is not the most reli-
able specimen for forensic investigation. It is difficult to establish whether drug
traces found in the hair came from ingested drugs or external exposure to drugs.
Workplace testing involving hair samples is still common, but the standard for
criminal forensic investigation is higher. Although hair is not considered a speci-

men of choice for drug testing, it often yields other important information in the
crime lab.
Suspicious substances are

tested in the lab or in the
field using specially packaged
chemical kits.
(Image courtesy of DeKalb

County [Georgia] Solicitor-
General’s Office)
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Like many other items of trace evidence, hairs and fibers can be difficult to locate at a
crime scene. Strong lighting and careful searching are required to turn up these items.
Often the extra vigilance is worth the effort, because such evidence can place a subject
at a crime scene, especially in crimes of violence, in which some interchange of hairs
or fibers is likely to occur. It is also possible that the suspect will inadvertently carry
hair or fiber away from the scene—for example, if he kneels on a carpet.
Hair has a distinct structure, consisting of an outer cuticle (with overlapping scales
that point toward the tip), a cortex (consisting of elongated cells), and the medulla (the
center of the hair, consisting of variably shaped cells). Because the appearance of these
structures vary, it is often possible, using a microscope, to identify an evidence strand
of hair with a known source (such as the victim of a violent crime).
If blood is present on the hair, identification becomes more certain. Hair is also an
excellent source of DNA evidence (see Chapter 14).
Under the microscope, it is possible to distinguish between human and animal hair,
and between hair from the head, pubic hair, facial hair, and so on. Many drugs and
poisons, such as arsenic, accumulate in the hair; analysis of strands is very useful to the
toxicologist (see Chapter 11).
1VO^bS`&( 1`W[S:OP !
Forensic experts refer to hair specimens as “class characteristic” evidence; that is, a
hair recovered from a crime scene or suspect may have enough similar properties
compared with a known sample to be deemed “consistent with” the sample, but it can-
not be said definitively to be a perfect match. Hair samples are very effectively used to
exclude a suspect; for instance, Caucasian hair differs from Negroid hair, so the pres-
ence of Caucasian hair on the clothing of a homicide victim may tend to exclude a
black suspect.
Nonhair fibers are of many varieties, but they fall into four major groups: mineral,
vegetable, animal, and synthetic. Examples of mineral fibers are fiberglass and asbes-
tos; vegetable fibers can include cotton, manila, hemp, and so on; animal fibers can
include wool and silk; and the most common synthetics are rayon, nylon, and polyes-
ter.
After narrowing down fiber evidence to one of these four groups, the laboratory inves-
tigator can begin to compare the questioned fiber with known specimens. In some
cases, it is actually possible to identify manufacturers on the basis of synthetic fiber
evidence. Suspect A denies ever visiting Victim B’s house. Forensic examination has
recovered fibers from under Suspect A’s fingernails. Analysis reveals that they are from
a carpet made by Manufacturer C. Victim B’s apartment has this carpeting wall to
wall.
Case in Point
In 1958, 16-year-old Gaetane Bouchard, a Canadian girl, was murdered. Her ex-
boyfriend, John Vollman, who lived across the border in Maine, had been seen with her
just before the discovery of the murder. Flakes of paint from the place where they had
been seen together were matched to Vollman’s car. Also, lipstick stains matching the
color Bouchard used were found on candy in the car’s glove compartment. But it was
strands of hair found clutched in the victim’s hand that finally persuaded the jury. Using
neutron activation analysis, these were matched to Vollman’s hair by demonstrating an
identical ratio of sulphur radiation to phosphorus. This ratio differed from the hair of the
victim herself.
Neutron activation analysis, developed in the 1950s, is still a high-tech tool and is still
sometimes used in the forensic analysis of hair, fiber, and some other trace evidence.
The evidence is bombarded with neutrons inside the core of a nuclear reactor. The
neutrons collide with the components of the trace elements, exciting them so that
they emit gamma radiation of a characteristic energy level. By examining these energy
levels, the investigator can measure every part of the sample, no matter how small. A
single hair reveals 14 distinct components.
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Light from most sources, such as the sun, radiates in waves that vibrate in all direc-
tions. This light may be polarized by filtering it so the vibrations of the light waves
occur on a single plane. Polarized light can be used to analyze so-called anisotropic
materials, which include 90 percent of all solid substances. In contrast to isotropic
materials, which include gases, liquids, unstressed glasses, and cubic crystals, aniso-
tropic materials have optical properties that vary with the orientation of a polarized
light source. This means that the combination of a polarized light source and a special
microscope can be used to study a wide variety of natural and industrial minerals and
composites (such as cements, ceramics, mineral fibers, and polymers) as well as crystal-
line or highly ordered biological molecules, including DNA, starch, wood, and urea.
Such analysis can reveal the effects of various chemical and physical processes, making
it possible in some cases to link a substance found at a crime scene (or associated with
a victim) to a suspect or object associated with him.
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The lives we live today are extensively mediated—that is, much of our reality comes to
us not directly through our own ears and eyes, but via such media as television, radio,
the telephone, and audio- and videotape recording. The one thing criminal investi-
gation must account for above all is reality, and if today’s reality includes electronic
media, the forensic scientist must figure out ways to examine and analyze it.
Audio and video recordings are very easy to edit and alter. Advanced crime labora-
tories have the equipment and experts to determine whether recordings are original,
continuous, unaltered, and consistent with the stated operation of the tape or video
recorder purportedly used.
Evidence recordings are often made under less than ideal circumstances, using hidden
microphones in noisy surroundings or hidden cameras in poor lighting conditions.
Audio or video recordings may be damaged—as in arson evidence, for instance—or
tapes may be deliberately erased. Crime lab experts can sometimes enhance poor-
quality or damaged tapes to reduce interfering noise, to increase the readability of an
image, and generally to restore and repair damaged media.
Signal analysis is another aspect of examining both audio and video recordings. It is
often possible to identify, compare, and interpret such background signals as gunshots
or telephone touch tones. From the sound of a gunshot, experts may be able to deter-
mine direction and even the type of firearm used. From telephone touch tones picked
up on recordings, dialed phone numbers can be recovered.
1VO^bS`&( 1`W[S:OP #
Most intriguing to the public is so-called voiceprinting, which is the electronic

analysis of the human voice as a graphic sound spectrograph. This spectrograph—or
voiceprint—is unique to the speaker, as a fingerprint is unique to a particular finger.
Any sound, including the human voice, can be represented graphically as a sound
spectrograph, a distinctive pattern. As with fingerprints, no two voiceprints are exactly
alike—even when a skilled mimic deliberately disguises his or her voice to sound like
that of another. By comparing evidence voiceprints with known voice samples—or
samples obtained from a suspect in custody—it is often possible to find a match. In
this way, offenders such as bomb hoaxers, obscene callers, or others can be identified.
Courts generally do not consider voiceprint evidence in and of itself conclusive, but
voiceprint evidence does provide investigative guidance and can be presented in court
as one evidentiary element among others.
Evidence in the form of conventional photography is also often submitted to the
crime lab. As with electronic media, photographs can be examined for authenticity and
to enhance poor images. The lab can determine if the photograph has been altered
or retouched. It can often tell what type of camera was used to produce the picture.
Physical examination of film and emulsion types can help determine the date of the
photograph.
Voiceprints: the print on top

closely matches the lower
print, strongly suggesting
that the two audio samples
were spoken by the same
person.

lection)
4W`SO`[a7RS\bWTWQObW]\
Most violent crimes in the United States are committed with firearms. The interi-
ors of gun barrels are rifled (grooved) in order to make the bullet spin and thereby
increase its accuracy. The rifling leaves distinctive marks on the bullet that is fired. By
examining the markings on bullets recovered from a crime scene or a victim’s body,
investigators can often determine the make and model of the firearm used. If a suspect
firearm is recovered, a ballistics expert—someone skilled in the analysis of all evidence
relating to the discharge of firearms—will fire it, recover the discharged round, and
compare it microscopically to the bullet from the crime scene. A positive match indi-
cates that the crime scene bullet was fired from the suspect firearm.
Even if a suspect firearm has not been recovered, bullets and cartridges found at a
crime scene can be analyzed using the Integrated Ballistics Identification System
(IBIS). Maintained by the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF), IBIS
is a comprehensive database of ammunition that is analogous to the FBI’s comprehen-
sive fingerprint files.
Firearms, as well as ammunition, are examined in the ballistics lab. The examination
begins with an assessment of the general condition of the firearm: is it functional? A
trigger-pull analysis exactly determines the amount of pressure necessary to release the
hammer or firing pin of a firearm. If a slightly built female defendant claims that she
isn’t strong enough to pull the trigger of that gun, the results of the trigger-pull analy-
sis may demolish that defense.
Examinations can also determine whether a firearm has been illegally modified to fire
in the full-automatic mode. In cases where firearm serial numbers have been filed off
by an offender, analysts can sometimes restore them to legibility.
Another important aspect of firearms examination
Case in Point
is analysis of how gunshot residue is deposited on
The analysis of rifling marks may such evidence as clothing. The pattern of gunpow-
be thought of as a branch of der and other blast residue varies with the distance
tool-mark identification because
between the muzzle of the firearm and the target. By
the subject is the imprint left by
comparing evidence patterns to patterns obtained in
a specialized tool (the gun, with
its distinctively rifled barrel) on an laboratory test firings, such information as muzzle-
object (the shell casing). Today, to-victim distance can be determined, along with the
some experts call rifling analysis direction (angle) from which the shot was fired.
by another name: ballistic finger-
Firing a weapon also often leaves traces of nitrate (an
printing.
ingredient in gunpowder) on the skin of the shooter.
1VO^bS`&( 1`W[S:OP %
Applying warm paraffin to a suspect’s hand picks up impurities, including nitrate, from
the skin and pores. The paraffin is treated with chemicals (diphenylamine or diphenyl-
benzidine), which turn blue in the presence
of nitrate. This tends to indicate that the
suspect has recently fired a gun—although
the test is by no means foolproof, since Tool marks are characteristic
the procedure can give both false positives impressions transferred from
and false negatives. Shooting a gun is not any tool to the material it has
the only way to get nitrate on the skin, and worked. The impressions left on
the absence of nitrate does not necessarily the material may be matched to
mean that the person hasn’t fired a weapon marks on the tool.
recently.
B]]Z;O`YaAV]S>`W\baO\RBW`S>`W\ba
Burglars and other intruders often use tools to pry open windows or doors. Just as the
barrel of a gun leaves characteristic marks on the round that is fired, tools leave tell-
tale marks on the material they work. Some tool marks are easy to identify. A suspected
burglar is apprehended carrying a screwdriver with a blade one-half-inch wide and
one-eighth-inch thick to pry open a window. Detectives find a one-half-inch-wide,
eighth-inch-deep groove on the wooden windowsill of the victim’s house.
Other tool-mark evidence is more complex and requires microscopic analysis in the
laboratory. A sledgehammer was used to open a safe. The hammer left striated marks
on the safe. A sledgehammer is recovered from the suspect. Microscopic examina-
tion of the striations on the safe match the striations on the hammer. Conclusion: that
hammer imprinted those marks on the safe.
Shoe and tire prints found at crime scenes can be very important (see Chapter 6).
From the number and direction of shoe prints, the number of offenders may be
determined, along with the direction of their approach and exit. By photographing
the prints and by carefully making plaster casts of them, it is possible (on the simplest
level) to compare the pattern with the pattern of the suspect’s shoes. It is also some-
times possible to determine the manufacturer of the shoe and even the approximate
weight of the offender (based on the depth of the print in a given material). It is often
possible to distinguish between men’s and women’s shoes and, based on the size of the
print, to make a guess about the offender’s height and weight.
Large crime laboratories, including the FBI’s facility, maintain files of shoe patterns,
which can expedite the process of identifying manufacturers.
Tires, like shoes, leave characteristic prints. From the pattern of a tire print, the type
of vehicle and the manufacturer (as well as year of manufacture) of the tire can be
determined. It is also possible to estimate speed and direction of travel.
Case in Point
The most famous case of shoe-print evidence was introduced in the trial of O. J.
Simpson for the murder of his ex-wife, Nicole Brown Simpson, and her friend, Ronald
Goldman, on June 12, 1994. Prosecutors showed pictures of bloody footprints leading
away from the crime scene. William Bodziack, an FBI expert on shoe prints, testified
that the prints were made by expensive and relatively rare Bruno Magli shoes. Just 300
pairs were ever sold in Simpson’s size 12. Simpson vehemently denied ever owning a
pair of Bruno Maglis, denouncing them as “ugly-ass shoes.” But in 1993, he had been
photographed wearing them. The jury was apparently unimpressed by the shoe impres-
sions, but Bruno Magli enjoyed a 30 percent increase in sales of its high-end “ugly-ass
shoes” during the months following their introduction as evidence.
?cSabW]\SR2]Qc[S\ba
Many crimes and criminals leave a paper trail. Questioned documents, as we’ve men-
tioned, are documents suspected of holding evidence to a crime. Some documents
are questioned because they are suspected of being forgeries. (Is the signature on that
bank draft fake?) And some are questioned because they relate to a crime. (Who is the
author of that ransom note?)
The questioned documents section of the crime lab analyzes paper types and water-
marks, either of which may identify a manufacturer or even a particular retail supplier,
and the composition of inks and pencil or crayon marks. Analysis may reveal erasures
and alternations. It may also reveal the age of the document. Treatment with various
chemicals and inspection under ultraviolet or black light often resurrect obliterated
writing, whether it has been erased, crossed out, or
Case in Point written over. Used carbon paper, discarded in the
trash can, may reveal an important message. The top
Crudely forged signatures are
sheet on the scratch pad left on the desk looks blank,
fairly easy to detect, especially
if they have been traced or cop-
but laboratory examination reveals the imprint of
ied. something written on a sheet that had been torn off.
The impressions can be rendered visible and legible.
1VO^bS`&( 1`W[S:OP '
Despite some expert claims to the contrary, not all handwriting is identifiable to a spe-
cific writer, but the examination of handwriting characteristics can sometimes deter-
mine the origin or authenticity of questioned writing. Although a host of dinner club
novelty entertainers would disagree, such traits as age, sex, personality, or intent cannot
be determined from handwriting examinations. However, it may be possible to make
inferences concerning the writer’s level of education and place of origin—based not
only on handwriting, but on such clues as spelling, grammar, and vocabulary—and it
can certainly be fruitful to compare a questioned document with known samples, such
as writing samples from a suspect.
In this age of the personal computer, the typewriter has rapidly become an endan-
gered species; however, typewritten documents still sometimes figure into crimes, and
skilled examiners can sometimes identify the make and model of a typewriter based on
individual characteristics of certain letters.
Modern typewriters use carbon film rather than fabric ribbons, and it is sometimes
possible to read the film ribbon. In some cases, it is also possible to study paper fibers
picked up by the ribbon and thereby link a particular ribbon (and typewriter, and typ-
ist) to a particular document.
Many businesses print checks using checkwriter machines. A checkwriter impression
can sometimes be identified with the checkwriter that produced it. The same is true
of embossed or seal impressions—these can sometimes be identified with the specific
instrument that produced them. Even rubber stamp impressions may, in some cases,
be identified with the rubber stamp that produced it.
An offender might well attempt to destroy incriminating documentary evidence by
burning it. Even in these cases, all is not necessarily lost. Sometimes it is possible to
decipher information on burned or charred documents, and even if this is not possible,
the charred remains of the paper may yield useful information upon chemical analysis.
/à]\7\dSabWUObW]\
Most arson and explosives-related crimes are notoriously difficult to investigate for the
simple reason that the crime, if successful, destroys most of the evidence it creates.
The differences between an accidental explosion and one caused by a bomb are usually
fairly self-evident. The differences between an accidental fire and one deliberately set
are typically far more difficult to spot. However, trained observers learn to look for
certain signs of arson:
X Alligatoring is the checkered appearance of charred wood that makes it look like
alligator skin. Large, high-relief blisters indicate intense heat. Small, flat alliga-
toring indicates lower levels of heat. Intense fires are often produced by arson-
ists, who use accelerants (most commonly gasoline) to set the fire.
X Crazing is the formation of irregular cracks in glass. Extensive crazing indicates
rapid and intense heat, signs of the use of an accelerant.
X The depth of charring tells much about the length of the burn and its origin.
The longer the burn, the more likely it is that an accelerant was used.
X The presence of a line of demarcation between charred and uncharred material
may indicate the presence of an accelerant. A puddle-shaped line of demarcation
is suspicious.
X Spalling is the term for the breaking off of surface pieces of brick or concrete.
Intense heat is required to create spalling, and brown stains around the spall area
are a strong indication that an accelerant has been used.
X Multiple points of origin—a group of fires set in various parts of a room or
building—suggest arson.
X The color of the smoke the fire produces may indicate the presence of acceler-
ants. Blue smoke is typically associated with alcohol; white smoke with burning
vegetable compounds, hay, or phosphorous; yellow or brown-yellow smoke with
various chemicals, including sulfur compounds and gunpowder; black smoke
is produced by petroleum products. The investigator must consult witnesses,
including firefighters, to gather this information.
Charred materials and any suspicious stains or liquid deposits are often sent to the
crime lab for analysis. Chemical tests can detect the presence of accelerants and iden-
tify what they are.
The lab is also called in to analyze debris and other materials from explosions.
Specialists can often determine the materials and methods used in the construction of
explosive devices. Serial bombers often build the same type of device from one crime
to the next. Analyzing the type of bomb used may yield the signature of the offender.
The FBI maintains an Explosives Reference Search System as well as an extensive
Explosives Reference File, which expedite identification of arson and explosive mate-
rials.
1VO^bS`&( 1`W[S:OP
X Forensics is the application of science—especially in the physical and medical
fields—to the investigation and prosecution of crime.
X Most forensic evidence is not in and of itself conclusive, but it can narrow the
field of suspects, guide an investigation, and, as an element in a collection of evi-
dence presented at trial, serve to convict a defendant.
X Modern crime labs use the principles of chemistry and physics to analyze physi-
cal evidence. They also use electronics to analyze electronic evidence, such as
audio and video recordings.
X Because the vast majority of violent crimes are committed using firearms, bal-
listics (essentially the identification of firearms from bullet and ammunition evi-
dence) is a key forensic field.
X Tools, shoes, and vehicle tires all leave characteristic marks or imprints, which
may be studied to identify origin and association with a suspect.
X The investigation of arson is especially difficult, since the crime itself destroys
much of the evidence of the crime.
3
>O`b
BVS0]RgW\
?cSabW]\
No item of evidence is more revealing than the body of the victim of a vio-
lent crime. In this part, we follow the work of the medical examiner from
the discovery of the body at the scene, through the forensic autopsy at the
morgue, to the chemistry of homicide, and the work of forensic dentists,
anthropologists, entomologists, botanists, and geologists. A special chapter
is devoted to the cutting edge of forensic medicine, DNA analysis.
This is the story of how criminal investigators, medical professionals, and
other forensic scientists have joined forces to disprove the old pirate say-
ing “Dead men tell no tales.” To the forensic specialist, the dead not only
speak, they explain, they accuse, and they cry out for justice.
6]caS1OZZ
1VO^bS`
9
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Is this death a homicide?
X The victim: preliminary investigation
X Relationship of murderer and victim
X Reading the scene
X Blood evidence
X Wound evidence
A body has been discovered in a house. A call goes out to 911, and police
officers arrive. They find a 60-year-old white female crumpled at the bot-
tom of a steep, narrow stairway leading down to the cellar. Did the woman
lose her footing and fall? Did she have a heart attack or stroke and then
fall? Did she purposely throw herself down the stairs? Or was she pushed?
The first possibility is an instance of accidental death; the second, natural
death; the third, suicide. All are sad events, but only one possibility—the
last mentioned—is homicide, a criminal matter. The discovery of a corpse
is not sufficient reason to launch a murder investigation. The first step is to
determine whether a homicide has been committed and if so, to gather evi-
dence found at the scene. Let’s look at how this is done.
$ >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
BVS1`W[SAQS\S
Much of the investigative work in a case of homicide is performed by the medical
examiner, some of it on the scene, and even more in the morgue where an autopsy is
performed. But the work always begins with the first police officers on the scene.
The medical examiner is typically an appointed or elected official, almost always a

physician specializing in pathology, charged with determining the cause of death in
criminal cases or in cases of mysterious death. In larger jurisdictions, the chief medical
examiner is in charge of a staff of medical examiners.
2gW\U2SQZOÒbW]\
Arriving on the scene, the officers do not take death for granted. A dead body may
have been reported, but the first responding officer makes certain, by feeling for an
arterial pulse, that the victim is indeed dead. If there are any signs of life, emergency
aid is rendered and an ambulance summoned. If the victim is conscious, officers
attempt to secure a dying declaration, which can be crucial in identifying the victim’s
assailant and in subsequently prosecuting him. In legal terms, a dying declaration
consists of the victim’s words identifying the causes or circumstances of his or her
impending death. A dying declaration is compelling investigative and courtroom
evidence. If equipment is available, it is often audio- or videotaped. To be admis-
sible as evidence, courts do not require that a dying declaration was necessarily fol-
lowed by death, but that it was made by someone who believed death was imminent.
Furthermore, the statement must specifically concern the cause or circumstances of
what the victim believed to be his or her impending death.
>`]bSQbW\UbVSAQS\S
The first responders act quickly to protect the crime scene so that evidence is neither
disturbed nor destroyed. Because the scene will soon be teeming with investigators,
people from the medical examiner’s office, and others, the first to arrive determines a
path to and from the victim that will least disturb evidence.
1VO^bS`'( 6]caS1OZZ %
1O^bc`W\UbVSAQS\S
If the victim is dead, there is no rush to remove the body from the scene. In many
jurisdictions, a medical examiner, typically a pathologist, will perform a preliminary
examination at the scene, and only after the examiner has completed work there is the
body taken to the morgue for an autopsy.
Before the body is removed, the crime scene is photographed and perhaps videotaped.
Investigators usually make simple sketches to indicate the position of the victim rela-
tive to other objects in the room or area. In many cases, if the body is lying on the
floor or ground, investigators will outline with chalk or tape the victim’s exact posi-
tion, as an aid to investigative work after the body is removed. The result is the chalk
outline that has figured in pop culture as a ghastly icon since film noir movie thrillers
of the 1940s and is still seen on today’s TV cop shows.
1VSQYZWab(5ObVS`W\U7\T]`[ObW]\
The FBI has drawn up a checklist of suggested investigative items to help ensure that
police investigators obtain all important preliminary information at the scene of a sus-
pected homicide. The first priority is to identify the victim. This may be possible with
the help of witnesses on the scene and/or identification found on the victim—a driver’s
license, for example, or other wallet items. The victim’s address should be determined,
as well as marital status and the name, address, and phone number of next of kin.
From the very beginning, investigators carefully note the circumstances under which
they were notified of the death, including the date and time of the notification and the
identity of the person who made the call. It is especially important to note the rela-
tionship, if any, of that person to the deceased.
AWU\a]TAb`cUUZS
Investigators also carefully note the date and time the body was found and the exact
location of the body. If the body was found inside a place of business or a house or
apartment, investigators make particular note of how entry was gained: Was the door
forced or a window broken? Or are there no signs of forced entry? The first circum-
stance suggests that the victim and the perpetrator were strangers or that, in any case,
the victim was not expecting the perpetrator to call. The second circumstance suggests
& >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
that the victim and perpetrator were either acquainted or the perpetrator had pre-
sented the victim with a plausible reason for opening the door. Perhaps the perpetra-
tor posed as a delivery person or even a police officer. It is also important to note the
type of lock on the door and the condition of other doors and windows.
Exactly where the body was found is important. The basement? The bedroom? The
living room? And where was the body found within the room? Sitting at a desk? Lying
on a sofa? Or in the middle of the floor? Was the victim discovered face up, face
down, or in some other position?
By carefully noting these details, it may be possible to begin putting together a picture
of what happened. It is important to look for signs of struggle as well as the absence of
such signs, because this information suggests much about the method of the perpetra-
tor and even his attitude toward what he was doing—cool, calm, and professional; or
wild, violent, and out of control.
Much can also be inferred about the relationship between the perpetrator and the
victim. Signs of forced entry combined with signs of violence suggest the work of an
intruder. The absence of forced entry and little evidence of a struggle suggest that the
perpetrator was a trusted acquaintance, friend, associate, or even relation.
1]\RWbW]\]TbVS0]Rg
The initial investigators take careful note of the condition of the body. Was it fully
clothed? Partially clothed? Naked? Was it carefully undressed, or were the clothes
torn and ripped off? If so, what kind of clothes was the victim wearing, and where
were they torn? Was a ligature (any kind of rope, tape, wire, or article of clothing)
used to bind or strangle a victim?
Although the medical examiner is solely responsible for determining the cause of
death, the first investigators on the scene typically take note of five more key items
relating to the condition of the body:
1. Is the body well preserved or decomposed? This is important for determin-
ing the time of death. The presence of maggots, for example, may help fix the
approximate time of death (see Chapter 13).
2. How far has rigor mortis progressed? This information can be important to
the medical examiner in assessing the time of death, especially if the examiner
arrives on the scene some time after the first officers do. A body is limp after
death until the breakdown of certain enzymes within body tissue stiffens the
corpse. This is known as rigor mortis—literally, the “stiffness of death.”
1VO^bS`'( 6]caS1OZZ '
Rigor begins in the jaw and head five to six hours after death, and the effect
moves downward from there. By 12 hours, the upper body is generally stiff.
Within about 18 hours, the entire body becomes rigid. Rigor mortis is not per-
manent, and it begins to disappear about 36 hours after death, typically in the
same sequence in which it appeared.
Related to rigor mortis, but distinct from it, is cadaveric spasm. This is the con-
traction of specific muscle groups at the time of death—literally, a “death grip”—
and it is most frequently found when the hand of the deceased is closed tightly
around an object. Unlike rigor mortis, it does not disappear. Nor can cadaveric
spasm be counterfeited. Thus, if a victim is found with a gunshot wound to the
head, his hand tightly grasping the handle of a revolver, the chances are very
good that the victim has committed suicide. If, however, the victim is found with
his or her fingers loosely wrapped around the gun’s handle, there is a distinct
possibility that some other person has attempted to “stage the crime scene” by
creating the appearance of suicide, presumably in an effort to hide a murder.
3. What is the appearance and position of postmortem lividity? When the
heart stops beating, blood ceases to circulate, and, with the force of gravity,
it drains to the body’s lowest levels, pooling in these places. Where blood has
pooled after death, the result is a dark blue or purple discoloration of the skin
known as postmortem lividity. Postmortem lividity begins anywhere from one-
half to three hours after death. Its spread slows after four or five hours, because
blood coagulates within the capillaries by that time, and it reaches its maximum
intensity after 10 or 12 hours. Because the rate of these changes in the condition
of the blood is well known, lividity provides a remarkably accurate indication of
the time of death.
The location of lividity suggests whether a body was moved after death. For
example, if a body is discovered on its back, lividity is expected to appear in the
lower part of the back and legs, because this is where gravity would naturally
cause the noncirculating blood to pool. If, however, it appears instead on the
face, chest, and stomach, it is likely that the body was originally face down and
was moved after death.
The medical examiner will also note the color of the lividity. Cherry red or vivid
pink lividity indicates carbon monoxide poisoning, and other poisons also impart
a telltale color to the lividity.
4. Is blood present? If so, where? Blood evidence points to the cause of death—
gunshot, stabbing, beating, etc.
! >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
5. Are wounds present? What are their location

and number? First responders typically take
Blunt force trauma (BFT) is injury note of gunshot wounds, knife punctures, tears,
caused by the blow(s) of any lacerations, and blunt force trauma (BFT). The
blunt instrument, such as a bat, full extent and number of wounds are not always
pipe, hammer, or fist. apparent until close medical examination or
autopsy. We’ll look further at wound evidence in
a moment.
/AbS^0OQY
On the scene of a homicide, it is natural for all investigative eyes to focus on the body.
But it is also important for investigators to take a step back and look carefully at the
surroundings.
If the room is in disarray, furniture upset, items broken or scattered, it is evident that
a struggle has taken place. If, however, the room is orderly, the implication is that the
victim did not feel herself to be in danger. This may be because the victim was taken
entirely by surprise and killed before she had time to react or because the victim knew
the perpetrator and believed she had no reason to fear him.
Rooms, apartments, and houses hold other important clues. For example, evidence
of the recent preparation of food may provide a clue as to the time of death. The
presence of dated material, such as accumulated and unread newspapers or a mailbox
stuffed with unretrieved items, may help fix the date of death in cases where a body is
found in some state of decomposition.
Investigators ask themselves if the room or house shows evidence of robbery, or drug
or alcohol use. They look, too, for evidence of sexually deviant practices, including
sadomasochistic rituals that may have lethal consequences.
AbOW\aO\RA^ZObbSà
Approximately six quarts of blood circulate through the body of an adult. When the
body is violently pierced—by bullets, by a knife, by a blunt instrument—some of that
blood is spilled. In the case of gunshots or a violent struggle, it is usually splattered
rather than simply spilled.
The spectacle of a bloodstained, blood-splattered crime scene is gruesome, but it
is not simply chaotic or meaningless. The location of the stains and the pattern of
the splatter have a story to tell. Well-interpreted blood-splatter evidence is often
1VO^bS`'( 6]caS1OZZ !
compelling at trial and is deemed so important that some criminal investigators spe-
cialize in the study, analysis, and interpretation of blood splatter evidence. These
detectives and forensic scientists do not depend solely on their experience at actual
crime scenes, but also perform laboratory experiments to simulate attacks and study
the resulting splatter patterns.
From the number and position of stains, it may be possible to determine the move-
ments of the victim relative to his assailant. From blood splatter, it is possible to ascer-
tain the direction from which an assault came. The distance between the victim and
where the bloodstain came to rest can indicate the type of impact the victim received,
the type of object that produced the wounds, the number of blows that were inflicted,
and the position of the victim and assailant during and after the bloodshed.
This evidence can be compared to statements taken from witnesses and suspects.
There have been many cases in which a suspect claims that the victim’s death was
accidental, but the location and angle of the blood-splatter pattern refutes the claim.
When blood drips, it creates round stains. When blood is propelled, as from a blow,
the stains are elongated—the more elongated, the harder the blow.
Case in Point
In February 2002, David Camm was tried for the murder of his wife, Kimberly, and his
two children, Bradley and Jill, in their Indiana home. Blood-splatter expert Rod Englert
testified that blood splatter on Camm’s T-shirt was high-velocity, which could only come
from the impact of a gunshot. In court, Englert used simulated blood to demonstrate to
the jury how blood splatter is produced. He testified that Camm’s shoes also showed
high-velocity splatter, which Camm had tried to wipe off. Lead prosecutor Stan Faith
remarked to a reporter: “If you have this kind of blood impact on your T-shirt, there’s
only one way you can get it. That’s in the presence of a gunshot.” Camm was con-
victed and sentenced to 195 years in prison.
Investigators photograph bloodstain and blood-splatter evidence and carefully study

the patterns. Traditionally, investigators have attempted to evaluate blood-splatter
evidence by directional analysis, using strings affixed to certain points in the splat-
ter pattern and extending these back to a probable source of the blood. Recently, a
computer software program called BackTrack has been developed to analyze splatter
evidence digitally and graphically, using “virtual strings.” The investigator enters into
the computer the width, length, direction, and position of each blood droplet, and the
software calculates an angle of attack for each droplet, then projects a flight path back-
ward from each. Where two or more of the projections intersect, the position of the
original wound can be determined.
! >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
Given sufficient time, a perpetrator may attempt to remove bloodstains and blood
splatter by laundering bed sheets, blankets, and clothing, or by scrubbing walls, floors,
and other surfaces. Luminol is a chemical that reacts with even trace amounts of
hemoglobin, a constituent of blood, causing it to fluoresce with a bright green color.
Faint bloodstains—or even invisible stains—can be clearly visualized with Luminol.
Luminol is intended to reveal the trace presence of blood that is otherwise invisible
to the unaided eye. At some crime scenes or on some articles of evidence (clothing,
for example), stains are clearly visible, but because of the passage of time or the effects
of environmental exposure (long contact with water, dirt, exposure to the sun, and so
on), it is not possible to visually identify the stains as blood. In other cases, investiga-
tors may have reason to believe that a crime scene or article of evidence was associated
with a violent crime, but the traces of blood are so minute that they cannot be posi-
tively identified by sight alone. When there is doubt as to the nature of a suspicious
stain, or in examining minute stain evidence, various chemicals (including leucoma-
lachite green, phenolphthalein, ortho-tolidine, and tetramethylbenzidine) are used
to make what is called a presumptive test for blood. As with luminal, these chemicals
react with hemoglobin to reveal the presence of genuine blood.
4W\US`\OWZa
The victim’s fingernails are often repositories of key evidence. Blood may be vis-
ible under the fingernails, indicating that the victim attempted to defend herself by
scratching or tearing at the attacker. This blood can be invaluable in identifying a sus-
pect, especially with the availability of DNA testing.
Even when blood evidence is not immediately visible under the fingernails, it or
other tissue may be present and can be discovered later by microscopic examina-
tion or by making a presumptive test for blood, using one of the hemoglobin tracers
just discussed. Typically, the medical examiner or a technician will “bag” the victim’s
hands—cover them with plastic bags—before transporting the body to the morgue.
This avoids contamination and the loss of important trace evidence.
@SORW\UbVSE]c\Ra
The medical examiner will thoroughly investigate all wounds at autopsy, but, based on
the appearance of wounds even while the body is at the crime scene, an experienced
detective can begin to make some important assessments.
1VO^bS`'( 6]caS1OZZ !!
5c\aV]b
When a gun is fired, the bullet does not simply and neatly exit the barrel. In addi-
tion to the emergence of the bullet, gases produced by the explosion of the powder
expand, and metal fragments from the cartridge case are propelled out of the barrel,
as are burned and unburned gunpowder, along with carbon and soot from the firing
of the primer. All of this additional material leaves little trace when shots are fired at a
distance from the victim. But if the skin around the wound shows a powder tattoo or is
stained by soot and carbon, it is likely that the shot was fired from no more than 2 feet
away. By test-firing in the ballistics lab and comparing the resulting powder pattern
and the proportion of burned and unburned powder with the evidence on the body
or clothing, it is possible to calculate with reasonable accuracy actual firing distance.
If the muzzle of the weapon was in direct contact with the body, a contact wound
appears, often along with an impression of the muzzle.
At the scene, investigators can use the gunshot wound evidence to make a preliminary
assessment of whether the injury was self-inflicted or a homicide. A wound indicat-
ing that the gun was fired from more than
a few inches away or a shot that penetrated
clothing tends to rule out suicide. The loca-
A powder tattoo is a characteris-
tion of the wound (for example, the back)
tic pattern created around a gun-
or the angle of trajectory (as indicated by shot wound by soot or carbon
the shape of the wound or by the relation when the shot was fired from no
of the entry wound to the exit wound) may more than 2 feet away. Presence
definitively rule out suicide—as would the of tattooing indicates a shot at
absence of a weapon at the scene. If, how- very close range.
ever, the wound shows that the gun was
held directly against the skin, and if the
wound is in the mouth or right temple (assuming the victim was right-handed; left
temple, if left-handed), suicide is likely. Suicides do not generally fire through cloth-
ing, except in the comparatively rare case of purposely self-inflicted wounds to the
chest. The weapon will almost certainly be present at the scene, typically grasped
tightly in the hand (a result of cadaveric spasm).
AbOPO\R1cbbW\UE]c\Ra
Wounds inflicted by a knife or other sharp object may be stab wounds, which are
made by thrusting, or they may be cutting wounds. From the angle, location, and
number of stab wounds, it is often possible to draw inferences about the height and
!" >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
strength of the attacker, and perhaps even something of his state of mind (cool, pro-
fessional, efficient, panicky, or filled with rage). The presence or absence of defen-
sive wounds—cuts on the victim’s hands, arms, and legs resulting from his attempts
to ward off the attack—suggest something about the relation of victim to assailant.
Absence of defensive wounds may suggest that either the victim was taken completely
by surprise and was killed before he could offer resistance or that the victim did not
expect an attack because the assailant was someone the victim knew and trusted.
Except in the case of certain suicide rituals (the Samurai practice of sepuku or hara-
kiri, for instance), stab wounds are seldom purposely self-inflicted. Cutting wounds,
however, are often associated with suicide, especially when the main wounds are
accompanied by “hesitation wounds”—less severe cuts caused by attempts to build up
the resolve to inflict the deep, fatal cut.
As with gunshot wounds, the appearance of stabbing
Sworn Statement and cutting wounds can suggest much, even to those
who arrive first on the scene. Knife wounds under
I didn’t want to hurt the
man. I thought he was a
(not through) clothing; cutting wounds at the throat,
very nice gentleman. Soft-spoken. wrists, or ankles; and the presence of hesitation
I thought so right up to the wounds all suggest suicide—especially if the weapon
moment I cut his throat. is present. Stab wounds through clothing, wounds in
—Perry Smith’s confession in vital organs, disfiguring wounds, and the presence of
Truman Capote’s In Cold Blood: defensive wounds all point to murder. Typically, the
A True Account of a Multiple weapon is not present, and there are signs that the
Murder and Its Consequences body has been moved.
(Random House, 1966)
As much as the crime scene and the body tell the
first investigators who arrive, this information is usu-
ally no more than a prologue. It is the task of the medical examiner, as we will see in
Chapters 10 and 11, to read the rest of the story.
X When a body is discovered, the responsibility for determining the cause of death
ultimately rests with the medical examiner, but the first police investigators to
arrive on the scene open up the investigation and make the initial determination
that the death is or is not a homicide.
1VO^bS`'( 6]caS1OZZ !#
X Investigators examine the body as well as its surroundings for clues indicating
the time and cause of death and, in the case of homicide, the relationship of the
victim and the assailant.
X Rigor mortis and post-mortem lividity provide important indications of the time
of death and whether the body was moved after death.
X The number and location of bloodstains and the size, location, and shape of
blood-splatter patterns provide clues to the position of the assailant relative to
the victim.
X The appearance of both gunshot and knife wounds suggests much about how
the victim was killed, providing (among other things) clues that either suggest or
rule out suicide and that imply the assailant was either known or unknown to the
victim.
0]Rg]T3dWRS\QS
1VO^bS`
10
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X The role of the medical examiner
X Preparing a body for autopsy
X Autopsy procedures
X Determining the time and cause of death
X Identifying the victim
Even though he or she is a cop, not a doctor, an experienced criminal inves-

tigator picks up a lot of forensic medicine on the job and can, as we saw in
the preceding chapter, tell a great deal from a fairly quick examination of a
victim’s body.
But all unexplained deaths must be given more than a once-over. In virtu-
ally all jurisdictions, the medical examiner is called in and an autopsy is
performed. You learned a bit about what the medical examiner does in the
previous chapter; now let’s explore that role in more detail.
!& >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
;SSbbVS;3
The medical examiner (ME) is a physician who specializes in pathology and, in most
cases, has received additional training in forensic pathology. This means that a quali-
fied medical examiner is an M.D. who has completed medical school as well as at least
four years of postgraduate training in pathology and related disciplines before entering
a year-long forensic pathology residency program. Such programs are usually offered
by large urban medical examiner offices, which are affiliated with a medical school. In
the entire United States, there are only about 40 such programs.
The extensive knowledge, skill, and training are only part of what it takes to be a med-
ical examiner. Also required is an insatiable curiosity, acute powers of observation, and
the emotional stamina to work with human tragedy and the results of human behavior
at its most terribly violent and profoundly disturbing.
2SOR;S\O\RbVSBOZSaBVSgBSZZ
The motto of the seagoing pirates of old was “dead men tell no tales,” and, driven by
this sentiment, they seldom left any living victims behind to betray them. Doubtless
many of today’s murderers believe much the same thing. They are, however, mistaken.
To the medical examiner, the dead speak volumes.
>`SÔ`W\UT]`/cb]âg
Both at the crime scene and in the morgue, the medical examiner searches the body
for trace evidence. The ME records any available particulars concerning the circum-
stances of death, along with any available information identifying the deceased. The
ME also notes physical characteristics, such as height and weight.
The body is handled carefully, in the knowledge that
By the Numbers careless lifting or carrying may compromise impor-
In a typical year, the New tant evidence, such as the trajectory path of a bullet.
York City Medical Examiner’s At this preliminary stage, the ME also remains alert
Office uses 8,000 body bags for anything unusual. For instance, certain poisons
for the transportation of remains leave telltale odors. (As any reader of old-fashioned
to and from autopsy. murder mysteries knows, cyanide smells like bitter
almonds.)
Once the body arrives at the morgue, a toe tag—an identification card with the vic-
tim’s name (if known) and other basic information—is attached with a loop of string
1VO^bS`( 0]Rg]T3dWRS\QS !'
or wire around the toe of the cadaver. The body is then photographed. If it has been
found fully or partially clothed, the body is photographed that way first. Then it is
undressed and photographed again.
After photography, the body is x-rayed from head to foot. It is also weighed and mea-
sured. All distinguishing marks, such as birthmarks, tattoos, scars, and other evidence
of injuries new and old, are carefully recorded. Another examination is performed to
recover trace evidence. Hair, fibers, and dirt are collected from the body and from
under the fingernails. Usually, the nails are clipped and the parings collected for
analysis. The victim is also fingerprinted, and, if suicide by gunshot is suspected, the
hands are chemically swabbed to detect the
presence of nitrate (gunpowder residue). In
cases of suspected rape, the genital area is An autopsy is a medical exami-
swabbed for evidence. nation of the internal organs,
Any clothing associated with the body—or, including the brain, of the
deceased in order to determine
if the body was found naked, the wrapping
the cause of death and other cir-
sheet used by the ME office—is sent to the cumstances relating to the death.
laboratory for examination.
BVS1cbbW\U
The autopsy proper is an examination of the internal organs. The body is rinsed clean,
then laid out on its back on a stainless steel table. A stabilizing block is placed under
the head.
The ME begins with a “Y” incision, cutting into the body from each shoulder and
meeting at the breast bone (sternum), then continuing down the abdomen and into
the pelvis. This efficiently exposes all of the internal organs.
Next, the ME uses a saw to cut through the ribs and collarbone, so that the rib cage
can be lifted away from the organs in one piece. In the case of death by gunshot,
the ME uses the x-rays that have been taken to help locate bullets and trace their
trajectories. The ME also needs to avoid cutting into—and thereby compromising or
destroying—any wound evidence.
Using the x-ray information for guidance, the ME begins to remove the individual
organs and weighs them. Blood samples, tissue samples, and other fluid samples are
taken from the organs. The stomach and intestines are opened to examine the con-
tents. This can provide information as to when, what, and perhaps even where the
victim last ate before he or she was killed.
" >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
After examining the viscera, the ME begins examining the head. First, the whites of
the eyes are probed for minute hemorrhages known as petichiae, which indicate death
by strangulation. Of course, the head is also thoroughly examined for contusions and
other wounds.
When the external examination of the head is complete, an incision is made in the
scalp at the back of the head, and the skin is peeled forward, over the face, expos-
ing the skull. The ME opens the skull with a high-speed oscillating power saw, then
applies a chisel to pry off the skullcap. This exposes the brain so that it can be lifted
out, weighed, and examined.
Brain tissue and other organ tissue samples are sent to the lab for additional analysis
(see the next chapter). Any organs the ME believes should be investigated further are
preserved. The rest are returned to the body cavity.
2SObV(6]e-
In the best case, the work of the ME provides clues to the identity of the victim’s
assailant and produces evidence that helps secure a conviction. At the very least, how-
ever, the ME can usually determine, with precision, the cause of death.
<ObcÒZ]`C\\ObcÒZ
In many instances, determining whether the cause of death was natural, the result of
an accident, or a homicide is straightforward. Sometimes, however, the cause becomes
apparent only after careful postmortem examination, including an autopsy and, per-
haps, toxicological studies.
However simple or difficult, it is crucially important to determine whether or not a
crime has been committed.
AV]]bW\U
The analysis of gunshot wounds is discussed in some detail in Chapter 9. The ME is
in a position to confirm, amplify, or correct many of the observations a police investi-
gator has made at the scene.
The analysis of entrance wounds and exit wounds is typically very important, because
the trajectory of the bullet can be calculated using this relationship. With trajectory
information, it becomes possible to infer the location of the assailant in relation to
the victim. This information may support or refute statements from the suspect. For
1VO^bS`( 0]Rg]T3dWRS\QS "
example, a suspect may claim that he shot the victim in self-defense, whereas wound
analysis reveals that the victim was shot at close range, in the back of the head, execu-
tion style. The information is also frequently valuable for ruling in or out suicide or
an accidental shooting.
AbOPPW\U
As with gunshot wounds, stab and cutting wounds are discussed in Chapter 9; how-
ever, a full autopsy can reveal much more about stab wounds than an on-the-scene
examination can. The extent of the injuries can be more precisely assessed, as can the
angle at which the blade entered the victim. In the autopsy room, a suspect weapon
can be more accurately matched to a wound than it can be in the field.
0SObW\U
The extent of injury caused by blows with a blunt object is often apparent only upon
autopsy. With autopsy, it is usually possible to demonstrate that certain injuries are
consistent with a suspect weapon by showing how the size and shape of the weapon
compares with the size, shape, and extent of the injury or injuries inflicted.
Investigation of child battery is greatly aided by autopsy, which can often reveal prior
broken bones and internal injuries, thereby demonstrating a history of abuse.
Sworn Statement
We had a patient [at Bellevue Hospital] who was a heroin addict who had
an infection of the heart .… We treated him and he survived, which was a real
triumph. Then when I came down that weekend, there he was, dead on the autopsy
table.…We’d treated his infection but not his addiction. That made me think I could
contribute more to society by looking at people on the autopsy table and feeding back
the findings so that lots of people could benefit, rather than just treating patients one at
a time. So I stayed in pathology.
—Dr. Michael Baden, famed former New York City medical examiner, quoted in
Katherine Ramsland’s, “Crime Investigation Through Autopsy: Dr. Michael Baden,” at
www.crimelibrary.com/forensics2/autopsy
/a^VgfWO
Asphyxiation is a common method of homicide as well as suicide and accidental death.
It occurs when the brain and other body tissues receive insufficient oxygen to support
" >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
the oxygen-carrying red blood cells and is caused by anything that seriously interferes
with breathing or the respiration process.
In cases of suspected asphyxiation, the ME looks for a blue or purple coloration
around the lips, fingernails, and toenails. Then the ME looks beyond this sign in an
effort to determine the cause of asphyxiation.
Did the victim choke? The presence of a foreign body in the trachea indicates this.
Choking is almost always accidental.
Did the victim drown? The circumstances of how and where the body was found
provide the most important clues. Most drownings are accidental; however, the ME’s
examination will reveal if an already dead person had been placed in water to make it
appear as if the victim had drowned.
Was the victim smothered? Despite what mystery movies and crime novels portray,
few murderers smother their victims, and most deaths by smothering are, in fact, acci-
dental. The ME’s examination can sometimes determine if a struggle was associated
with the smothering, which would indicate foul play.
Hanging is almost always a means of suicide, not
By the Numbers murder, but for that very reason, murderers have
A bizarre form of unintentional used hanging in an attempt to disguise their crime.
suicide by hanging is known The ME’s examination reveals whether hanging was
as autoerotic asphyxiation, the cause of death or whether the victim was hanged
in which sexual gratification
after death.
is sought by placing a rope
around the neck and tightening Death by strangulation is almost always homicide.
it, often by hanging, in order The ME looks for evenly grooved, horizontal liga-
to induce semiconsciousness. If ture marks on the victim’s neck, in contrast to the
this extremely hazardous sexual
type of ligature marks found on the neck of a
experimentation goes too far,
asphyxiation and death can
victim of hanging. In hanging, the ligature marks
result; 500 to 1,000 people are not horizontal, but start from below the chin
die from autoerotic asphyxiation and travel up to a point just below the ears. Manual
each year. strangulation—choking with the hands—often
leaves signs of hand pressure, even long after death.
A number of chemicals, including chloroform and ammonia, can induce asphyxiation,
as can an overdose of sleeping pills or the combination of narcotic and alcohol use. In
cases of chemically induced and drug-induced asphyxia, there are signs of paralysis of
the air passages. Depending on the chemical involved, death may be interpreted as an
accident, suicide, or homicide.
1VO^bS`( 0]Rg]T3dWRS\QS "!
2SObV(EVS\-
In Chapter 9 we discussed how rigor mortis and postmortem lividity serve as impor-
tant indicators of time of death. The ME also uses four additional factors to help
determine how long the victim has been dead.
BS[^SÒbc`S
In and of itself, body temperature is a very crude indicator of time of death, but it can
be helpful when considered along with other indicators. Body temperature declines
2 to 3 degrees in the first hour after death, then 1 to 1.5 degrees for each subsequent
hour, up to 18 hours.
3gSa
After death, there is a dramatic reduction and eventual disappearance of tone in the
eye muscles, so that the pupils dilate. After about seven hours, the pupil begins par-
tially to contract. After 12 hours, the cornea clouds over.
In addition to examining the appearance of the eyes, the ME may withdraw fluid from
the eyeball to determine the level of potassium present. This level rises after death at a
predictable rate so that, based on the potassium level, an estimate of the time of death
can be made.
Ab][OQV
If investigators on the scene can determine when the victim last ate, an examination of
the stomach contents at autopsy can serve as a gauge to the time of death. Digestion
proceeds at a reasonably uniform rate in all people. Because digestion ceases at death,
it is possible to estimate the time of death based on the degree of digestion evident in
the stomach contents. It is also true that food remains in the stomach for one to two
hours after eating, and then is emptied into the small intestine. A full stomach places
the time of death within one or two hours after eating. If the stomach is relatively
empty and the small intestine full, death most likely occurred four to six hours after
eating. After four hours, the contents of the small intestine begin to pass into the large
intestine. If the large intestine is empty, at least 12 hours have passed between the
victim’s last meal and the time of death.
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2SQ][^]aWbW]\
Few sights are as inherently repulsive as the decomposing body of what had once been
a living, breathing, sentient human being. Yet, to the ME, decomposition is not a
source of disgust, but valuable evidence to be studied. Based on the state of decompo-
sition, it is possible to estimate the time of death.
The first signs of decomposition are a distended stomach and abdomen, the result of
internal gases created by the decomposition process. Adipocere, hardening of fatty tis-
sue, creates a soapy appearance that develops if the
body is in a relatively hot and moist location. It may
take as long as three months for this condition to
Adipocere is a postmortem hard-
ening of fatty body tissue, which develop extensively. After about a year, if the body
creates a soapy appearance has been in a warm, dry area, mummification, the
that develops if the corpse is in a complete dehydration of all body parts, will be appar-
relatively hot and moist location. ent.
Mummification is the complete
dehydration of all body parts; it Typically, decomposing bodies are attacked by insects
develops months or years after (and, often, other animals as well). In this case, the
death. ME may call in a forensic entomologist, whose work
is discussed in Chapter 13.
Bodies recovered from water typically undergo changes that are strongly indicative of
the time of death. In warm water, a dead body sinks, remains underwater for 8 to 10
days, and then, because of the buoyancy of gases formed during decomposition, rises.
In cold water, a body may remain immersed for two to three weeks before rising.
The ME carefully examines the skin of any body that has been recovered from water.
Outer skin loosens after five or six days of immersion, and the nails separate in two to
three weeks. By looking for the presence of water in the lungs, the ME can determine
whether the person drowned or was killed and then thrown into the water to dispose
of the body or to make the death look like accidental drowning.
2SObVPg>]Wa]\W\U(4]`S\aWQB]fWQ]Z]Ug
Poisoning is a sufficiently common cause of death that the medical examiner’s office of
most large jurisdictions employs a full-time forensic toxicologist—a specialist trained
in the study of poisons, their detection, their use in homicide, and their effect on the
human body—to determine if poisoning occurred and what substance or substances
caused death. Forensic toxicology is the subject of the next chapter.
1VO^bS`( 0]Rg]T3dWRS\QS "#
7RS\bWTWQObW]\
Most people carry with them some form of identification, usually a driver’s license.
Identifying a corpse is frequently as simple as examining the contents of a wallet. In
other cases, neighbors or witnesses can provide identification.
But not infrequently, a body is found without any identification at all and is associated
with no friends, neighbors, or witnesses. In these cases, the ME and other forensics
experts work from the evidence at hand to make an identification.
They begin with the obvious: the overall appearance of the individual. This informa-
tion is compared to missing persons reports that are on file. If a match is found, rela-
tives are contacted to make a positive identification.
4W\US`^`W\bW\U
The next obvious step is to compare fingerprints taken from the body with local and
federal fingerprint files. If a match is found, the body has an identity.
4]`S\aWQ=R]\b]Z]Ug
Forensic odontology is a highly specialized field of dentistry that uses dental evidence
to determine identity. Teeth are among the very last parts of a body to decompose.
Mummified remains thousands of years old often retain teeth. From the size, condi-
tion, and number of teeth, odontologists can tell much about the age and even the sex
of fully decomposed remains or partial remains. Moreover, because most of us make
or have made fairly regular visits to the dentist, the forensic odontologist notes the
presence of any dental work (fillings, crowns, and so on), as well as missing or bro-
ken teeth, and compares this data to the files in the dental offices of a particular area.
Forensic odontology is discussed in Chapter 12.
4]`S\aWQ/\bV`]^]Z]Ug
Most physical anthropologists study ancient mummified or fossilized human remains
to learn about the evolution of our species, Homo sapiens. Forensic anthropology
applies physical anthropology to the legal process. Specialists in this field examine
skeletal or badly decomposed human remains for the purpose of making an identifica-
tion. Frequently, forensic anthropologists work in conjunction with forensic patholo-
gists, odontologists, and homicide investigators. Forensic anthropology is discussed in
Chapter 12.
"$ >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
BVS0cU2SbSQbWdSa
Insects occupy a key niche in any ecosystem because they thrive on decay and decom-
position. Sooner or later, a dead body attracts insects. To some extent, this destroys
evidence, but the presence of insects, larvae, and eggs also provides clues to time and
place of death. Locating and evaluating this evidence requires the expertise of the
forensic entomologist (FE)—a biologist who specializes in the study of insect evidence
as it relates to criminal investigation and the legal process. The work of this expert is
discussed in Chapter 13.
BOZYW\U>ZO\ba
Blind, deaf, and mute, plant life hardly seems a likely choice as a witness to crime. Yet
anyone who has taken a walk in the woods or even through an overgrown vacant lot
knows that plants do interact with the animal and human life around them. Plant parts
break off and adhere to clothing, the seeds of certain plants stick to anything or any-
one who passes by, microscopic pollens and spores get on the skin or in the mucous
membranes. Murder someone, dump him in a remote field, and chances are you carry
a part of that field with you. Detecting, identifying, and analyzing plant materials in
the context of criminal investigation is the job of another highly specialized scientist,
the forensic botanist. This job is discussed in Chapter 13.
X Forensic autopsies are performed by a medical examiner, a physician who has
specialized in pathology and who has additional specific training in forensic
pathology.
X After all possible information has been gathered from external observation of the
body, the internal organs, including the brain, are examined by surgical removal.
This is the main part of the autopsy.
X The purpose of the autopsy is to determine, at minimum, the cause and time
of death; in addition, the ME looks for clues as to the circumstances of death
(including the identity of the perpetrator) and, if unknown, the identity of the
body.
X Other specialists who may be called on to collaborate with the ME include a
forensic toxicologist (an expert on poisons), a forensic anthropologist (who prin-
cipally analyzes skeletal evidence), a forensic entomologist (an expert on insects),
and a forensic botanist.
2SObVPg>]Wa]\W\U
1VO^bS`
11
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X The job of the forensic toxicologist
X The Markov case
X Poisons, drugs, and narcotics defined
X Pharmacodynamics: how toxins work
X Toxicology procedures
Accidental poisoning is distressingly common, especially among children,

who put just about anything in their mouths; and the elderly and disabled,
who sometimes accidentally take dangerous overdoses of medication. But
poisoning is also one of the oldest methods of murder.
A forensic toxicologist is a forensic scientist who specializes in the study of
drugs and poisons as they relate to the fields of criminal justice and public
safety.
"& >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
8]P2SaQ`W^bW]\
In most jurisdictions, forensic toxicologists are professional forensic scientists who
hold at least a baccalaureate degree (many have doctorates in analytical chemistry) and
have undergone specific training in general forensic science as well as forensic toxicol-
ogy. Various organizations offer certification of forensic toxicologists in any or all of
three areas:
X Certified Forensic Toxicologist: A forensic scientist who has successfully passed
a process of peer review and has been formally examined in the field of forensic
toxicology.
X Certified Forensic Alcohol Toxicologist: A forensic scientist specializing in the
analysis of specimens for the presence of ethanol (potable alcohol) and related
substances; like the Certified Forensic Toxicologist, this specialist has successfully
undergone a prescribed evaluation and examination process.
X Certified Forensic Drug Toxicologist: A forensic scientist specializing in the
analysis of biological specimens for drugs; he or she has successfully undergone
peer review and examination in the specialty.
On a day-to-day basis, the forensic toxicologist runs chemical tests on body fluids,
blood, and some organs to identify the presence of poisons. Some agents, such as
arsenic, accumulate over time in the hair and fingernails. In cases of suspected arsenic
poisoning, these are always tested. Traces of arsenic remain in hair and fingernails
indefinitely and, if necessary, a body can be exhumed for examination many years after
death.
The forensic toxicologist can test for blood alcohol level, to determine if the victim
had been intoxicated at the time of death and perhaps sufficiently so to cause death.
The toxicologist also has the ability to test for the presence of a wide variety of illicit
drugs that are often abused, including amphetamines, barbiturates, powdered cocaine
and crack cocaine, marijuana, and opiates such as codeine and morphine.
Legitimate therapeutic drugs are sometimes taken in deliberate or accidental over-
doses. The toxicologist tests for the presence of acetaminophen, anticonvulsants, tran-
quilizers, and aspirin products.
Beyond drugs both legal and illegal, many common substances are highly toxic and
can cause accidental poisoning or be used to commit murder. Tests have been devel-
oped for most of these, including arsenic, benzene, bromide, butyl nitrite, cyanide,
strychnine, and warfarin (a common rat poison).
1VO^bS`( 2SObVPg>]Wa]\W\U "'
Case in Point
Perhaps the most famous “cold case” (a crime that has gone unsolved for many months
or even years) in history is the death of Napoleon. The former French emperor died on
May 5, 1821, in British custody while exiled to the island of St. Helena. The official
cause of death was stomach cancer, but many—in the nineteenth century and today—
believe he was poisoned with arsenic, perhaps killed by his British captors, by a traitor
within the small circle of Frenchmen attending him during his exile, or by a conspiracy
between the two.
Ben Weider, a retired Canadian physician and amateur student of Napoleon,
advanced the murder conspiracy theory, which most academic historians reject. In
2001, Weider commissioned French forensic toxicologist Pascal Kintz to analyze five
samples of Napoleon’s hair preserved since his death in 1821. Kintz reported to the
Reuters news service: “The analysis showed there was major exposure, and I stress
‘major,’ to arsenic.” In addition, Paul Fornes, a forensic pathologist collaborating with
Kintz, reviewed the original diagnosis of stomach cancer and said that it was not sup-
ported by the autopsy performed on Napoleon a day after his death. According to
Fornes, “The lesions to the stomach described by Francesco Antommarchi [the doctor
who performed the autopsy in 1821] were not the cause of death.”
Napoleonic hair samples had been analyzed in the past and had been found to con-
tain arsenic; however, these findings were not widely accepted as proof of homicide
because, in the early nineteenth century, arsenic was a common ingredient in medicines
as well as in pigments used to color cups and plates and even in paints and wallpa-
pers. Most historians believed that the arsenic found in Napoleon’s hair was the result
of medication or even environmental exposure. After the 2001 testing, however, Kintz
explained to Reuters that the natural upper limit of arsenic concentration in hair is one
nanogram per milligram of hair, whereas one of Napoleon’s hair samples showed a
concentration of 38 nanograms, which Kintz concluded was evidence of deliberate
poisoning—homicide.
Ben Weider theorized that the British governor of St. Helena conspired with French
count Charles de Montholon to assassinate Napoleon to prevent his escape and return
to France. In order to avoid making a martyr of the former emperor by simply assassi-
nating him, they used a method of murder that mimicked death from natural causes.
Although a number of historians have been swayed by the new findings, some have
disputed the authenticity of the hair samples. An undaunted Ben Weider responded to
this by seeking permission from the French government to open Napoleon’s tomb to
recover DNA for purposes of comparison to the hair samples. As of 2007, that permis-
sion has not been forthcoming.
# >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
The Society of Forensic Toxicology (SOFT) recognizes three major branches of the
field:
X Postmortem forensic toxicology: This branch determines the absence or pres-
ence of drugs and their metabolites (a term explained later in the chapter) and
toxins in human fluids and tissues; it evaluates the role of these substances in the
cause or manner of death.
X Human-performance forensic toxicology: This branch works with the living
rather than the dead and determines the absence or presence of alcohol, drugs,
and other chemicals in blood, breath, and other specimens; it evaluates the role
of such substances in affecting performance and behavior.
X Forensic urine drug testing: As with human-performance forensic toxicology,
this branch works with living persons and determines the absence or presence of
drugs and their metabolites in urine with the object of demonstrating prior use
or abuse.
BVS1OaS]TbVS:SbVOZC[P`SZZO
On September 7, 1979, 49-year-old writer Georgi Markov was admitted to a hospital
in London with a high fever and violent vomiting. He pointed out to his doctors an
area of inflammation surrounding a tiny puncture wound on his right thigh. The day
before, while he was crossing Waterloo Bridge, Markov had felt a sharp poke there
and turned around just in time to see behind him a man with a tightly furled umbrella.
In a thick Eastern European accent, the stranger mumbled an apology and walked on.
Infections are common, and the doctors dealt with Markov’s condition by administer-
ing large amounts of antibiotics. But no matter what they did, his temperature rose
while his blood pressure fell, even as his pulse raced above 160 beats per minute.
Markov’s white blood cell count skyrocketed to more than three times normal. Injured
on Thursday, he fell ill on Friday; by the weekend, he was delirious, and on Monday,
dead.
B]fWQ]Z]UWab]\bVS1OaS
In an era before the science of forensic toxicology, such a death would undoubtedly
have been ascribed to natural causes. But in 1978, in Great Britain, no suspicious
death was allowed to go unexamined—and Markov’s identity as an anticommunist
writer who had defected from Bulgaria in 1971 and who, for the past seven years,
1VO^bS`( 2SObVPg>]Wa]\W\U #
had been making international radio broadcasts against what was then Bulgaria’s
Communist regime, automatically made his death suspicious.
An autopsy was inconclusive until the section of skin containing the umbrella puncture
wound was examined by Dr. David Gall, one of Britain’s top toxicologists. Gall exam-
ined the tissue microscopically and discovered a tiny metal pellet, just 1.5 millimeters
in diameter. Into this miniscule sphere two holes had been drilled at right angles to
one another.
The pellet was analyzed and found to be of very sophisticated material, an alloy of
platinum and iridium, which made it both impervious to corrosion and virtually unde-
tectable by x-ray. Gall reasoned that the tiny holes had been packed with some sort of
poison, and that the pellet had been fired into Markov’s thigh by a gas gun disguised
as an umbrella. Presumably, the assassin—a man with a heavy Eastern European
accent—was an agent of the Bulgarian government.
1OaS1Z]aSR-
In the cloak-and-dagger world of the Cold War era, the idea that Markov had been
assassinated with a poison umbrella seemed quite plausible. Yet the case was far from
closed.
Typically, the forensic toxicologist must find traces of a poison or its byproducts in
body tissue in order to conclude that poisoning had taken place. But if Markov had
indeed been killed by a substance sufficiently minute to be stuffed into a hole drilled
into a 1.5-millimeter pellet, there was virtually no chance of finding any trace of it in
his body tissues. Unable to find a suspicious substance, Gall and his team began a pro-
cess of elimination by asking what poisons would produce Markov’s symptoms and be
powerful enough to do so even in such a small quantity?
They were left with only one: ricin, a derivative of the humble castor bean, yet some
500 times deadlier than cyanide.
To test their conclusion empirically, Gall
and his team injected a pig with a minis-
By the Numbers
cule dose of ricin. The animal was dead in
a day, and, on autopsy, its organs exhibited The average lethal dose of
precisely the same kinds of damage as those ricin in human beings is 0.2
milligrams (1/5,000 th of a
of Georgi Markov: ricin causes red blood
gram). There is no antidote for
cells to clump together (agglutinate), then exposure.
destroys other body cells.
# >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
The human-pig analogy was compelling, but was still circumstantial rather than
definitive evidence of homicide by ricin poisoning. Ordinarily, definitive proof would
require a trace of the substance in Markov’s tissue, yet the very absence of ricin—or
any other toxin—in Markov’s remains was itself a strong argument for ricin poisoning.
Not only was the quantity of poison probably too small to leave a recoverable trace,
it is the nature of ricin that the process by which body cells make protein completely
breaks the poison down—albeit not before the substance has done its lethal damage.
By the time the damage has been done, all trace of the ricin is gone.
Although British authorities concluded, on the basis of forensic toxicology, that
Georgi Markov had been murdered, the identity of his assassin was never determined.
After the fall of communism throughout Eastern Europe, the democratic government
of Bulgaria admitted that the Communist regime had authorized the assassination of a
number of defectors, including Markov. Bulgarian officials did not volunteer informa-
tion concerning the agent or agents who carried out these deadly missions.
>]Wa]\E]`ZR
How many poisons are known to humankind? The medieval Swiss alchemist and phy-
sician Paracelsus, called the father of toxicology, declared “Everything is poison, there
is poison in everything. Only the dose makes a thing not a poison.”
In investigating a homicide, the forensic toxicologist potentially has an almost limitless
list of candidate toxins to search for. In practice, however, there is a far more limited
range of substances involved in accidental deaths or deliberately used in homicides.
By the Numbers
America’s poison centers handle one poison exposure every 14 seconds—about 2
million per year. Most poisonings involve common household items such as clean-
ing supplies and medicines, and 89 percent of all poison exposures occur in the
home. Most exposures—92 percent—involve only one substance, and 86.7 per-
cent of exposures are unintentional.
>]Wa]\-2`cU-<O`Q]bWQ-
In the toxicologist’s view, a poison is a substance that, in relatively small amounts,
causes harm or death to an organism. Although when misused, a drug may also cause
harm or death, it is intended to serve as a remedy or medicine. A narcotic is a kind of
1VO^bS`( 2SObVPg>]Wa]\W\U #!
drug that causes sedation, dulls the senses, or even brings about unconsciousness or
sleep. Applied to human beings, poisons have no legitimate purpose. Both drugs and
narcotics can be beneficial, but both categories of substance are also subject to abuse,
including criminal abuse.
2SObVPgAcPabO\QS
Some poisons, drugs, and narcotics can cause death quickly through a single dose. This
is called acute toxicity. With some substances, death or harm can also eventually result
from repeated non-lethal doses; however, in the case of certain drugs and narcotics,
such does produce intoxication, often accompanied by some euphoric sensation. For
this reason, various drugs and narcotics are actively sought after, even though their
use may be illegal and dangerous. Depending on the substance involved, the desire to
obtain and use the drug or narcotic is driven by a desire to produce euphoria. With
some substances, however, the drive is a physiologically or chemically based addic-
tion. The user physically craves the substance and may even feel that he cannot live
without it. Being deprived of the substance may produce dramatic symptoms termed
withdrawal.
As defined by forensic toxicologists, a poison is a substance that, in relatively small

amounts, causes harm or death. A drug is intended as a remedy or medicine, but may
cause harm or death if misused or abused. A narcotic is a drug that causes sedation,
dulls the senses, or induces unconsciousness.
Acute toxicity is the term applied to the effect of ingesting substances that cause more
or less rapid death with a single dose. Intoxication describes the effect of certain sub-
stances that do not cause acute toxicity, but have a lesser effect, sometimes harmful,
sometimes euphoric, and sometimes both harmful and euphoric. In the case of some
substances that cause euphoric intoxication (such as certain narcotics and, in some
cases, alcohol), deprivation of the substance may produce an acute, painful, and some-
times harmful constellation of symptoms termed withdrawal.
Even drugs and narcotics that do not cause death directly may be responsible for
death indirectly. Under the influence of drugs, narcotics, or alcohol, the driver of an
automobile may cause a fatal accident. Or compelled by a need for cash in order to
obtain a drug, an addict may resort to criminal behavior, including murder.
#" >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
/2g\O[WQAWbcObW]\
Typically, a true poison is sufficiently lethal to bring death quite abruptly by creat-
ing an effect so devastating to cells and organ systems that the body’s natural defenses
are simply overwhelmed. In some cases of homicide by poison, the job of the forensic
toxicologist is simply to find traces of the lethal substance and identify it in order to
prove that the death in question is a homicide.
Often, however, the forensic toxicologist faces the more complex task of determin-
ing if a substance found on autopsy was the true cause of death. Or he or she may be
asked to attempt to estimate, given the time of death, the probable time at which a
potentially deadly substance was administered—and in what dose.
To answer such questions requires a knowledge of pharmacodynamics, the study of what
a particular substance, in a particular quantity and over a particular span of time, does
to the body. In conducting a pharmacodynamic study, the toxicologist may chemically
compare the quantity of parent (as the poison, drug, or narcotic is called in its original
form) to the quantity of metabolites present in a victim’s body tissue. Metabolites are
compounds created (generally by the liver) as the body works to detoxify the invading
substance.
A pharmacodynamic study also calls for knowledge of the duration of a substance’s
activity. In the case of drugs and narcotics, this is termed the “half-life” of the sub-
stance. The time required for the total amount of drug, as measured by the level of
the drug present in the blood, to be reduced by 50 percent is that drug’s half-life.
Finally, in addition to measuring the comparative quantities of parent and metabolites
in the victim’s blood, the forensic toxicologist may also consider the condition of cer-
tain organs, assessing them for degree of damage.
Pharmacodynamics is the study of the effect on the human body of a particular sub-
stance in a particular quantity and over a particular span of time.
A parent substance is a poison or drug in its original chemical form. A metabolite is a
compound created (generally by the liver) as the body works to detoxify the invading
parent substance.
1VO^bS`( 2SObVPg>]Wa]\W\U ##
The evidence at the crime

scene—needle tracks on a
victim’s arm and drug para-
phernalia nearby—strongly
suggests death by drug
overdose. A toxicological
analysis will confirm this and
also determine the type and
quantity of drug or drugs
involved.
(Photo courtesy of Bobby Tribble,

Clarke County [Georgia]
Coroner)
AQ]`SQO`Ra
As with any scientific field, it is a goal of forensic toxicology to replace guesswork and
speculation with accurate assessment and analysis. Fortunately, the toxicologist has the
benefit of centuries of accumulated human experience with poisons, drugs, and nar-
cotics, including, in relatively recent years, careful observation and study of effects and
relative toxicity.
#$ >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
Except in instances of monstrously aberrant civilizations—Nazi Germany, for

example—extensive experimentation to determine the toxic levels of various sub-
stances has been carried out on laboratory animals rather than human beings. The
results obtained through animal experimentation are readily extrapolated to human
beings by calculating the relative weight of the experimental animal versus that of the
average person.
The substance in question is administered to experimental animals in carefully mea-
sured quantities. Any dose that kills at least one animal is deemed the minimal lethal
dose. A dose that kills 50 percent of the test subjects is termed “lethal dose-50 (LD
50).” The results of these studies are tabulated to give a picture of the toxicity of the
substance.
B]USbVS`\Saa¾<]b/ZeOgaO5]]RBVW\U
Toxicity is not always a simple matter of dosage, however. Some substances interact
with one another, either increasing or decreasing the toxicity of a given dose.
X If substance A reduces the toxicity of substance B, it is said to have an antagonis-
tic effect on B.
X If substance A tends to increase the toxicity of
substance B, it is said to have an additive effect
on B.
Drug synergy results when two X If substance A increases the toxicity of substance
ingested toxins (or drugs) mutually B even as the presence of substance B increases
enhance their effects.
its own level of toxicity, the combination of A
and B are said to have a synergistic effect.
Drug synergies lead to numerous accidental poisonings. Washing down a

Phenobarbital-based narcotic with a few shots of vodka (ethanol), for example, can be
fatal.
>]^cZO`Wbg1]\bSab
Various scientific publications provide the toxicologist with information on the relative
frequency with which a variety of toxic or potentially toxic substances are commonly
used—for example, in industrial applications, in cleaning products, or in pesticides.
The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) publishes reports and factsheets
1VO^bS`( 2SObVPg>]Wa]\W\U #%
tracking the popularity of illegal drugs and narcotics. Data such as this often helps
forensic toxicologists and other criminal investigators focus their investigation of
deaths in which drugs, narcotics, or poisons are suspected.
EVOb2]G]c3f^SQb-
In addition to tables of toxicity, toxicologists also consult clinical and anecdotal reports
on the physiological and behavioral effect of drugs and narcotics. Such information
can be very helpful to criminal profilers and to victimologists, because people who
abuse one type of drug—amphetamines, for example—behave differently from those
who primarily abuse another type, such as barbiturates. That is, for forensic purposes,
it is often as important to understand the effects of a drug as it is to understand its
chemical composition and the chemical changes it causes within the body.
4`][bVS/cb]âgBOPZS
In his book about forensics, Crime Scene, author Larry Ragle calls toxicologists “a spe-
cial breed, [who] work with an array of body parts and coroner’s samples that under
the best of circumstances are disgusting just to think about.”
Working a typical case, the forensic toxicologist is presented with samples of body flu-
ids, stomach contents, and organ parts. In addition, he or she is also given full access
to the coroner’s report, which includes postmortem observations, some of the cir-
cumstances of death, the circumstances in
which the body was found, and, sometimes,
the signs and symptoms that preceded Sworn Statement
death.
Toxicologists wash their
The toxicologist approaches the analyti- hands before going to the
cal task with a thorough understanding of bathroom.
how the body metabolizes poisons, drugs, —Response of a forensic toxi-
and narcotics. He or she realizes that the cologist to the question “What
“parent” substance may be found, but it is makes your job different from
other people’s?” quoted in Larry
also quite possible that the only substances
Ragle, Crime Scene (2002)
left in the specimens he examines will be
metabolites.
#& >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
/QWR]`0OaS-
Usually, the first step in the chemical analysis of body fluids is to divide specimens
into acidic and basic fractions. The reason for this preliminary division is that most
drugs and many poisons are either acids or bases (as opposed to a salt, which is the
product of a chemical reaction between an acid and a base). Acid drugs (such as bar-
biturates) are extracted from the specimen fluid using an acid reagent, whereas base
drugs (such as amphetamines) are extracted with a base reagent.
4`][4ZcWRAO[^ZSb]2`cUAO[^ZS
Once extracted by an acid-base procedure, the fluid specimen is now an actual drug
sample and is subjected first to screening tests and then to confirmation testing.
Screening tests provide quick indications of what sort of drug or toxin exists in the
sample. Methods of screening include:
X Physical tests—to determine boiling point, melting point, density, and refractive
index
X Crystal tests—the use of various reagents to produce crystals that are characteris-
tic of various substances
X Chemical spot tests—the use of various reagents that produce color changes
indicating the presence of specific categories of drugs or toxins
X Chromatography—a method of separating the components of a mixture
After screening tests produce a positive result, mass spectrometry is used as a confir-
mation test. In a mass spectrometer, each drug or toxin yields a known mass spectra,
which is the “fingerprint” of that substance. The results of this test are generally con-
sidered infallible proof of the existence of a given substance.
3dS\bVSB]fWQ]Z]UWab6Oa:W[Wba
Although some forensic toxicologists have sufficient training in physiology to render
an expert opinion on whether toxin levels found in a victim’s body were sufficient to
cause death, most of the time it is a physician—a pathologist—who uses the toxicolo-
gist’s report to make this determination. Indeed, questions of what constitutes a lethal
level in a given case are often subjects of intense dispute and wrangling between pros-
ecutors and defense attorneys.
1VO^bS`( 2SObVPg>]Wa]\W\U #'
Because forensic toxicology is such a vast field, many toxicologists specialize in a toxi-
cological subfield. Three of the most important subfields include:
1. Drug Recognition Experts (DRE)
2. Experts in alcohol intoxication measurement
3. Experts in carbon monoxide poisoning
BVS4cbc`S
Demand for forensic experts, including forensic toxicologists, by police agencies, pros-
ecutors, and defense attorneys has dramatically increased in recent years and is likely
to continue. The increase is not due to a spike in homicide by poison, but to increased
and more complex patterns of drug and narcotics abuse as well as emerging problems
of environmental industrial contamination, which have brought with them an increase
in the volume of lawsuits involving toxic substances.
In recent years, the field of forensic toxicology has become more complex, as toxi-
cologists are called on to testify concerning the health effects of various substances.
It is likely that more and broader training will be required to obtain certification as a
general forensic toxicologist. It is also likely that toxicologists will increasingly benefit
from ever more sophisticated computer-based analytical equipment, which will not
only speed their work, but increase the detail with which they can provide answers to
medical and criminal investigators.
X Poison is one of the oldest of murder weapons; however, most poisonings are
unintentional, resulting either from accidental exposure to a toxin or through
drug and narcotic use and abuse.
X A forensic toxicologist specializes in the study of drugs and poisons as they relate
to the fields of criminal justice and public safety.
X Forensic toxicologists analyze specimens from the living as well as the dead.
X Although it is the job of the forensic toxicologist to identify and analyze toxic
substances in human fluid and tissue specimens, the final determination of
whether a given substance actually caused death is usually made by or in consul-
tation with a forensic pathologist.
=TBSSbVO\R0]\Sa
1VO^bS`
12
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Forensic odontology
X Dental identification
X Bite-mark evidence
X Forensic anthropology
X Bone evidence
X Facial reconstruction
The work of the medical examiner makes a lie of the old pirate maxim,
“Dead men tell no tales.” But what happens when there’s almost nothing
left of the “dead man”?
Most human tissue is fragile. It can be consumed by fire, by the action of
animals and insects, and by time itself. At many homicide or suspected
homicide scenes, precious little is left, except for teeth and bones or bone
fragments. Thanks to two forensic specialties, the forensic odontologist and
the forensic anthropologist, these meager remains are often just enough to
catch a killer.
$ >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
BVS2S\bWab7aW\<]/^^]W\b[S\b<SQSaaO`g
Forensic dentists play two major roles in criminal investigation. They use dental
remains to identify the dead, and they also analyze dental evidence left on crime vic-
tims or, for that matter, on any other object associated with a crime scene: bite marks.
In effect, at their most basic, both jobs boil down to matching teeth to existing dental
records and matching teeth to bite marks.
In forensics, a bite mark is a tooth pattern found on the skin of a crime victim or on
other objects associated with a crime scene. The forensic odontologist tries to match the
bite-mark evidence to the teeth (or bite pattern) of a suspect.
0SbbS`bVO\2</-
Normally, there are 32 teeth in the mouth of an adult human being. The shape of the
teeth and their arrangement in the mouth (the “bite”) vary greatly from individual to
individual. Wear and tear, decay, and violence usually reduces this number through
life, and most people make regular—or at least repeated—trips to the dentist to repair
or remove damaged or ailing teeth. Dentists take x-rays and keep records of therapeu-
tic work done.
Just by examining a single tooth, a forensic dentist can draw conclusions about the
late owner’s age, health, and even socio-economic status. The so-called “Gustafson
method” enumerates six signs of tooth wear, rating them numerically and coordinat-
ing these ratings with age ranges. Another method, the “Lamendin system,” which is
often used in conjunction with the Gustafson method when tooth roots are still intact,
gauges the degree of root transparency. Transparency changes with age; at an early
age, the roots of teeth become increasingly transparent at their tips, the transparency
progressing toward the crown as one ages.
In some cases, the hard outer covering of a tooth sufficiently preserves the soft
inner tissue, or pulp, so that mitochondrial DNA specimens (see Chapter 14) can be
extracted.
If more than a single tooth is recovered from human remains, the forensic odontolo-
gist can begin the process of comparing the teeth to existing dental records. In cases
where genetic material is so badly decomposed that DNA testing is difficult, inconclu-
sive, or impossible, dental identification can be better—more conclusive—than DNA
identification.
1VO^bS` ( =TBSSbVO\R0]\Sa $!
In examining dental evidence from human

remains, the forensic odontologist takes
Sworn Statement
an impression of the teeth as they exist in Teeth are terrific. Give us
the upper and lower jaws. He also x-rays one tooth and we just might
the teeth, noting all evidence of decay and be able to make an identifica-
disease, twisted teeth, malformed teeth, tion. Give us a mouthful, and we
can often match suspects to vic-
broken teeth, and missing teeth as well
tims, unknowns to names—even
as fillings and other dental work. He may evidence items to victims and
then put this information in a bulletin sent suspects. They last almost forever.
to perhaps thousands of dentists, focusing They’re well-documented in most
on those practicing in the locality associ- cases. They’re about the toughest
ated with the victim. Although there is biological evidence available.
no dental equivalent to the databases law —Forensic odontologist James
enforcement agencies maintain to compare Berry, quoted in N. E. Genge,
fingerprint and DNA evidence, all dentists The Forensic Casebook (2002)
use the so-called “Universal System” to
chart human teeth, so it is quite easy for the forensic odontologist to communicate
information to his colleagues in the dental community.
The work of forensic odontologists is especially valuable in instances of mass disaster,
as in the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon
in Washington, D.C., on September 11, 2001. In such cases, human remains are often
fragmentary, and the numerous victims are separated from any form of identification
(such as driver’s licenses). Under these chaotic circumstances, dental evidence may be
the only reliable means to obtain a positive identification.
/0WbS=cb]T1`W[S
The forensic odontologist is also an expert examiner of bite-mark evidence. Some
murderers bite their victims, perhaps in the course of a struggle, perhaps for sadistic
or sexually deviant motives. To the odontologist, the bite mark is nothing less than
an impression of the perpetrator’s teeth. From this evidence, the odontologist may be
able to advise police as to whether they should look for a large or small person. Even
more important, it is often possible to match a suspect’s teeth to a bite mark found on
the victim.
All human beings are animals, but violent criminals can behave like beasts. Many
violent attacks include biting, and biting leaves an impression of the assailant’s teeth.
Some crime scenes also include other items into which the perpetrator has bitten,
such as food, some of which retains bite marks. In some cases, bite-mark evidence is
$" >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
found on the suspect rather than the victim. For example, in defending herself against
an attempted rape, a woman may bite her assailant, leaving a characteristic imprint. In
all cases, the objective of the forensic odontologist is to match the bite evidence to a
set of teeth.
In most cases, the forensic odontologist takes a series of photographs of the bite-mark
evidence, using various combinations of lighting and photographic techniques to cre-
ate the clearest image possible. Often, photographs will be taken over a period of time
because changes in the tissue of a dead person, including lividity, blanching, and other
postmortem processes, may actually reveal more detail in the bite mark. Ultraviolet
(UV) photography may be used to bring out maximum detail at the tips of tooth
penetration in a bite mark, and infrared (IR) photography may be used to get a more
accurate picture of bleeding and damage below the skin surface. All bite-mark photo-
graphs include a ruler in the image, to insure that prints made from the photograph
are precisely life size.
The forensic odontologist takes an impression of the suspect’s teeth, upper and lower,
then uses this to make a cast of the bite. He may then simply lay the cast on top of a
life-size photograph of the bite mark, showing how the teeth match the mark. Another
method of matching uses computer graphics programs to overlay an image of the
suspect’s bite onto the bite-mark evidence.
At times, comparison is straightforward—especially if the bite mark is clear and the
suspect has such dental distinctions as a crooked tooth or a gap in his bite, which show
up in the bite mark. In some cases, however, tissue damage and decay and overlapping
bite marks—from multiple bites—complicate identification and require very careful
analysis.
In addition to matching bite marks with the teeth of suspects, forensic odontologists
may also provide an analysis of bite evidence that speaks to the nature of the crime.
For example, they note four degrees of a biting attack:
1. Clear: The result of significant bite pressure
2. Obvious: “First-degree pressure”
3. Noticeable: The result of violent pressure
4. Lacerated: A bite in which flesh is torn from the body
1VO^bS` ( =TBSSbVO\R0]\Sa $#
Case in Point
Theodore Robert “Ted” Bundy was probably the most notorious serial killer in American
history. Although he confessed to more than 30 murders, most authorities believe he
killed even more. It was bite-mark evidence that finally brought Bundy down, leading to
his conviction and execution.
On January 15, 1978, Bundy strangled and clubbed to death Lisa Levy and Martha
Bowman in the same room in the Chi Omega sorority house at Tallahassee’s Florida
State University. In the attack, he also raped Levy, then he went on to murder two other
girls in the sorority house. He attacked a fifth victim, who survived.
No fingerprints were found at the crime scene, but there was a bite mark on the left
buttock of Lisa Levy. Crime scene investigators photographed the mark, and later,
when Bundy was arrested on suspicion of having committed the murders, investiga-
tors obtained a search warrant allowing them to make an impression of Bundy’s teeth.
Forensic odontologist Dr. Richard Souviron took the impression, noting the uneven pat-
tern of the teeth, which he said would make identification easier.
Although the tissue from Levy’s buttock had been destroyed in the process of analysis,
the photograph was preserved, and, testifying before a jury, Souviron pointed out the
unique features of the bite mark, demonstrating how these features matched the dental
impressions of Bundy’s teeth. Key features of the match were the structure of alignment,
chips, the size of the teeth, and the relative sharpness of the bicuspids, lateral, and inci-
sor teeth. Finally, Souviron displayed an enlarged photo of the bite-mark and overlaid it
with a transparent enlargement of Bundy’s teeth. The overlay matched perfectly.
Souviron was able to describe the bite attack in detail, showing how the evidence was
actually a double bite, Bundy having bitten once, then turned sideways to bite again.
This was the first case in Florida’s legal history that relied on bite-mark testimony, and
it was sufficient to convict Bundy on July 31, 1979. After multiple appeals, he was
executed a decade later, on January 24, 1989.
BVS0]\S2SbSQbWdSa
Like teeth, bones long outlast fleshy tissues, and from even partial and fragmentary
skeletal remains, the forensic anthropologist is able to suggest the age, sex, ancestry,
stature, and other unique features of a decedent. This specialist can also distinguish
between a skeleton that may be decades old or even older and one that is of more
recent origin. Skeletal remains often reveal the results of injury, and the forensic
anthropologist can help other investigators determine if the injury was likely the result
of homicide.
$$ >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
Although the primary task of most forensic anthropologists involves the analysis
of skeletal remains, their work is not limited to this evidence. Much as traditional
anthropologists excavate a site to recover evidence
of an ancient civilization, forensic anthropologists
By the Numbers may use the techniques of archaeological excavation
Most anatomists agree that to recover skeletal remains as well as other evidence,
the skeleton of an adult including (according to the FBI Law Enforcement
human being consists of 206 Bulletin of July 1990) “hair, insects, plant materials
bones. But this is only an aver- and foot prints.” In addition, forensic anthropolo-
age, since the number of bones gists may employ “facial reproduction” techniques
varies slightly from individual to
to image fleshy tissue that no longer exists, in effect
individual. Human beings are
born with about 300 bones, “building” the face of the deceased, so that relatives
some of which fuse together in or friends may be able to make an identification.
the process of growth, yielding Forensic anthropologists also note evidence of past
the smaller adult number. injury and medical treatment, which may provide
clues to the identity of the deceased.
6WRRS\1`W[SAQS\S
When a forensic anthropologist is called to excavate an area of interest to police, he or
she goes about the work in much the same way as a traditional archaeologist excavates
a historic or prehistoric site—which is itself very similar to the way in which criminal
investigators examine any crime scene.
Each step of the excavation is precisely recorded using words, drawings, and photo-
graphs. The area excavated is staked out with a grid of twine, and this is represented
on a graph-paper sketch. The position of everything uncovered in the excavation is
precisely recorded on this graph. It is also photographed and perhaps sketched before
it is bagged for further examination in the laboratory. Archaeological anthropologists
are trained to look for detail, for minutiae; it is a characteristic they share with any
good crime scene investigator. The object is not only to recover relevant evidence—
weapons, cigarette butts, articles of clothing, skeletal remains—but to get an accurate
picture of the physical relationships these objects bear to one another. For it is such
relationships that speak volumes about whatever drama deposited the objects there in
the first place.
0]\SAb]`g
The bones speak. That may sound like the title of a horror movie, but it is the leading
principle of forensic anthropology.
1VO^bS` ( =TBSSbVO\R0]\Sa $%
The forensic anthropologist begins by recovering as much of the skeleton as possible.

He then lays out the bones to reconstruct the skeleton. From this, it is possible to
judge the height and basic body type of the deceased. Even if few bones are recovered,
measurement of the long bones, especially those of the legs, can serve as the basis for
a quite accurate estimate of height. By examining the position, size, and type of mus-
cle attachments to the bones, the forensic anthropologist can estimate weight as well
as muscularity. He or she may even be able to hazard a guess as to the type of activity
the deceased was involved in: someone who did a lot of heavy lifting, for example, as
opposed to a white-collar worker.
Gender is evident from skeletal remains. In women, the pelvic bones are lower and
wider than in men. The appearance of the pelvic bones also enable the forensic
anthropologist to say whether or not a woman has given birth. Other bones—
including those of the base of the skull, the forehead, and the jaw—bear sex-specific
characteristics.
Because bones grow and otherwise change throughout life, they provide ample evi-
dence as to age at the time of death. The bones of the skull “knit together” at their
suture points most obviously as an infant matures, but this process of closure con-
tinues more subtly throughout life. Skull sutures therefore reveal much about age.
Generally speaking, the smoother the skull, the older the person. Other clues to age
include joint condition and wear, particularly in the bones of the spine.
Remarkably, race and even ethnicity may be at least somewhat evident in bone
structure—although this remains a gray area, subject to a certain amount of educated
guess work. Much easier is the determina-
tion as to whether a person was right- or
Sworn Statement
left-handed. There is more muscle attach-
ment on the wrist bones of the dominant That’s how I feel about the
side. skeletons in my laboratory.
These have tales to tell us, even
Beyond issues of identity, skeletal remains though they are dead. It is up to
say something about the range of time in me, the forensic anthropologist,
which death occurred. Even hard bone tis- to catch their mute cries and
sue, after all, is subject to environmental whispers, and to interpret them
for the living, as long as I am
wear. The bones also reveal evidence of
able.
violence, which says something about the
—Forensic anthropologist
nature of the crime committed or may even
William R. Maples, in his book
help investigators determine whether death Dead Men Do Tell Tales (1994)
was caused by a crime or was accidental.
$& >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
0`W\UW\UbVS2SORb]:WTS
Skillfully interpreted as evidence, bones may indeed speak for the dead. Yet they
remain the very symbol of death. Even a victim’s closest friends and relatives would
not recognize him from the skeleton alone. Remarkably—almost miraculously—
forensic anthropology has found ways to put flesh
back on the bones.
Facial reconstruction is a set of techniques that
Facial reconstruction is a set of enables investigators and family members to
scientific and artistic techniques,
identify remains when all other methods of
sometimes computer-aided, that
enables investigators and fam- identification have failed. Reconstruction is con-
ily members to identify remains jecture and approximation, but it may provide
when all other methods of identi- the stimulus that leads to positive identification
fication have failed. of crime victims who otherwise would remain
entirely unknown.
Be]2W[S\aW]\OZ;SbV]Ra
Specially trained forensic artists, whose experience includes a knowledge of forensic
anthropology, may reconstruct a face through hand-drawn portraits based on x-rays,
the actual skull, and—if a candidate for identity is available—photographs of that can-
didate. Often, a forensic artist works in collaboration with a forensic anthropologist to
make this kind of reconstruction.
In recent years, computer software programs have been developed to aid in creating
two-dimensional facial approximations. These may be easily altered and manipulated
until a plausible likeness is achieved.
BVSBVW`R2W[S\aW]\
Again, working together, an artist and a forensic anthropologist may model a facial
reconstruction in clay or using sophisticated 3D computer modeling programs.
For clay reconstructions, a cast of the actual skull is used as the armature or founda-
tion on which the clay is applied. A sculptor with a thorough knowledge of skeletal
anatomy may be able to make a close approximation of the likely structure of the flesh
on the bone. Typically, the finished clay model is painted to enhance the approxima-
tion. Glass eyes may be included, along with hair.
1VO^bS` ( =TBSSbVO\R0]\Sa $'
Three-dimensional computer programs create reconstructions based on digitally

scanned photographs of the unidentified cranial remains, which are combined with
stock photographs of facial features and other data.
4]`S\aWQAc^S`W[^]aWbW]\
In cases where investigators have some theory as to the identity of the skeletal
remains, a forensic superimposition may be created to test the identity theory. The
photograph of a person suspected of belonging to the skeletal remains in question is
superimposed over an x-ray of the unidentified skull. If the anatomical features cor-
rectly align, it is reasonable to assume that the remains are those of the individual in
the photograph.
/:WbbZS0OQYU`]c\R
Although sophisticated computer graphics programs especially designed for forensic
facial reconstruction are recent and still emerging developments, the basic techniques
of facial reconstruction date back to the late nineteenth century, when anatomical
researchers produced the first data on average facial tissue thickness. It was not until
1962, however, that the American anthropologist Wilton M. Krogman presented a
cogent method for facial reconstruction and introduced it into the field of forensics.
His 1986 book The Human Skeleton in Forensic Medicine is the most comprehensive
work on the subject.
<]b?cWbSO;WÒQZS
As stunning as the results of modern facial reconstruction can be, the method has
many limitations. The major problem is the limited nature of data available on aver-
age facial tissue thickness. Although much work has been done in this field, the range
of variation related to age, sex, and body build is far greater than the range of available
data. The gap between the data and these ranges is bridged by the subjective judgment
of the forensic artist or anthropologist.
Another area in which subjectivity plays a major role is the method of reconstruction.
Drawing and sculpture, even with the aid of computer programs, is at best a synthesis
of science and art—with art often predominating. It is inexact. There are no standard
methods for approximating facial features and individuating characteristics, let alone
any one official method.
% >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
7\OR[WaaWPZS
The gold standard of forensic science is to achieve positive identification, which is estab-
lished when a unique set of biological characteristics of an individual are matched with
a set of skeletal remains. Positive identification occurs when skeletal or dental remains
correspond precisely with medical or dental records, or when evidence of some unique
characteristic (such as evidence of a very specific wound) can be found in the remains
and in the ante-mortem (pre-death) records of the individual. DNA analysis, when
possible, is another means of making a positive identification.
When positive identification is not possible, the next best thing is circumstantial iden-
tification. This is established when an individual seems to fit the general biological
profile indicated by skeletal evidence. Identity is suggested, but not proved. After all,
more than one individual may fit the same biological profile.
Positive identification is always compelling evidence in an investigation and in a court-
room. Circumstantial identification can be extremely helpful in an investigation, but it
is less compelling in a courtroom—and may even be inadmissible.
In 1993, the U.S. Supreme Court established the Daubert Standard, a legal precedent
regarding the admissibility of expert witness testimony during legal proceedings. The
standard is intended to ensure that expert witness testimony:
X Is based upon adequate facts or data
X Is the product of proven principles and investigative methods
X Is the product of principles and methods that have been applied reliably to the
facts of the case in question
In forensics, positive identification is established when a unique set of biological char-

acteristics of an individual are uniquely matched with a set of skeletal remains. Positive
identification evidence is almost always admissible in court.
In forensics, circumstantial identification is made when an individual seems to fit the
general biological profile indicated by skeletal evidence. Circumstantial identification
evidence is often inadmissible in court, but may nevertheless be valuable in criminal
investigation.
In facial reconstruction, no two forensic anthropologists or artists produce identical

approximations for a given set of skeletal remains. Moreover, the data on which the
1VO^bS` ( =TBSSbVO\R0]\Sa %
approximations are based are incomplete. For these two reasons alone, facial recon-
struction does not meet the requirements of the Daubert Standard and is therefore
not recognized in any American courtroom as a means of positive identification. Even
as circumstantial identification, it is inadmissible, and forensic artists are not called on
as expert witnesses. Facial reconstruction is currently limited to investigative work, as
a last resort for identification when all else has failed.
;]`S3dWRS\QS
As the July 1990 FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin states, forensic anthropology includes,
in addition to bone analysis and facial reconstruction, the recovery, identification,
and analysis of several other kinds of evidence, the most important of which are the
“examination of … insects [and] plant materials.” These are the province of special-
ized forensic scientists, the forensic entomologist and the forensic botanist, and are
the subject of the next chapter.
X Teeth and bones greatly outlast soft body tissues and are therefore often the only
remains criminal investigators encounter at a suspected crime scene.
X Forensic odontologists are dentists who specialize in matching dental evidence
recovered from crime scenes—including teeth and bite marks—with suspects and
victims.
X Forensic anthropologists use the methods of traditional archaeological anthro-
pology to excavate suspected crime scenes in order to recover and analyze evi-
dence.
X The chief form of evidence forensic anthropologists examine is human skeletal
remains, mainly for purposes of identification, but also for what the condition of
the bones reveal about the nature of a violent crime.
X Facial reconstruction is a specialized branch of forensic anthropology that
attempts to build or visualize a “flesh” identity using a skull recovered from a
suspected crime scene.
=T0cUaO\R0]bO\g
1VO^bS`
13
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Using forensic entomology to determine time of death and link
suspects to crime scenes
X The many branches of forensic botany
X Finding clandestine graves
X Diatom evidence
X Botany and a victim’s last meal
X Introduction to forensic geology
Despite their often primitive behavior, human beings are at the top of the
evolutionary pyramid, but they still have to share the world with a lot of
so-called “lower” life forms, including insects (and other arthropods) and
plants. Both before and after death, people interact with bugs, bushes,
and the like, creating—quite unintentionally—a record of that contact. In
conjunction with a corpse, suspect, or crime scene, that bio-environmental
record may speak volumes to criminal investigators.
%" >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
BW[S]T2SObV
The field of forensic entomology did not become widely recognized in criminal
investigation until the mid-1980s, but its earliest history may actually be traced to
thirteenth-century China, when the detective-jurist Sung Tz’u described his inves-
tigation of the case of a stabbing near a rice field. Just one day after the murder,
Sung Tz’u went to the rice field and ordered all workers to put down their sickles.
Immediately, traces of blood, though invisible, attracted blowflies to one sickle. Sung
Tz’u confronted the owner of the implement, who instantly confessed.
In its early days in law enforcement, forensic entomology was used strictly to deter-
mine post-mortem interval (PMI)—the time of death. From the presence of insect eggs
or of the insects themselves at various stages of development, the forensic entomolo-
gist (FE) can estimate PMI because insects and other arthropods inhabit and often
mature in decomposing bodies. The forensic entomologist collects whatever insects
have infested a corpse, identifies their species, then notes the life-cycle stage at which
the specimens were recovered. Since insects of a given species under a given set of
climatological conditions (such as temperature and humidity) mature at regular rates,
it is possible to gauge the length of time the specimen has inhabited the body in ques-
tion and, therefore, estimate the PMI.
Post-mortem interval (PMI) is the span of time between the discovery of a body and the
time of death.
Arthropods are members of the phylum Arthropoda, which includes lobsters, crabs,
beetles, spiders, insects, centipedes, and millipedes.
BVS0Z]eTZg0SOàEWb\Saa
When any animal dies in the open, the blowflies know it. They lay their eggs in
carrion—decaying flesh—and that becomes the environment in which the eggs hatch
into larvae, which go through regular, recognizable stages of maturation until they
become adult flies.
The blowfly egg hatches into a maggot, a larval stage known as the first instar, which
feeds on the decay around it until it grows from about 2 millimeters to 5 millimeters,
whereupon it ruptures through its skin, leaves the old skin behind, and emerges as a
second instar. That larger maggot continues eating, growing from about 6 millimeters
to 9 millimeters in length. At this point, it sheds for a second time, leaving the old
1VO^bS`!( =T0cUaO\R0]bO\g %#
skin behind and becoming a third instar, growing from 10 to 13 millimeters. In this
third instar phase, the skin no longer resembles that of a maggot, but darkens, grows
thicker, and becomes tougher. At the point when this third instar stops eating but
still moves about in search of a place to continue its maturation, the insect is called a
prepupa. Its thickened skin further hardens into a puparium—similar to a butterfly’s
cocoon or a moth’s chrysalis—within which the prepupa matures into a pupa, which
continues to develop entirely within the puparium until that structure splits, and a
fully formed adult fly emerges.
Entomologists have closely studied and documented the time a blowfly spends in
each stage of its metamorphosis, carefully noting how these spans of time vary with
temperature and available moisture. Observations in the field have been extensively
supplemented by controlled laboratory experiment. For the forensic entomologist, this
knowledge transforms the blowfly into a reliable yardstick for measuring PMI.
BVS1Z]QYAbO`ba
It is all well and good to know the amount of time required for the blowfly to pass
from one state of maturity to the next, but this information is useless for gauging PMI
if you don’t also know when the biological “clock” started. Fortunately, there is ample
entomological data on this subject as well. The FE knows that blowflies prefer to lay
their eggs approximately two days after death. Therefore, if third instar maggots are
recovered from a corpse and under the prevailing conditions of temperature and mois-
ture it is known that the third instar appears eight days after eggs are laid, it is reason-
able to place the time of death at 10 days prior to discovery (and examination) of the
body.
0Z]eTZg/ZbS`\ObWdSa
Blowflies are not found in all locations, climates, and seasons; however, many other
insect and other arthropod species mature in carrion, and entomologists have studied
them all. Many can be used—beetles are especially popular—to determine PMI.
Indeed, even when blowflies are plentiful, the FE collects all insects and arthropods
found on and in a body. This is because a decaying corpse becomes not only part of
the ecosystem surrounding it, but is itself an ecosystem for various life forms that live
off decay. Forensic entomologists understand that some species feed directly off decay-
ing flesh, whereas others feed off the molds that grow on that flesh. Still other species
feed on the insects that feed on the flesh. The FE collects all the insect “waves” (as
%$ >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
they are called) present in the body, knowing that one species succeeds another in a
predictable pattern.
The succession of waves is another means of creating
By the Numbers a timeline that points to the PMI. This succession
A square yard of moist soil may also provide another important piece of the his-
contains 500 to 2,000 tory of the body in question.
insects, or about 4,000,000
Most of us think of decay as a disgusting and chaotic
insects per acre.
process. Disgusting it may be, but in fact, the process
is quite orderly. Under most circumstances, there are
five distinct phases of bodily decay:
1. Initial decay: From the outside, the body does not appear greatly changed, but has
begun to break down internally due to microorganisms present within the body
when it was alive.
2. Putrefaction: As internal microorganisms break down the body, gases are formed.
The putrefying body swells, and a “putrid” odor is produced.
3. Black putrefaction: At this stage, the flesh darkens—sometimes to black, but often
to purple, brown, blue, green, or a combination of these. The swelling due to
gas subsides and recedes as the gas leaks out; however, the odor of putrefaction
intensifies.
4. Butyric fermentation: At this stage, tissues and organs have liquefied and escaped
from the body, which becomes desiccated (dried out). Externally, the body is usu-
ally covered with mold, and a new, less intense odor is produced.
5. Dry rot: More slowly than the progression of the previous four stages, the body
continues to rot and dry, ultimately skeletonizing.
The FE associates the stage of decay with the kind of insect found in the body. For
example, blowflies infest bodies during the putrefaction stage (stage 2). Let’s say a
body is discovered deep in the stage of butyric fermentation (stage 4), but the FE
finds no sign of there having ever been blowfly infestation. Depending on other cir-
cumstances (such as season and temperature), this may suggest that the body was else-
where during putrefaction, somewhere effectively sealed off from blowflies, and was
moved later.
1VO^bS`!( =T0cUaO\R0]bO\g %%
Sworn Statement
Nick [Polchak] is an amalgam of the real-life forensic entomologists I’ve inter-
viewed. They’re brilliant people, with remarkable memories and an eye for the
smallest detail. They’re also eccentric people; after all, these are people who decided
to get a Ph.D. in bugs! They’re not policemen, they’re not investigators, they’re not even
pathologists—and that means they don’t exactly “fit” in a traditional crime investigation.
—Tim Downs, author of the “Bug Man” novels, Chop Shop and Shoofly Pie, featuring
forensic entomologist Nick Polchak
/;ObbS`]T>`]b]Q]Z
Collection of entomological evidence requires great care and the strict observance of
orderly protocols:
First, the FE takes careful note of the location of the body in relation to climate, sea-
son, surrounding vegetation, and conditions of sun or shade. If the body is discovered
indoors, the investigator notes the proximity of the body to open windows, doors, or
other points of access to the outside.
The FE also meticulously documents the locations of insect infestations on or within
the body and, of course, makes a thorough record of what species and stages of insects
are observed. Other notes include evidence of insect waves, such as fire ants, which
prey upon blowfly eggs and larvae. Certain vertebrate animals also scavenge insect
infestations.
Next, the FE collects climatologic data prevailing at the scene, including ambi-
ent air temperature; the temperature of the maggot mass—obtained by placing the
thermometer directly into the larval mass center; the temperature at ground surface;
the temperature at the point where body and ground contact one another; and soil
temperature directly under the body—taken immediately after the body has been
removed. In addition, weather data is obtained for the period spanning one or two
weeks prior to the disappearance of the victim to three to five days after discovery of
the body.
In actually collecting the insects from the body and the scene, the FE first attempts to
recover adult flies and beetles. The reason is simple: these insects move quickly and,
once disturbed, they may “flee” the scene of crime. Some specimens are simultane-
ously killed and preserved (usually by immersion in alcohol) and some are trapped live.
%& >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
Each set of specimens is carefully labeled with geographical location, date and hour of
collection, case number, location on the body from which the specimens were recov-
ered, and the name of the collector.
After the fast-moving adults have been collected, the FE recovers larval and egg speci-
mens. Usually, he or she begins by searching for eggs—a process that must be con-
ducted scrupulously, since tiny, semitransparent eggs are easily overlooked.
Next, the larvae are collected, with emphasis on recovering the largest. A sample of 50
to 60 specimens from the maggot mass is also collected. Some of the eggs and larvae
collected are immediately killed and preserved, and some are collected alive, so that
maturation rates can be measured under controlled laboratory conditions.
0Sg]\R>;7
While determining time of death remains the most important of the FE’s jobs, ento-
mological evidence can also tell much more. The FE can use the type of insects or
insect eggs found on the body to tie that body to a specific geographical area. This can
be especially revealing if it is suspected that a body has been transported a consider-
able distance.
The FE may also look for insect evidence on nonbody evidence associated with a
crime scene. For example, as every road tripper knows, the radiator grille of an auto-
mobile collects whatever insects happen to collide with the car. This collection of
corpses can serve as a road map, revealing every place the vehicle has traveled. If that
vehicle belongs to a criminal suspect, the information can confirm or destroy an alibi.
Case in Point
In one case, a body was discovered in a coastal area, about 100 miles from where
the chief suspect lived. The suspect denied ever having been in the remote area where
the body was found. An FE was called in to examine insects found on the suspect’s car.
Among these he identified a species of mayfly that is found only in the area from which
the body was recovered. Moreover, this species of mayfly was known to be active at a
particular stage of its development only during a limited time. The ME determined that
the time of death was consistent with the period in which the mayflies were active. This
fact, coupled with the presence of the insects on the suspect’s car, was sufficient to war-
rant an indictment.
1VO^bS`!( =T0cUaO\R0]bO\g %'
Sometimes the failure to recover insects from where they are expected is in itself
revealing. For example, in 1943, the body of a child was discovered nine days after
death. Insect infestation was present in all the usual areas—except for the mouth. Back
then, the specialty of forensic entomology did not exist, but the medical examiner on
the case had a hunch that some substance—perhaps a poison ingested orally—had
kept the insects away from the mouth. Although he could not find the poison through
toxicology—after nine days, all traces of the substance had broken down—when a
suspect was presented with the entomological evidence, he readily confessed to having
poisoned the child.
Other esoteric applications of forensic entomology include the investigation of certain
cases of abuse in children and neglect of the elderly. Cases have been investigated in
which parents meted out bizarrely abusive punishment to their children by inten-
tionally using wasps and bees to sting them. In cases of elder abuse, entomological
evidence has been introduced to demonstrate neglect and lack of proper wound care,
both in home and institutional environments.
Forensic entomologists have been called on to provide evidence in certain car acci-
dents for which no definitive cause could be found. They have sometimes been able
to prove that a driver was stung by a bee
or another insect. In several automobile
accident cases, FEs have been consulted to By the Numbers
identify the fragmentary remains of insects According to some studies
lodged in the radiator grille or impacted insect bites and stings are
against the windshield of an automobile in among the top 20 causes of
order to determine the probable path of the automobile accidents.
vehicle through certain areas.
Insects have even been implicated in airplane crashes. Entomological evidence has
suggested that errant bugs obstructed cockpit instrumentation or even blocked fuel
lines, causing engine failure.
Blood splatter experts (see Chapter 9) have sometimes consulted forensic entomolo-
gists when they suspect that odd blood pattern evidence might be caused by cock-
roaches walking through pooled or splattered blood, creating strange tracks. Insects
may carry blood evidence to strange places—such as the ceiling—leading crime scene
investigators to misinterpret splatter evidence.
4]`S\aWQAQWS\QSBc`\a=dSÒ<Se:SOT
It was called the “Crime of the Century.” On March 1, 1932, Charles A. Lindbergh
Jr.—infant son of the first man to fly the Atlantic solo and his wife, Anne Morrow
Lindbergh—was abducted from the Lindberghs’ New Jersey home and subsequently
murdered. After many months of investigation, suspicion finally fell upon Bruno
Richard Hauptmann, a German immigrant with a criminal record, who was arrested
in 1934. His sensational trial included the first botanical testimony to be heard in a
North American courtroom, as the jury listened to expert testimony concerning the
wood grain of the crude homemade ladder that had been used to enter the baby’s
second-story room. According to the expert, the grain matched wood in Hauptmann’s
home, and this evidence surely helped to convict him.
Modern forensic botany is based on the Exchange Principle or Principle of Contact
Traces, which was first articulated in 1910 by a criminal investigator named Edmond
Locard. The principle is this: a criminal always leaves something at the crime scene
and/or takes something away. In many cases, especially when the crime occurs out-
doors, trace botanical evidence can be used to link an object or a suspect to a crime
scene. Conversely, this kind of evidence may also rule out a suspect or support his
alibi.
The forensic botanist (FB) is an expert in identify-
ing plant anatomy and ecological requirements and
assigning these to specific species and varieties of
The Principle of Contact Traces plants, which may be associated with certain loca-
states that a criminal always tions. By identifying a plant fragment found on the
leaves something at the crime clothing of a suspect, for example, and matching this
scene and/or takes something fragment to a plant present at the crime scene, the
away. FB links the suspect to the scene and, therefore, to
the crime.
>]ZZS\>]ZWQS
Palynology is the study of pollen grains and spores, as well as certain other acid-
resistant microorganisms. The FB may recover pollen or spores from a suspect or
from objects belonging to a suspect and compare these microscopically with pollen
found at a crime scene. If the “pollen rain” (the types of pollen that fall on a given
geographical area) for the crime scene is known, then it may be assumed that anyone
or anything associated with that scene may carry traces of the same pollen.
1VO^bS`!( =T0cUaO\R0]bO\g &
3Q]Z]UWQOZ7\dSabWUObW]\
A forensic botanist must have a thorough ecological knowledge of plant species so he
can determine whether plant fragments recovered from a victim or object came from
where that victim or object was actually found or from some other location. Similarly,
plant fragments recovered from a suspect or objects associated with the suspect may
link him or her to a crime scene.
One of the more macabre tasks of the FB is to locate hidden or clandestine graves.
Any burial disturbs the soil, but such a site does not long remain bare. So-called
pioneer species soon appear, followed by later-succession species, and then climax
species. Because this species succession is predictable in at least some geographical
locations, any site showing a successional stage different from the surrounding area
suggests soil disturbance and, possibly, a burial site. Such successional variations may
persist for as much as 20 years.
E`WbbS\W\EObS`
Bodies are not always discovered on dry land. Forensic botanists with a specialized
knowledge of limnology, the study of freshwater ecology, may be called on to identify
evidence linking suspects and victims to crime scenes in or around fresh water. Algae,
especially the diatoms, often provide such evidence.
Diatoms are aquatic plant organisms that
have uniquely characteristic cell shapes and
cells with high silica content, which gives
them a crystalline appearance. Diatoms may Limnology is the study of fresh-
be recovered from the tissues of suspected water ecology and can be very
drowning victims and from bodies dumped useful when investigating bodies
in the water. Diatom tests are often used to recovered from water.
diagnose drowning and to estimate PMI.
In decomposed bodies recovered from water, it is difficult to diagnose drowning
because the process of decomposition destroys the usual physiological indications of
drowning; however, the presence of diatoms in body tissues is a highly reliable indi-
cator of a freshwater drowning. Even in skeletal remains, diatoms may be recovered
from bone marrow, thereby indicating death by drowning.
Diatom and other algal evidence can be used to determine time of death. The growth
pattern and diversity of the algal types that colonize a body recovered from fresh
water provide a useful means of assessing the amount of time the body has been sub-
merged.
Case in Point
In July 1991, two boys were attacked by several persons while fishing in a Connecticut
pond. The boys were bound with duct tape, beaten with a baseball bat, and thrown
in the pond to drown. Remarkably, one of the boys managed to free himself and saved
his friend. Later, three suspects were arrested.
Investigators collected mud samples from the pond, which were compared to mud from
the sneakers of the victims as well as the suspects. The samples all contained diatoms
and another type of silica-producing algae called scaled chrysophytes. A forensic bota-
nist isolated 15 genera of algae 14 of which were common to all samples. A scaled
chrysophyte species identified as Mallomonas caudate was the most numerous species
recovered in all of the samples. It is found only in ponds and lakes—not in flowing
water—and is the dominant algal species in the ponds and lakes of the northeastern
United States.
In addition, the forensic botanist identified and analyzed three species of the Eunotia
algae found in all the samples. This diatom is common in freshwater, but it is very rare
for the population ratios of species from the same genus to be similar in communities
that come from different habitats. In other words, statistical analysis strongly suggested
that all of the samples came from the same habitat—namely the crime scene pond.
The prospect of the victims’ testimony, together with the findings of the forensic botanist,
prompted all three suspects to plead guilty.
0]\S2ObW\U
An FB can assist a forensic archaeologist in estimating the age of skeletal remains
recovered from crime scenes. Plant roots are often found with exposed or shallowly
buried bodies. An FB may examine root development after the root has been dam-
aged, assuming that the damage was caused by the digging of a grave. Like tree
trunks, the cross-section of a root exhibits annual growth rings. Careful examination
can differentiate between the number of rings laid down before the root was damaged
and the number laid down after it. The second count is the number of years since the
damage occurred, which corresponds to the number of years since the body was bur-
ied.
A forensic botanist may also examine roots that are in direct contact with the remains,
actually growing through them or through some article of clothing associated with
them. Such roots can be cross-sectioned precisely at the point of penetration through
the body or clothing and the annual rings counted from this point to establish a mini-
mum frame for time since death.
1VO^bS`!( =T0cUaO\R0]bO\g &!
Finally, the FB may analyze linear root branch growth. It is possible to estimate
annual root growth and to determine a time frame based on the length of a root from
its point of contact with the body to the tip of the root.
:Oab;SOZ
Medical examiners routinely analyze the stomach contents of bodies under autopsy in
an effort to determine PMI and perhaps even where the victim ate his or her last meal.
The medical examiner may consult a forensic botanist to help identify cell types from
food plants in order to determine the victim’s whereabouts just prior to death. Such
cell types as sclereids (pears), starch grains (potatoes and other tubers), raphide crystals
(pineapple), druse crystals (citrus, beets, spinach), and silica bodies (cereal grasses and
bamboos) are among the most commonly identified.
B`SS@W\U1W`Qca
A dendrochronologist is a botanist who specializes in the study of tree rings. The number
of rings accurately gives the age of the tree, and variations in the width of the rings
indicate changes in environmental conditions. In forensics, dendrochronology can be
used to date wooden objects and match them with a crime scene, as was done in the
case of Bruno Hauptmann’s ladder.
Evidence provided by tree ring analysis is
often used to date and to authenticate the
antiquity of wooden art objects. An unscru- A dendrochronologist is a bota-
pulous dealer in musical instruments may nist who specializes in the study
demand millions of dollars for what he of tree rings.
claims is a seventeenth-century Stradivarius
violin. If the forgery is a good one, it may
be impossible to distinguish a modern fake from a genuine instrument on the basis
of aesthetics alone. However, by x-raying the wood, it is possible to compare the tree
ring evidence to standard curves for spruce from the Alps of northern Italy, the wood
Stradivarius used. If such comparison indicates a provenance (date of creation) less
than about 400 years old, the violin in question could not have been made by the
Italian master.
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@]QY>Ob`]Z
Somewhat less established and less widely used than forensic entomology and forensic
botany is the field of forensic geology, which applies the principles of geology to the
identification and analysis of geologic materials involved in criminal as well as civil
matters of law.
Forensic geologists may be presented with rocks and soil samples associated with a
crime scene, suspect, or victim, as well as objects associated with any of these, and
asked to identify the material and to determine its origin. The object of such identifi-
cation is to determine if the material in question is unique to a crime scene or to cir-
cumstances under which a crime was committed.
The geologist may also be consulted in the identification and investigation of clandes-
tine burials. Most frequently, however, the geologist uses his or her expertise to match
rock and soil traces associated with a victim or suspect to the rocks and soil found at a
crime scene. In this respect, geological evidence typically plays the same linking role
that some entomological and botanical evidence plays, connecting suspects with vic-
tims and linking both to a particular place and time.
X The forensic entomologist analyzes insects (and other arthropods) found on and
in corpses to determine post-mortem interval (PMI) or to link a victim, suspect,
and crime scene.
X The forensic botanist analyzes plants and plant fragments to link victims and
suspects and to connect both with a crime scene; he or she can also use plant evi-
dence to determine PMI and to discover clandestine graves.
X The forensic geologist matches rock and soil samples found on suspects, victims,
and articles associated with a crime to a crime scene.
X The work of forensic entomologists, botanists, and geologists is largely based on
the investigative Principle of Contact Traces, which holds that a criminal always
leaves something at the crime scene and/or takes something away.
2</3dWRS\QS(
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14
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X Using DNA “fingerprinting”
X Obtaining and analyzing DNA evidence
X Analytical techniques for difficult cases
X Reliability and validity of DNA evidence
X Using DNA evidence to exonerate the innocent
X The DNA database controversy
Investigators and, in the end, juries evaluate evidence. Such evaluation

determines, step by step, the further course of the investigation or the final
verdict in a criminal case. Ideally, the evidence presented is straightforward
and clear cut, the proverbial “smoking gun” that pretty much proves guilt
or innocence.
But crime is a human activity, and evidence, the product of human activity,
is usually far from straightforward and clear cut. Often, the prosecution has
only a few precious pieces of physical evidence—a fragment of fiber, a few
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strands of hair, a trace of blood—to link the accused to a crime. Analyzed properly and
presented persuasively, such evidence may point to the defendant, but traditionally,
material like this has rarely been sufficient to secure a conviction—a verdict, beyond a
reasonable doubt, of guilty.
What if there were an ironclad way to link such trace evidence, beyond any
reasonable doubt, to a particular person? Until recently, this was idle speculation,
nothing more. But with the discovery of the role DNA plays in heredity and the
development of methods to extract and to analyze the DNA in most tissue and tissue
traces, it has become reality. A very short time ago, DNA evidence represented the
extreme cutting edge of forensic science. Today, while still involving technologically
advanced and demanding laboratory procedures, it has entered the mainstream of
criminal investigation, as we’ll see in this chapter.
BVS2]cPZS6SZWf
The field of genetics was revolutionized beginning in 1953, when two biochemists,
James D. Watson and Francis H. C. Crick, described the structure of the deoxyribo-
nucleic acid (DNA) molecule, which is found in the cells of all living things (and in
some viruses, too). DNA was discovered back in 1869, but Watson and Crick dem-
onstrated that, structurally, the DNA molecule consists of two nucleotide chains that
twist around one another to form a double helix, rather like a spirally twisted ladder.
The curved sides of this ladder consist of alternate phosphate-sugar groups, while the
rungs of the ladder are protein bases joined by weak hydrogen bonds.
This unique structure enables DNA to replicate
itself—something it does prior to cellular reproduc-
tion. When a cell divides to form two new cells, the
DNA, or deoxyribonucleic acid, double-stranded helix “unzips,” and each “unzipped”
carries the genetic informa- strand picks up complementary nucleotides, which,
tion of the cell and is uniquely incorporated into the unzipped strands, create two
capable of replicating itself and
new DNA molecules that are identical to each other
synthesizing RNA (ribonucleic
acid), which, like a chemical
as well as to the original molecule. The DNA mole-
messenger, transmits the genetic cule carries chemically coded genetic information for
information. the transmission of inherited traits. When the double
helix “unzips,” the coded information is passed on.
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0W]Z]UWQOZ0O`Q]RS
The function of DNA is double-edged. The process of replication during reproduc-
tion ensures that a baby born to a human mother and a human father will be a human
being as opposed to, say, a kumquat. The genetic information coded in the DNA sig-
nals the pattern for human development. It also ensures that the baby will inherit cer-
tain genetic traits from the mother and father. That is, thanks to DNA, the newborn
will not be a new species or totally different from its parents. Yet even as DNA trans-
mits characteristics in common with one’s species and one’s parents, it also ensures
that each individual is unique. Except for identical twins, each person, at the molecu-
lar level of the DNA contained in the nuclei of each cell, is unique.
Human beings have 23 pairs of chromosomes containing the full DNA code that
serves as the blueprint for everything needed to build the individual and the molecular
instructions for how to run him or her once he or she has been built. One member of
each chromosomal pair is inherited from the mother, and one from the father. The
unique DNA pattern that results is copied in each and every cell of the body.
2</4W\US`^`W\bW\U
Most of the structure of DNA doesn’t differ much from one person to another. That
makes sense, if you consider that, viewed as organisms, human beings have more in
common with one another than differences from one another: they all have two legs,
two arms, two eyes, the ability to walk upright, the capacity to learn and use speech,
and so on. In fact, only about 0.10 percent of the base pairs of human DNA differs
from person to person. This is a very small percentage of difference, but it neverthe-
less represents differences in about 3 million base pairs of DNA. That is, there are
some 3 million molecular elements in each of us that can be mixed and matched in
different ways to produce a unique human being.
The range of possible combinations among
3 million of anything is virtually infinite.
Therefore, if we focus on the DNA in Some professionals and layper-
chromosomal regions that do differ, we can sons alike speak of the DNA fin-
identify a unique DNA fingerprint for each gerprint, which refers to how the
individual in the human population. structure of certain parts of the
DNA molecule uniquely marks
How can criminal investigators make use of and identifies each individual,
this kind of “fingerprint”? The key to using much as an actual fingerprint is
DNA evidence is to identify the unique fea- unique to each person.
tures of DNA taken from a suspect’s tissue
with DNA left at the scene of a crime.
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Obtaining and analyzing DNA evidence is a complex, time-consuming, and exact-
ing procedure, which must be carried out step by step, with scrupulous care to ensure
scientific accuracy that will produce valid probative evidence. While the principles of
DNA profiling are extremely reliable and well established, the practices of individual
investigators, technicians, and laboratories must be closely monitored and questioned,
because they can produce misleading results.
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The first step is obtaining the specimen. Getting DNA from a suspect is easy. A sam-
ple can be obtained from saliva by means of a simple, quick, and painless swab of the
mouth.
Isolating DNA from material at a crime scene can be
Sworn Statement much trickier. DNA is found in blood, saliva, semen,
hair, and other bodily fluids and tissues. Whichever
Every year since 1989, in of these substances are available, investigators collect.
about 25 percent of the sex-
ual assault cases referred to the Often, laboratory specialists not only must isolate
FBI where [DNA] results could be the DNA, they have to clean it up, because at the
obtained … the primary suspect crime scene it is typically contaminated by dirt and
has been excluded by forensic other debris. Very frequently, DNA must be isolated
DNA testing.
from substances that are little more than stains—for
—Barry C. Scheck, attorney and example, dried blood on a carpet or article of cloth-
professor of law and director of
ing. The process of extracting the sample safely from
clinical education, Benjamin N.
Cardozo School of Law New the fabric is painstaking and sometimes risky. If the
York, New York sample is very small, a botched attempt at extraction
can end up destroying the evidence altogether.
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As hard as it can be to obtain the DNA sample, it is only after it’s been isolated that
things get really complicated. There are two kinds of “polymorphic regions”—areas
where there is a lot of DNA diversity—in the genome, or genetic material, of a per-
son: sequence polymorphisms and length polymorphisms.
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Sequence polymorphisms are simple substitutions of one or two bases in the genes
themselves. These aren’t very useful for DNA fingerprinting in criminal cases.
Now, the number of tandem repeats at specific places—called loci—on chromosomes
varies between individuals. For any given VNTR locus in an individual’s DNA, there
is a certain number of identifiable repeats. Each individual inherits one copy of each
chromosome from his or her mother and father. Therefore, each individual has two
copies of each VNTR locus (just as each person has two copies of real genes).
VNTRs (variable number tandem repeats) are short, identical repeat sequences of DNA
molecules in length polymorphisms that may be readily compared. If the VNTRs of one
DNA sample match those of another, it is highly likely that both samples came from the
same individual. Length polymorphisms are nothing more than variations in the length of
the DNA molecule. It is a special kind of length polymorphism that is used in DNA evi-
dence. Investigators look for special variations that come from series of short, identical
repeat sequences of DNA molecules. A given sequence may be repeated from 1 to 30
times in a row. For this reason, these DNA regions are called variable number tandem
repeats, or VNTRs.
To arrive at an individual’s unique DNA profile, the investigator determines the num-
ber of VNTRs at several distinctive loci. This procedure is called restriction fragment
length polymorphism (RFLP) analysis, and it is one of the two most widely used pro-
cesses by which the DNA analyst identifies the specific features that mark the individ-
ual’s DNA as distinctive to that individual.
Just as an analyst of actual fingerprints focuses on a limited catalog of specific features
to identify the uniqueness of a fingerprint (see Chapter 7), so the DNA investigator,
through RFLP analysis, identifies only the specific features that mark the individual’s
DNA as distinctive to that individual. This makes comparing a sample from a suspect
with a sample from the crime scene manageable. To compare hundreds of millions of
molecular features would consume many lifetimes and require an army of analysts. To
compare a relatively small number of nevertheless unique markers can be done in a far
more timely and practical fashion.
:Sb7b5SZ
After the DNA is isolated, special enzymes are used to cut it up into fragments
containing known VNTR loci. The next step in the analysis is to sort these DNA
fragments by size. This is done by gel electrophoresis, a process in which the DNA
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sample is loaded into a slab of a gel called agarose. An electric current is passed
through the agarose. Because the DNA is negatively charged, it is pulled through the
gel toward the positively charged electrode. Larger fragments move more slowly than
smaller ones, so that it is possible to determine the relative size of each fragment based
on how far it has moved.
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At this point, the DNA fragments in the gel are quite unstable and will disintegrate
within a day or two. To preserve the evidence permanently, it is transferred by an elec-
trochemical process to a nylon membrane, which not only keeps the evidence from
simply vanishing, but prepares it for the next step.
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This next step actually determines which fragments of DNA contain a particular
VNTR locus and then marks them so that the fragments of the sample from the sus-
pect can be compared to the corresponding fragments from the crime scene.
As Watson and Crick demonstrated in 1953, DNA occurs as a double-stranded mol-
ecule, a structure held together by weak chemical bonding between nucleotides (the
basic constituents of DNA) on opposing strands. Only certain pairs of nucleotides
form bonds with each other; these are called complementary. To locate a specific
VNTR sequence on a single-stranded DNA fragment, the analyst employs a “DNA
probe” using a DNA sequence complementary to that of a VNTR locus. This probe is
tagged with a radioactive compound and allowed to bind with the sample DNA.
Next, the sample—preserved in its nylon membrane
and now having been probed and radioactively
Sworn Statement
tagged—is placed on a sheet of special x-ray film.
One thing is very clear, The radioactive tag reacts with the film just as visible
DNA works. DNA is perhaps light reacts with ordinary photographic film. That
our most powerful tool in law
is, it produces an image. In this case, it is an image
enforcement to come along since
the fingerprint. of the places on the membrane where the probe has
bound to DNA containing the VNTR sequence.
—Christopher H. Asplen,
Executive Director, National The image appears as a pattern of darkened bands.
Commission on the Future of The pattern produced by the DNA sample from the
DNA Evidence suspect may easily be compared to the sample taken
from the crime scene.
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In the following example of VNTR sequence analysis, the three columns marked “L”
are markers (called allele ladders), which are used as a scale to show the position of
the DNA evidence samples. The column marked “E” is from the DNA of a murder
victim. The column marked “F” is from the DNA obtained from under the fingernails
of the victim; presumably, this material contains skin cells from the murderer, because
the victim scratched at her assailant in self-defense. The column marked “G” is from
DNA taken from Suspect #1, “H” is from Suspect #2, and “I” from Suspect #3. The
analyst concluded that columns “F” and “G” match, indicating that Suspect #1 is
the possible donor of the skin cells beneath the victim’s fingernails. (More VNTR
sequences would need to be examined in order to make a definitive match.)
An example of VNTR
sequence analysis.
(Image from crimescene.com)
6O`R1OaSa
RFLP-based DNA analysis works best when investigators have a good, fresh specimen
to analyze—fresh saliva, blood, or other tissue. Many times, however, fluid and tissue
samples are tiny, old, or degraded. For example, trace evidence may consist of nothing
more than a single shaft of human hair with its root or perhaps the long-dried saliva
on the flap of an envelope. In cases such as this, investigators rely on OCR-based
technology or mitochondrial DNA typing.
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PCR stands for polymerase chain reaction. It is DNA technology that copies very
short segments of DNA many millions of times in a process that mimics the way in
which DNA replicates itself naturally. Some have dubbed the PCR process a “biologi-
cal Xerox machine.”
Using PCR technology—or a refinement of it, which combines PCR with RFLP and
is called the short tandem repeat (STR) method—the DNA in miniscule or degraded
specimens can be “amplified” sufficiently to enable analysis.
BVS;Wb]QV]\R`WOZ;SbV]R
RFLP and PCR technologies analyze DNA taken from the nuclei of cells; however,
DNA is also found in cell mitochondria, organelles (cell constituents) that are found
in the cellular cytoplasm surrounding the nucleus. Mitochondrial DNA (mt-DNA)
differs from nuclear DNA in that it is a smaller molecule, is inherited only maternally
(not from both mother and father), and is present within the cell in multiple copies.
The reason for this third difference is that, whereas each cell has only a single nucleus,
each cell has numerous mitochondria.
Mitochondrial DNA typing is useful in missing persons cases, because the questioned
DNA sample can be compared to samples from a mother or sibling (any maternal
relative). A match indicates that the donor of the questioned sample is related to the
known donor.
Mitochondrial DNA typing is also used to analyze DNA material that is very badly
degraded or to analyze trace evidence or tissue (shed hairs, for instance) that contains
very little DNA. Because mitochondrial DNA is more plentiful than nuclear DNA,
there is a better chance of obtaining a useful analytical result from a degraded or small
mt-DNA sample than from a degraded or small nuclear DNA sample.
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When a fingerprint found at a crime scene is compared to a print taken from a sus-
pect, it is hardly sufficient to compare just one or two features of each print. Analysts
look for a pattern of matching features at specifically defined points. Similarly, it is
not sufficient to compare the results from one VNTR locus. The key to identifying
a DNA match beyond a reasonable doubt is combined analysis of several VNTR loci
on different chromosomes. In practice, the forensic DNA profile is built up from the
results of four or five probes, each of which targets a different VNTR locus.
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Consider what happens when four probes are used. Immediately, you get eight pieces
of information about the individual in question, since each person has two separate
copies of each VNTR region (two times four is eight). Moreover, each VNTR locus
has about 30 different length variants (called alleles). Each allele occurs at a certain
known frequency in a population. To arrive at the probability that a given eight-band
profile will occur, it is necessary to multiply together the eight different allele frequen-
cies, each of which, remember, presents about 30 possibilities. Thus, using just four
loci, the probability of finding any given
allele combination in the general population
is about 1 in 5,000,000. By the Numbers
If two DNA samples match at four loci, Using FBI analytical stan-
dards, you are 2,000
there is only 1 in 5,000,000 chance that the
times more likely to win
match is a coincidence, an error. However, the Publisher’s Clearinghouse
the FBI insists on using not 4, but 13 loci to sweepstakes (odds are 1 in
build its profiles. This means that not 8, but 50,000,000) than to emerge
26 different bands are studied, making the with a DNA profile that matches
chance of an erroneous match (that is, find- anyone who is not your identical
ing two unrelated individuals with the same twin.
DNA profile) 1 in 100 billion.
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DNA evidence was first admitted into a United States courtroom in 1985. In 1988,
a person was convicted in large part on the evidence of a DNA profile. Today, DNA
evidence is generally accepted by the law enforcement community, judges, juries,
and lawyers—at least in principle. As with any other form of evidence and analysis,
however, validity of principle is not enough. The procedure and process by which the
evidence is actually collected, handled, analyzed, and interpreted is critical and always
open to close scrutiny in a court of law.
In principle, DNA evidence can be used to establish identity to an extraordinarily high
degree of certainty. In practice, however, much can go wrong.
A marvelous feature of DNA evidence is that while it can be used to identify and con-
vict the guilty, it can also serve to defend the innocent and exonerate the wrongfully
convicted. In recent years, dozens of persons jailed or even slated for execution for
violent crimes, including murder and rape, have been freed because DNA evidence
analyzed with techniques unavailable at the time of the original trial and conviction
ruled out the prisoner as perpetrator.
'" >O`b!( BVS0]RgW\?cSabW]\
Case in Point
On the evening of April 27, 1990, a woman was attacked in her home by a man
who came at her from behind, placed a pillow over her head, sexually assaulted her,
then fled. Even though the victim could not meaningfully describe the man, she picked
out Gilbert Alejandro from a photograph in a police mug book. Alejandro was con-
victed and sentenced to 12 years in prison. The prosecution based its case on the
victim’s identification of Alejandro, but the smoking gun was the testimony of a DNA
expert. A subsequent investigation revealed that the expert, Fred Zain, had falsified
results and lied about his credentials. As part of an appeal, a new DNA analyst testi-
fied that at least one other DNA test performed had excluded Alejandro. He also said
that the test to which Zain had testified was inconclusive. Alejandro’s conviction was
overturned.
BVS4cbc`S]T2</7RS\bWTWQObW]\
DNA analysis is likely to figure more and more prominently in criminal prosecutions,
both as inculpatory (guilt-proving) and exculpatory (innocence-proving) evidence.
Laboratory methods are continually being streamlined and refined. There is a trend
toward developing the ability to analyze smaller and smaller samples, so that even the
most minute trace of blood, semen, or saliva may be made to yield sufficient DNA for
accurate analysis.
The FBI currently maintains the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS), a DNA
profile database of convicted felons. Each state also maintains its own database of
convicted felons, and an FBI initiative proposes to link these networks with its own,
thereby creating one vast national DNA database.
The idea is to make it possible to match, rapidly and with a very high degree of cer-
tainty, DNA evidence recovered from crime scenes with individuals represented in the
database.
As thrilling as this prospect is for criminal investigators, many believe such databases
challenge one of the most basic rights of our democracy: the legal presumption of
innocence. The technology to create and effectively use such databases exists today.
The moral and political questions they raise have yet to be resolved.
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X DNA contains features unique to each individual; therefore, properly analyzed,
DNA evidence can be used as a molecular “fingerprint,” to identify individuals to
an extremely high degree of certainty.
X The basic procedure for linking a suspect to a crime using DNA is to collect
DNA evidence from the crime scene or victim, collect DNA from the suspect,
and, through laboratory analysis, compare the two.
X Matching the DNA recovered from a crime scene or crime victim to a DNA
sample taken from a suspect requires identifying specific features that may be
meaningfully compared and that yield unambiguous conclusions.
X DNA evidence can be inculpatory, pointing to the guilt of a suspect, or exculpa-
tory, excluding a suspect from having committed the crime in question.
X Technically, it is now feasible to create a national database of DNA information
for the general U.S. population. Legally, however, this may constitute a violation
of the presumption of innocence.
4
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This is the report from the trenches—the streets and the highways, the big
cities and the remote villages—that are the front lines of society’s struggle
with crime: everyday police work.
We begin with the origin of professional policing in classical Rome and in
eighteenth-century London, and we survey the development of policing in
Europe and the United States. Then we look at the typical police force of
today and how cops gather and manage information and harness technol-
ogy to get at the facts of a case. We end with a look at the fringes of police
work, the use of “truth serum,” hypnosis, and even “psychic detectives.”
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15
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Origins of policing
X The police of ancient Rome
X London: evolution of the modern police force
X The birth of Scotland Yard
X Terrorism and Jack the Ripper
X London police innovations
Police have been a part of civilization for a very long time, at least since the
days of Babylon under the lawgiver Hammurabi, nearly 4,000 years ago.
The modern police force, a civil agency answerable, ultimately, to the peo-
ple, was a long time in coming, however. This chapter covers a portion of
the evolution of the police forces familiar to us today, with particular focus
on the first modern force, London’s Metropolitan Police.
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The first cops were specially designated members of religious, military, or political
forces who were given the responsibility of enforcing religious, military, or politi-
cal law and order. The earliest identifiable police forces developed from the corps
of personal bodyguards and palace guards maintained by kings and warlords. Their
responsibilities expanded from providing immediate protection of the ruler to extend-
ing the ruler’s reach into the general population by executing and enforcing the laws
he imposed.
Some early forces were highly organized. In Rome,
Sworn Statement the emperor Caesar Augustus (63 B.C.E.–14 C.E.) saw
Policemen are soldiers who a need to bring order to the often violent and anar-
act alone; soldiers are police- chic streets of a capital populated by nearly a million
men who act together. people. Using personnel from the Roman legions,
—Herbert Spencer, Social Statics Augustus decreed three distinct orders of police.
(1851) These units were removed from military command
and placed directly under the urban prefect. At the
discretion of the commanders of this police force, assistance could be secured immedi-
ately from the Praetorian Guard, the emperor’s personal bodyguard.
The organization and discipline of the great military legions demonstrated the admin-
istrative skill with which Rome built its military. Augustus applied similar acumen
in deploying his urban police force. He divided the city of Rome into 14 wards, or
regiones, then subdivided the wards into precincts (vici). To each precinct, Augustus
assigned a corps of vigilies—“vigilant ones”—each corps consisting of seven squads.
Each squad mustered 1,000 freedmen, who reported to a precinct captain, or vicimag-
istor.
By day, the squads stood ready to respond to crime, to quell civil disturbances, and to
fight fires—which were frequent and very hazardous occurrences in the old city. By
night, they took a more proactive approach and ventured out to patrol the city streets.
Through much of history, quasi-military, quasi-civil police forces were active in many
parts of the world. The shoguns (hereditary military rulers) of renaissance Japan cre-
ated elaborate police forces with specially designated samurai warriors, called yoriki
and doshin, who patrolled the streets and reported to a samurai magistrate.
Elsewhere, the police took on a more sinister role, developing into enforcers of tyr-
anny and terror. In prerevolutionary France, the Paris police were agents of the king
and had almost unlimited power to regulate the day-to-day activities of the common
people of the capital. In early twentieth-century Russia, the Bolshevik Revolution
brought with it secret police, the Okhrana and Cheka, which evolved into the Soviet
1VO^bS`#( >]ZWQW\U(BVSEOg7bEOa
NKVD and later the KGB. Japan, under

the military dictatorship that prevailed dur-
ing the first half of the twentieth century, Secret police is a general term
had the Thought Police, and, during the for political police forces whose
power derives directly from a dic-
1950s into the 1970s, the shah of Iran main-
tator or monarch and who have
tained his power by means of the much- almost unlimited authority to moni-
hated SAVAK. tor and regulate the day-to-day
Such agencies, associated with totalitarian activities of the common people.
Examples include the Soviet
governments in many parts of the world
NKVD and KGB, the Thought
and at many times in history, represent the Police of World War II–era
extreme of the police as a force of oppres- Japan, and the SAVAK operating
sion and control. In modern democracies, under the former shah of Iran.
such as the United States, the sworn func-
tion of the police is to “serve and protect”
the citizens, but most police officers are well aware that, while those citizens gratefully
welcome them in times of danger, they are also wary of the potential for abuses of
police power. It is easy to be a cop in a dictatorship, quite difficult and demanding to
occupy the same office in a democracy.
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“When a man is tired of London,” the great eighteenth-century English man of let-
ters Samuel Johnson declared, “he is tired of life; for there is in London all that life
can afford.” By the 1700s, the bustling metropolis was one of the greatest cities in the
world, brimming with life, with civilization, with opportunity—and with crime. The
problem was how to cope with the crime without sacrificing the benefits of a free and
vigorous society.
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Lovers of British literature remember Sir Henry Fielding as the author of the sprawl-
ing and uproarious novel Tom Jones, but, from 1748 until his death in 1754, Fielding’s
day job was that of magistrate for the City of Westminster, one of London’s great bor-
oughs.
At the time of Fielding’s appointment to this post, it was no great honor to serve as
magistrate. The office was in deep disrepute—and for good reason. Fielding’s pre-
decessors had been little more than racketeers who sheltered and fostered the city’s
flourishing criminal element. Fielding took charge, determined to rid Bow Street (as
the magistrate’s headquarters was called) of corruption.
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Instead of coddling crime, Fielding looked for ways to fight it. In 1752, he com-
menced publication of The Covent-Garden Journal, which publicized thefts and
descriptions of criminals and generally sought to raise public awareness of crime.
The following year, securing a modest grant from the government, Fielding recruited
a force of a dozen men to investigate a series of murders in London. Dubbed “Mr.
Fielding’s People,” they are considered the first designated police force in London.
On his death in 1754, Henry Fielding was succeeded in the magistrate’s office by his
half brother, Sir John Fielding. He transformed Mr. Fielding’s People into the Bow
Street Runners and the Bow Street magistrate’s office into a genuine police headquar-
ters. Within that headquarters, Bow Street Runners were continually on call. A pair of
horses was kept at the ready just outside, so that Runners could instantly answer the
call to pursue robbers and bandits.
Case in Point
Sir John Fielding transformed the city magistrate’s office into something resembling a
modern police department, a designated body of officers explicitly dedicated to fight-
ing crime. He wanted to go even further, however, and repeatedly lobbied Parliament
to finance a sufficiently large force to deploy on continuous routine patrol, so that the
police would not merely chase wrongdoers, but proactively discourage and prevent
crime. Although Parliament resisted, and Fielding’s plans for an expanded, full-time force
would not be implemented for another 50 years, Fielding himself was a relentless crime
fighter. It was said that he could recognize and identify some 3,000 known criminals
by nothing more than the sound of their voices. This founder of the first professional
police force for London had developed a keen sense of hearing. He had to. He was
totally blind.
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Sir Robert Peel had a distinguished career in British politics. The founder of the
Conservative Party, he served three terms as prime minister; before assuming this
office, however, he was home secretary, the cabinet official responsible for the conduct
of domestic affairs.
As home secretary, one of Peel’s main goals was to reform the British judicial system,
including the police. His great ambition was to create a single national force, but this
proposal was met with the objection that it smacked of tyranny. He scaled down his
ambition to creating a local force for London and environs. Crime had thoroughly
overwhelmed the 350 to 400 “watchmen” (including the original Bow Street Runners)
who constituted the city’s only police agency.
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Peel secured passage of the Metropolitan Police Act of June 19, 1829, creating a uni-
fied 1,000-man Metropolitan Police force for most of London, except for the central
district (known as “The City”), which remained under the jurisdiction of the Bow
Street Runners. The new officers were familiarly called “peelers” or “bobbies.” Both
nicknames are tributes to the father of the modern London police force, Sir Robert
(Bobby) Peel.
Peel introduced a number of policing principles that laid the foundation for modern
police forces throughout Europe as well as America. He put the police firmly under
government control, not subject to the whim of some individual magistrate. He
defined the mission of the police as, first and foremost, crime prevention, then, only
secondarily, the pursuit of criminals and the investigation of crime. He established the
principle that the success of a police force is directly dependent on the goodwill of
the people served; accordingly, he instructed his police officers to be courteous, civil,
helpful, and trustworthy.
Peel established the value of discipline, and he organized the police force along quasi-
military lines, although the force was to be clearly distinct from the actual military.
Peel saw the necessity of creating a force of professionals, who were specially trained
and who were subject to an initial probationary period before being given full policing
authority.
Under Sir Robert Peel’s direction, police officers were deployed strategically in high-
traffic and high-crime areas, where they were needed most. He instructed officers to
prosecute their duties energetically, yet always with the minimum force necessary.
Sir Charles Rowan and Sir Richard Mayne were appointed justices of the peace,
charged with the day-to-day administration of the new force.
Sworn Statement
The primary object of an efficient police is the prevention of crime: the next that
of detection and punishment of offenders if crime is committed. To these ends all the
efforts of police must be directed. The protection of life and property, the preservation of
public tranquillity, and the absence of crime, will alone prove whether those efforts have
been successful and whether the objects for which the police were appointed have
been attained.
—Sir Richard Mayne, 1829
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It was not long before the Metropolitan Police suffered its first casualty. In a riot
at Somers Town, Euston, Police Constable Joseph Grantham became the first
Metropolitan officer to be killed in the line of duty. His death shocked Londoners,
and Parliament immediately voted to increase the ranks of the Metropolitan Police
more than three-fold, to 3,300 men.
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In 1836, the Metropolitan Police began a further expansion as the organization
absorbed the Bow Street Horse Patrol. The next year, a Select Committee pro-
posed that the City of London (central London) be placed under the control of the
Metropolitan Police, and in 1838, the committee further recommended that the
Marine Police (the department charged with patrolling the Thames River and the
docks) and the Bow Street Runners be incorporated into the Metropolitan Police.
These measures were carried out, and, by the Metropolitan Police Act of 1839,
Rowan and Mayne were officially redesignated commissioners of the newly enlarged
jurisdiction.
By the Numbers
In 1847, the Metropolitan Police of London recorded 14,091 robberies and took
into custody 62,181 persons. Of this number, 24,689 were summarily dealt with
by the police; 5,920 were remanded for trial; and 4,551 were convicted and
sentenced; and 31,572 people were discharged by the magistrates. The popula-
tion in London at this time was 2,473,758.
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Until 1842, all police constables were uniformed officers, charged primarily with
stopping crimes in progress and apprehending wrongdoers. In 1842, a Detective
Department was established within the Metropolitan Police, and in 1846, the duties of
plain-clothes officers—detectives who wear no distinguishing uniform—were explic-
itly laid out. Two officers per division were to be employed on detective duty, and it
was firmly established that police constables working in plain clothes must announce
themselves as officers when making an arrest or otherwise intervening to restore
order.
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6SOR_cO`bSà(AQ]bZO\RGO`R
Despite its name, Great Scotland Yard was a tiny London street that ran east from
the northern end of Whitehall, parallel with Whitehall Place. The office of the
Metropolitan Police Commissioner, at No. 4 Whitehall Place, backed on to it, and
in 1875, a new building on the street was acquired to house the Detective and Public
Carriage Departments. From this point on, the growing detective division of the
Metropolitan Police was referred to simply as “Scotland Yard.”
The origin of the name remains a mystery. Some believe the location was once
the site of a residence owned by the kings of Scotland before the political union of
England and Scotland; the residence was occupied by the kings when they were visit-
ing London. Others say the street name was derived from the name of the man who
owned the property during the Middle Ages, a Mr. Scott.
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We tend to think of terrorism as a plague of recent times, but Europe had known it
far earlier. In the nineteenth century, the Fenians, militant Irish nationalists, staged
periodic terror attacks against British targets, including the London neighborhood of
Clerkenwell, where a Fenian bomb killed 12 and injured 126 in 1867.
Between 1883 and 1885, the Fenians conducted a veritable bombing terror campaign.
In 1883, Scotland Yard received an anonymous letter threatening to “blow [Police]
Superintendent Williamson off his stool” and to dynamite all the public buildings
in London on May 30, 1884. True to their word, the Fenians detonated two bombs
shortly before nine o’clock on the threatened night. Both targets were police facili-
ties in Scotland Yard, including the superintendent’s office, which was completely
destroyed—but since the explosions came after hours, Williamson was not on his
stool, and only one person was injured, a cabman who was hit by flying glass.
Elsewhere that night, bombs went off in two other locations, and an unexploded bomb
was found at the foot of Nelson’s Column in Trafalgar Square.
The failure of Scotland Yard to protect its own offices caused a great public crisis in
confidence. This was intensified by subsequent detonations under London Bridge, in
the Tower of London, and in the House of Commons, all in 1885.
In response to the Fenian bombings, the Metropolitan Police created the Special
Branch, and thus police jurisdiction was expanded to combating the political crime of
terrorism.
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As shocking as the police failure was in the Fenian cases, even more scandalous was
the inability of London detectives to solve what is surely among the most famous
crime sprees in history.
Shortly before 4 A.M., Friday, August 31, 1888, Charles Cross walked through Buck’s
Row in the London slum of Whitechapel. Through the foggy morning gloom he
saw what he thought was a tarpaulin on the ground in front of a stable yard. He
approached it and discovered that it was a woman, lying on her back, skirts lifted
almost to her waist.
When Cross saw another man, he called to him: “Come and look over here.”
Assuming she was a drunk or the victim of an assault—typical Whitechapel
scenarios—the two passers-by pulled her aside, adjusted her skirt for the sake of
modesty, and went to fetch a policeman. They didn’t even notice three important
things: the woman was horribly lacerated, she had been nearly decapitated, and she
was quite dead.
Even before Cross and the other man could find a
bobby, Police Constable John Neil discovered the
Sworn Statement body while he was walking his beat. An ambulance
I am down on whores and was summoned and the victim was transported to
I shant quit ripping them till I a morgue, where an autopsy revealed that her neck
do get buckled …. had been slashed twice, her windpipe and esophagus
—Letter, signed “Jack the Ripper,” having been completely cut through; her left jaw was
sent to London’s Central News bruised; and her abdomen had sustained a long, deep
Agency, September 25, 1888 jagged knife wound, along with several other cuts.
She was later identified as Mary Ann Nichols, age 42,
an alcoholic prostitute.
The horrific slaying of Nichols is generally considered the first of five murders com-
mitted by a man who would become known as Jack the Ripper because that’s how
he signed a taunting letter, dated September 25, 1888, received by the Central News
Agency, and forwarded to the Metropolitan Police.
Each Ripper murder was covered by the press in lurid detail, and although the
Metropolitan Police assigned a 25-year veteran inspector to the case, Frederick
George Abberline, the identity of Jack the Ripper was never discovered, and confi-
dence in the Metropolitan Police was badly shaken. The final Ripper murder, of Mary
Jane Kelly, occurred on November 9, 1888.
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Case in Point
Victorian London was often a violent place. During 1888 through 1891, there were
a total of 11 slashing-style murders of women in Whitechapel, only 5 of which were
attributed to Jack the Ripper. The most notorious of these “non-Ripper” slayings occurred
on Monday, August 6, 1888, several weeks before Mary Ann Nichols’s murder.
Martha Tabram, a 39-year-old prostitute, was found dead in George Yard, stabbed 39
times on “body, neck and private parts with a knife or dagger” or, perhaps, a “bayo-
net.” In addition, many other wounds had been inflicted with a penknife. The other five
non-Ripper murders were similarly brutal, yet less attention was paid to these crimes,
because they weren’t attached to the much-publicized name of Jack the Ripper. Like the
Ripper murders, none of these was ever solved.
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In the aftermath of the Ripper murders, the Metropolitan Police were subjected to
intense public scrutiny, and the department adopted and adhered to an increasingly
stringent code of ethics and professionalism. It also put greater emphasis on the sys-
tematic and scientific investigation of crime so that by the beginning of the twentieth
century, Scotland Yard would set the investigative and forensic standard for police
forces throughout the world.
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Among the many detectives who had participated in the failed investigation of the Jack
the Ripper murders was Walter Dew, who became chief inspector of Scotland Yard’s
Criminal Investigation Department (CID) at the turn of the century. In 1910, Dew
headed up a manhunt that was as successful as the Ripper case had been frustrating.
At two o’clock in the afternoon of June 30, 1910, John Edward Nash and his actress
wife, Lil, reported to the police the disappearance of their friend Cora Crippen, a
marginally successful singer whose stage name was Belle Elmore. The wife of a Dr.
Peter Hawley Harvey Crippen of 29 Hilldrop Crescent, Camden Town, London, she
had been missing since February. Nash and his wife had become suspicious of foul
play when Crippen almost casually reported to them that his wife had died “while
abroad.”
“Where had she died?” the incredulous Nashes asked.
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“Some little town near San Francisco, with a Spanish name, I think,” Crippen replied.
The doctor’s evasiveness aroused their suspicions and sent them calling on the police.
Subsequent investigation at the Hilldrop Crescent house turned up a body buried
in the cellar. It was headless and, even stranger, was missing its skeleton. Detectives
described the remains as having been “filleted.” In an early instance of forensic pathol-
ogy, a physician traced an old surgical scar and some hair samples in order to identify
the remains as those of Cora Crippen.
By the time the identification was made, Dr. Crippen and his secretary, Ethel Clara
LeNeve, had disappeared. Police readily assumed that he was the murderer, and they
theorized that he had used his medical knowledge to “fillet” the corpse so that it could
more easily be incinerated in the cellar grate. With the police closing in, however,
Crippen panicked, hastily buried the body, and made his escape.
Chief Inspector Dew launched a spectacular manhunt, using newspapers worldwide
to publicize a description as well as photographs of both Crippen and LeNeve. The
captain of the SS Montrose, bound for Canada, recognized the couple from a published
photograph (even though LeNeve had disguised herself as a boy) and used the ship’s
radiotelegraph to alert Scotland Yard.
Dew took personal charge. He boarded a faster vessel and, all the while maintain-
ing radio-telegraph contact with the Montrose’s skipper, overtook that ship at Father
Point, off the Canadian coast. Boarding the vessel, he approached his man and calmly
greeted him: “Good morning, Dr. Crippen. I am Chief Inspector Dew of Scotland
Yard. I believe you know me.”
For the first time in history, the mass media and the “wireless telegraph” had been
used to extend the reach of the proverbial “long arm of the law.” Crippen was
returned to London, tried, and convicted of murder. He was hanged. LeNeve was
cleared of complicity in the crime.
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Four years after the technological triumph of the Crippen manhunt, the Metropolitan
Police made an advance on the sociopolitical front by inaugurating the Women Police
Service (WPS), primarily to deter pimps and to discourage girls and women from
taking up lives as prostitutes. Within a year, the duties of the WPS were expanded
to working with women and juvenile suspects and victims, and the female constables
were given full arrest authority.
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Since the early days of the Bow Street Runners, police leaders had appreciated the
effectiveness of putting officers on routine street patrol, but the persistent problem
was how to establish continuous, reliable communication between the patrol officer
and headquarters.
In 1928, local police in the towns of Richmond and Barnes installed experimental
police boxes. These were large blue outdoor kiosks topped by electric lights. Inside
was a telephone wired directly to the local subdivisional police station. Officers on
patrol could report their whereabouts, and the flashing light signaled a patrolling offi-
cer to make immediate contact with the station. Civilians could also use the boxes to
make emergency calls to the police.
Installation of the boxes began in London in 1929, and by 1937, the city was thor-
oughly networked.
By the Numbers
The U.S. equivalent of Britain’s 999 system, the 911 system, was not introduced
until January 12, 1968. Why 911? AT&T, the principal telephone network opera-
tor at the time, gave no reason other than “a computer” had selected the numbers.
More likely, the choice of 911 was probably based on a combination of the British
999 precedent and the ease with which two ones could be dialed on the rotary-dial
phones then in general use.
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Deployment of police boxes began a revolution in communication, which greatly
increased the effectiveness of the police. The revolution was completed in 1937 with
the introduction of the 999 system. A precursor of the 911 system familiar in the
United States, the 999 system gave any telephone user instant emergency access to
the police. With this innovation, the presence of the police was intimately woven
into the fabric of daily life, establishing a relationship between law enforcement and
the public so enduring that most of us today take it for granted.
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X The idea of policing is probably as old as civilization, and the first police agen-
cies were extensions of the political or religious ruler’s personal bodyguard or
palace guard forces.
X Rome’s great emperor Caesar Augustus created the first thoroughly organized,
formal police force for the bustling city of Rome at the start of the first century.
X Dictators and tyrants have little trouble creating a police force; establishing and
maintaining a force in a free society, however, is far more complicated, since
administrators and officers must enforce the law without compromising the prin-
ciples of liberty.
X The evolution of a police force for London served as a model for police forces
throughout Europe and, by the mid-nineteenth century, the United States.
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X The first American police force
X Policing old New York
X Teddy Roosevelt’s police reforms
X A nation of lawbreakers: Prohibition and organized crime
X Policing goes national: the FBI
Like the British, nineteenth-century Americans largely opposed the cre-

ation of a standing police force—probably even more strongly than their
trans-Atlantic cousins opposed it. After all, one of the causes of the
American Revolution was outrage over the maintenance of a large standing
army, which functioned chiefly to police the unruly colonists.
But by the early 1800s, American cities, like British ones, were burgeoning—
and so were urban crime and disorder. New York was typical of American
cities that, however reluctantly, decided to create police forces during the
nineteenth century.
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In 1658, the Dutch settlers of New Amsterdam—as New York City was called before
the English took it over on September 7, 1664—paid a band of eight night watch-
men to look out for fires and Indian raiders. This “Burgher Guard” was the city’s first
police force.
The English had been running the city for 67 years
before they set up a watch service in 1731. The
By the Numbers
Montgomerie Charter not only established a night
Both the New York night watch as a permanent policing body, but gave each
watch and the constables constable the right to draft eight citizens for watch
were kept very busy. By the duty every night. In the eighteenth century, how-
1780s, New York had a popula-
ever, New York was not quite ready to be called the
tion of 25,000. The night watch
consisted of 28 patrolman and “city that never sleeps,” and popular resistance to
one captain. It wasn’t until 1800 compulsory night watch duty prompted, in 1734, the
that the constables and night replacement of the citizens’ watch with a paid force
watch were supplemented by of 3 to 12 men, expected to stand guard over a city of
16 day patrolmen and some 40 about 10,000. Just a year later, the citizens’ watch was
marshals. reinstated, and it wasn’t replaced with another paid
force until 1774, when 24 watchmen were hired.
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Only after the American Revolution had been fought and won did New Yorkers
introduce an element of real professionalism into their police force by establishing,
in 1784, a formal constabulary to supplement the night watch. While the night watch
was paid a salary, the constables were compensated on a per-job basis. They were paid
a set fee for serving a warrant, for issuing a fine, for making an arrest, and even for
detaining prisoners.
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Beginning in 1801, John Hayes was appointed High Constable for New York, and for
the next 50 years he single-handedly ran the city’s small force.
New York eyes were turned toward London, however, where the Metropolitan Police
was building a reputation for efficiency and effectiveness. In 1845, under Mayor
William Havermayer, the New York City Council passed a Municipal Police Act, cre-
ating the first full-time professional force in the nation.
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Small, poorly trained, badly led, and ill equipped, the New York City police force was
hardly equal to the task of maintaining order in a bustling, rough-edged American
metropolis. By 1850, the murder rate in New York City exceeded that of London.
Case in Point
The most stunning demonstration of the inadequacy of the department came with the
Astor Place Riot on May 10, 1849. About 15,000 demonstrators swarmed outside the
Astor Place Opera House to protest the appearance of the British Shakespearean actor,
William Charles Macready. Macready was unapologetic in his snobbish advocacy of
the British aristocracy and his criticism of Americans as uncultured boors. Meaning to
give Macready his comeuppance, the crowd shouted their support of Edwin Forrest, a
great American Shakespearean. They hurled paving stones and construction debris. The
unarmed police were summoned, but the crowd overwhelmed them, injuring several. At
last, the armed militia was called in. When it was over, 23 people lay dead or dying.
More than 100 were wounded.
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Efforts were made to improve the police force, such as giving the officers uniforms in
1853. At last, in 1857, the state legislature created the Metropolitan Police for the city
of New York, Brooklyn (at the time independent from New York), and Westchester
County.
During this period, the state legislature was controlled by Republicans, whereas
the mayor of New York was a colorful—indeed, thoroughly corrupt—Democrat,
Fernando Wood. Although the Metropolitan Police was intended to replace the city’s
Municipal Police, Wood resisted and continued to back “his” force. The result was
that, for nearly a year, two rival police departments existed in New York, the officers
fighting with each other more often and with greater enthusiasm than they fought
crime. Little wonder that, by 1860, 1 New Yorker in 10 had a criminal record!
>]ZWbWQaOaCacOZ Sworn Statement

By 1858, the state-mandated Metropolitan
Gentlemen, get the thing
Police had finally supplanted and replaced straight for once and for all.
Mayor Wood’s Municipal Police force; The policeman isn’t there to cre-
however, the state exercised little direct ate disorder; the policeman is
control over the officers who actu- there to preserve disorder.
ally patrolled the city’s neighborhoods. —Chicago Mayor Richard M.
Patrolmen tended to serve the local politi- Daley, 1968
cal machine, the neighborhood bosses.
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These men encouraged the police to pursue some criminals—the casual burglar, the
occasional street ruffian—and to overlook others: Irish gang members in an Irish
neighborhood or the enforcers who provided the muscle for the local loan shark
(especially if he also happened to be a precinct captain).
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From the decade before the Civil War until nearly the end of the nineteenth century,
the police were more often political hacks than public servants. Nevertheless, while
they enforced the law selectively at the whim and behest of local bosses, many of them
did make a sincere effort to prevent crime and intervene when a crime occurred.
But they received precious little respect in return. And it was no wonder. The police
were not perceived as gallant crime fighters, but as the utility men of the city, the guys
who did the jobs no one else wanted to do. Yes, they tried to prevent crime. Yes, they
chased after the bad guys. But they also hauled garbage, swept the streets, and ran
menial errands for ward heelers and anyone else with a little political clout.
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If the neighborhood cop was there to do whatever had to be done (dirty work a spe-
cialty), the building he operated out of, the local precinct house—often simply called
“the precinct”—was itself a kind of urban catchall.
The precinct was not only the place where officers
got their marching orders, it was also headquarters
for the local powers that be, the neighborhood politi-
In many urban jurisdictions, the
cos. And in bad weather some of the neighborhood
precinct is the officially desig-
nated city district or subdivision homeless took refuge in the precinct. It was, there-
assigned to a specific police fore, a crowded and often disorderly place.
unit. The word is also often The central feature of the precinct was the holding
applied to the police station
facility for those arrested. Cells typically ranged from
house within the precinct.
spartan to filthy, and somewhere in the back of the
precinct was a room reserved for interrogation. It
was a place where police might beat answers out of a suspect by applying “the third
degree,” which involved using intimidation and even torture. It was also a place where
police sometimes administered a shorthand version of justice. Officers might decide
that a legal trial for a habitual neighborhood troublemaker was just a waste of time. A
summary sentence executed at the business end of a billy club might be just the thing
to keep the neighborhood safe, orderly, and as the local precinct captain saw it, decent.
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Theodore Roosevelt was born in 1858 into a New York family whose money and pedi-
gree were so old that they disdained the Vanderbilts and Rockefellers as rank upstarts.
A frail and sickly child, Roosevelt grew into young manhood determined to strengthen
his body, hone his mind, and generally make something very big of himself.
He entered Harvard, graduated in 1880, and went on to get a law degree before
achieving election to the state assembly at the precocious age of 23. While serving
in the state house in 1884, he headed up a special commission to investigate the
long-notorious New York City police
department.
By the Numbers
Roosevelt was outraged by what he found:
rampant corruption eclipsed only by incom- While Roosevelt’s reforms
deprived some crooked men
petence and inefficiency. Officers were not
of power, they also rewarded
only implicated in such fraudulent schemes and elevated the deserving. TR
as rigging elections, they were found to saw to the promotion of 130
exercise brutality as a matter of casual rou- honest, earnest officers, and he
tine. instituted a recruiting program to
bring new blood into the organi-
Such findings were so much grist for zation. During his tenure, 1,700
Roosevelt’s mill. A progressive reformer, rookies were inducted into the
he set about planning how to rebuild and New York Police Department.
reshape the New York police.
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In 1889, Roosevelt was appointed one of four commissioners of the newly created
Board of Commissioners, with a mandate to reform the police department.
Roosevelt descended on the department like a whirlwind. With intense vigor, he
rooted out corruption and saw to its prosecution. Then, in 1894, the reform-minded
William L. Strong was elected mayor of New York. Among his first acts was to
appoint Roosevelt president of the Board of Commissioners. With his authority thus
augmented, Roosevelt introduced a military-style discipline to the department. To
loosen the grip of neighborhood political bosses, he consolidated control of operations
and policy in a central headquarters, answerable directly to himself.
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While Roosevelt cleared away the cobwebs, he also encouraged the administration to
modernize its investigative department. Under his leadership, the detective division
became an elite unit to which the most ambitious and able officers aspired.
Roosevelt became highly interested in the innovations Alphonse Bertillon had intro-
duced to the Paris police (see Chapter 7). He ordered the New York department to
adopt Bertillon’s techniques of suspect identification and classification, and in 1897,
the New York Police Department (NYPD) for the first time began routinely pho-
tographing prisoners while also recording their Bertillon measurements. Soon the
department had amassed a bulging but thoroughly documented file of offenders,
which made it far easier to apprehend repeat and career criminals.
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It is no accident that the inventors of perhaps the greatest single advance in human
transportation, the airplane, were Ohio bicycle mechanics and manufacturers. At the
turn of the century, the bicycle was a cutting-edge vehicle, convenient, efficient, and
fast. In 1895, at Roosevelt’s direction, the New York Police Department fielded its
first bicycle squad. Officers now had an unprecedented degree of mobility.
The fat, lazy denizens of the old-time precincts could not pedal a bicycle; they could
hardly survive a few hours walking a beat. Commissioner Roosevelt, the delicate child
who had built himself into a powerful man, an all-round advocate of what he liked to
call “the strenuous life,” introduced tough new standards of physical fitness for officers
and officer recruits. He also instituted a carefully planned program of training, with
special emphasis—for the first time in the history of any police department—on fire-
arms training.
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Of all the reforms Roosevelt introduced into the NYPD, none was more important
than the sense of honor he revived within the hearts of the officers. By demand-
ing excellence and by giving them his support, he lifted the morale of all policemen.
Thanks in large part to Commissioner Roosevelt, the New York City police officer
was transformed from a neighborhood errand boy and sometime bully into a true
guardian of the public safety and welfare. Law enforcement became a noble calling—
and the rest of the nation watched and learned.
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Despite his origin in old New York wealth,
Theodore Roosevelt was keenly responsive
to the everyday world of the ordinary New Sworn Statement
Yorker. And at the turn of the century, as For the middle class, the
likely as not, the “ordinary” New Yorker police protect property, give
was a recent immigrant. directions, and help old ladies.
For the urban poor, the police
Many of the moneyed elite as well as the are those who arrest you.
middle class shunned the immigrants, —Michael Harrington, The Other
distrusting and even fearing them. What America: Poverty in the United
Roosevelt and other enlightened realists States (Macmillan, 1962)
did was to acknowledge them as part and
parcel of the new America.
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Among the 1,700 rookies Roosevelt recruited for the New York Police Department
were members of ethnic minorities. Roosevelt met resistance to this policy; however,
he believed that it was not only fair but, even more important, necessary to create
effective policing. He reasoned that ethnic populations would respond more favorably
to officers of their own background and heritage.
It was under Roosevelt’s administration as well that more women were brought into
the force. The number was still small—30 women working in all of the precincts by
1895—but this put New York far ahead of its London model. That city’s Metropolitan
Police would not take on women until 1914.
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It was not Roosevelt, but the then-independent city of Brooklyn that hired the first
African American officer in 1891. In an era of fully institutionalized racism, it was
a bold step—and it failed. Officer Wiley G. Overton was refused a uniform, and he
was universally shunned by his fellow cops. Under unremitting pressure, unable to
perform his duties because he was prevented at every turn from doing so, Overton
resigned after a year on the force.
By 1913, the NYPD had grown to 10,847 officers, 1 cop for every 463 New Yorkers.
It was not until 1914 that Jesse Battle became the first African American hired by the
NYPD. In 1920, Lawon R. Bruce became the first African American woman recruited
by the department.
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By the turn of the century, the New York Police Department, as shaped by Theodore
Roosevelt and other reformers, had clearly emerged as the model for the rest of the
nation. But the police force of New York and departments in the rest of the nation
were about to face their toughest law-enforcement challenge.
During the nineteenth century, a great national movement developed, mostly in
Midwestern rural America, to combat what was seen as the evil of alcohol. By 1855,
this “temperance movement” had succeeded in getting the manufacture, sale, and
consumption of liquor banned in 13 of 31 states. The movement boldly soldiered on,
and by 1916, 21 states outlawed saloons. In that year, voters sent a “dry” (anti-alcohol)
majority to the United States Congress. Their mandate was clear: secure a constitu-
tional amendment to prohibit the manufacture, sale, and consumption of alcohol in
the United States.
Congress passed the Eighteenth Amendment in December 1917. They did so over the
veto of President Woodrow Wilson. A strait-laced minister’s son, Wilson was no lover
of the bottle, but he believed that federally mandated prohibition would create, in his
words, “a nation of lawbreakers.”
And so it did.
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Although the required two thirds of the states ratified the Eighteenth Amendment
in 1919, and Prohibition went into effect the following year, the people of urban
America were never behind it. Immediately, neighborhood folk defied the law, brew-
ing up beer in cellars and making gin in bathtubs.
At first, people brewed and distilled only what they could themselves consume, but
inevitably, they began to share with and sell to their friends and neighbors. Soon
amateur brewers, winemakers, and distillers were
marketing their goods to the corner grocer and
pharmacist, as well as to local restaurateurs, who
In the Roaring Twenties, speak- opened up speakeasies.
easies, illicit saloons and clubs
As for the cops, it was a hard thing to arrest the oth-
that served liquor, were as com-
mon as legitimate teetotaling res- erwise law-abiding people who daily greeted beat
taurants and coffee shops. officers by name. Most neighborhood police looked
the other way, and some did so for a price.
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For some time and in some places, violation of the Volstead Act—the law that
enforced the Eighteenth Amendment—was certainly routine, but it was also almost
innocent, the work not of hardened criminals, but of thirsty city dwellers.
Before too long, however, it became obvious that big money was to be made by trad-
ing in illegal liquor, either making and distributing it or smuggling and distributing it.
Bootlegging became the province not of neighborhood entrepreneurs, but organized
gangs.
Since at least the mid-nineteenth century,
various ethnic immigrant groups, typically
discriminated against by mainstream soci- By the Numbers
ety, formed social and criminal gangs in the During the decade of the
neighborhoods dominated by a particular Roaring Twenties—the
ethnic minority. In New York, some of the Prohibition era—57 NYPD
toughest and most feared gangs were Irish. officers were killed in the line
of duty. This stands as the most
During the 1920s, the Irish-based “White NYPD officers to die in any
Hand” took over bootlegging in some parts decade—although the deaths
of the city and began a fearsome war against of 23 NYPD officers in the ter-
the New York Police Department. Also rap- rorist attack on the World Trade
idly on the rise were Italian gangs, many of Center on September 11, 2001,
will tragically contribute to the
them modeled on or directly related to the
final tally of the first decade of
Mafia, the traditional criminal organization the twenty-first century.
of Sicily, which for centuries had formed a
kind of shadow government there.
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With the Roaring Twenties in full swing, it was no longer a question of city police
departments turning a blind eye toward basement stills and neighborhood bootleg-
gers. Prohibition had created not merely a nation of lawbreakers, but nothing less
than organized crime—a system of gangs that ran their criminal enterprises like big
business, pulling in millions of dollars and making big deals, not with a pen applied to
a contract, but with a machine gun applied to rival gangsters, as well as law-abiding
citizens and police officers. Police departments were overwhelmed, and many were
also compromised, corrupted by organized crime money.
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Since the Eighteenth Amendment was national legislation, the federal government,
recognizing that local police forces were inadequate to enforce the Volstead Act,
assumed unprecedented policing authority. At first, special agents of the Department
of the Treasury, “T-men,” were the only federal force detailed to combat violations of
the Volstead Act.
Case in Point
The most famous Prohibition-era government agent was Eliot Ness (1903–1957), who
was appointed special agent for the Prohibition Bureau of the United States Department
of Justice. Surrounded by corrupt colleagues, Ness gained approval of a plan to cre-
ate a fresh squad of squeaky-clean agents. He wanted to call them the “Secret Six,”
but the press soon dubbed the incorruptible force “the Untouchables.” Over the next six
years, the Untouchables (grown from six to nine men) busted up stills and speakeasies,
much to the amazement of bootleggers, whose police payoffs were suddenly useless.
After the repeal of Prohibition, Ness moved to Cleveland, Ohio, to head the Treasury
Department’s Alcoholic Tax Unit, then, in 1935, became Cleveland’s Director of Public
Safety. Later, Ness wrote an account of his Chicago gangbusting days, which sub-
sequently provided the basis for a popular television series called The Untouchables,
which ran on ABC from 1959 to 1963.
It soon became apparent that more manpower was needed. There was another federal
police agency, the Bureau of Investigation. But in the early 1920s, it was something
of a bad joke. Created in 1908 by then Attorney General Charles J. Bonaparte, it
immediately degenerated into what one congressman called a “bureaucratic bastard.”
Congress feared that a federal police agency would become a center for the abuse of
power. Instead of supporting it as a genuine law-enforcement agency, the legislators
used it as a dumping ground for political hacks seeking patronage jobs. The Bureau of
Investigation was mostly useless and entirely corrupt.
During World War I, a use was at last found for the Bureau of Investigation—chasing
draft evaders, suspected spies, and alien “radicals”—but it wasn’t until after the war in
1920, when a zealous young Department of Justice lawyer, John Edgar Hoover, was
named assistant director of the Bureau of Investigation that the agency began seriously
to improve its reputation.
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Under Hoover and his boss, William J. Burns, the Bureau of Investigation contin-
ued to pursue individuals suspected of radical subversion until 1924, when Congress
decided that prying into the lives and activities of such respected activists as Chicago
social reformer Jane Addams and future New York Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia consti-
tuted an abuse of power.
Congress called for a shake-up in the bureau, and Burns was fired, leaving J. Edgar
Hoover director of the agency. It was a post he would hold until his death in 1972.
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Hoover transformed the Bureau of Investigation into a high-profile crime-fighting
organization. He changed its name to the more impressive Federal Bureau of
Investigation, and he set about professionalizing the staff by creating a small, elite
force of detective-level special agents who were not only trained in law enforcement
and criminal investigation, but came to the FBI with law or accounting degrees (much
of the crime the FBI fought was white-collar embezzlement and the like, calling for
the trained eye of a skilled auditor).
The climate of organized crime created by Prohibition fostered the growth and
enhanced the prestige of Hoover’s FBI. Yet strangely enough, Hoover persisted in
denying the existence of anything like organized crime in the United States, insisting
that this was a fiction created mainly by a sensation-mongering popular press. Thus,
during the waning years of Prohibition (the Nineteenth Amendment repealed the
Eighteenth in 1933), the FBI dedicated itself to waging war not on organized crime,
but on a handful of violent criminals who had become federal felons by virtue of inter-
state flight or by robbing federally insured banks.
J. Edgar Hoover was as keen on the bril-
liant use of publicity as he was on acquiring
the latest in crime-fighting and investiga- In 1930s parlance, G-men
tive technology. While the local police were “government men”; that is,
and T-men continued to struggle against federal law-enforcement officers,
Prohibition-related crime, the FBI G-men especially FBI agents.
tackled the likes of “Ma” Barker, her four
career criminal sons and their associate
Alvin “Creepy” Karpis, and John Dillinger. Criminals such as these who robbed banks,
often with great violence, were dangerous to be sure, but Hoover elevated them to the
status of “Public Enemies.” He created a “Ten Most Wanted” list, which captivated
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public attention, and he topped this list with such men as Dillinger, identified not just
as a public enemy, but as “Public Enemy Number One.”
For all his grandstanding, and despite his misdirection of federal law enforcement
energy away from organized crime, as well as his elevation of the FBI (and himself)
to a status dangerously independent of executive, congressional, and even judicial
oversight and supervision, Hoover did set the bar of law enforcement and criminal
investigation to a lofty new height. Controversial though it was, the American FBI
supplanted the British Scotland Yard as the world’s premier crime-fighting and investi-
gative agency.
At its best, the bureau coordinated effective nationwide police efforts; provided much-
needed support, instruction, and assistance to local police agencies; developed sophis-
ticated scientific methods of forensic analysis; compiled truly useful databases of crime
and criminals; and advocated such proactive investigative approaches as criminal pro-
filing, an attempt to do nothing less than get into the mind of the criminal and even
anticipate his next move.
Imperfect as it was, the FBI brought police work to an unprecedented level of sophis-
tication, efficiency, and respect.
X Until well into the nineteenth century, Americans were resistant to creating pro-
fessional police departments, which they feared would be abused as instruments
of tyranny and intimidation.
X Through most of the nineteenth century, New York’s police department,
although modeled after the efficient Metropolitan Police of London, was inef-
ficient and corrupt; thanks to the work of Theodore Roosevelt and other reform-
ers, it became a model for the rest of the nation by the turn of the century.
X Prohibition created an opportunity for large-scale organized crime to take root
and grow, presenting an overwhelming challenge to local police and prompting
the development of federal police agencies, including the FBI.
X J. Edgar Hoover transformed a corrupt and weak agency, the Bureau of
Investigation, into the Federal Bureau of Investigation, regarded by many as the
premier crime-fighting and investigative organization in the world.
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17
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X To serve and to protect: a police officer’s sworn duty
X Organization of a typical department
X Police work: the routine risks and the emotional toll
X The police outgunned
X Modern police training
X The deadly force decision
For most of the time they have existed, police agencies have been fairly
simple organizations. In the beginning, most had a single role: to pursue
and apprehend criminals. Later, the more proactive mission of preventing
crime was added, and police officers were sent out on routine street patrol.
Later still, a third element was introduced: criminal investigation.
Even at this point, organization was minimal and tended to follow a mili-
tary model: there were commanders (often called captains), subordinate
commanders (lieutenants), supervisors or managers (sergeants), and the
troops (patrol officers).
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Today, the typical major-city police department is a complex bureaucracy—but not

just for the sake of bureaucracy. If police agencies are complex, it is because the
demands society puts on them are complex. Policing is no longer a relatively simple
game of cops and robbers. Today’s police force is an integral part of a criminal justice
system, and officers are often called on to make the kind of judgments about constitu-
tional law and departmental policy that judges and administrators make, yet they must
do so not in the comfort of judicial chambers or a cozy corner office, but on the street
and in life-and-death situations.
B]AS`dSO\Rb]>`]bSQb
A police officer must serve many masters, but his or her sworn duty is to uphold the
Constitution and to protect people and property. The twin missions—to serve and
to protect—are emblazoned on the vehicles of most
American police agencies. What those words say
Sworn Statement about the structure of the police department is this:
The Delaware State Police no matter how complex the organization of the police
recognizes cultural diversity force, ultimately the job comes down to how each
as a fundamental characteristic officer functions in the field, how the officer relates
of our society and, as a state to the people of the community, and how the officer
institution, the Division of State serves and protects the citizen in peril or need.
Police is committed to provid-
ing effective police services that Americans are accustomed to big government. They
are appropriate, sensitive and have accepted doing business with agencies many
equally responsive to all seg- times the size of the typical police department. Yet
ments of our diverse society. when it comes to the police, no citizen can accept
—Diversity declaration of the an impersonal bureaucracy. Whether the officer
state police of Delaware dispatched on a frantic 911 call is a rural sheriff or
a big-city patrolman, the citizen in trouble expects
effective, courageous, and, above all, human aid. In this, police departments are
unique among government agencies. They may be the size of a small army, organized
to fulfill many requirements and perform many functions, yet they must consistently
present to the public a human face and an individual presence.
Bg^WQOZ=ÙO\WhObW]\
There is probably no such thing as a “typical” police department. American cities vary
greatly in size and extent. The two biggest, New York and Los Angeles, have compa-
rable populations, but New Yorkers are massed densely together, while Angelinos are
broadcast over a vast area. In New York City, the NYPD is by far the most extensive
1VO^bS`%( >]ZWQW\U(BVSEOg7b7a #
police presence, whereas in Los Angeles,

the LAPD routinely coordinates its opera-
tions with those of the L.A. County Sheriff, SWAT is an acronym for Special
Weapons And Tactics, and a
the California Highway Patrol, and other
SWAT team is an elite special
agencies. unit within a police force that uses
Then of course there is the great American assault weapons and guerrilla-
array of smaller cities, towns, villages, and style assault tactics to resolve
such critical crises as hostage
rural areas. Each has its own needs and its
situations, mass shootings, terror-
own resources (often limited) to finance ist threats, and any situation that
those needs. We’ll look at a department calls for the application of supe-
in a medium-size Midwestern city, the rior firepower against suspects.
Cincinnati Police Division.
On the administrative level, a chief presides over an Office of Coordination, Planning,
and Budget. On the operational level, that chief commands four bureaus:
X The Operations Bureau is subdivided into five police districts plus the
Operational Support Section. The five districts represent geographical divisions
within the city and address general criminal activities as well as community rela-
tions. These districts handle day-to-day patrol. The Operational Support Section
covers the whole city and has units devoted to traffic, crime prevention, youth
aid, alarm enforcement (responsible for programs to reduce the number of
security-system false alarms that create a substantial drain on police resources),
and a SWAT Coordination Unit.
X The Investigative Bureau—familiarly called the IB—is responsible for vice,
drug, and criminal investigation. It carries out these missions through a number
of sections, units, and squads:
The IB’s Criminal Investigation Section (CIS) comprises the …
Youth Squad, which investigates child abuse, child neglect, and other situations
involving endangerment of minors.
Homicide Squad, charged with investigating homicides and all questionable
deaths, in addition to aggravated assaults where death may occur and rape (when
the victim is at least 18 years old); the squad may also investigate kidnapping and
abductions, patient-abuse cases, and police-involved shootings.
Robbery Unit, which investigates robberies of all kinds.
Major Offender Project, which addresses cases that involve career or repeat
offenders.
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Criminalistics Squad, which handles crime-scene evidence gathering and pro-

cessing.
Burglary and Auto Theft Unit, which takes charge of home and business bur-
glaries, as well as “grand theft auto” and auto break-ins.
Pawn Shop Unit, which works with local pawnbrokers to identify stolen prop-
erty.
Polygraph Unit, which specializes in the administration and interpretation of
lie-detector examinations.
Fraud Unit, which is responsible for investigating a wide variety of so-called
white-collar crimes.
The IB’s Central Vice Control Section investigates criminal activity in the
areas of prostitution, drugs, gambling, pornography, and liquor law violations.
The IB’s Intelligence Section focuses on gang activity, cults, terrorists, and
terrorist organizations. The section’s mission is to develop information on such
groups and individuals and, when appropriate, to initiate investigations. This sec-
tion also conducts special in-service training for police personnel.
The IB’s Narcotics Liaison Section works with county, state, and federal agen-
cies in a coordinated program that targets illegal narcotics activities.
X The Technical Services Bureau consists of three sections, including …
Communications, which manages all aspects of police communications, includ-

ing radio, telephone, 911 dispatch, and computer systems.
Equipment Management, which includes the Impoundment Unit, responsible
for impounded vehicles; the Transportation Unit, which manages and maintains
police vehicles; and the Supply Unit, which manages supplies and equipment.
Court/Records Services, which operates a Court Administration Unit, County
Property Unit, Warrant/Identification Unit, and Records Unit.
X The Personnel Resources Bureau manages the Personnel Section, the Police
Academy, the Inspection Section, and the Internal Investigations Section.
Every medium to large police department has an internal investigations section, some-
times called Internal Affairs, which is responsible for investigating police misconduct
and corruption. In some departments, this section is independent of the department
hierarchy and reports directly to a commissioner or civilian review board.
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In that quasi-mythical time known only as “the good old days,” the cop walking a
beat—an old term for the area regularly assigned an officer for routine patrol—was a
familiar neighborhood fixture, who was known to the locals by name and who, in turn,
knew many of them. As cities grew and police resources grew proportionately thinner,
the beat cop disappeared from the scene. It was, after all, much more efficient to put
officers in patrol cars.
Then, during the turbulent 1960s, the gulf between the community and the cop wid-
ened dramatically. Many identified the police with “the Establishment” and saw them
not as public servants and defenders, but as agents of official oppression. In many
places, an adversarial relationship developed between the officers and those they were
pledged to serve and protect.
But the 1960s also produced a new trend in policing, an approach that put the
emphasis back on the community and sought to reestablish a cooperative relationship
between the police and the neighborhood.
The trend toward community policing accompanied the rise of so-called “restorative
justice” concepts in criminology, an emphasis on law enforcement as a socially healing
(“restorative”) process rather than an adversarial one.
Typically, community-based policing embodies some or all of the following principles,
approaches, and features:
X Community policing programs start with and are maintained by close give-and-
take communication between community members and the police.
X Community policing employs statistical analysis, so that crime trends and other
needs of the community can be quantified and objectively identified as well as
monitored.
X Community policing makes use of the media, communicating through press
releases and public service announcements.
X Community policing involves citizens in crime prevention through Neighbor-
hood Watch programs and the establishment of “safe houses” for children
walking to and from school.
X Community policing often directs special attention to areas surrounding schools,
watching for drug dealing, sex crimes, and alcohol-related abuses.
X Certain officers are specially trained as community policing officers (CPOs).
& >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
X CPOs get out of their patrol cars. They initiate contact with locals, especially
merchants and school officials. They also establish liaisons with personnel
involved in public works, the building department, animal control, the fire
department, and area hospitals. These individuals are good sources for targeting
community problems.
X CPOs may combine automobile, bicycle, and foot patrol. In some cases, they
may also ride public transportation.
X CPOs monitor and review accident and traffic reports to identify issues that may
be referred to public works or the department of transportation.
X CPOs don’t go it alone; instead, they serve to coordinate the efforts of various
police units so those units may better serve the community for which the CPOs
are responsible.
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Police work has always been dangerous. After all, it is the business of the police to
intervene in violent situations. The leading cause of death and injury among police
officers is, not surprisingly, gunshots. During the twentieth century, almost 7,000
American police officers were shot to death in the line of duty, an end that accounts
for 49 percent of all law enforcement fatalities during that 100-year period.
By the Numbers
Since the first recorded U.S. police death in 1794, more than 14,000 U.S. law
enforcement officers have been killed in the line of duty. A total of 1,533 law
enforcement officers died in the line of duty during the 1990s, an average of 1
death every 58 hours, or 153 per year. On average, more than 65,000 U.S. law
enforcement officers are assaulted each year, and some 23,000 of these sustain serious
injury.
From 1910 to 1939, when motorcycles were among the most common police patrol
vehicles, 485 officers were killed in motorcycle wrecks, making it the second lead-
ing cause of officer death. By the end of the twentieth century, automobile accidents
pulled ahead of motorcycle wrecks as the second leading cause of police fatalities;
some 2,000 cops were killed in car wrecks during the twentieth century.
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Other physical risks to cops include being struck by vehicles (16 officer deaths in
2005), job-related auto accidents (42 officer deaths in 2005), being killed in aircraft—
typically helicopter—accidents (2 officer deaths), falling (3 officer deaths), drowning
(4 officer deaths), stabbing (1 officer death), and being killed by bomb detonation (1
officer death).
Despite a general increase in violent crime during the second half of the twentieth
century and, equally important, an increase in the violence of the individual criminal,
officer deaths from gunshots actually declined during the last two decades of the twen-
tieth century. The reason? Better training, the use of soft body armor (such as Kevlar
vests or flak jackets), and better police equipment and weaponry. During the 1980s,
an average of 187 U.S. officers were shot to death each year; during the 1990s, the
annual average fell to 153. In 2005, 59 police officers were killed by gunshot.
BOYW\UbVS>]W\b
When a column or patrol of troops advances through hostile territory, one or more
soldiers volunteer, or are assigned, to lead the way. As the G.I. says, they “take the
point.”
Today more than ever, the police officer “takes the point” for society. He or she is at
the raw, ragged, and all too often bloody leading edge of modern civilization. The
immediate physical dangers are ample, but it has been only in recent years that the
emotional and delayed physical dangers of
police work have been fully recognized. Sworn Statement
Continual exposure to danger, to shocking While the Vietnam veteran
or traumatic events, and to threats from was at war for a minimum of
suspects and prisoners can create tremen- nine months, police officers alter-
dous emotional and physical stress. In nate between the violence of the
addition, police officers often face conflict- street (e.g., shootings, witnessing
death and mutilation, dealing
ing demands—for example, to be aggres-
with abused children) and the
sive, but never too aggressive, to finely normalcy of civilian life on a
hone one’s instincts, but to think carefully daily basis.
before reacting—and they often carry a —J. Volanti, “Police Trauma:
burdensome workload. Even the stress of Psychological Impact of Civilian
testifying in court can take its toll when a Combat,” in Police Trauma:
successful prosecution may ride on what Psychological Aftermath of
the arresting officer says and how he or she Civilian Combat, Charles C.
says it. Thomas, 1999
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In the United States, about 16 of every 100,000 adults commit suicide annually—0.16
suicides per 1,000 adults. During 1984 through 1994, of the 30,000 cops of the
NYPD, 63 committed suicide, making for a rate 31 percent higher than the average.
More recent studies suggest that police suicides occur at two to seven times the rate in
the general population. As of 2006, one American police officer commits suicide every
24 hours.
Police units or squads are typically close-knit groups,
analogous to a family, and the injury or death of a
As defined by the National fellow officer hits everyone very hard. Even compas-
Institutes of Mental Health, post- sion for victims can cause burnout, or compassion
traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) fatigue—a term some psychologists have used to
“is an anxiety disorder that can describe the burnout suffered by police officers and
develop after exposure to a ter- other care givers who are continually exposed to the
rifying event or ordeal in which suffering of others.
grave physical harm occurred or
was threatened.” Stress and burnout are characterized by physical and
mental exhaustion. In the worst cases, post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD) may occur, bringing flashbacks,
nightmares, extreme anxiety, and/or severe depression. Officers may suffer precisely
the kind of symptoms that characterize what was called “shell shock” in World War I
and “battle fatigue” in World War II and after.
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The AK-47, also known as the Kalashnikov assault rifle, has long been the workhorse
of guerrillas and terrorists worldwide. Invented by a Russian soldier toward the end
of World War II and now manufactured chiefly by the Chinese, the AK-47 is rugged,
cheap, and powerful, capable of firing 100 rounds per minute in automatic mode or 40
rounds per minute in single-shot mode. Each of these rounds leaves the muzzle at the
rate of 2,330 feet per second. Each is a 7.62-millimeter short bullet with a steel core
and a hooked nose, which causes tumbling action and solid penetration.
On January 17, 1989, Patrick Edward Purdy carried his AKS rifle, a semiautomatic
variant of the standard AK-47, into his childhood elementary school in Stockton,
California. In the span of a single minute, Purdy squeezed off 100 rounds. Five chil-
dren were killed and 30 others wounded before Purdy discharged the final shots into
himself.
A shocking story? Perhaps the most shocking thing about it is that this horrific scene
is hardly unique. Despite a 1994 federal ban on assault weapons and the presence, in
1VO^bS`%( >]ZWQW\U(BVSEOg7b7a !
some states, of even more stringent assault-weapon legislation, these deadly machines
are still widely available, and on September 13, 2004, the 1994 Assault Weapons Ban
expired. (Although President George W. Bush promised to sign a renewal of the ban,
should Congress enact one, he did nothing to encourage such legislation. As of early
2007, there is no federal ban on assault weapons.)
Some anti-gun-control groups have pointed out that assault weapons account for only
a small fraction of police-officer deaths, but the point is that, these days, officers are
apt to walk into a situation in which they are woefully outgunned. A police service pis-
tol cannot face down such weapons as the AK-47 assault rifle or the Uzi submachine
gun, let alone an RPG, a rocket-propelled grenade launcher. All of these, and more,
have been used in the United States in the commission of crimes.
Today’s police departments must have training and equipment to fight what may
amount to full-dress battles with truly formidable weapons. They must also possess
the wisdom and restraint to refrain from employing such weapons and tactics except
when absolutely necessary.
By the Numbers
The U.S. Department of Justice reported in 2004 that the impact of the 1994
Assault Weapons Ban “on gun violence is likely to be small at best, and perhaps
too small for reliable measurement.” In contrast, the Brady Center to Prevent Gun
Violence—a gun control advocacy group—concluded in 2004 that, since the
enactment of the Assault Weapons Ban, “assault weapons have made up only 1.61%
of the guns ATF [Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms] has traced to crime—a
drop of 66% from the pre-ban rate.” The Brady Center believes that the act prevented
60,000 assault weapon crimes.
>]ZWQS/QORS[g(BVS:ObSabAS_cSZ
During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, what little training police officers
received was on the job. Today, all major departments train recruits in police acad-
emies, and smaller departments make use of state-run academies for law-enforcement
officers. All states have legal minimum training standards for sworn peace officers in
state and local departments. These officers are officially designated, duly authorized
law-enforcement officers, who have received legally mandated training and have taken
a prescribed oath of office.
! >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
Guy Antinozzi demonstrates

one of the most important
lessons an officer must learn:
taking advantage of cover
while tactically approaching
an offender’s vehicle.
(Photo by Sgt. Connie Rembert,

Agnes Scott College Police
Department)
The typical police academy offers a demanding and extensive educational experience.
The St. Louis Police Academy, for example, subjects recruits to a 23-week intensive
program, in which classroom instruction is supplemented by practical application
exercises, role playing, situational training, and ride-along observation. Eight hundred
eighty training hours are committed to a comprehensive curriculum:
Behavioral Studies and Cultural Diversity: 10 hours
Human Behavior: 40 hours
Legal Studies:
Law I—Constitutional Law: 57 hours
Law II—Missouri Law: 48 hours
Traffic I—Traffic Law: 28 hours
Liability Issues: 2 hours
1VO^bS`%( >]ZWQW\U(BVSEOg7b7a !!
Skill Development:
Computer Skills: 18 hours
Defensive Tactics/Physical Training: 139 hours
Driver Training: 16 hours
Firearms: 109 hours
Mobile Field Force: 16 hours
Ride Along: 8 hours
Supplemental Program:
Administrative Procedures: 18 hours
Community-Oriented Policing: 20 hours
Special Orders: 30 hours
Technical Studies:
Criminal Investigation: 54 hours
Domestic Violence: 32 hours
First Aid: 42 hours
Hazardous Materials: 8 hours
Juvenile Procedures: 22 hours
Patrol: 56 hours
Report Writing: 64 hours
Traffic II—DWI and Accident: 43 hours
!" >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
The 2002 graduates of

DeKalb County Sheriff’s
Office SWAT Training Class,
including Special Investigator
Guy Antinozzi, Sergeant
David Aderhold (DeKalb
County Sheriff’s Office),
and law enforcement officers
from several agencies. SWAT
training is no longer reserved
exclusively for SWAT officers.
Cross-training and joint
training are increasingly
essential training methods.
(Photo by Rod Huene, DeKalb

County [Georgia] Sheriff’s
Office)
2SORZg4]`QSO\R5S\bZS>SàcOaW]\
In the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, police officers from several depart-
ments demonstrated heroic and relentless commitment “to serve and protect.” Eighty-
six officers of the NYPD, Port Authority, and other agencies lost their lives on that
day.
The tragic events of 9/11 showed us all just how
much we count on our police. It was something
victims of accident and crime already knew. And
The Use of Force Continuum is yet, in a nation that fought for its independence in
a conceptualization (often in the part because of the British crown’s oppressive laws
form of a schematic or chart) and oppressive policies of law enforcement, we have
that illustrates the levels of force always had a love-hate relationship with our cops.
appropriate for police to use in
It is, after all, a solemn and profoundly disquieting
meeting various levels of threat.
thing to entrust any group with the authority to use
deadly force on our behalf.
As much training as police receive in responding quickly and decisively to crime, they
also learn to evaluate each situation, so that they may apply the least force possible
that is consistent with their safety and the safety of others. State laws governing the
use of force are typically quite broad and leave much to the discretion of the individ-
ual officer in a particular situation. Most police departments attempt to provide a clear
policy statement on the use of force, and many employ the Use of Force Continuum,
which prescribes a logical escalation of force.
1VO^bS`%( >]ZWQW\U(BVSEOg7b7a !#
In many cases, the mere appearance of an officer, in the uniform of authority, will
secure cooperation and compliance from a suspect. This is Level 1 on the Use of
Force Continuum. If this fails, the officer proceeds to Level 2, verbal communication.
From here, Level 3 calls for control holds and restraints, including physically taking
control of the suspect using various bare-handed defensive holds and then applying
handcuffs. If Level 3 force is ineffective or impractical against a violent or threatening
suspect, officers may use nonlethal weapons, such as pepper spray or tear gas. This
represents escalation to Level 4.
The next level, Level 5, falls just short of deadly force. Against extremely violent sus-
pects, it may be necessary to use a baton (popularly called a nightstick) or a stun gun
or taser, which delivers a disabling electric shock. The object is to temporarily inca-
pacitate the suspect, so that handcuffs or other restraints can be applied. The risk of
doing serious injury or even killing the suspect is significant. A stun gun or taser may
cause cardiac arrest, and even though officers are trained to use their batons to admin-
ister soft-tissue blows, rather than blows to the face or skull, any forceful blow can be
lethal. Certain choke holds and martial arts holds that pinch off the carotid artery may
incapacitate a suspect, but they may also result in death or permanent injury. Many
departments explicitly outlaw such procedures.
The highest escalation in the continuum is Level 6, the use of deadly force. It is
applied when the officer has reason to believe the danger of severe injury or death is
imminent to him- or herself, or others. If possible, the officer must warn the suspect
of the intent to shoot. However, once the officer fires his or her weapon at the sus-
pect, the intent is to shoot to kill.
It is a testament to modern policing that most officers not only strive to resolve con-
frontations at the lowest possible continuum level, but that they deem it a mark of
consummate professionalism to do so. Indeed, most officers look upon having to fire
on a suspect as something of a professional failure.
X Large modern police departments are complex bureaucracies that must neverthe-
less deal directly, immediately, effectively, and compassionately with people in
urgent need.
X Today’s police forces are integral parts of the criminal justice system and often
work closely with other social service agencies as well.
X The typical modern department is organized into units dedicated to specific cat-
egories of crime, yet these units must coordinate their actions with one another
and with other public agencies.
!$ >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
X In many jurisdictions, modern police face daily urban combat, analogous to war-
fare, which creates great physical dangers and may take a heavy toll on the emo-
tional health of officers.
X Police training today is extensive and comprehensive, as befits agencies whose
members are authorized to use deadly force.
BVSCZbW[ObSESO^]\(
1VO^bS`
18
7\T]`[ObW]\
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Information—and how police get it
X Problems with information from witnesses and victims
X Information obtained from suspects
X Use of confidential informants
X Undercover assignments: types and hazards
X How police share information
There are few professions that depend more on the flow of information
than law enforcement. This is especially true in criminal investigation. A
detective is first and foremost a good communicator. Seasoned, profes-
sional, and savvy, a detective above all knows how to tell a story and find
good material.
But detectives are not the only police communicators. Dispatchers and 911
operators as well as the patrol officer all must gather, process, and trans-
mit vital information quickly, clearly, and without possibly life-threatening
error.
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A]c`QSa]T7\T]`[ObW]\
Wheels spin and little is accomplished without good information. The criminal inves-
tigator needs to know who, what, when, where, and why. Beating the bushes, doing all
the legwork required to get vital information, is glamorized on television, but in real-
ity, it is just plain hard work. It is time-consuming work done in situations where time
is almost always in short supply. The precinct detective who starts out with a thorough
knowledge of the neighborhood has a major advantage over any outside investigator
sent from “downtown” or another law enforcement agency.
@S^]`baO\R@SQ]`Ra
All police responses produce some kind of documented record. If any police action is
taken, an incident report is prepared.
The incident report may be very simple or highly complex, depending on the officer
and the incident. Most departments provide officers with some training and guidelines
in report writing, but all good reports share certain characteristics:
X They are written from clear, well-organized notes made at the scene.
X They are factual, accurate, and objective.
X They show rather than tell; opinion is excluded.
X They are complete and thorough, but concise.
X They contain no internal contradictions.
X They are written in clear, standard English, without police jargon, street slang,
grammatical errors, or misspellings.
Some departments have adopted computerized

report-writing systems. These allow police officers to
prepare incident reports using special software that
An incident report is the respond-
provides preformatted screens and questions, which
ing officer’s written account of
the call to which he or she has not only speed the report-writing process, but help to
responded. It is generally the first ensure that all relevant information is included and
official record made of a crime presented in a usefully organized form. Preparing
or other incident. reports on a computer also makes them more readily
accessible to other investigators and to prosecutors.
1VO^bS`&( BVSCZbW[ObSESO^]\(7\T]`[ObW]\ !'
Domestic violence incidents require a special domestic violence incident report, which
typically is a form that asks for information about the physical condition and state
of mind of both the victim and the suspect, the nature of the relationship between
victim and suspect, what medical treatment the victim received (if any), and what
physical evidence has been collected. On-the-spot photographs showing the victim’s
injuries are essential to domestic violence reports. Currently, most police agencies use
Polaroid or Polaroid-type cameras for on-the-spot victim photography. Many courts
hesitate to accept digital photography as evidence, because it is readily subject to
alteration.
Most of the time, at the request of the reporting officer, the dispatcher assigns a
unique case number to the incident, so that even if an incident report is not made,
there is a record of the officer’s actions in the form of a dispatch log.
When an officer is dispatched, the times of dispatch and arrival are recorded, as are
the names of the personnel responding. If the response is self-initiated—the officer
responded to something he sees, for example—it is protocol to call out the location
and type of action over the radio. The dispatcher, monitoring this call, makes a record
at this time. Such records can be very important later, when a follow-up investigation
is conducted or a case is prosecuted in court.
In contrast to uniformed patrol officers, detectives are not expected to call out on the
police radio their every move. Part of being a detective is accepting responsibility for
greater independent action.
DWQbW[a
Victims would seem a natural and willing source of information, yet, often, this is not
the case. In most crimes, the victim and perpetrator are not strangers to one another,
and this relationship may prompt the victim
to avoid cooperating in the investigation. By the Numbers
The best chance investigators have for Incorrect eyewitness identifica-
obtaining the victim’s help is at the scene tions account for more convic-
of the crime, immediately after the inci- tions of innocent persons than
dent has occurred. Fear and anger move all other causes combined. In a
1996 study by the Institute for
many to cooperate, whereas the more time
Law and Justice, of 28 people
that passes, the less urgent the motive for released from long prison terms
cooperation becomes. Worse, in the many on the basis of DNA tests, 24
cases in which the victim and the perpetra- had been misidentified by eye-
tor know one another, the perpetrator often witnesses.
" >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
finds a way to intimidate or otherwise influence the victim. Victim and perpetrator
may be wife and husband, for instance, or they may even be partners in some criminal
enterprise.
Modern criminal investigation—particularly in domestic violence crimes—no longer
centers on the cooperation of the victim. Responding officers are still trained to obtain
as much information as possible from the victim at the scene of the incident, but the
main emphasis is placed on gathering evidence that is separate and apart from any-
thing the victim may say. Witnesses such as neighbors, family members, co-workers,
and strangers are interviewed and always questioned independently.
EWb\SaaSa
Not surprisingly, witnesses are very important to a criminal investigation. Unfortu-
nately, eyewitness accounts are notoriously unreliable. Police officers quickly become
accustomed to the shock and frustration of hearing a dozen eyewitnesses to a crime
give a dozen earnest, well-meaning, but entirely different accounts of the incident.
Because it is subject to so much distortion—the coloring of perception, the shading of
emotion, the imperfection of memory—eyewitness testimony is not slam-dunk court-
room evidence. It is evidence, but it must be corroborated by other, more objective
evidence. Most importantly, all eyewitness evidence must be obtained independently
so that the recollection of one witness does not influence that of another.
Aca^SQba
Willingly or unwillingly, suspects provide information in criminal investigations.
Suspects can be tracked, their behavior observed, their patterns analyzed. In some
cases, a search warrant may be issued to obtain blood, hair, or other items of evidence
from a suspect. This can be analyzed and compared to an unknown sample found at
the crime scene.
While the Fifth Amendment guarantees that a suspect cannot be forced to testify
against himself, he may be compelled to provide the tissue evidence just described,
and he may also be compelled to participate in a lineup in which the victim or other
witnesses (usually shielded behind a one-way mirror) may identify him as he stands
next to five other similarly featured men.
1VO^bS`&( BVSCZbW[ObSESO^]\(7\T]`[ObW]\ "
C\RS`Q]dSÈ]`Y
Possibly the most misunderstood job in police work is the undercover investigation.
The glamour portrayed on television and in the movies is, for the most part, missing
from the real-life assignment.
Some investigators work undercover in a limited capacity and for a limited time. For
example, they may pose as construction workers, taxi drivers, medical patients—
whatever it takes to get close to people who have outstanding warrants against them
and need to be taken into custody.
There are also investigators, typically in narcotics, who work undercover on a much
more extended basis. They attempt to fit the image of a narcotics dealer or heavy
user, and their goal is to infiltrate the drug world in order to develop a case and bring
charges against the dealer or the dealer’s suppliers or distributors.
That is a dangerous assignment, but even riskier are “deep undercover” investigations.
In these, the investigator virtually assumes a new life and new identity to infiltrate a
criminal enterprise so thoroughly as to become all but indistinguishable from those he
or she is investigating. The physical risks of this work are obvious. More subtle are the
psychological hazards of coming to identify oneself with the criminals under investiga-
tion.
Case in Point
Operation Drug Wheels was a major 1990 undercover “sting” operation in which
federal undercover agents posing as narcotics dealers offered to purchase a fleet of
cars for cash from an automobile dealership, which agreed to disguise the identity of
the purchasers. The dealership also introduced the undercover agents to an insurance
company, which agreed to furnish insurance on a fraudulent basis. Working undercover,
the agents ultimately identified five New York dealerships and two insurance company
agencies, which were charged with money laundering and cash reporting and mail
fraud violations. Thirty-one new cars valued at $880,700 were seized by agents.
Operation Drug Wheels is typical of undercover work on a large scale.
BVS7\T]`[ObW]\4WZS
Record keeping is essential to effective criminal investigation. The evidence must be
kept secure after it is seized, the chain of custody maintained and the integrity of the
evidence safeguarded. The narcotics, the bloodstained shirt, the gun, the knife, or
" >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
other pieces of evidence seized at the crime scene must be the exact same items in the
exact same condition when presented at the trial before the jury.
Cases must be preserved for many years. The trial process is long and the appeals
process even longer. The file must be maintained and available. Witnesses need to be
contacted and kept track of. All officers involved must ready themselves for trial—and
keep themselves ready.
BVS@Ob¾O<SQSaaO`g3dWZ
Who could be more despicable than someone willing to turn on his or her compatri-
ots for money? Many juries answer this question with a resounding “no one,” and they
may discount or entirely reject information that has been bought and paid for.
The informant—also called by police a confidential informant (CI) and by the bad
guys, a rat—is a special breed. This person’s value as a witness increases as his or her
value as a member of society decreases. That is, the more an informant is involved in
criminal activity, the more valuable his or her testimony becomes.
The use of confidential informants in criminal investigations has become such an inte-
gral part of American law enforcement that it would be difficult to conduct an investi-
gation without the use of such unsavory characters. But even here, there is a catch-22.
For while intimate involvement in criminal enterprises makes the informant a valuable
insider, the informant’s criminality undercuts his or her credibility. The reliability of
an informant is proportional to his or her involvement in criminal activity; as that
increases, reliability increases because, in court, the informant can be shown to have
adequate and personal knowledge of the criminal activity in question. At the same
time, as involvement in crime increases, credibility decreases.
Informant testimony is always a precarious balancing act. The investigator pulls it off
by using the totality of circumstances test—a package of facts and circumstances relat-
ing to a case and used to evaluate and corroborate informant information. If all the
facts and circumstances, taken in their totality, support the informant’s information,
the information is considered probably reliable. The detective may also build up the
credibility of the informant by stating that he or she has used the informant in the
past to obtain information that led to arrests, seizures, and convictions.
1VO^bS`&( BVSCZbW[ObSESO^]\(7\T]`[ObW]\ "!
Case in Point
All good police officers develop informants, people living or working in the areas under
their responsibility who provide them with information. Some of these informants are citi-
zens who simply want to make their community a better place. Some
are criminals interested in ridding their turf of a competitor. The job of managing infor-
mants is a delicate and often dangerous one. The fact is this: all information is just
that, information, not proof. Whatever the CI supplies must be verified by independent
investigation.
/?cSabW]\]T1OaV
Informants may be rewarded by being paid for the information they provide or par-
doned for petty offenses. There is no general rule as to which type of incentive is
better or more likely to produce reliable results. Cash payment does not necessarily
compromise the information provided by the informant. Indeed, the informant may
be more responsible and truthful because he or she is being “paid for the work.” A
tangible reward is a powerful motivator, and it is rare for a well-informed criminal to
do anything out of a sense of social responsibility.
BVS>WbTOZZa
Obviously, there are drawbacks to using informants. If their reliability and credibility
cannot be substantiated to a degree that meets judicial scrutiny, then the informa-
tion they provide is useless. If they are relied on to the exclusion of other evidence or
without proper independent investigation, their value is also very limited. Even more
serious is the possibility that juries will simply tire of taking the word of one admitted
criminal against another.
>]ZWQS<Sbe]`YW\U
A well-known maker of computer systems used to employ as its corporate slogan this
sentence: “The network is the computer.” The message? Individual computers are fine
and dandy, but the work of such a computer is made truly meaningful only when it is
shared, combined with the work of other computers in a network.
Much the same can be said about the information police obtain. Scribbled in a detec-
tive’s notebook or stored in a file drawer, information does little. Made accessible to
other cops, harvested, winnowed, shared, and compared, information takes on enor-
mous power.
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7\bS`^Sà]\OZ1]]^SÒbW]\
Fighter pilots, alone in the cockpit—one pilot, one plane—are by nature independent
sorts. But even the topmost top gun knows better than to try to go it alone. Fighters
work in formations of two or more. Doing so multiplies their effectiveness far beyond
the numbers involved. A formation of 2 planes is probably 10 times more effective
than a solo flier.
Criminal investigators quickly learn much the same lesson. They eagerly take respon-
sibility for a case, but they don’t go it alone. They look at the files, they identify the
cops who’ve worked on similar or perhaps related cases, and they talk to them—pump
them for information.
Cops talk cases out. They network, both formally and informally. Grandstanders who
jealously guard information relating to “their” case because they don’t want to share
the glory of solving the mystery are not likely to find any glory to share. They won’t
crack the case.
Like most professionals, cops form relationships with each other. Some find men-
tors among their colleagues, a veteran who’s seen it all and has plenty of time-saving
advice. Some find friendly adversaries—people to bounce ideas off of, people who
won’t pull punches concerning what’s wrong with your theory.
Most seasoned investigators network both inside and outside of their department. A
city cop may be well aware that his or her department does things a certain way and
no other way. When that cop wants a fresh point of view, he or she contacts a friend
in the rural county sheriff’s office.
7\bS`\ObW]\OZ/QQ]`R
Networking can be interpersonal, or it can be international. After World War I, an
economically devastated Europe was swept by a great crime wave. In 1923, the head
of the Viennese police department, Johann Schober, called for an international meet-
ing of police agencies to create a network for cooperation among law enforcement
officials across borders. The result, ultimately, was the International Criminal Police
Organization, better known as Interpol.
Today, Interpol, with 125 member nations, is the chief organization by which criminal
police forces cooperate worldwide to fight international crime. Each Interpol mem-
ber maintains a domestic clearinghouse (the National Central Bureau), which acts as
liaison between individual police forces and the police of other affiliated countries.
1VO^bS`&( BVSCZbW[ObSESO^]\(7\T]`[ObW]\ "#
Interpol is not an international police agency, but a means of communication and

coordination, a worldwide network that makes it much more difficult for criminals to
find refuge in a foreign land.
X Information is the most valuable weapon in the police arsenal. Information
sources include witnesses, victims, suspects, informants, and the officers them-
selves.
X Undercover work has been glamorized in film and fiction, but, in reality, is hard
work that puts officers in physical and, often, psychological peril.
X The confidential informant—the “rat”—is the ultimate criminal insider, a crimi-
nal who agrees to provide the police with information concerning the criminal
enterprises he or she is privy to.
X Police officers are inveterate networkers, sharing information both formally
(from department to department and even from nation to nation) and informally,
developing working relationships with mentors and colleagues.
:WS2SbSQb]à
1VO^bS`
19
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X The polygraph: what it is and how it works
X Lie detector pioneers
X The polygraph examination
X How reliable is the polygraph?
X The polygraph and the courts
X Technological and human alternatives to the polygraph
At some point in the course of human evolution, hominids (our collec-

tive evolutionary precursors) discovered lying. And shortly after this time,
they must have begun thinking up ways to find out who was lying and who
wasn’t.
At various times in history and among various cultures, methods have been
devised and prescribed to test the truth. Some of these have been based on
keen observation. For instance, the ancient Chinese understood that a dry
mouth accompanies nervousness and nervousness accompanies lying, so
they questioned a suspect as he chewed dry rice. After questioning, he was
told to spit out the rice. If it came out nice and gooey, he was telling the
truth; if dry, the suspect was caught in a lie.
"& >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
Other methods have been less scientific. In Europe during the Middle Ages, if a
woman suspected of witchcraft denied being a witch, her veracity could be tested by
binding her hand and foot and tossing her in a pond. If she survived, she was a witch,
because (as everyone knows) witches float; if she drowned, well then, she was (or,
more accurately, had been) telling the truth.
Gooey gobs of rice or drowned innocents? By the twentieth century, law enforcement
personnel decided there has got to be a better way.
BVS>]ZgUÒ^V
The truth (yes, the truth) is that perceptive questioners have always been able to
gauge the trustworthiness of a source. Body language speaks loudly to those who can
“hear” it. A liar rarely looks you in the eye, he puts his hand to his mouth, he shuffles
his feet, he rubs the back of his neck, he shakes his head no while saying yes, his voice
trembles, he sweats, he blushes.
The anxiety that accompanies lying often produces plainly visible physiological effects,
but even when the effects are not clearly visible, they are almost always present—and
measurable.
The polygraph is an assemblage of instruments (at minimum, a pneumograph, galvano-

graph, and cardiograph) that measure and record respiration rate and depth, electrical
resistance of the skin, and blood pressure and pulse rate, which indicate the status of
physiological processes commonly affected by the emotion of anxiety.
EVOb7b7a
The polygraph—commonly called a lie detector—is nothing more or less than an
instrument that measures and graphically records the effects of several physiological
processes.
Actually the polygraph is an assemblage of several instruments to measure several dis-
tinct processes:
X A pneumograph measures the rate of respiration and the depth of breathing.
X A galvanograph measures changes in the electrical resistance of the skin.

Perspiration increases the skin’s electrical conductivity.
1VO^bS`'( :WS2SbSQb]à "'
X A cardiograph measures blood

pressure and pulse rate. Sworn Statement
Man is the only animal
Some polygraphs add another instrument, a who blushes—or needs to.
plethysmograph, which attaches to a finger —Mark Twain
to measure peripheral blood flow.
6]e7bE]`Ya
The premise on which the polygraph operates is simple, sound, and time tested.
Socialized human beings lie, but they don’t like to lie, because they’ve been condi-
tioned to believe that lying is wrong. Therefore, lying produces nervousness and
anxiety. Nervousness and anxiety, in turn, produce distinct—sometimes visible, almost
always measurable—physiological effects, including …
X An increase in the rate of respiration and a decrease in the depth of the breaths
taken (shallow breathing). The polygraph’s pneumograph module measures these
effects.
X An increase in perspiration. The galvanograph does not measure perspiration
directly, but it does measure the difference in the electrical resistance of the skin
produced when the subject perspires.
X Increases in pulse rate and blood pressure. The cardiograph measures these vital
signs.
The polygraph machine records the Sworn Statement

measurements graphically. For some 50 At this time the computer-
years, polygraphs have traced out their ized [polygraph] systems are
measurements on moving rolls of chart not well-enough advanced to
paper, which is annotated by the polygraph be called superior to the analog
examiner during the examination, then [traditional] systems, although
analyzed by the examiner later. In recent they are admittedly easier to use.
years, desktop computers and sophisticated A competent and qualified exam-
iner can be equally effective with
computer programs have been married to
either system.
the polygraph. These newer systems are
—Michael Martin in “Everything
paperless, graphing the data on a computer
You Wanted to Know About
screen—and recording it digitally on disk Polygraphs,” Nationwide
so that it is storable and retrievable and, Polygraph Network at www.
if desired, can be printed out on paper. polytest.org/polyfaq.htm
An important feature of digital polygraph
# >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
machines is the software, which includes complicated chart analysis formulas designed
to aid the examiner in evaluating results.
We’ll outline the examination procedure in just a moment, but the general idea is that
the examiner asks questions, notes the verbal responses, and also notes the physiologi-
cal response produced on the machine’s graphical output. By analyzing variations in
the physiological responses, the examiner can render an opinion as to the truthfulness
of the verbal responses.
EVOb7bÂaCaSR4]`
Polygraphs are used in criminal as well as civil applications. In criminal investigations,
polygraph examinations can reduce a large pool of suspects by eliminating people who
seem clearly innocent. During interrogation of a suspect, the polygraph may be used
to elicit a confession; however, the suspect must be fully advised of his rights.
Polygraph examination is also used to gauge the veracity of informant information,
from a jailhouse snitch or a confidential informant (CI). (A CI is a civilian who is usu-
ally paid to provide information to the police regarding criminal activity; on the street,
that person is usually called a snitch or a rat.) Key potential witnesses may also be
screened by a polygraph examination.
Outside of the law-enforcement community, polygraph examination had been used for
preemployment screening—formerly accounting for more than 80 percent of poly-
graph tests administered in the United States. Employers asked potential employees
about past dishonesty and criminal behavior. However, in 1988, Congress passed the
Employee Polygraph Protection Act (EPPA), which barred most preemployment
polygraph examinations, except in the following cases: government jobs, companies
that manufacture or dispense controlled substances
(pharmaceutical drugs), and companies engaged in
By the Numbers sensitive work on government contracts.
The FBI administers about An employer may ask a current employee to take a
5,000 polygraph examina-
polygraph examination only if the employer provides
tions annually to persons
entering sensitive government- clear documentation of specific suspicions; however,
related jobs. Each applicant is the employee cannot be discharged solely on the
given two separate tests with dif- basis of the polygraph results, nor can the employee
ferent types of questions. be dismissed solely because he or she refused to sub-
mit to a polygraph examination.
1VO^bS`'( :WS2SbSQb]à #
In the civil arena—for example, in lawsuits involving personal injury, property dam-
age, intentional misconduct, and breaking contracts—polygraphs may be used on wit-
nesses and litigants, as long as rights under the Employee Polygraph Protection Act
are not violated.
/AV]`b6Wab]`g]TbVS:WS2SbSQb]`
Like many others, Boston attorney William M. Marston understood that liars paid
a physiological price for their untruths. They blushed, they sweated, they breathed
heavily. In 1917, he decided to use these physiological effects to make the detection
of falsehood scientific. He designed a machine to continuously monitor systolic blood
pressure (the pressure created during the contraction phase of the heartbeat; diastolic
pressure is that created during the relaxation phase) and claimed that an increase in
this pressure accompanied verbal falsehood.
;Oàb]\Âa;O`dSZ
Marston’s invention created a popular stir and began to be used by some law enforce-
ment officials. In 1923, however, a federal appeals court issued a strong challenge to
Marston’s marvel.
Convicted of murder, James T. Frye appealed on the basis that the court had not
permitted an examiner to testify about the results of a “systolic blood pressure decep-
tion test” he had taken and passed. The appellate court denied the appeal, introduc-
ing what came to be known as the “Frye Test.” The essence of the Frye Test is this:
the device or procedure on which any expert testimony is based must be “sufficiently
established to have gained general acceptance in the particular field in which it
belongs.” In 1923, Marston’s device was new and little tested, and the legal future
of the “lie detector” was thereby put in doubt. The Frye Test or Frye Standard was
generally accepted in American courts until it was superseded in 1975 by the Federal
Rules of Evidence.
:Oà]\Âa@STW\S[S\ba
Despite the blow Marston’s machine had been dealt, many in the law enforcement
community continued to be interested in the great potential of a lie detection device.
Working independently of Marston, Dr. John A. Larson, a police officer turned edu-
cator and practicing psychiatrist, developed a true polygraph device (it measured pulse
rate and respiratory changes in addition to blood pressure) in 1921. Unlike Marston,
# >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
Larson was more cautious in introducing the device

and, by the time he did, he had honed the machine
Case in Point
and developed more solid procedures for using it.
During the 1930s and after,
the law enforcement community Larson focused much attention on developing
embraced the polygraph, and an interviewing technique, which he called the
Leonarde Keeler prospered after R/I procedure—the “R/I” standing for relevant/
he established the first private irrelevant. It worked like this: in the course of ques-
lie detection agency in 1938. tioning, the examiner was to ask questions relevant
The enthusiasm was not entirely to the crime (“Do you own a Glock handgun?”) and
blind, but the fact is that not until
questions that have nothing to do with the crime
1950 was a series of objective
(“Do you live at 123 Felony Drive?”). Larson’s
scientific studies done to test the
validity and reliability of the poly- assumption was that the innocent would exhibit a
graph. similar physiological response to both types of ques-
tions, whereas the guilty would react more strongly
to the crime-relevant questions.
9SSZS`bVS>]^cZO`WhS`
There is no doubt that Larson improved the lie detector by inventing the true poly-
graph, measuring more physiological factors than just blood pressure and develop-
ing better methods of questioning. However, Larson failed to consider that innocent
people, under police interrogation and suspected of a crime, might be quite nervous,
perhaps even more nervous than a hardened criminal who was guilty.
Despite this, Larson’s protégé, Leonarde Keeler, succeeded in popularizing the poly-
graph. He introduced refinements to the machine (obtaining a patent in 1931) as
well as a greater degree of sophistication in the procedures for questioning, which
addressed some of the shortcomings of the R/I approach. He based his work on an
extensive study he carried out at the federal penitentiary at Joliet, Illinois, testing more
than 500 inmates to develop reference points and baselines for analysis. Keeler com-
pared police reports and court records against what inmates told him and was there-
fore able to obtain a range of real-world polygraph results in situations in which the
truth was known. This allowed him to obtain a broad sample of truthful and untruth-
ful responses, which provided an extensive opportunity for calibrating his equipment
and for preparing polygraphers to interpret results accurately.
1VO^bS`'( :WS2SbSQb]à #!
BVS:W\RPSÙV9WR\O^^W\U
The popularity of the polygraph received its single greatest boost by its involvement—
or, actually, high-profile noninvolvement—in the “crime of the century.”
The time: night, March 1, 1932. The place: the Hopewell, New Jersey, home of avia-
tion hero Charles A. Lindbergh and his wife, Anne Morrow Lindbergh. Someone
snatches from his second-floor nursery the couple’s 20-month-old son. As soon as the
abduction is discovered, a network of roadblocks and a massive manhunt are put into
place. There are clues: a homemade ladder, footprints, and a ransom note written in
broken, German-accented English:
Dear Sir!
Have 50000$ redy with 25 000 $ in 20 $ bills 1.5000 $ in 10$ bills and 10000$ in
5 $ bills. After 2-4 days we will inform you were to deliver the Mony.
We warn you for making anyding public or for notify the Police the child is in
gut care.
Indication for all letters are singnature and 3 holes.
A ransom payment with marked bills is prepared and delivered; as promised, direc-
tions to the baby are provided. Heartbreakingly, they prove false, and on May 12
a truck driver discovers a child’s skull in a wooded area about four miles from the
Lindbergh home. Police find a shallow grave—and, in it, the body of the Lindbergh
baby.
In the aftermath of the tragedy, leads did emerge, only to result in one dead end
after another. Strangest of all was the questioning of Violet Sharpe, a maid who
worked for the Lindberghs’ in-laws. Her stories were inconsistent through several
interrogations—until, after one session with the cops, she gulped down silver polish
and died minutes later. In desperation, investigators asked Lindbergh’s permission
to use Keeler’s polygraph in questioning his own household staff. Flatly refusing
to believe that anyone who worked for him could be guilty, Lindbergh withheld
permission.
The investigation then stalled until, on September 15, 1934—more than two years
after the murder—someone purchased 98 cents’ worth of gas with a $10 gold certifi-
cate. In the depths of the Great Depression, this was a notable event, and the gas sta-
tion owner scribbled down the license plate number on the certificate. He had spoken
to the driver about the bill. He was a man with a German accent, who boasted that he
had a lot more of these gold certificates at home.
#" >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
The gas-station owner called the police, who traced the license plate to a carpen-
ter, a German immigrant named Bruno Richard Hauptmann. A search of his house
revealed more than $14,000 of the ransom money hidden away, and a missing rafter in
Hauptmann’s attic had been used in the construction of the homemade ladder found
at the kidnap scene (as mentioned in Chapter 13, a fact established by the work of a
pioneering forensic botanist).
Hauptmann certainly appeared guilty. He claimed that his former business partner
had given him the money. The problem with this alibi? That man, Isador Fisch, had
returned to Germany—and was now dead.
While in jail awaiting trial, Hauptmann learned about the “lie detector machine”
and asked to be given the test. His request was denied. His defense attorney, a self-
important incompetent who believed his client guilty, made little attempt to pursue
the request, and FBI chief J. Edgar Hoover (it was discovered many years later) had
issued a confidential memo: “Under no circumstances will we have anything to do
with the [polygraph] test of Hauptmann.”
In the “trial of the century” for the “crime of the century,” Hauptmann was convicted
and sentenced to death. While the public clamored for the speedy execution of a
fiend, New Jersey’s scrupulous and courageous governor, Harold G. Hoffman, wasn’t
so sure. He ordered a short reprieve for additional investigation and wanted Keeler
to administer a polygraph examination. Keeler agreed to provide his services not only
pro bono (at no charge), but in secret from the press.
That was key. Hoffman wanted no sensationalism. But Keeler, burning to promote
his invention, broke his word and leaked the news. Instantly, he was off the case—and
instead, his rival William Marston, equipped with his more simplistic blood-pressure
machine, was called in to perform the test. The trial judge, however, would have none
of it. He denied Marston access to Hauptmann, Governor Hoffman could not legally
override the judge, and no lie detector was ever used in the Lindbergh kidnapping
case. Hauptmann was executed, and debate over his guilt or innocence continues to
this day.
And yet, the mere fact that the “lie detector” was almost used in this sensational, high-
profile case enhanced its reputation probably far beyond what would have resulted had
it actually been used. After all, experts and public alike were now forever free to specu-
late on how the machine might have solved the case.
1VO^bS`'( :WS2SbSQb]à ##
BVS>]ZgUÒ^VW\/QbW]\
Today, polygraph examinations are conducted systematically by trained, qualified, and
certified examiners. Much of the work takes place before a single question is asked.
The examiner begins by reviewing all the facts surrounding the case in question.
Following this, the examiner reviews the facts with the subject before the test is con-
ducted. Based on the view of the facts and the pretest interview, the examiner prepares
specific test questions.
In the next step, the examiner explains the test process to the subject and, again before
the test is administered, reads each question to the subject to ensure that all are easily
understood. During the examination itself, the subject is not asked any surprise ques-
tions about the crime.
The subject is hooked up to the poly-
graph instrument and, in a neutral
voice—without comment of any kind—the The graphical readout or chart
examiner reads the questions several times, produced by a polygraph exami-
noting the questions and answers on the nation is called a polygram.
resulting polygram (either in digital form
or on paper, depending on whether the
instrument used is digital or analog). No one other than the examiner and the subject
is present at the interrogation (unless a translator is required). Interrogations are typi-
cally limited to no more than 90 minutes. If more time is required, additional exami-
nations are scheduled.
After the examination, the examiner analyzes the resulting polygrams and, using pre-
scribed standards, develops a numerical score for the test, which results in a verbal
conclusion of either “truthful,” “deceptive,” or “inconclusive.” Results are typically
furnished within 24 hours.
Polygraph examiners must design questions that can be answered yes or no. Nothing
else is acceptable. Furthermore, the questions must have definitive, objective answers;
they must not elicit mere opinion. Each question must bear on past events of a fac-
tual nature, and they must be worded without possibility of ambiguity. Here are some
examples:
Unacceptable question: “On April 5, 2002, were you thinking of robbing the conve-
nience store at 234 Guilty Street?”
Acceptable question: “On April 5, 2002, did you rob the convenience store at 234
Guilty Street?”
#$ >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
Unacceptable question: “Have you ever lied to the police?”

Guilty Street?”
Unacceptable question: “Are you a thief?”
Guilty Street?”
Questions asked in the same exam session must be related to one another. The exam-
iner may ask the subject questions relating to the robbery at 234 Guilty Street, but not
about (for example) illegal drug use. If the subject is suspected of illegal drug use, this
issue must be addressed in a separate examination.
EVOb1O\5]E`]\U-
Today, some champions of the polygraph claim accuracy rates as high as 99 percent.
Critics disagree, arguing that examiners’ techniques are based on some questionable
psychological assumptions.
While few question the accuracy of the polygraph
By the Numbers
instrument in registering the physiological changes it
A 1981 study of six poly- monitors, objective tests have found that many exam-
graph interpreters revealed iners are consistently more likely to label a truthful
an error rate varying from subject untruthful rather than an untruthful subject
18 percent to 55 percent.
truthful. The physiological and mechanical principles
Predictably, the most experienced
examiners made the fewest on which the polygraph operates are considered quite
errors. sound, but there is significant variation in the quality
and accuracy of interpretation.
4OZaS1]\TSaaW]\
People fear polygraphs. The idea that the machine will absolutely determine the truth
sometimes elicits confessions, including false confessions. False confessions, resulting
from some deep-seated compulsion in the subject to confess, are not at all uncommon.
0SObW\UbVS;OQVW\S
Certain deceptive subjects can defeat the examination by using cognitive or physi-
ological countermeasures to gain control of their physiological responses. Moreover,
1VO^bS`'( :WS2SbSQb]à #%
people with antisocial personality disorder—a psychological condition that renders

the individual incapable of feeling remorse—have reduced autonomic activity. That is,
feeling no guilt, they exhibit few of the physiological effects that customarily accom-
pany lying about a crime.
5cWZb]`4SO`-
The polygraph registers heightened physiological responses, period. Such responses
may be produced by fear, including the fear of being caught in a lie and punished, but
they may also result from just plain fear. Fear is not always about deception. Indeed,
an innocent, truthful person may be very fearful.
7\OR[WaaWPZS-BVS1]c`baO\RbVS>]ZgUÒ^V
The polygraph has traveled a rocky road through the nation’s courts. Some courts
allow the introduction of polygraph evidence, while others do not. Judges in many
jurisdictions worry that polygraph evidence is given greater weight than other evi-
dence and tends to sway a jury unduly. For this reason, in most cases, polygraph evi-
dence is used during the maneuvering and
negotiations that take place before a trial,
rather than during the trial itself.
The Daubert standard, based on
In 1993, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in
the 1993 Supreme Court deci-
Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc. sion in Daubert v. Merrell Dow
(509 U.S. 579) that polygraph evidence Pharmaceuticals, Inc. (509 U.S.
does have a reliable scientific foundation 579), is often used to support the
and compares favorably with other such legal admissibility of polygraph
scientific evidence as fiber analysis, ballis- evidence. The standard holds
tics comparison, and blood analysis—all of that courts may admit evidence
based on tested, peer-reviewed
which are routinely accepted by the courts.
scientific methods, which are
However, the Supreme Court’s 1998 deci-
widely accepted as valid in the
sion in United States v. Scheffer reduced the scientific community.
effect of the so-called Daubert standard by
holding that any court can decide to exclude
polygraph evidence per se (under any circumstances) or to evaluate it case by case.
Thus, the admissibility of polygraph evidence depends on the discretion of the indi-
vidual court.
#& >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
/ZbS`\ObWdSab]bVS>]ZgUÒ^V
While the polygraph remains the most widely used and accepted technology for lie
detection, two alternatives have emerged. The first began development in the 1970s as
the psychological stress evaluator, or PSE, a device that measured stress in the “micro-
tremors” of the human voice. By the early 1990s, the device was extensively refined as
the computer voice stress analyzer (CVSA).
The principle behind the CVSA is that the voice involuntarily, if subtly, registers
stress when the speaker is being deceptive. Experience and common sense support this
assertion, of course; most people caught in a lie are unable to make themselves sound
convincing.
CVSA equipment and training are considerably less expensive than traditional poly-
graph examination, and advocates claim an extraordinary 98 percent accuracy rate
(versus the 45 percent to 85 percent claimed for the polygraph), but while numerous
law enforcement agencies use the technology during interrogations and for pretrial
negotiation of pleas, many courts do not admit CVSA results as evidence because of
insufficient experience with the technology and a shortage of scientific tests.
Critics of the traditional polygraph find that CVSA suffers from the same major flaw
that afflicts the polygraph: both technologies measure emotion rather than knowledge.
But then, what technology could possibly look into a suspect’s mind to measure his
knowledge of a crime?
In the 1960s, researchers began studying what they called the p300 pattern of electri-
cal activity in the brain. This is a “bump” in electrical activity that occurs from 300 to
800 milliseconds after a person receives a recognized
stimulus (for example, is shown a familiar image).
The electrical activity may be monitored via elec-
Brain fingerprinting describes
trodes placed on the head and hooked up to amplify-
a new technology that monitors
the brain for p300 electrical pat- ing and graphical recording devices.
terns, which appear when the In the 1980s and 1990s, a small group of researchers
subject is exposed to a familiar began developing this “brain wave” technology as
stimulus. The presence of the
brain fingerprinting, a more refined process for plot-
p300 pattern indicates the sub-
ject’s knowledge of the stimulus. ting p300 patterns in order to distinguish when a
Some researchers have begun to subject possesses or lacks knowledge about an event.
apply the technology to lie detec- In one experiment, Dr. Lawrence A. Farwell was able
tion. to identify 11 genuine FBI agents and 4 imposter
agents by measuring brain wave responses to cues
1VO^bS`'( :WS2SbSQb]à #'
that would be familiar only to persons who had been trained in the FBI academy.
These cues consisted of specific terms, acronyms, and images. Emotion played no part
in the experiment. Simply, those who had the knowledge showed a p300 bump, while
those who lacked the knowledge did not show such a pattern.
Brain fingerprinting is a very new technology that has yet to be extensively tested in
the courts. However, The New York Times reported (October 9, 2001) that in 1998,
Missouri police used the technology to generate evidence in support of a confession
by James B. Grinder, who admitted to having participated in an unsolved 1984 rape
and murder.
The new technology has critics, but even many of them believe that, with further
development, brain fingerprinting may play a significant role in criminal investigation
and even in prosecution.
4]`S\aWQ>agQV]Z]UgO\R2SQS^bW]\2SbSQbW]\
Recent years have seen a trend away from sole reliance on technology to assess decep-
tion. The field of “deception detection” has increasingly emerged within the larger
fields of forensic psychology and forensic psychiatry to develop data and methods
designed to allow police interrogators and others to more effectively assess the verac-
ity of witness, victim, and suspect statements.
Deception detection studies various aspects of deception, including verbal content and
nonverbal behavior, as well as the use of the polygraph and other technologies. Those
interested in the practice of deception detection become experts in reading the verbal
and nonverbal signs of lying.
Body language consists of a usually unconscious and involuntary set of gestures and
postures that accompany verbal expression. The body language of lies includes:
X Stiff physical expression. The deceptive individual may use few gestures. Arm
movement, for example, is typically limited in range and stiff in execution. Hand,
arm, and leg movements tend to be directed toward the body of the deceptive
person, as if the liar unconsciously wishes to become less conspicuous by occupy-
ing less space.
X A person telling a lie tends to avoid making eye contact.
X The hands of a deceptive individual often touch the face, throat, and mouth. A
person who is lying will often finger or scratch his nose or behind his ear. He
does not touch his chest (heart) with an open hand.
$ >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
X The liar often exhibits unnatural timing and duration of emotional gestures. The
display of emotion may not seem spontaneous. It may be delayed, or it may be
carried out longer than normal. Such displays also stop suddenly.
X The verbal expression of emotion and the gestures commonly accompanying that
expression are separated when someone is lying. If you give a gift to a friend, and
he exclaims “This is great!” then smiles several seconds after the verbal expres-
sion, chances are he really does not like the gift at all. In truthful expression,
words and gestures coincide.
X Liars have trouble matching nonverbal with verbal expressions. “Did you take
the money?” The suspect answers “No,” even as he nods his head.
X Those who feign emotion usually express the emotion only with the mouth,
whereas general emotion is expressed with the whole face.
X Most liars are defensive.
X Most liars are uncomfortable, so they tend to face away from a questioner.
X The deceptive person tends to put things—a coffee cup, a book, whatever is
available—between himself and the questioner.
X Liars typically use the words of a question in their deceptive answer. “Did you
steal the money?” The answer: “No I did not steal the money.”
X Truthful responses tend to be more natural and casual than deceptive responses.
Asked about Monica Lewinsky, President Bill Clinton did not say “I didn’t have
sex with her,” but “I did not have sex with that woman.” A statement using a
contraction (“didn’t”) is more likely to be truthful than a statement that uses the
complete words (“did not”).
X Often, deception may be detected in the structure of the response. Liars may
try to avoid lying by declining to make direct statements. Instead, they imply
answers rather than denying something outright or directly.
X Deceptive people often talk too much, embroidering their lies with unnecessary
detail. Above all, they want to avoid uncomfortable silences in the conversation.
X Deceptive speech is often monotonous and leaves out pronouns, whereas truthful
discourse emphasizes pronouns.
X Liars often mumble, speak softly, trail off words; a liar’s sentences will likely be
muddled rather than emphasized.
X The liar relaxes when the subject is suddenly changed to something neutral.
1VO^bS`'( :WS2SbSQb]à $
Good cops have always been skilled human lie detectors. The scientific study of
deception detection systematically compiles and analyzes data—the verbal and non-
verbal cues of expression—in an effort to rationalize what seasoned interrogators learn
by experience and common sense. Deception detection involves learning to ask ques-
tions most likely to provoke detectable lies, and it requires heightening ones sensitivity
to subtle discrepancies between verbal and nonverbal expression as well as patterns
of verbal expression that characterize truthful versus deceptive statements. Accurate
deception detection can facilitate vital criminal investigations and increase their accu-
racy.
X In most people, lying produces significant physiological effects, some of which
may be seen (blushing; sweating) and others measured (elevated blood pressure;
rapid, shallow breathing; and decreased electrical resistance of the skin due to
increased perspiration).
X The polygraph measures and records the physiological effects associated with
anxiety, which, in turn, is associated with telling lies.
X The scientific basis of the polygraph is well established, but practical results
depend on the skill and experience of the examiner, factors that introduce a sig-
nificant element of subjectivity into the examination process.
X The polygraph is used extensively in law enforcement during criminal investiga-
tions, but it is often not admitted into evidence by the courts.
X Emerging alternatives to the traditional polygraph are the computer voice stress
analyzer (which correlates voice stress with deception) and brain fingerprinting
(which monitors the p300 brain wave patterns associated with recognition of a
familiar stimulus).
X Most recently, forensic psychology has focused on the observational aspects of
deception detection, which has reduced dependency on mechanical methods of
“lie detection.”
0Sg]\RbVS4`W\US
1VO^bS`
20
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X The truth about the investigative use of “truth serum”
X Hypnosis in police work
X Problems with testimony under hypnosis
X Psychic detectives
X ESP: psychic ability or “cop sense”?
Criminal investigators share with the rest of humanity a basic reality and a
common source of frustration. While we travel every which way through
the dimension of space, in the dimension of time only one direction, for-
ward, is possible. We cannot go backward to discover for certain what hap-
pened in the past.
Investigators have developed various means to compensate for the one-
way street of time. In sensitive areas—banks, for example, or retail
establishments—video cameras and video recorders make a copy of events.
But visions of Big Brother notwithstanding, universal surveillance and
recording are impossible. Plentiful as they may seem these days, cameras
and recording devices are actually in very few places.
$" >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
Over the years, law enforcement agencies have amassed an arsenal of techniques,
each aimed at recovering the past in some measure. Fingerprint analysis, for instance,
looks for traces of past presence and activity. The forensic autopsy attempts to read a
victim’s body as a record of past events. Polygraph technology likewise tries to resur-
rect elapsed events.
All of these techniques and technologies are conventional and widely used. Some-
times, however, the quest for bygone truth has led to unconventional, unusual, and
even desperate avenues to the past.
¿B`cbVAS`c[À
Of the many perils Agent 007 and his fictional ilk face—stretching on the rack, a sear-
ing slice up the midline with a laser beam—none is more dreaded than exposure to
“truth serum.” Why? The name says it all. Truth serum. Who can resist it? Get a dose
of this, and you spill your guts. You can’t help it. You have no choice. Or so goes the
popular myth.
EVOb7a7b-
Actually, there is nothing miraculous—or irresistible—about “truth serum.” Its chemi-
cal name is thiopental sodium, but it is better known as Sodium Pentothal, the name
trademarked by its manufacturer, Abbott Laboratories.
Physically, Sodium Pentothal is a yellow crystal
that can be dissolved in water or alcohol. It has an
Truth serum is the colloquial alliaceous odor, which means it smells like a cross
term for a class of sedatives that between onions and garlic.
reduce inhibition and therefore
tend to elicit verbal communica- Sodium Pentothal is a fast-acting barbiturate that
tion that might otherwise be produces short-term sedation. Thanks to its speed
self-censored or suppressed. and the brief duration of its effect, it is commonly
The most common truth serum is used as a surgical anesthetic. Within half a min-
thiopental sodium, better known ute to a minute of injection into a vein, the patient
by its brand name, Sodium is unconscious—albeit only for a few minutes.
Pentothal.
Therefore, the sedative is often used to induce initial
unconsciousness to give slower but longer-acting
anesthetics time to work. It’s also the first drug administered in execution by lethal
injection; the Sodium Pentothal is not itself delivered in a lethal dose, but it puts the
condemned person into a deep sleep prior to the administration of a paralyzing agent
1VO^bS` ( 0Sg]\RbVS4`W\US $#
(such as pancuronium bromide) and a toxic agent (potassium chloride, which induces
cardiac arrest).
Sodium Pentothal is the most familiar “truth serum”; however, a related substance,
sodium amytol, is also sometimes used. In the past, other sedatives—scopolamine and
hyascine—were similarly employed to elicit verbal information.
2]Sa7bE]`Y-
In lesser doses than those given to surgical patients, Sodium Pentothal slows the
metabolism and minimizes stress but leaves the subject conscious. In reducing the
level of stress, it also reduces the inhibitions that typically act as self-censors in most
of us, holding us back from speaking our minds or revealing embarrassing (or poten-
tially incriminating) truths.
There’s a very old saying, In vino veritas—“In wine there is truth.” And most of us are
familiar with the bibulous friend who talks out of school when in his cups. Under the
influence, many of us have, alas, said things we later regret having let slip. The action
of Sodium Pentothal is similar to that of alcohol. A depressant, it acts first to depress
the mechanisms of self-censorship and inhibition.
In psychotherapy, psychiatrists use Sodium Pentothal as a narcoanalysis agent, a drug
to help elicit recall of events and facilitate the expression of feelings. In a criminal jus-
tice setting, just because the subject’s inhibitions are neutralized does not mean that
he will begin spewing out incriminating truths. Careful, focused questions must be
asked—and even then, there’s no guarantee that the forthcoming information will be
useful or accurate.
EWZZbVS1]c`ba/QQS^b7b-
In the end, Sodium Pentothal is just one more investigative tool, and, in fact, it’s rarely
used in law enforcement except as a last resort. Indeed, rather than administer Sodium
Pentothal to a suspect, it’s more likely that the victim of a violent crime who may be
suffering some form of traumatic amnesia (a psychological process that may block out
acutely painful memories) would be treated with the drug in the hope that it might
enable him or her to recall relevant details of the crime and the perpetrator.
Sodium Pentothal is a powerful narcotic that must be administered by a physician
(usually a psychiatrist), preferably in a hospital setting, so that the subject can be mon-
itored. As with any strong sedative agent, there is danger of an adverse reaction, which
may require prompt medical action.
$$ >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
As if this weren’t problem enough for law enforcement, no American court officially
recognizes the reliability of truth serums, and testimony or confession obtained under
the influence of this (or any other) narcotic is inadmissible as evidence. The courts
exclude all testimony, including confession, that is not the product of fully conscious
free will.
G]c/`S5SbbW\UAZSS^g¶
Late in the nineteenth century, Sigmund Freud formulated his theory of the uncon-
scious as the great repository of powerful motives that shape particular actions and
even our entire lives, yet keeps these motives secret from our conscious awareness.
Freud reasoned that if we could obtain conscious access to the realm of the uncon-
scious, we would gain valuable insight into ourselves and, in cases of certain mental
illnesses, even help effect a cure.
Eventually, Freud developed psychoanalysis, a method in which a patient, awake
and alert but relaxed, lets his or her mind wander in free association and, sometimes
prompted by the therapist, gains access to the unconscious mind. Freud arrived at this
method first by way of hypnosis, which he saw used by the French psychiatrist Jean
Martin Charcot (1825–1893) in an attempt to discover an organic basis for so-called
hysterical illnesses.
Hypnosis can be described as a special psychologi-
cal state that outwardly resembles sleep but is really
an altered form of the ordinary conscious state. In
Hypnotic regression uses hypno- hypnosis, the subject shows increased receptiveness
sis to elicit recall of “lost” memo- and responsiveness, which raise inner perceptions to
ries, memories typically repressed the same level as perceptions normally created only
because the conscious mind finds by external reality. Thus the hypnotized subject can
them painful or traumatic. be induced to imagine a reality that is as present and
real to him as if it existed externally.
6g^\]bWQ@SU`SaaW]\
Charcot didn’t invent hypnosis, the origin of which is as ancient as sorcery, magic, and
religious ritual. Scientific interest in hypnosis began toward the end of the eighteenth
century with the work of the Viennese physician Franz Mesmer (from whose name the
word mesmerize comes), but Charcot was the first to use it seriously and methodically
in a medical context. In his early work, Freud and an associate, Josef Breuer, employed
it specifically to help neurotic patients recover childhood memories that, because they
1VO^bS` ( 0Sg]\RbVS4`W\US $%
were painful, had been totally repressed. Although forgotten by the conscious mind,
the memories were still locked in the unconscious, where they caused mental illness,
psychosomatic symptoms, or even motivated self-destructive acts.
In the early development of psychoanalysis, then, Freud and others practiced hypnotic
regression, using hypnosis to, in effect, travel backward in time. More recently, hyp-
notic regression has appeared to some law enforcement professionals as a promising
alternative to “truth serum,” a way to induce recall of memories that, for some
reason—typically because they are intensely painful—have been repressed.
<]bO\=^bW]\T]Àca^SQba
Hypnosis is used in law enforcement situations, but these days, less and less frequently.
In contrast to truth serum, hypnosis is never used on suspects. Suspect testimony
obtained under hypnosis is completely inadmissible in court and, indeed, may even
taint other testimony, if a defense attorney can persuade a jury that his or her client
had been unduly influenced by the hypnotist or even by the process of hypnosis itself.
However, hypnosis has been used on crime victims as well as witnesses to attempt to
recover repressed memories and details of the crime and perpetrator. These individu-
als submit to hypnosis on a strictly voluntary basis, and the hypnosis, including the
interrogation, is conducted by a medical specialist (usually a psychiatrist) trained in
hypnotic technique. The session is usually recorded and videotaped.
2WU`SaaW]\(/Ab]`g]T/ZWS\/PRcQbW]\
Victims and witnesses have apparently recalled astonishing things under hypno-
sis, including the details of crimes and even the identity of perpetrators. Many law
enforcement professionals and others have hailed hypnosis as a tool of extraordinary,
even miraculous, utility.
But while undergoing hypnotic regression, some people have recalled events far more
extraordinary than any crime. And this gives many police and judicial officials pause.
Take the case of Betty and Barney Hill.
On the night of September 19, 1961, the Hills were returning to their Portsmouth,
New Hampshire, home after a visit to Niagara Falls. They were driving south on
Route 3 through the White Mountains, when at 10 P.M., near Groveton, some 70
miles south of the Canadian border, Betty noticed a bright star or planet just below
the moon. An hour later, when the Hills were just south of Lancaster, a companion
object appeared near the planet.
$& >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
The Hills stopped their car and observed the object through binoculars. It had red,
amber, green, and blue flashing lights. It appeared to have a fuselage shape, but no
wings, and it flew in what Barney Hill described as a “steplike flight pattern, dropping
vertically, leveling off, then tilting upward again.” It was absolutely silent.
The Hills resumed driving, and the object kept pace
By the Numbers with their car. South of Indian Head, the object
A number of studies, most moved closer, and Betty saw a change to a steady
recently one conducted at white glow in the pattern of the flashing multi-
Ohio State University and colored lights. When the object stopped to hover
released in August 2001, sug- about 100 feet above the ground, the Hills stopped
gest that hypnosis cannot help
their car. Barney got out and approached the object,
the subject to recover lost memo-
ries, but does tend to make the which now appeared to be a huge glowing disc with
subject more confident in the a double row of windows curved around its perim-
validity of false memories— eter. Fifty feet from the object, using his binoculars,
including memories that are he could see eight to eleven humanlike creatures
entirely fabricated by the uncon- through the windows. They stood still at first, then
scious mind and bear little or no began to scurry about within the ship, apparently
relation to external events. manipulating controls on the wall. One of the figures
remained at the window, gazing at Barney Hill.
At this point, two finlike projections, a red light on the tip of each, slid out of the sides
of the ship as Betty, waiting in the car, heard Barney yell, “I don’t believe it … I don’t
believe it …. This is ridiculous.”
Barney ran back to the car, shouting that they were going to be captured. He put the
car into gear, stepped on the gas, and took off down the highway. Strange beeping
sounds, apparently coming from behind the car, made the vehicle vibrate. Both Betty
and Barney Hill were overcome by a peculiar sensation of “tingling drowsiness.”
A while later, the beeps resumed. Then the Hills continued home without further
incident—except that they arrived at 5 A.M., about two hours later than they should
have. They had lost two hours out of their lives—two hours of which they had no
conscious memory.
In the days, weeks, and months that followed, both of the Hills were plagued by
nightmares, unbearable feelings of anxiety, insomnia, and in Barney’s case, the devel-
opment of duodenal ulcers. They sought psychiatric help and were given regressive
hypnosis therapy, during which they apparently recovered the two missing hours.
Under hypnosis, Betty related how a group of humanoid beings approached their
stopped car, opened the door of the vehicle, and pointed a small device at her. (“It
1VO^bS` ( 0Sg]\RbVS4`W\US $'
could have been a pencil,” she reported.) Independently, both of the Hills described
being taken aboard an alien ship and given quasi-medical physical examinations. Betty
recalled:
Most of the men are my height …. None is as tall as Barney, so I would judge
them to be 5' to 5'4". Their chests are larger than ours; their noses were larger
than the average size although I have seen people with noses like theirs—like
Jimmy Durante. Their complexions were of a gray tone; like gray paint with a
black base; their lips were of a bluish tint. Hair and eyes were very dark, possibly
black.
In a sense, they looked like mongoloids …. This sort of round face and broad
forehead, along with a certain type of coarseness. The surface of their skin
seemed to be a bluish gray, but probably whiter than that. Their eyes moved, and
they had pupils. Somehow, I had the feeling they were more like cats’ eyes.
Barney Hill’s description differed in some significant details, particularly concerning

the hair and nose of the extraterrestrials:
The men had rather odd-shaped heads, with a large cranium, diminishing in size
as it got toward the chin. And the eyes continued around to the sides of their
heads, so that it appeared that they could see several degrees beyond the lateral
extent of our vision. This was startling to me …. [The mouth] was much like
when you draw one horizontal line with a short perpendicular line on each end.
The horizontal line would represent lips without the muscle we have. And it
would part slightly as they made this mumumumummming sound. The texture
of the skin, as I remember it from this quick glance, was grayish, almost metallic
looking. I didn’t notice any hair—or headgear for that matter. I didn’t notice any
proboscis, there just seemed to be two slits that represented the nostrils.
The beings, according to the Hills, communicated among themselves through audible
language (“mumumumumming sound”), yet communicated with the Hills through
telepathy in English (according to Betty, “with an accent”). “I did not hear an actual
voice,” Barney Hill reported. “But in my mind, I knew what he was saying. It wasn’t as
if he were talking to me with my eyes open, and he was sitting across the room from
me. It was more as if the words were there, a part of me, and he was outside the actual
creation of the words themselves.”
Following six months of this regressive hypnosis therapy, the emotional state of both
Betty and Barney Hill improved markedly.
% >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
Case in Point
In a 2001 study, Professor Joseph Green of Ohio State University questioned 96 col-
lege students about the date of certain historical events. Half of this group answered
the questions under hypnosis, while the other half answered after performing a relax-
ation exercise. After the test, the students were asked to rate their confidence in their
answers. Regardless of whether they were right or wrong, all subjects were told they
had given at least one wrong answer. They were allowed to change their answers
and to rank their confidence in the revised answers. Green found no difference in the
accuracy of the hypnotized students versus the other group; however, the hypnotized
subjects changed significantly fewer responses. Green concluded: “While hypnosis
does not enhance the reliability of memory, there is some evidence that hypnosis leads
to increased confidence in memories.”
Those who believe the earth is regularly visited by extraterrestrials point to the regres-
sive hypnosis of Betty and Barney Hill as compelling evidence in support of their
belief. Those who are skeptical about “close encounters of the third kind” suggest
that Betty and Barney Hill were victims of the inadequacies of regressive hypnosis.
Subjected to it, critics say, people “recall” all sorts of peculiar things.
EVObbVS1]c`baAOg
Testimony obtained from victims and witnesses under hypnosis was newsworthy but
not rare in American courtrooms during the 1970s and again during the early to mid-
1990s. As it became increasingly apparent, however, that much of this testimony was
contradicted by attempts to corroborate it independently, law enforcement and legal
professionals began to conclude that hypnotic regression was unreliable. Defense
attorneys now turn to recent studies, including the one conducted at Ohio State
University in 2001, for powerful ammunition to demolish incriminating victim and
witness testimony obtained under hypnosis.
>agQVWQ6]bZW\S
Psychic detectives (or PDs) are civilians who claim psychic power and offer to use it
to help law enforcement agencies solve crimes. In desperation, numerous police agen-
cies have called on PDs; indeed, there is a sufficient body of psychic detective cases to
support a popular “reality-based” television series, Psychic Detectives, which premiered
in 2004 on the Court TV cable network. (Broadcast television’s NBC offers a fictional
series, Medium, which premiered in 2005.)
1VO^bS` ( 0Sg]\RbVS4`W\US %
When the work of the psychic apparently leads to the solution of a seemingly hopeless
case, tabloid magazines and tabloid TV shows rush in with ample coverage. In con-
trast, the failures and the outright phonies receive little if any media notice. Let’s look
at a few documented examples of psychic detectives helping to solve crimes.
2Oc^VW\S4Ò\QS$$
One day, Jacques Aymar, a “water witch”—a person who claims to be able to locate
sources of underground water with a divining rod—finds not water, but the severed
head of a woman. The dead woman’s face is recognized by a villager, and her head is
brought back in a sack to her husband. Approaching the man’s house, Aymar feels his
divining rod vibrate. As the widower approaches, the rod vibrates so strongly that the
man, seeing it, suddenly flees—and is later apprehended, charged, and convicted of his
wife’s murder. Subsequently, local police call on Aymar to solve other crimes.
;O\dWZZS/ZPS`bO' &
A famed Austrian medium, Maximilien Langsner, is invited by Canadian police to
work on an apparently unsolvable multiple murder case. A woman, her son, and two
workers are found dead on a Manville farm. Vernon Booher, the only surviving son,
claims he discovered the bodies after returning home. The murder weapon, a rifle,
belongs to a neighbor, Charles Stephenson, who says the weapon had been stolen
from his home the week before the murders. Police detain Booher in a holding cell.
Langsner sits outside of the cell and claims to read Booher’s thoughts. The psychic
reports that Booher had slipped out of church and had stolen the rifle. According to
Langsner, Booher wanted to marry a girl of whom his mother disapproved. A quarrel
ensued over this, and it ended with Booher killing everyone in the house. Confronted
with this psychic report, Booher breaks down, confesses, and is tried and hanged.
EWZZWab]\4Z]`WRO''%
On March 24, 1994, 76-year-old Norman Lewis goes missing in Williston, Florida,
and stays missing for two years. His family asks local police to consult a psychic.
Investigator Brian Hewitt is acquainted with Noreen Reiner, a self-proclaimed psychic
who performs a reading in the case. She says that Lewis had traveled in his pickup
truck east from his home to a place “where there is … water in something like a pit.”
Reiner reports seeing Lewis surrounded by metal. She sees a cliff wall, loose bricks, a
railroad track, and a bridge. She also sees the numbers “45” and “21.”
% >O`b"( BVS:]\U/`[
After several searches of local bodies of water prove fruitless, police call in U.S. Navy
divers to search a flooded limestone quarry. They locate the missing truck and the
skeleton of Norman Lewis.
The story of Reiner’s “reading” is widely reported and apparently inspires a spate of
psychic readings, one of which persuades authorities in Graniteville, Missouri, to drain
a three-million-gallon quarry in search of a girl missing for seven years. She is not
found.
7\bcWbW]\]\AbS`]WRa
The list of apparently psychic solutions to mysteries unsolved by conventional police
work goes on and on. Fortunately for the authors, a book on criminal investigation
is not the place to debate the nature and validity of psychic insight or extrasensory
perception (ESP) and its possible value in criminal investigation. Those interested in
obtaining a quick but balanced assessment of Noreen Reiner, perhaps the best-known
recent psychic detective, might look up Gary Posner’s article, “A Not-So-Psychic
Detective? A Case Study of Noreen Reiner’s Latest and Greatest ‘Success’ Story,” in
Skeptic magazine (Vol. 5, No. 4, 1997).
Doubtless, some so-called psychics are well-meaning
but deluded individuals, while others are out-and-
Sworn Statement out frauds. Yet some do seem to hit the proverbial
Psychics claim their instinc- nail on the head. Are these individuals possessed of a
tual feelings come from spe- psychic gift or extrasensory power? Or, as some cops
cial powers within; detectives say believe, are these civilians no more or less psychic
their gut feelings and hunches than a really good detective? Perhaps the psychic,
emanate from years of experi-
like the detective, merely combines keen powers of
ence, that they have developed
a “cop’s sense.” observation, years of experience, a savvy sense of
human behavior, and a talent for putting two and two
—Harvey Rachlin, “Psychics and
Police Work” (Law and Order together to identify and track the most productive
[professional law enforcement clues. Perhaps psychic detectives are just very capable
journal], June 1995) detectives, people who, like any veteran criminal
investigator, have extensively developed their
intuition—have figuratively put their gut instincts
on steroids, as it were, pumped them up, and become acutely sensitive and always
attentive to what their intuition tells them.
1VO^bS` ( 0Sg]\RbVS4`W\US %!
X Sodium Pentothal is a narcotic that lowers inhibitions and, therefore, may loosen
the tongue; despite its popular name, however, it is far from being an infallible
truth serum and is rarely used by law enforcement agencies.
X In the 1970s and in the early to mid 1990s, hypnosis (especially hypnotic regres-
sion) was occasionally used on victims and witnesses to recover “lost” memories
of crimes.
X Recent studies suggest that hypnosis cannot recover memories and may instead
elicit the fabrication of false memories.
X Psychic detectives—civilian psychics who offer help to criminal investigators—
have received much attention in the popular press.
X Veteran cops say all really good detectives are, in a sense, psychic; that is, they
have “cop sense”—keenly developed intuition based on the perceptive interpreta-
tion of the subtle facts and clues most people miss.
5
>O`b
1`W[SW\O
1`gabOZ0OZZ
The two chapters in this part look toward the future—the future of crime
and the future of the police and scientific response to crime. Our outlook
is based on current trends in crime, with an emphasis on the explosion
of “cyber crimes,” including identity theft, and the continued prospect
of terrorism. So far as police work is concerned, the emphasis will be
on the increasingly efficient acquisition and processing of information—
intelligence—and the development of effective alternatives to deadly force.
We end with how, in the future, police and the society they serve and pro-
tect will have to continue to explore, improve, and strengthen their rela-
tionship with one another.
4cbc`S1`W[S
1VO^bS`
21
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X Identifying crime trends
X Crime and the economy
X The emerging drug scene
X Data, computer, and identity crime
X Cyber terrorism and Internet child pornography
X Desktop counterfeiting
In the early days of organized police forces, the work of law enforcement
was a business of reaction. A crime occurred; the police gave chase. Later,
police departments attempted not merely to react to crime, but to prevent
it, mainly by maintaining highly visible patrols on the streets. As police
agencies grew increasingly sophisticated, they began to keep statistical
records in an attempt to anticipate where and when crimes were most likely
to occur. This allowed police administrators to deploy their forces more
efficiently, putting more cops in high-crime areas during high-crime peri-
ods. The idea was to be proactive rather than merely reactive.
Most recently, police agencies have been applying similar principles to
long-term planning in an attempt to anticipate crime trends and the nature
of crime in the future.
%& >O`b#( 1`W[SW\O1`gabOZ0OZZ
0OaSR]\1c``S\bAbObWabWQa¶
Predicting the future is a highly seductive occupation. It’s exhilarating to exercise
the imagination, and no one can prove you wrong—at least not for years or decades
to come. Criminal justice professionals try to base their predictions on extrapola-
tion from hard statistical data rather than on unbridled imagination. Crime statistics
are valuable as a measure of the current state of society and the current state of law
enforcement. They also provide a valuable basis for projecting future trends.
>cPZWQ>S`QS^bW]\DSàcabVS<c[PSà
As mentioned in the first chapter of this book, crime is very high on the list of
our concerns. Ask most people about crime, and they’ll tell you that it continually
increases.
This is a common popular perception, but over the
past decade, the crime rate has actually declined. For
The crime rate is the number of example, in 1999, according to the FBI’s Uniform
crimes in a given period (usually Crime Reports, one of the standard digests of crime
a month or a year) among a statistics in the United States, 11,634,378 crimes
fixed sample number of persons
were reported. The number fell to 11,608,070 in
within a given population. The
FBI reports the U.S. crime rate 2000, a drop of 0.2 percent. This translates to a crime
in terms of number of crimes per rate of 4,266.5 crimes per 100,000 inhabitants of the
100,000 persons. United States in 1999, and 4,124.8 in 2000.
After declining during the late 1990s, crime rates
have been climbing modestly since 2001. If we take
a truly long view, encompassing 50 years or so, crime rates today remain near their
all-time highs since law enforcement agencies began recording reliable statistics. And
it’s no wonder that Americans are concerned about crime. Despite the modest (but
significant) declines in the crime rate during recent years, the FBI’s most recent (2005)
“Crime Clock” reveals the following:
X One murder every 31.5 minutes
X One forcible rape every 5.6 minutes
X One robbery every 1.3 minutes
X One aggravated assault every 36.5 seconds
X One burglary every 14.6 seconds

1VO^bS` ( 4cbc`S1`W[S %'
X One motor vehicle theft every 25.5 seconds
X One larceny-theft every 4.7 seconds
In all, in the United States, one violent crime is committed every 22.7 seconds and
one property crime every 3.1 seconds.
By the Numbers
The new century has brought a modest increase in the general crime rate. In
2001, 11,849,006 crimes were reported, a rate of 4,160.5 per 100,000 popu-
lation. This was an increase of 0.9 percent over 2000. Nevertheless, even this
represents a decrease in the crime rate of 26.5 percent since 1992. Preliminary
data for 2006 showed some significant increases in the crime rate over 2005—for
example, the number of robberies increased by 9.7 percent; murder, 1.4 percent; and
aggravated assault, 1.2 percent (forcible rape was down 0.1 percent).
EVObÂa6]b
In the first year of the twenty-first century, 60 percent of all crimes committed were
classified as instances of larceny-theft, which FBI crime statisticians define as “the
unlawful taking, carrying, leading, or riding away of property from the possession or
constructive possession of another. It includes crimes such as shoplifting, pickpocket-
ing, purse snatching, thefts from motor vehicles, thefts of motor vehicle parts and
accessories, bicycle thefts, etc., in which no use of force, violence, or fraud occurs.”
This is nonviolent, garden-variety theft, and while the writers of thriller cop fiction
will never pay much attention to it, it is by far the most common type of crime. There
is no reason to believe that it will be any less prevalent in the future.
In fact, most crimes are property crimes: burglary accounted for 17.7 percent of
crimes reported in 2000; motor vehicle theft, 10 percent; robbery, 3.5 percent.
Therefore, 91.2 percent of all crimes reported in 2000 were crimes against property.
EVObÂa<]b
Murder, rape, and other violent crimes constitute a relatively small fraction of crimes
reported: murder, 0.1 percent; forcible rape, 0.8 percent; aggravated assault, 7.8 per-
cent.
& >O`b#( 1`W[SW\O1`gabOZ0OZZ
Yet if these are not statistically America’s hottest

crimes, they are nevertheless frighteningly prevalent.
Also called felonious assault, In a 1996 Scripps syndicated article, “Tracking the
aggravated assault is an unlaw- Crime Curve into the Future,” Paul Akers reported
ful attack by one person against that about 10 million violent victimizations occur
another for the purpose of inflict- annually in the United States. Americans, according
ing severe bodily injury.
to Akers, are twice as likely to be assaulted, robbed at
gunpoint, raped, or abducted than they are to be seri-
ously injured in an automobile accident.
Optimists look at the recent overall decline in crime (since the early 1990s) and attri-
bute it to better policing and stricter law enforcement. Pessimists say that it is merely
due to the aging of the baby boomer generation—older adults commit fewer crimes
than youngsters—and they point out that, during the first decade of the twenty-first
century, there will be a significant spike in the U.S. male population, ages 14 to 17. It
is among this group that violent crime is most prevalent. Disturbingly, while the mur-
der rate has generally declined during the 1990s, it has increased among teens. For
example, during 1990 to 1994, the teen murder rate grew by 22 percent.
Statistically dwarfed by property crimes, violent crimes are likely to remain a very
serious problem in the future, and if the violent activity among male teens is any indi-
cation, we may begin to witness an increasingly significant reversal of the decline in
violent crime since the early 1990s.
3Q]\][gO\R=^^]`bc\Wbg
For much of the 1990s, Americans enjoyed economically prosperous times, with
unemployment levels at unprecedented lows—near 4 percent nationally, and in some
areas even lower. Since most crimes are property crimes, some of the decline in crime
during the decade of the 1990s may well be attributable to general prosperity.
6O`RBW[SaO\R1`W[S
As the twentieth century drew to a close, unemployment rose, the economy retreated
somewhat, and the crime rate rose modestly. Several recent studies suggest that the
rate of unemployment directly affects the crime rate. Higher unemployment means
more crime.
1VO^bS` ( 4cbc`S1`W[S &
Case in Point
Economists Steven Raphael (UC, San Diego) and Rudolf Winter-Ebner (University of
Linz, Austria) published a report in 1998 indicating the impact of unemployment on
crime. Analyzing statistics from 1970 through a portion of the 1990s, the authors
noted a correlation between the economy and the crime rate. Especially dramatic was
the period from 1992 to 1996, a time of falling unemployment that saw a decline in
crime. The economists argue that a drop of two percentage points in unemployment can
be expected to bring a 9 percent decline in burglary, a 14 percent decline in rape and
robbery, and a 30 percent decline in assault. Raphael and Winter-Ebner claim that had
unemployment been 1 percent higher in 1992, there would have been almost half a
million more crimes in the United States.
<Se=^^]`bc\WbWSa
Economic conditions don’t affect the crime rate alone (lower unemployment, less
crime; higher unemployment, more crime); they also create new opportunities for
criminals.
The FBI Uniform Crime Reports does not deal with so-called “white collar” crime—
fraud, embezzlement, and the like—yet over the past 20 years or so these areas of
criminal enterprise have seen significant growth. Many criminals have moved away
from lifting physical merchandise to siphoning off information. This makes sense
when you consider that, these days, money is less a physical thing than a set of digital
records in a vast computer network. Cash doesn’t change hands, it merely changes
number. The typical business transaction
isn’t between a you and a me, but between
a magnetic stripe on a credit card and a By the Numbers
chunk of data stored somewhere in the As of 2006, it is estimated
electronic ether. Techno crime is an intense that health-care fraud amounts
growth area in criminal enterprise, which to nearly $3 billion a year.
we’ll discuss in a moment.
<SeDWQbW[a(3ZRS`1`W[S
The tale of the especially despicable criminal who preys upon the elderly is at least
as old as the two wicked daughters of Shakespeare’s King Lear, but the fact that more
people are living into advanced old age these days suggests that financial exploitation
of elderly citizens by family members, fiduciaries, care givers, and acquaintances will
continue to rise.
& >O`b#( 1`W[SW\O1`gabOZ0OZZ
The special needs of the elderly also provide various unscrupulous individuals, espe-
cially in the medical, legal, and insurance fields, ample opportunity to rip off the fed-
eral health-care system, as well as private insurers.
BVS2`cUAQS\S
Prior to the 1960s, illicit drug use was a problem confined to “poor neighborhoods”
and “the criminal classes.” During the 1960s, the use of such substances as marijuana,
amphetamines, tranquilizers, cocaine, and hallucinogens (especially LSD) became
widespread as drugs were increasingly perceived as “recreational” or even “mind
expanding.” Illicit drug use reached epidemic proportions during the 1960s, and it
continues to be very serious, a powerful driver of organized crime on a national and
international scale.
To gauge trends in illicit drug use, the U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services closely monitors drug-related visits to the emergency rooms (emergency
departments, or EDs) of U.S. hospitals. Of an estimated 106 million ED visits in the
United States during 2004, the department reported that 1,997,993 were drug-related.
(30 percent involved illicit drugs only; 25 percent involved pharmaceuticals only; 15
percent involved illicit drugs and alcohol; 8 percent involved illicit drugs with phar-
maceuticals; and 14 percent involved illicit drugs with pharmaceuticals and alcohol).
Although these figures suggest a high level of drug abuse, they are not significantly
higher overall than they have been in recent years.
<Se2SaWU\a
If, on balance, drug use is not sharply on the rise, recent years have seen an influx of
new so-called “designer drugs”—clandestinely produced drugs that are structurally
and pharmacologically similar to controlled substances (federally regulated narcotics),
but are not themselves controlled substances. Since 1987, federal statutes have prohib-
ited the manufacture and use of these “controlled substance analogs.”
In 2001, the most important designer drug was MDMA, popularly called Ecstasy,
and also known as XTC, Adam, hug, beans, and the love drug. MDMA has stimulant
(amphetamine-like) and hallucinogenic (LSD-like) properties and is chemically similar
to methamphetamine, methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA), and mescaline, all drugs
known to cause brain damage. High doses can cause a sharp increase in body tempera-
ture (a condition called malignant hyperthermia), leading to muscle breakdown and
kidney and cardiovascular system failure.
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U.S. Department of Health and Human Services data indicated that while MDMA
was once used primarily at dance clubs, youth parties—raves—and what the depart-
ment described as “the college scene,” it was reported in 2001 as more widely used
and, in fact, was the most prominent stimulant used in Chicago. In Denver, many
singles’ bars were selling it illegally. It had become the drug of choice among white
middle class young adults in Washington, D.C. In Miami in 1999, eight MDMA-
related deaths were reported. Five were reported in Minneapolis/St. Paul. In Boston
during the first three quarters of 2000, MDMA was the most frequently mentioned
drug in telephone calls to the Poison Control Center.
The fact that the United States Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) seized
13,342 MDMA tablets in 1996 and 949,257 in 2000 caused great alarm, indicating
that the use of this dangerous drug would skyrocket in the twenty-first century and
further suggesting that additional synthetic drugs would be rapidly developed and
abused. In fact, by 2005, it became clear that 2001 was the peak of MDMA use, and in
the first five years of the new century, use of the drug decreased significantly.
Even as MDMA use has declined, production and use of another “designer”—or
synthetic—drug, one even more dangerous, has rapidly increased.
Methamphetamine is a highly addictive stimulant that resembles amphetamine but
produces stronger and longer lasting effects that are more harmful to the central ner-
vous system. It is produced in clandestine meth labs, the number of which have greatly
increased in the United States in recent years, especially in rural areas. Not only is
the drug dangerous, the manufacturing process, which involves toxic and potentially
explosive chemicals, is extremely hazardous.
<SeCaSà
In recent years, it has become distressingly evident that illicit drugs have new users:
the very young. From 1999 to 2000, the use of MDMA increased among eighth,
tenth, and twelfth graders. Among eighth graders, MDMA use increased from 1.7
percent in 1999 to 3.1 percent in 2000. Among tenth graders, the increase was from
4.4 percent to 5.4 percent. Among twelfth graders, it rose from 5.6 percent to 8.2 per-
cent. Alarming as these increases are, they seem to have leveled off from 2000 to 2001,
and from 2001 to 2002.
What is true of MDMA use is generally true of other commonly abused or illicit
drugs as well: abuse has become prevalent among increasingly younger groups; how-
ever, it does appear to be leveling off. For example, a 2003 survey of twelfth graders
showed that 3.2 percent had used methamphetamine. In 2005, that figure had dropped
to 2.5 percent.
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BSQV\]1`W[S
It is a cliché to remark that our lives these days are carried along on the endless stream
of zeroes and ones that is cyberspace. Our personal and financial data is, it seems,
everywhere. In the case of our homes and places of business, we know where the keys
are—in our pocket or purse. In the case of our digital lives, well, who knows who has
the keys?
1`SRWb1O`R1`W[S
It is a rare day that most of us go to the mail box without getting an offer for a credit
card. Most Americans carry upward of half a dozen cards; many have far more.
Unfortunately, credit cards are very easy to use
fraudulently. All that is required is information—not
By the Numbers even the physical card itself, just the number on it.
In 1977, there were 8.2 mil- This can be obtained from discarded receipts or from
lion Visa and MasterCards rifling through a person’s mail. With more and more
in use. In 2001, there were purchases being made online, a computer-savvy thief
44.1 million. In 1982 (the first can obtain credit card numbers without having to
year statistics were kept), Visa get anywhere near the victim. An enterprising cyber
and MasterCard reported writing
thief can set up a website advertising some entirely
off $15.88 million in fraudulent
charges. In 2001, the com- fictitious product, include an online purchasing form,
panies reported a write-off of and then collect credit card numbers along with
$142.27 million. names and mailing addresses. Despite the develop-
ment of various security countermeasures, this type
of crime is likely only to increase.
/B;A^]]TW\U
A whole generation of Americans may never see the inside of a bank. Automated teller
machines (ATMs) proliferate across the landscape. One obvious risk of using these
typically very exposed machines is getting robbed at gunpoint as you withdraw your
cash. But no truly enterprising ATM thief uses a gun.
Unlike credit cards, ATM cards require a password—a personal identification number,
or PIN—to work. This is an excellent security measure, but hardly unbreakable.
Recently, in a Connecticut mall, thieves set up a fake ATM, which looked and worked
just like a real one. The only difference was that after you fed it your card and typed
1VO^bS` ( 4cbc`S1`W[S &#
in your PIN, it reported itself out of order. However, it had recorded both the card
information (account number and name of user) and the PIN. Using this information,
thieves were able to withdraw funds from the accounts of various victims.
It is also possible to stake out a legitimate ATM, focus a video camera on the keypad,
and record keystrokes. When a PIN is successfully recorded, the thief runs to the
machine and looks for a discarded receipt—many people throw them down or even
leave them in the ATM’s dispenser slot. If he finds a receipt, he can put it together
with the PIN and make a withdrawal.
7RS\bWbgBVSTb
But why stop at fraudulently charging a few items with a credit card number or steal-
ing a few dollars from an ATM? Increasingly, many techno criminals do not, in fact,
stop at these.
Just what is identity theft? Here’s an example.
After obtaining someone’s personal data, a
convicted felon charged some $100,000 on Identity theft, also called identity
fraudulent credit cards, obtained a federal fraud, is a federal crime in which
home loan, and bought homes, motorcycles, someone wrongfully obtains and
uses another person’s personal
and handguns in the victim’s name. Then he
data in some way that involves
decided, apparently just for fun, to give the
fraud or deception, usually for
digital knife a twist by taunting his victim economic gain.
with phone calls, telling him that he could
continue assuming the man’s identity for as
long as he wanted because identity theft was not a federal crime (as it was not, at that
time). Finally, the thief filed for bankruptcy—in the victim’s name.
The victim and his wife had to spend some $15,000 and more than four years of their
lives restoring their credit and reputation. The criminal, apprehended at last, served
nothing more than a brief sentence for making a false statement to procure a firearm.
It was this case, and others like it, that moved Congress in 1998 to create a new fed-
eral offense: identity theft.
It does not require a James Bond to steal the identity of another person. Nor does it
even require picking the victim’s pocket or breaking into his or her home or place of
business.
Identity thieves may engage in shoulder surfing—surreptitiously looking over your
shoulder as you punch in your telephone calling card number on a public phone or
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your PIN at an ATM. They may also eavesdrop as you give your credit card number
over the telephone to a hotel or rental car company.
An identity thief may also engage in dumpster
Case in Point diving—going through your garbage cans, dumpster,
Discarded junk mail is a treasure or trash bin looking for copies of checks, credit card
trove for identity thieves, who or bank statements, or other records that bear your
pore through garbage looking name, address, telephone number, and various finan-
for “preapproved” credit cards, cial account numbers.
which they may be able to acti-
vate. Word to the wise: cut up— Computer-savvy identity thieves obtain personal
in small pieces—any unwanted information of all sorts from the Internet, often set-
or expired credit cards, and ting up phony websites to capture victim informa-
consider purchasing a shredder tion.
to destroy any discarded junk
mail or documents bearing your Once the identity thief has sufficient identifying
financial data. information about an individual, the thief can effec-
tively take over that person’s identity and use it to
make applications for loans and credit cards, with-
draw money from bank accounts, use telephone calling cards, and so on. Identity theft
is very clearly an alarming growth area in criminal enterprise.
1gPS`1`W[S
As the Model T automobile transformed America’s geographical landscape early in the
twentieth century, so the development of the personal computer and the related evolu-
tion of the Internet have transformed the intellectual, commercial, and communica-
tions landscape. Something this sweeping, this pervasive, this important has to have a
dark side. Right? Right.
6OQYW\U7b
A few years ago, when the Internet was in its infancy and when communication
between and among computers was a highly esoteric field, a new kind of criminal
came into being: the hacker. Actually, back then, many people did not consider the
hacker a criminal, but rather a kind of merry prankster, a techno wit who delighted
in tweaking the nose of big business and big government by sneaking into com-
puter systems and leaving little calling cards, something in the nature of digital
graffiti—nothing more, just a token to show he or she had been there. As the term is
used today, a hacker is a person who surreptitiously and illicitly breaks into computer
systems to disrupt them or to obtain data, usually, but not always, for financial gain.
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Hackers may engage in industrial espionage or even espionage against the govern-
ment. They may be identity thieves. They may commit credit card fraud. Some may
be industrial or commercial saboteurs, disseminating computer viruses, worms, or
other malicious programs to disrupt private and corporate computer systems. Or they
may find ways to overload a commercial website, effectively bringing it to a halt and
preventing any transactions from taking place (this is known as a “denial of service”
attack).
5]W\U>VWaVW\U
Phishing is a computer crime carried out not by phishermen, but by phishers.
Typically, a phisher creates an e-mail or instant message that masquerades as a com-
munication from some legitimate, trusted source, such as a credit card company, a
bank, even the IRS. The recipient of the e-mail or instant message is instructed to
click on a link to a website, which looks like a trusted corporate or institutional site.
The victim is typically asked to fill out an
online form, which asks for such informa- By the Numbers
tion as credit card numbers, bank account It is estimated that between
numbers, addresses, phone numbers, Social May 2004 and May 2005,
Security numbers, and the like on the pre- about 1.2 million computer
text of updating account information or users in the United States suffered
processing some special payment. In this losses due to phishing schemes,
way, the phisher acquires the victim’s iden- representing some $929 million.
American businesses lose an
tity and can use it to open phony credit
estimated $2 billion annually in
accounts in the victim’s name and even raid phishing-related frauds.
legitimate bank accounts.
1gPS`BS``]`
Computer criminals may be pranksters, they may be vandals, they may be spies, they
may be thieves. They may also be terrorists. The potential harm cyber terrorists might
cause is truly terrifying. They could, for example, hack into the computer that con-
trols the mix of ingredients in a pharmaceutical or food-processing plant. They could
detonate explosive devices from remote locations. They could cause massive disrup-
tion of financial institutions and stock exchanges. They could hack into the computers
at the heart of the air traffic control system. They could shut off city water supplies or
regional electric service.
&& >O`b#( 1`W[SW\O1`gabOZ0OZZ
So far, the world has seen very little of this, but it is all too apparent that cyber terror
offers a vast field for future crime.
1VWZR>]`\
The Internet has been compared to the Wild West, a digital Great Plains free of cen-
sorship and free of government regulation—a vast space in which anything and every-
thing goes.
No freedom, of course, comes without a price. The anonymity of the Internet, the
ability to plug into the world without being seen or heard or otherwise identified, has
led to the proliferation of pornography on the World Wide Web. Some of this mate-
rial is easy enough to take or leave as one wishes, but a portion of the Internet porn
business exploits children and may lead to abduction, child rape, and even worse.
Who could have anticipated that the miracle of civilization embodied in the Internet
would be used for such purposes? The only possible answer is that much of the future
consists, precisely, of the unanticipated.
BVS<Se1]c\bS`TSWbSà
You’ve seen those gangster movies, circa 1940: the counterfeiting genius who has
managed to engrave near-perfect plates, who has formulated near-perfect paper, who
has compounded near-perfect inks. Ah, the counterfeiter! For years, he was the most
exalted of criminals, highly skilled, practically a magician, and certainly a genius.
Today, just about anyone with a personal computer, halfway decent desktop publishing
software, a modest desktop scanner, and a good color printer can counterfeit checks
and currency. At least one government agency has called desktop counterfeiting the grav-
est threat to U.S. currency today.
But in addition to printing money, desktop counter-
feiters have pulled off other feats of digital fakery.
Desktop counterfeiting is the use For instance: in 1989, an international counterfeiting
of readily available personal ring bilked Los Angeles banking giant First Interstate
computer equipment, scanners, Bancorp out of $750,000 by stealing a legitimate
color copiers, and color print-
corporate dividend check, scanning it (including the
ers to produce bogus currency,
checks, and other documents. authorized signature) into a computer, then electroni-
cally altering the amount and the name of the payee.
1VO^bS` ( 4cbc`S1`W[S &'
The fake was then printed out on a laser printer and successfully presented at the bank
for payment.
Or this: in 1993, Ahmed Abdullah al-Ashmouny, a citizen of Egypt, was indicted in
the United States for counterfeiting thousands of visas on a color copier and selling
them to other Egyptians, including followers of accused terrorist leader Sheik Omar
Abdel Rahman. (Rahman is a New Jersey–based Muslim cleric now serving a life
sentence in the United States for conspiring to assassinate Egyptian President Hosni
Mubarak and blow up five New York City landmarks, including the World Trade
Center, which was bombed in 1993.) It is not known how many persons have used
these visas to enter the United States illegally. Nor is it known how many were—or
are—the associates, comrades, and colleagues of those who attacked America on
September 11, 2001.
X Police agencies use current statistics to spot crime trends in order to formulate
future law enforcement plans.
X The state of the economy appears to be an important predictor of the general
crime rate: low unemployment is associated with lower crime rates, high unem-
ployment with higher crime rates.
X The emergence of “designer drugs” and the widespread use of illicit drugs
among younger people are two leading trends in drug-related crime.
X The Internet and the continued evolution of a digital economy offer expanding
possibilities for such cyber crimes as credit card fraud, ATM fraud, identity theft,
computer hacking crimes, phishing schemes, and even cyber terrorism and the
exploitation of children through Internet-based child pornography.
X The universal availability of computer-based desktop publishing hardware and
software has led to the development of “desktop counterfeiting,” a serious threat
to U.S. currency, as well as a challenge to all businesses and government agencies
that rely on “authentic” documents.
4cbc`S1]â
1VO^bS`
22
7\BVWa1VO^bS`
X New developments, traditional values
X Crime prevention vs. the Constitution
X New emphasis on security
X Information: the most powerful police weapon
X Nonlethal weapons of the future
X Police and the community: a work in progress
Law enforcement planners think about the future, and they think hard.
In 1991, the Society of Police Futurists International (headquartered at
Eastern Kentucky University in Richmond, Kentucky) was organized to
bring together some of the best thoughts.
The goals of Police Futurists International reflect the major concerns of
law enforcement in the years to come: to encourage partnerships between
law enforcement, the academic community, and private industry; to
develop, analyze, and interpret long-range forecasts; to promote the use
of technology; to research and promote creative, innovative, and proactive
policing strategies; and to advance ethical behavior in law enforcement.
Future police will be more thoroughly integrated into all aspects of the
' >O`b#( 1`W[SW\O1`gabOZ0OZZ
community; they will emphasize proactive and preventive strategies rather than reac-
tion, they will exploit technology, and they will put increasing emphasis on ethics.
<SeBSQV\]Z]UWSaO\RBÒRWbW]\OZDOZcSa
In 1987, filmmaker Paul Verhoeven directed a vision of law enforcement in the near
future. The city was Detroit, overrun with crime. Its police force was now managed
by a private corporation, which transformed an officer, killed in the line of duty, into
an armed and armored cyborg called Robocop. This futuristic vision of a bionic cop
proved immensely popular, spinning off more than a few sequels, and it reflected the
popular impression that urban crime had become so formidable that only a superhu-
man robot could fight it.
The fact is that cops really do use robots—right now, today. Well-equipped bomb
squads use highly mobile remote-controlled robots, equipped with mechanical arms
and capable of real-time video transmission, to investigate and handle potential explo-
sive devices. Such robots can also be used in “urban warfare” scenarios, to seek out
hidden gunmen and terrorists without exposing a live officer to gunfire. For that
matter, video surveillance cameras, which are proliferating in many public buildings
and public areas outdoors, may be seen as robotic extensions of the officers’ vision.
But police agencies regard all of these “robots,” technical marvels though they are, as
nothing more or less than tools to make the human cop’s job safer and more effective.
Law enforcement is a social service, like government itself, and can never be auto-
mated. Cops are, first and foremost, people aiding other people. This requires and will
continue to require human responsiveness and human judgment.
A][SBVW\Ua8cab2]\Âb1VO\US
As discussed in the preceding chapter, technology, especially the information technol-
ogy that has been enabled by the personal computer and the Internet, has opened new
fields of techno crime and cyber crime. Yet while the modality of these crimes is new,
the underlying nature of the wrongdoing is older than the Commandment: Thou shalt
not steal.
Overwhelmingly, cyber crime or techno crime is property crime, theft of intellectual
property, theft of identity, ultimately theft of money. Cops of the future will have to
continue to develop the technological sophistication to foil and apprehend cyber crim-
inals, but like the cops of today and the cops of 100 years ago, their principal business
will be policing property crime. Second to this—in volume, but not importance—will
be policing violent crime against persons, most of it associated with property crime.
1VO^bS` ( 4cbc`S1]â '!
Not all cutting-edge police

work involves advanced tech-
nology. Special Investigator
Guy Antinozzi and Sergeant
David Aderhold demonstrate
a blocking defense and elbow
strike counterattack using the
state-of-the-art law enforce-
ment defensive tactics method
known as Krav Maga devel-
oped by the Israeli Defense
Forces.
(Photo by Rod Huene, DeKalb

County [Georgia] Sheriff’s
Office)
>]ZWQW\U(4`][@SOQbWdSb]>`]OQbWdS
While the modalities of crime may change, the underlying crimes remain the same.
Historically, police agencies have found that their greatest challenge has not been cop-
ing with new kinds of crime, but dealing more efficiently with the kinds of crime long
familiar. From the very beginning of pro-
fessional policing, the Bow Street Runners
of eighteenth-century London (see Chapter Sworn Statement
15), the effort has been to get the police By trying to envisage what
force ahead of the crime curve, to trans- the crimes of the future may
form the police from a reactive agency to a be, we are one step closer to
proactive one. preventing them.
—Home Office (United Kingdom)
Future cops will most likely accelerate this Minister Charles Clarke, quoted
drive toward anticipating crime and apply- by the BBC
ing law enforcement resources wherever
and whenever most needed to combat—
and prevent—crime. Technologically, this requires creating ever more sophisticated
means of gathering and analyzing intelligence. This means developing computer
programs that can model reality in great detail, enabling police agencies to construct
place- and time-specific pictures of crimes to come and to work through the implica-
tions of each scenario.
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Nobody is likely to object to a technological wonder like this. However, such com-
puter modeling will have to be built on present-moment, real-time intelligence, and
that means increased systems of tracking and surveillance. It is at this point that police
technology and the long-cherished rights of free people in a democratic society begin
to clash.
/\=c\QS]T>`SdS\bW]\¶
As the old saying goes, “An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure.” But unlike
so many time-worn sayings, this one still rings with solid truth. In general, preventing
a bad thing is more efficient, easier, and cheaper than mopping up the mess that a bad
thing makes.
Everyone agrees that crime prevention is a good thing. The disputes arise over meth-
ods of prevention. Our Constitution guarantees that we are presumed innocent until
proven guilty by due process of law. This legal safeguard alone greatly limits the appli-
cation of various means of crime prevention:
X The police cannot stop, search, or detain people without probable cause.
X Many forms of surveillance constitute an illegal presumption of guilt, invasion of

privacy, or illegal search.
X Racial profiling, singling out individuals in the belief that members of their race
have a high likelihood of committing or having committed a crime, has been
found unconstitutional.
Clearly, the police will always be limited in the type

and degree of prevention they can exercise. And in
Racial profiling occurs when the a free society, we wouldn’t want this any other way.
police target someone for inves- In a free society, therefore, other means of crime
tigation or search on the basis prevention need to be developed and applied. In
of that person’s race, national the future, society will likely look increasingly to
origin, or ethnicity.
criminologists and other social scientists to provide
meaningful data on the causes of crime. Addressing
these causes will not be a matter for the police alone,
but for society as a whole. Crime prevention will doubtless require a willingness to
restructure various aspects of society, to continue to increase economic opportunities
for everyone, and to make room in our society for everyone—to ultimately create a
society in which crime is perceived not only as dangerous, costly, and morally wrong,
but as simply unnecessary.
1VO^bS` ( 4cbc`S1]â '#
ASQc`Wbg6]`Wh]\a
Upholding constitutional rights is of vital importance, as is working toward a more
just and open society. But what should be done after events like the terrorist attacks
of September 11, 2001? How can we preserve the Constitution and foster an open
society when doing these things apparently leaves us that much more vulnerable?
The answer seems to be a compromise of some freedoms in certain, strictly defined
settings. That is, we accept searches of our baggage and even our persons in airports.
We agree to furnish identification when purchasing airline tickets. We tolerate delays.
We try to be understanding and patient when a flight is cancelled because of security
concerns. We relinquish the convenience of parking spaces close to the airport termi-
nal. We ask that employees in sensitive areas be subjected to background checks. We
ourselves willingly open our lives to inspection in order to get certain jobs.
In recent years, the most pervasive trend
in law enforcement has been in the area of
security, and since September 11, 2001, the
Sworn Statement
security industry has burgeoned. It is likely We need a national ID
that, as the future unrolls, many police card with our photograph
duties will be assumed by private security and thumbprint digitized and
personnel. Even more important, search embedded in the ID card.
and surveillance of a kind and degree con- —Larry Ellison, CEO, Oracle
stitutionally unacceptable on the street Systems, TV news interview,
September 21, 2001
will be increasingly commonplace in many
other public and semipublic places: air-
ports, major events, even bars and restaurants.
Violence and other crimes have become of increasing concern in schools and in the
workplace. Doubtless, these venues will experience an increase in the presence of
security personnel, in video surveillance, and in the use of personal identification cards
to grant access to and track people.
3[^VOaWa]\7\T]`[ObW]\
By definition, the future is an uncertain place, but within this unknown, at least one
trend in criminal investigation is sure: information will be regarded as an increasingly
valuable commodity, and law enforcement agencies will become information gather-
ing, sharing, and processing agencies.
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<Se1][^cbSà<Se<Sbe]`Ya
Just a few years ago, stand-up comics found much grist for the laugh mill in anecdotes
about hopeless arguments with anonymous corporate or government computers—
monologue bits about spectacular billing mix-ups with the electric company, grotesque
IRS snafus, and the like.
Lately, comedians have been looking for new material. The reason? People are now
quite accustomed to communicating with computers, and computers are much better
than they were just a few years ago; more accurately, computer networks are better
and far more extensive. The problem never really was one of people talking to com-
puters, but of computers failing to talk to other computers.
Like the electric company, the IRS, and other big
Case in Point
businesses, police agencies have also benefited from
Today, law enforcement com- the quantum leaps in computer technology and com-
puter networks are works “under puter networking. Today, criminals enjoy unprec-
construction.” As extensive as edented mobility in geographical space, but they are
the networks are, some experts
increasingly hemmed in by cyberspace. Criminal
have pointed to the absence of
adequate computer networking records and suspect information are computerized,
among immigration officers, the not tucked into a folder stuck in a detective’s file
FBI, and local law enforcement drawer. Stored on computer, these records can be
as one reason the September shared by virtually any law enforcement agency any-
11th terrorists were able to oper- where.
ate so easily, even taking flying
lessons without raising suspicion. And not just shared, computer files can also be
rapidly searched according to whatever criteria the
investigator specifies. Let’s say the investigator’s look-
ing into a rash of burglaries in which the perp always ensures that the home is empty,
always enters through the garage, always strikes at night, always steals jewelry, and
never leaves fingerprints. The investigator narrows the search through the computer
files by specifying these and whatever other particulars he or she has. The computer
returns a short list of suspects.
1][[c\WQObW]\aO\R/QQSaa
Networking computer information is not just a matter of sharing information within
and among law enforcement agencies. Look inside a modern police cruiser, and you’re
likely to see a computer screen and keyboard mounted on the dashboard or elsewhere
in the front seat area.
1VO^bS` ( 4cbc`S1]â '%
Today’s patrol officers do much of their communicating by computer. Files available at

the station house may be summoned up in the patrol car. Dispatchers can make avail-
able more information (and more specific information) on the computer screen than
they could in the space of a radio call, and they can continuously update the informa-
tion.
For example: the computer inside the car beeps, signaling a call is coming in. The
patrol officer glances at the screen. There he sees an incident report, which gives the
nature of the call—a home burglary—and the address the officer’s being dispatched
to. The officer strikes a computer key, and a map of the city appears with the address
location pinpointed. The officer types a message to the dispatcher, indicating that he
is responding to the call.
More information comes across the screen: a description of the suspect, together with
the street down which he was seen running. His description corresponds with a known
criminal, and headquarters transmits a picture to the cruiser’s computer. By the time
of arrival at the scene, the officer has been more thoroughly informed en route than if
he had been extensively briefed at the station.
This technology is appearing in police mobile units now, and it promises to become
more sophisticated. The more a patrol officer knows, the safer that officer and the
public are.
/`bWTWQWOZ7\bSZZWUS\QS
While police increasingly depend on computers and computer networks to store,
process, and share hard information quickly and accurately, they have also begun to
exploit the more speculative side of computing.
Artificial intelligence software is used in many scientific, commercial, industrial, and
social-science fields to model certain real-world situations and to predict outcomes of
various situations and combinations of factors. For example, an aircraft manufacturer
might use artificial intelligence programs to study what happens to a certain wing if it
is subjected to a specified set of stresses. How much can this or that design take before
the wing fails? Asking a pilot to perform such tests in an actual airplane is expensive
and potentially lethal. Computer modeling is cheaper and safer, and it enables design-
ers to test a virtually limitless number of designs under a virtually limitless number of
conditions.
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Police agencies have also used artificial intelligence to

“age” suspects. A murderer has been on the run for
Artificial intelligence uses com- 15 years. Police have nothing more than a 15-year-
puters and computer programs to old picture of him. Using an artificial intelligence
emulate and extend human logi-
program, they “age” the picture, creating a reason-
cal reasoning.
able prediction of how he might now appear. On a
larger scale, police agencies use artificial intelligence
to make long-term plans for deploying police personnel in order to address probable
areas of crime as efficiently as possible.
In the future, it is likely that artificial intelligence will aid in solving actual crimes by
helping investigators reconstruct events and predict the suspect’s next moves.
7RS\bWTWQObW]\BSQV\]Z]UWSa
The positive identification of suspects and others has always been important in police
work (see Chapter 7). With the proliferation of identity theft and desktop counterfeit-
ing (see Chapter 21), positive identification has become an even more urgent matter.
In recent years, several new biometric identification technologies have emerged and
will surely play increasingly important roles in identification. These technologies ana-
lyze certain features of the human body, such as DNA, retinal patterns, iris patterns,
or fingerprints, to provide positive identification of persons for security purposes.
They include the following:
X DNA technology. This technology continues to undergo refinement and to find
wider and wider application in criminal investigation as well as in the judicial
process (see Chapter 14).
X Retinal scanning devices. Until recently these were the subject of science fic-
tion, but they are now in use, typically in places where positive identification is
required for access to sensitive areas. A digital camera images a person’s retina,
and a computer analyzes the distinctive pattern of retinal blood vessels, then
compares it to patterns on file. No one can fake another person’s retinal pattern.
X Iris scan. This simpler alternative to the retinal scan uses the distinctive patterns
of the human iris to identify individuals.
X Fingerprint readers. These are also now commonly in use, and many more are
likely to appear. An electronic scanner reads the individual’s fingerprint pattern,
and a computer digitizes and compares it to other patterns on file.
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X Odor detectors. These are not yet in use, but some experts believe that elec-
tronic devices capable of identifying odors unique to an individual will soon be
employed as the digital equivalent of that old analog standby, the bloodhound.
The electronic devices could be used to track suspects who have fled.
Already, many states have adopted driver’s licenses that incorporate a digitally encoded
image of the driver’s thumb print. In the wake of the September 11th attacks, serious
consideration is being given to creating a national identity card that would probably
include some mode or modes of biometric identification.
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Take a drive or go for a walk. Look up and around. Chances are, on lampposts, on
building corners, you’ll notice any number of long rectangular enclosures. They
house video cameras. Five years ago, you’d have seen few outside of military bases and
other high-security installations. Today, they are quite common everywhere. Over the
next several years, they will become increasingly so, a fixture of city streets no more
unusual, say, than a traffic light.
Video surveillance is here. Often, we wel-
By the Numbers
come it. The sight of a video camera in
a cavernous and deserted parking garage In 1998, the New York
is highly reassuring. In some settings, we Civil Liberties Union counted
should welcome it. The “eye in the sky” at 2,397 outdoor video surveil-
lance cameras in use in New
your local department store reduces losses
York City. Only about 300 of
from shoplifting, which ultimately helps these were monitored by city
keep prices lower for all of us. But in other authorities; the rest were main-
settings (on city streets, for example) the tained and monitored by private
presence of surveillance is more disturbing individuals or firms as part of
and has been subject to debate and court their own security programs. The
challenges. Nevertheless, the likelihood organization updated its count
is that, little by little, more public areas in 2005 to 4,468 outdoor cam-
eras.
will be deemed suitable for surveillance.
In England, today, a number of small cit-
ies and portions of larger ones are extensively covered by on-street video surveillance.
Freedom-loving Brits seem, for the most part, willing to trade some degree of privacy
for a feeling of security.
Another emerging technology with “Big Brother” implications is electronic tagging.
For years, some persons sentenced to house arrest have been compelled to wear trans-
mitters, usually around the ankle, which alert monitoring authorities if the convict
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ventures more than a prescribed distance from his home. Now under development are
more sophisticated tagging devices, which may be used to track all persons who are on
parole. No matter where the parolee goes, officials will be able to pinpoint his where-
abouts.
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Computers are already pervasive in our lives, and there is every reason to believe that
they will become even more pervasive in the foreseeable future. This inevitably means
that computer crime—especially identity theft and other computer-enabled financial
crimes—will continue to be a serious problem, one that is likely to become increas-
ingly widespread.
Police agencies already engage in computer forensics, but this area of criminal investiga-
tion will almost certainly expand significantly in years to come. Computer forensics
is the use of specialized techniques for recovery, authentication, and analysis of elec-
tronic data in the investigation of crimes involving
computer usage.
The computer forensics specialist typically focuses on
Computer forensics uses spe-
data storage devices, including hard disks and other
cialized techniques to recover,
authenticate, and analyze elec- media. The specialist identifies sources of documen-
tronic data in the investigation of tary or other digital evidence. He or she then pre-
crimes involving computer usage. serves the evidence, analyzes it, and finally presents
the findings.
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Today’s computer forensics specialists contend with increasingly sophisticated cyber
criminals, who often install countermeasures in their systems specifically designed to
defeat forensic investigation. If the investigator works with a heavy hand, there is a
real possibility that these countermeasures will destroy evidence. Electronic evidence
is subject to viruses and electromagnetic and mechanical damage, as well as booby
traps planted by the suspect.
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A forensic computer investigation typically begins with a search warrant seizure of a
suspect’s computers and digital media. The data on the suspect’s machines are copied;
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analysis is performed using the investigator’s equipment. The suspect’s equipment and
media is evidence, and it is important to keep it in as pristine a state as possible.
Like any other forensic investigators, those who specialize in computer crimes always
look beyond the machines and carefully examine their surroundings, looking for writ-
ten notes which may contain passwords and all recordable media.
Investigators take care not to shut down running computers. They take steps to
preserve data that has not been transferred to a hard disk or other medium and that
may be lost when the machine is shut down. Once the suspect’s machines have been
secured, all hard drives and other media are duplicated in their entirety.
@SORW\UbVS;OWZ
In a few short years, e-mail has become a principal medium of communication, and a
big part of the investigator’s job is to preserve and analyze e-mail files, which may be
stored on the hard drive of an individual computer, on some network device, or on a
removable device.
Analysis of e-mail evidence highlights a major problem in computer forensics: the
sheer volume of material that must be examined. Tens of thousands of messages—or
even more—may present themselves at a suspect site. Increasingly sophisticated inves-
tigative software enables keyword searches that comb through mountains of data in
search of incriminating words and word groupings that merit further investigation.
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Although the role of computer forensics is primarily investigative, knowledge gathered
by investigators is being used more and more to understand cyber crime and therefore
advise computer users—including individuals, businesses, and government agencies—
and software engineers on how to prevent or defeat computer crime.
BVS/àS\OZ]TbVS4cbc`S
As discussed in Chapter 17, the ready availability of military-grade assault weapons
sometimes leaves police officers dangerously outgunned. The police arsenal of the
future will doubtless include more assault-type weapons, but even more important will
be the addition of an array of nonlethal weapons.
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5c\aO\R;]`S5c\a
During the 1920s and 1930s, the availability of the Thompson submachine gun—the
“Tommy gun”—was a rude awakening for many police forces. Cops armed with
revolvers found themselves going up against gangsters with high-powered automatic
weapons. Accordingly, police agencies equipped themselves with automatic weapons as
well as rifles fitted with sniper scopes, and the arms race between the bad guys and the
good guys has escalated ever since. In the late 1960s, the high-stakes drug trade and
various domestic revolutionary movements (for example, the Black Panthers) resulted
in an influx of assault weapons. Over the past 40 years, despite assault weapon restric-
tions, the number of these high-powered weapons has multiplied dramatically. Police
agencies across the country keep SWAT and other special weapons teams in a high
state of readiness, anticipating situations in which officers will face formidable hard-
ware.
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Even while police departments upgrade their firepower, as well as the training to
go along with it, they also look for nonlethal alternatives. According to the U.S.
Department of Defense directive, Policy for Non-Lethal Weapons (1995), “Non-lethal
weapons are weapons systems that are explicitly designed and primarily employed so
as to incapacitate personnel or material, while minimizing fatalities, permanent injury
to personnel, and undesired damage to property and the environment.”
Tear gas, pepper spray, and other incapacitating
Sworn Statement agents have been around for many years, but they are
So-called nonlethal not fully dependable because their performance—the
weapons are still powerful degree of incapacity they induce—is not uniform
and dangerous. They do not against all persons in all situations. The great prob-
guarantee a zero probability of lem with nonlethal weapons is that, if they fail to
producing fatalities or permanent incapacitate, they may provoke a suspect to respond
injuries, but they are designed
with desperate and deadly force. Police agencies
to reduce that probability while
incapacitating a suspect. continue to look for effective, reliable, and consistent
nonlethal weapons.
Nonlethal weapons in use or under development include …
X Acoustics. A noise generator emits very low-frequency sounds that can inca-
pacitate people by making them feel dizzy, vomit, or lose control of their bowels.
1VO^bS` ( 4cbc`S1]â !!
Another acoustic weapon system uses high-frequency “acoustic beams” to pro-

duce what experts describe as “blunt-object trauma like being hit by a baseball.”
X Chemicals. Weapons experts are experimenting with sticky foam fired from a
shoulder-slung dispenser. Strings of the foam expand on contact, stopping a per-
son in his tracks. Another kind of weapon uses aqueous foam, a soapy substance
that expands up to 500 times its original volume and prevents people from see-
ing, hearing, or moving. Police are even considering polymer agents that act like
super glue to immobilize a suspect.
X Electromagnetic devices. The Taser is a low-powered hand-held device that
can operate up to 15 feet away from a suspect. It fires a pair of dartlike electrodes
into the suspect, which deliver 50,000 volts, inducing spasms and immobilization.
Tasers are in use by some agencies, as is the stun gun, a two-pronged, handheld
device that delivers a controlled charge of electricity to temporarily incapacitate
a person. Unlike the Taser, which can operate from a distance, the stun gun
requires close contact with the target.
X Mechanical devices. Rear air bag restraints were developed at the request of law
enforcement agencies to subdue agitated assailants while they are being trans-
ported in the back seat of a police car. An officer can inflate the bag, thereby
immobilizing the prisoner. Unlike the air bag that deploys in a front-end col-
lision, the rear air bag inflates slowly and remains inflated. It is air permeable,
so that there is no danger of suffocation. Another nonlethal mechanical device
under development is a snare net launched from a canister attached to a rifle bar-
rel. The net opens up over a fleeing suspect, entangling and immobilizing him.
X Optical weapons. Low-energy lasers can be used to blind people temporar-
ily; an infrared laser can heat the skin sufficiently to cause incapacitating pain
but not an actual burn. A newly developed argon laser beam can be aimed at a
window or windshield and will turn the glass opaque green, thereby prevent-
ing a sniper from seeing his target or a driver from speeding away. High-energy
pulsing strobe lights can be employed to disorient suspects, and optical hand gre-
nades, like giant flash bulbs, can be used to create a flash that will blind a person
for about 30 seconds.
A special class of nonlethal weapons is designed to be used against things—

especially vehicles—rather than people. Police departments currently use various
spike strips laid across a roadway to blow out car tires. On the horizon are “super-
caustic” chemicals designed to “eat” vehicle tires, hoses, shoe soles, rooftops, and
!" >O`b#( 1`W[SW\O1`gabOZ0OZZ
even road surfaces. Sticky foams are being developed to penetrate mechanical parts of
vehicles or weapons, rendering them inoperative. At the other end of the spectrum are
chemical lubricants nicknamed “slick ’ems,” which are sprayed over pavement, stairs,
and other surfaces to make them too slippery for people or vehicles to negotiate.
>]ZWQW\UT]`bVS>S]^ZS
Technology will certainly play an important role in the future of criminal investigation
and police work. However, technology can carry law enforcement only so far. Most
authorities believe that the future of effective policing depends on strengthening the
ties between the police and the communities they serve. Many see the community
policing idea as the way of the future, and all authorities agree that the police must
represent the community, must embody its values, and must be perceived as acting on
behalf of the community. This requires a commitment on the part of police leaders as
well as individual officers, but it also requires the collective will of the community to
support the work of the police.
X Although police work is being revolutionized by technological innovation,
the underlying values of protecting and serving the community will remain
unchanged.
X The most important technological innovations in police work will be in the area
of information gathering, processing, analysis, and sharing.
X The future will see a continuation of the long historical trend toward prevent-
ing crime rather than merely reacting to crime; this trend, however, threatens to
conflict with the constitutional guarantee of presumption of innocence.
X The field of security—especially identification and surveillance systems—will
continue to grow; many basic security functions will probably be assumed by pri-
vate agencies, freeing the police to devote more resources to investigating crime.
X The field of computer forensics will continue to become both more important
and more sophisticated.
X Police arsenals will likely acquire a new array of nonlethal weapons in the near
future.
EV]ÂaEV]W\1`W[W\OZ
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A
7\dSabWUObW]\O\R4]`S\aWQa
Abberline, Frederick George (1843–1929). Chief investigator of the Jack
the Ripper murders (1888).
Balthazard, Victor (1872–1951). French forensic scientist who pioneered
the science of ballistics and the examination of hair evidence.
Barnard, Chester (1886–1961). Brought business management techniques
to the modern police department organization with his 1937 book, The
Functions of the Executive.
Battle, Samuel J. (1883–1966). First African American policeman on the
NYPD; later, New York’s parole commissioner.
Bayle, Edmond (1879–1928). French pioneer of the study of fiber evidence
and the use of spectrography in criminal investigation.
Bertillon, Alphonse (1853–1914). The “Father of Scientific Detection”;
French developer of the Bertillon System of applied anthropometry, the
taking of key bodily measurements for positive identification of criminals.
Bril, Jacques L. (1906–1981). American pioneer and innovator in the field
of polygraphy (lie detection).
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Brussel, James Arnold (1905–1982). American forensic psychiatrist who pioneered

the methodology of offender profiling; earned national fame in New York’s “Mad
Bomber Case” of the early 1950s and the “Boston Strangler” case of the 1960s.
Byrnes, Thomas F. (1842–1910). NYPD chief who created the “Rogues’ Gallery,”
photographs of every suspect arrested and booked.
Caldwell, Charles (1771–1853). American physician, advocate of phrenology, and
exponent of phrenological explanations of criminal behavior.
Canter, David V. (1944–). British pioneer of criminal profiling, specializing in pro-
files of serial killers and serial rapists.
Churchill, Robert (1886–1958). Introduced scientific ballistics to Scotland Yard.
Cicourel, Aaron V. (1928–). Pioneering student of juvenile delinquency in the United
States; argued that coordination among police and the community could effectively
reduce or prevent juvenile delinquency.
Cohen, Louis Harold (1906–1955). As co-author of Murder, Madness, and the Law
(1952), was instrumental in establishing the modern criteria for evaluating criminal
insanity.
Colquhoun, Patrick (1745–1820). British police theorist whose Treatise on the Police
of the Metropolis (1796) is considered one of the founding documents of modern law
enforcement.
Curphey, Theodore (1897–1986). First medical examiner of Los Angeles County;
gained national celebrity for his controversial direction of the forensic autopsy of
Marilyn Monroe (1962).
Dawson, Margaret Damer (1874–1920). Founder of London’s Women’s Police
Volunteers, the first female police presence in the city.
Dew, Walter (1863–1947). Most famous chief inspector of Scotland Yard’s CID
(Criminal Investigation Division); apprehended the infamous Hawley H. Crippen,
who had murdered and dismembered his wife in 1910.
Dondero, John A. (1900–1957). American forensics expert who greatly advanced the
science of fingerprint identification.
Faulds, Henry (1843–1930). Scottish fingerprinting pioneer who developed tech-
niques to make fingerprinting a practical means of criminal identification.
Faurot, Joseph A. (1872–1942). Called the American “father of fingerprinting”; won
national acceptance of fingerprinting early in the twentieth century.
EV]ÂaEV]W\1`W[W\OZ7\dSabWUObW]\O\R4]`S\aWQa !%
Fedle, Fortunato (1550–1630). First advocate of investigative autopsy in cases of

mysterious death.
Ferracuti, Franco (1927–). Advocate of the creation of a medical-legal field of “crimi-
nological diagnosis.”
Fielding, Sir Henry (1707–1954). Famed English novelist (Joseph Andrews, Tom Jones)
who, as magistrate for the City of Westminster, created the Bow Street Runners, pre-
cursor of the modern police force.
Fielding, Sir John (1721–1980). Half brother of Henry Fielding and, like him, magis-
trate of the City of Westminster; led and expanded the Bow Street Runners.
Fodere, Francois-Emmanuel (1764–1835). An early French advocate of investigating
the medical basis for crime.
Fosdick, Raymond Blaine (1883–1972). Historian and analyst of police systems in
the United States and Europe.
Fuld, Leonhard Felix (1883–1965). New York author of the first comprehensive
study of American police administration early in the twentieth century.
Gall, Franz Joseph (1758–1828). Viennese physician who codified phrenology, the
basis for early medical explanations of criminal behavior.
Galton, Sir Francis (1822–1911). British amateur scientist who improved upon the
work of Henry Faulds and William Herschel to revolutionize the classification of fin-
gerprints.
Garofalo, Raffaele (1852–1934). Nineteenth-century writer on the “criminal thought
process.”
Gates, Daryl (1926–). Outspoken, abrasive, controversial LAPD chief who is credited
with developing the SWAT concept.
Gettler, Alexander Oscar (1884–1968). New York City’s pioneering chief toxicolo-
gist from 1918 to 1959.
Glueck, Eleanor (1898–1972) and Sol Sheldon Glueck (1896–1980). Wife-husband
team who developed the highly controversial Glueck’s Social Prediction Table during
the 1950s; the table was intended to enable early recognition of incipient delinquency
in children.
Goddard, Calvin Hooker (1891–1955). American ballistics expert who founded the
Scientific Crime Detection Laboratory as part of Northwestern University (Evanston,
Illinois); also started the American Journal of Police Science.
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Gravelle, Philip O. (1877–1955). San Francisco-based inventor of the comparison

microscope, principal tool of modern ballistics and firearms identification.
Hale, George (1855–?). Author/compiler of the first American encyclopedia of police
work (1892).
Hamilton, Mary (active 1917–1930s). First female police officer to serve in a supervi-
sory role; first director of the Women’s Police Bureau, NYPD.
Hammurabi (ca. 1792–1750 B.C.E.). Ruler of Babylon and creator of the first impor-
tant body of law in history, the Code of Hammurabi.
Harrington, Penny (1949–). First female police chief of a large American city,
Portland, Oregon (1985).
Helpern, Dr. Milton (1902–1977). Famed medical examiner for New York City, 1954
to 1973, celebrated as “Sherlock Holmes with a microscope.”
Henry, Sir Edward Richard (1850–1931). First fingerprint expert to devise a truly
practical method of fingerprint classification and archiving.
Herschel, William James (1883–1917). British fingerprint pioneer, who concluded
that fingerprints are unique to the individual.
Hilton, Ordway (1913–). Chicago-based founder of the science of forensic handwrit-
ing analysis.
Hindelang, Michael (1946–1982). Pioneered the idea of a relationship between low
intelligence and delinquency.
Hoover, J. Edgar (1895–1972). Founder and life-long director of the Federal Bureau
of Investigation; brought the bureau international acclaim and national controversy.
Inbau, Fred (1909–). American expert on the techniques of interrogating criminal
suspects.
Jeffreys, Alec (1950–). British scientist who pioneered “DNA fingerprinting.”
Keeler, Leonarde (1903–1949). American polygraph pioneer who founded the first
private lie detection agency.
Kefauver, Estes (1903–1963). Tennessee senator whose televised congressional hear-
ings in the 1950s exposed organized crime to the American public and helped shape
the direction of law enforcement policy for decades to come.
Kersta, Lawrence George (1907–). New Jersey audio engineer who pioneered voice-
printing technology.
EV]ÂaEV]W\1`W[W\OZ7\dSabWUObW]\O\R4]`S\aWQa !'
Kirk, Paul Leland (1902–1970). An American pioneer in standardizing scientific

techniques for analyzing physical evidence.
Koehler, Arthur (1885–1967). Famed as America’s “wood detective”; an early expert
in the analysis of wood evidence.
Kretschmer, Ernst (1888–1964). German psychiatrist who developed the “constitu-
tional theory,” arguing that one’s physique has a bearing on behavior, including crimi-
nal behavior.
Lacassagne, Jean Alexandre (1844–1921). French pioneer in ballistics who first
noted that the unique marks barrel rifling made on bullets could be used to match a
bullet to the gun that fired it.
Landesco, John (1890–1954). Pioneering American student of organized crime.
Landsteiner, Karl (1868–1943). Austrian Nobel Prize winner who identified the four
major blood groups, providing (among other things) the basis for a new method of
forensic investigation.
Lange, Johannes (1891–1938). His Crime as Destiny (1931) studied criminal twins to
explore the role of heredity in criminal behavior.
Larson, John A. (1892–1965). U.S. police officer, educator, and psychiatrist credited
with inventing the polygraph in 1921.
Lavater, Johann Casper (1741–1801). Swiss founder of the pseudoscience of physi-
ognomy, forerunner of phrenology.
Lee, Henry C. (1938–). Chinese-born American forensics expert, specializing in med-
ical forensics at the crime scene; gave high-profile testimony in the O.J. Simpson case.
Leonard, V. A. (1898–1984). American pioneer in police education.
Levine, Lowell J. (1937–). Pioneer of odontology, the forensic identification of tooth
imprints and bite marks.
Lohman, Joseph D. (1910–1968). American criminologist who advanced progressive
programs on community relations and race relations within police departments.
Malpighi, Marcello (1628–1694). Italian physician who first described human finger-
prints.
Marsh, James (1794–1846). British chemist who developed a laboratory test for arse-
nic in human tissue; a pioneer in forensic toxicology.
Maudsley, Henry (1835–1918). British author of Responsibility in Mental Diseases
(1874), which challenged the belief that insane persons act without motive.
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May, Luke S. (1886–1955). A private investigative consultant, May combined intu-

ition with science to solve hundreds of cases and earn the nickname “the American
Sherlock Holmes.”
Mayne, Sir Richard (1796–1868). One of the chief founders of Scotland Yard.
McDonald, Hugh Chisholm (1913–). Associated with the Los Angeles Sheriff’s
Department, invented the Identi-Kit, an invaluable aid to making criminal identifica-
tion sketches.
McKay, Henry D. (1899–1980). A Chicago-based pioneer in the field of juvenile
delinquency.
Merton, Robert K. (1910–). Major twentieth-century sociologist who developed a
model of crime and deviancy based on societal expectations.
Morel, Benedict (1809–1873). German-born French psychiatrist who was among the
first to advance a legal definition of insanity.
Ness, Eliot (1903–1957). Chicago-based federal agent who organized the
Prohibition-era “Untouchables,” the most effective early force against organized
crime.
Norris, Charles (1867–1935). New York City’s first medical examiner (appointed
1918); created the model for American forensic pathology.
Orfila, Mathieu Joseph Bonaventure (1787–1853). Spanish chemist deemed the
father of modern toxicology.
Osborn, Albert (1858–1946). American author of Questioned Documents (1923), the
landmark handbook on examining document evidence.
Parker, William Henry (1902–1966). LAPD police chief considered by many to be
one of the most effective chiefs in American history.
Parkhurst, Charles H. (1842–1933). Effective crusader against police corruption in
New York City; raised the ethical standards of police agencies nationwide.
Peel, Sir Robert (1788–1850). British politician who established the London
Metropolitan Police and made his “bobbies” (also called “Peelers”) international mod-
els of professionalism.
Ray, Isaac (1807–1881). American author of the landmark Medical Jurisprudence of
Insanity (1838), for many years the standard reference concerning the legal definition
of insanity.
EV]ÂaEV]W\1`W[W\OZ7\dSabWUObW]\O\R4]`S\aWQa !
Reiser, Martin (1927–). Hired by the Los Angeles Police Department, he was the
first psychologist ever employed full time by a United States law enforcement agency.
Reiss, Albert John Jr. (1922–). Author of the first definitive study of police brutality
in major American police departments (1971).
Simpson, Cedric Keith (1907–1985). British pioneer in forensic dentistry and the
first forensic pathologist to recognize and define “battered baby syndrome”; one of the
world’s leading forensic pathologists.
Smith, Sir Sydney Alfred (1883–1969). Author of major pioneering works on fire-
arms and gunshot wounds.
Snyder, LeMoyne (1899–1975). U.S. pioneering advocate of forensic pathology.
Söderman, Harry (1903–1956). Swedish police official and principal founder of
INTERPOL.
Spitzka, Edward Anthony (1876–1922). American neurologist who refuted the long-
cherished belief that criminality resulted from a physical deformity of the brain.
Spurzheim, Johann Christoph (1776–1832). Early and influential advocate of the
phrenological basis of criminology and criminal profiling.
Stas, Jean-Servais (1813–1891). Belgian chemist who refined the science of toxicol-
ogy by developing a process for detecting vegetable alkaloids in dead tissue.
Stein, Robert J. (1912–1994). First medical examiner of Cook County (Chicago),
Illinois; introduced many innovations into forensic pathology.
Stringham, James S. (1775–1817). Considered by many to be the founder of medical
jurisprudence in the United States.
Sutherland, Edwin Hardin (1883–1950). American criminologist who originated
the “white collar crime” concept and term; held that criminal behavior was learned
through interaction with others.
Thrasher, Frederic Milton (1892–1962). Wrote the first major modern study of
gang behavior, The Gang: A Study of 1,313 Gangs in Chicago (1963).
Torjanowicz, Robert C. (1941–1994). Michigan State University professor who was
an instrumental advocate of the community policing concept.
Tyrell, John F. (1861–1955). Wisconsin-born expert on questioned documents.
Uhlenhuth, Paul Theodore (1870–1957). German forensic scientist who discovered
a serum that enabled investigators to distinguish between human and animal blood
evidence.
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Vincent, Howard (1849–1908). First director of the Criminal Investigation

Department of the London Metropolitan Police; expanded the detective force of
Scotland Yard and built it into the world’s premier investigative agency.
Vollmer, August (1876–1955). American “father” of the modern professional police
force.
Waite, Charles E. (ca. 1874–1926). Pioneering American ballistics expert.
Wiener, Alexander (1906–1976). Co-discoverer of the Rh factor in blood; pioneered
the study of blood and other body fluid evidence.
Wigmore, John Henry (1863–1943). Founder of the American Institute of Criminal
Law and Criminology and author of the 10-volume Treatise on the Anglo-American
System of Evidence (1904).
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Prehistoric: Humans include fingerprints in paintings and rock carvings.
700s: Chinese use fingerprints to authenticate documents.
ca. 1000: Quintilian, a Roman attorney, wins acquittal for his client by
proving that bloody palm prints were intended to frame him.
1248: Hsi Duan Yu (The Washing Away of Wrongs), a Chinese text,
includes a description of how to distinguish a drowning death from death
by strangulation—the first recorded application of medical forensics.
1609: François Demelle (France) writes the world’s first work on the exam-
ination of questioned documents.
1686: Marcello Malpighi (Italy) is the first to describe human fingerprints.
1784: John Toms (Lancaster, England) is convicted of murder because the
torn edge of a wad of newspaper in the murder gun matched a piece in his
pocket; this is perhaps the first documented instance of the physical match-
ing of evidence.
1813: Mathiew Orfila (Spain) publishes Treatise on Poisons, thereby becom-
ing the father of modern toxicology.
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1823: John Evangelist Purkinji (Bohemia) publishes a work on the nature of finger-
prints and suggests a classification system based on nine major types.
1830s: Adolphe Quetelet (Belgium) provides statistical evidence that no two human
bodies are exactly alike, thereby laying the foundation for the later development of the
Bertillon system.
1835: Henry Goddard (England) uses a mark (flaw) on a murder bullet to trace it to
the mold that formed the bullet, thereby linking a suspect to the murder through bal-
listics.
1836: James Marsh (Scotland) is the first to present toxicological evidence (detection
of arsenic poisoning) in a jury trial.
1851: Jean Servais Stas (Belgium) is the first to identify vegetable poisons in dead
body tissue.
1856: Sir William Herschel (England) uses thumbprints to authenticate documents.
1862: J. Van Deen (Netherlands) develops a chemical test for human blood.
1877: Thomas Taylor (United States) proposes markings on palms and fingertips be
used for identification in criminal cases.
1879: Rudolph Virchow (Germany) pioneers forensic hair analysis.
1880: Henry Faulds (Scotland) suggests that fingerprints recovered at the scene of a
crime could identify the offender.
1883: Alphonse Bertillon (France) demonstrates anthropometry as a method of posi-
tive identification.
1887: Arthur Conan Doyle (England) publishes the first Sherlock Holmes story.
1889: Alexandre Lacassagne (France) attempts to match bullets to the gun barrel from
which they were fired; founds modern ballistics.
1891: Hans Gross (Austria) publishes Criminal Investigation, the first comprehensive
description of the use of physical evidence in solving crime.
1892: Sir Francis Galton publishes Fingerprints, the first major book on the forensic
use of fingerprints.
1892: Juan Vucetich (Argentina) develops the fingerprint classification system widely
used in Latin America.
1894: In a sensational case, French army captain Alfred Dreyfus is convicted of trea-
son, in part as a result of a mistaken handwriting identification by Bertillon.
;WZSab]\SaW\1`W[SO\R1`W[S4WUVbW\U !#
1896: Sir Edward Richard Henry (England) develops the fingerprint classification sys-
tem widely used in Europe and North America.
1898: Paul Jesrich (Germany) uses comparison photomicrographs in ballistics analysis.
1900: Karl Landsteiner (Germany) discovers human blood groups, which, inciden-
tally, greatly aids the field of forensic medicine.
1901: Paul Uhlenhuth (Germany) develops a test to distinguish human blood from
animal blood.
1901: Sir Edward Richard Henry (England) of Scotland Yard replaces Bertillon’s
anthropometry with fingerprint identification.
1901: Henry P. DeForrest pioneers the first systematic use of fingerprints in the
United States.
1902: R. A. Reiss (Switzerland) creates the first academic curriculum in forensic sci-
ence.
1903: The New York State Prison system begins to use fingerprint identification; first
U.S. law enforcement agency to do so.
1905: Theodore Roosevelt establishes the Bureau of Investigation, precursor agency
of the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
1910: Victor Balthazard (France) publishes the first comprehensive hair analysis study.
1910: Edmund Locard (France) establishes the world’s first police crime laboratory.
1910: Albert S. Osborne (United States) publishes Questioned Documents, the first
major work on the forensic examination of documents.
1913: Balthazard (France) publishes the first major article on individualizing bullet
markings.
1915: Leone Lattes (Italy) develops the first antibody test for ABO blood groups; he
soon applies the test to criminal investigation.
1916: Albert Schneider (United States) develops a vacuum apparatus to collect trace
evidence.
1918: Edmond Locard (France) suggests 12 key matching points for positive finger-
print identification.
1920: Locard publishes a landmark forensics text, which proclaims the chief principle
of forensic science: “Every contact leaves a trace.”
!$ /^^S\RWf0
1920: Charles E. Waite (United States) catalogs manufacturing data relating to weap-
ons.
1920s: Luke May (United States) develops striation analysis for tool mark compari-
son.
1920s: The American Calvin Goddard (with Charles Waite, Phillip O. Gravelle, and
John H. Fisher) perfects the comparison microscope, the principal tool for bullet
comparison.
1921: John Larson and Leonarde Keeler independently design polygraph machines.
1924: August Vollmer (United States) sets up the first U.S. police crime laboratory.
1925: Saburo Sirai (Japan) discovers the secretion of group-specific antigens into body
fluids other than blood.
1929: Calvin Goddard is instrumental in founding the Scientific Crime Detection
Laboratory at Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois.
1930: American Journal of Police Science is founded.
1932: The FBI crime laboratory is established.
1937: Walter Specht (Germany) develops Luminol, which detects latent blood stains.
1940: Vincent Hnizda (United States) pioneers the forensic analysis of ignitable fluids,
laying the foundation for scientific arson investigation.
1941: Bell Labs (United States) builds on the work of L. G. Kersta to develop voice-
print identification.
1945: Frank Lundquist (Denmark) develops the acid phosphatase test for semen evi-
dence.
1950: August Vollmer (United States) establishes the school of criminology at the
University of California at Berkeley.
1954: R. F. Borkenstein (United States) invents the Breathalyzer for field sobriety
testing.
1971: The U.S. Supreme Court rules that illegally obtained evidence is generally
inadmissible at trial.
1974: A group of U.S. scientists use the electron microscope to analyze gunshot resi-
due.
;WZSab]\SaW\1`W[SO\R1`W[S4WUVbW\U !%
1975: Federal Rules of Evidence, originally promulgated by the U.S. Supreme Court,
are enacted into law by Congress.
1977: Fuseo Matsumur (Japan) accidentally discovers the “Superglue fuming” method
of latent fingerprint development.
1977: The FBI introduces the Automated Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS),
the first fully computerized fingerprinting system.
1984: Sir Alec Jeffreys (England) develops the first DNA profiling test.
1985: The U.S. Supreme Court rules that police cannot use lethal force against an
unarmed fleeing suspect who is not deemed dangerous.
1986: DNA evidence is first used to solve a crime; Colin Pitchfork is identified as the
murderer of two young girls in the Midlands of England.
1987: DNA profiling is introduced in a U.S. criminal court; Tommy Lee Andrews is
convicted of a series of sexual assaults in Orlando, Florida.
1988: American scientists develop a procedure for the analysis of drugs in whole
blood by homogeneous enzyme immunoassay.
1991: Walsh Automation Inc. (Canada) begins to develop an automated ballistics
imaging system, Integrated Ballistics Identification System (IBIS).
1998: The FBI establishes a DNA database, CODIS (Combined DNA Index System),
which enables interstate cooperation in linking crimes.
BVS¿BS\1]RSÀ
/^^S\RWf
C
To facilitate radio communication, police officers use abbreviations and
codes to save air time and reduce possible confusion. The so-called
“Ten Code” is subject to local variation, but the Association of Police
Communications Officers has standardized it and advocates its universal
adoption.
Code 1: Your convenience
Code 2: Urgent, no red light and siren
Code 3: Emergency, use red light and siren
Code 4: No further assistance needed
Code 5: Stakeout
Code 6AD: Felony wanted, armed and dangerous
Code 6F: Felony wanted
Code 6M: Misdemeanor wanted
Code 7: Mealtime
Code 8: Box alarm
Code 10: Bomb threat
Code 20: Assist officer, urgent
! /^^S\RWf1
Code 30: Officer needs help, emergency

Code 33: Emergency in progress, do not transmit
187: Murder
207: Kidnapping
211: Robbery
245: ADW (assault with deadly weapon)
261: Rape
288: L & L (lewd and lascivious) conduct
311: Indecent exposure
415: Disturbance
415F: Family disturbance
460: Burglary
480: Felony hit-and-run
481: Misdemeanor hit-and-run
487: Grand theft
488: Petty theft
502: Drunk driver
503: Stolen vehicle
505: Reckless driving
510: Vehicle speeding
647: Vagrant
647A: Child molestation
10-1: Receiving poorly
10-2: Receiving okay
10-4: Message received okay
10-5: Relay to
BVS¿BS\1]RSÀ !
10-7: Out of service at

10-7B: Out of service, personal
10-70D: Off duty
10-8: In service
10-9: Repeat
10-10: Out of service at home
10-12: Visitors or officials present
10-13: Weather and road conditions
10-14: Escort
10-14F: Funeral detail
10-15: Have prisoner in custody
10-16: Pick up
10-19: Return to station
10-20: Location
10-21: Phone your office
10-21A: Phone my home, my ETA is
10-21B: Phone your home
10-21R: Phone radio
10-22: Cancel
10-23: Standby
10-25: Do you have contact with
10-28: Registration
10-29: Check for wanted
10-32: Drowning
10-33: Alarm sounding
10-34: Open door
10-35: Open window
! /^^S\RWf1
10-39: Status of
10-40: Is available for phone call
10-45: Ambulance, injured
10-46: Ambulance, sick
10-49: Proceed to
10-50: Obtain a report
10-51: Drunk
10-52: Resuscitator
10-53: Man down
10-54: Possible dead body
10-55: Coroner’s case
10-56: Suicide
10-56A: Attempted suicide
10-57: Firearms discharged
10-58: Garbage complaint
10-59: Malicious mischief
10-62: Meet the citizen
10-65: Missing person
10-66: Suspicious person
10-67: Person calling for help
10-70: Prowler
10-71: Shooting
10-72: Knifing
10-73: How do you receive?
10-80: Explosion
10-86: Any traffic for
BVS¿BS\1]RSÀ !!
10-87: Meet officer

10-91: Stray animal
10-91A: Vicious animal
10-91B: Noisy animal
10-91C: Injured animal
10-91D: Dead animal
10-91F: Animal bite
10-911H: Stray horse
10-97: Arrived at the scene
10-98: Finished with last assignment
11-24: Abandoned vehicle
11-26: Abandoned bicycle
11-54: Suspicious vehicle
11-79: Accident, ambulance en route
11-80: Accident, major injury
11-81: Accident, minor injury
11-82: Accident, property damage
11-83: Accident, no detail
11-84: Traffic control
11-96: Leaving vehicle to investigate an auto; if not heard from in 10 minutes,
dispatch cover
4c`bVS`@SORW\UO\R
/^^S\RWf
D
4Od]`WbSESPaWbSa
0]]Ya
Axelrod, Alan, and Charles Phillips. Cops, Crooks, and Criminologists: An
International Biographical Dictionary of Law Enforcement. New York:
Facts on File, 1996.
Bennett, Wayne W., and Kären M. Hess. Criminal Investigation. Fifth

edition, Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1998.
Douglass, John E., et al. Crime Classification Manual. San Francisco: Jossey-
Bass, 1992.
Egger, S. Serial Murder. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1990.
Evans, Colin. The Casebook of Forensic Detection. New York: Wiley, 1996.
Fisher, Barry A. J. Techniques of Crime Scene Investigation. Seventh Edition.

Boca Raton, Florida: CRC Press, 2004.
!$ /^^S\RWf2
Fox, J., and J. Levin. Overkill. New York: Plenum, 1994.
Genge, N. E. The Forensic Casebook. New York: Ballantine, 2002.
Healy, William. The Individual Delinquent. Boston: Little, Brown, 1915.
Henry, A. F., and James F. Short. Suicide and Homicide. Glencoe, Il.: Free Press, 1954.
Herbert, David T. The Geography of Urban Crime. London: Longman, 1982.
Hickey, E. Serial Murderers and Their Victims. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 2002.
Hochstedler, Ellen, ed. Corporations as Criminals, Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1984.
Hooton, Earnest A. The American Criminal. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University

Press, 1939.
Jeffery, C. Ray. Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design. Beverly Hills, Calif.:
Sage Publications, 1971.
Jenkins, Philip. Using Murder: The Social Construction of Serial Homicide. New York:
Aldine de Gruyter, 1994.
LaFree, Gary. Rape and Criminal Justice: The Social Construction of Sexual Assault.
Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1989.
Liska, Allen E. Perspectives on Deviance. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1981.
Lombroso, Cesare. Crime: Its Causes and Remedies. Boston: Little, Brown, 1911.
Lombroso, Cesare, and William Ferrero. The Female Offender. London: Fisher Unwin,
1895.
Mednick, Sarnoff, Terrie Moffitt, and Susan Stack, eds. The Causes of Crime: New
Biological Approaches. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1987.
Nettler, Gwynn. Killing One Another. Cincinnati: Anderson, 1982.

4c`bVS`@SORW\UO\R4Od]`WbSESPaWbSa !%
Platt, Richard. Crime Scene: The Ultimate Guide to Forensic Science. London: DK
Publishing, 2003.
Rafter, Nicole Hahn. Creating Born Criminals. Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1997.
Ragle, Larry. Crime Scene: From Fingerprints to DNA Testing—An Astonishing Inside
Look at the Real World of C.S.I. New York: Avon Books, 2002.
Reiss, A., and J. Roth, eds. Understanding and Preventing Violence. Washington, D.C.:
National Academy Press, 1993.
Russell, Diana E. H. The Politics of Rape: The Victim’s Perspective. New York: Stein and
Day, 1975.
Sanday, Peggy R. Fraternity Gang Rape: Sex, Brotherhood, and Privilege on Campus. New
York: New York University Press, 1990.
ESPaWbSa
Crime and Justice Statistics at www.fedstats.gov/programs/crime.html
Crimelibrary.com at www.crimelibrary.com
Crimetheory.com at www.crimetheory.com
Criminal Profiling Research at www.criminalprofiling.ch/introduction.html
FBI Laboratory Services at www.fbi.gov/hq/lab/org/labchart.htm
Forensic Science Web Pages at
www.aafs.org
www.cj.msu.edu
www.crimeandclues.com
www.criminalistics.com/abc/A.php
www.forensicpage.com
!& /^^S\RWf2
www.forensic-scinece-society.org.uk
www.forensic.to/forensic.html
www.kruglaw.com
www.nfstc.org
Metropolitan Police (London) at www.met.police.uk
New York City Police Department Timeline at www.nyhistory.org/previous/police/
ptimeline.html
NYPD Official web page at www.nyc.gov/html/nypd/home.html
Police Chat: Law Enforcement Statistics and Facts at http://home1.gte.net/joking/
lefacts.htm
7\RSf
reconstruction process, time of death indications
/ 166-167 decomposition, 144
arches (fingerprint classifica- eyes, 143
acid/base division procedure
tion), 102-103 stomach contents,
(forensic toxicology), 158
armed robbery, 22 143-144
acoustic weapon systems, 302
arsenals (policing trends), temperature, 143
acute toxicity, 153
301-304 Aymar, Jacques (psychic detec-
adipocere, 144
guns, 302 tive), 271
AFIS (Automated Fingerprint
nonlethal weapons,
Identification Systems), 104
aggravated assault, 23
302-304
arson, 25
0
aggravated child molestation,
crime lab analysis, 119-120 ballistics, 116-117
23
signs, 119-120 battery
aggravated sexual battery, 23
artificial intelligence, 297-298 aggravated sexual battery,
alcohol
asphyxiation, determining 23
blood alcohol levels, 86
cause of death (autopsy), sexual battery, 23
Certified Forensic Alcohol
141-142 beatings, determining cause of
Toxicologist, 148
assault death (autopsy), 141
collecting physical evi-
aggravated assault, 23 Beccaria, Marchese Cesare, 7
dence, 86
sexual assault, 23 benefits of criminal profiling,
alien abduction story, 267-270
simple assault, 23 42
alligatoring, 120
weapons, 230-231 Bertillon System, 95-97
ammunition, collecting physi-
Astor Place Riot, 213 Bertillon's techniques (polic-
cal evidence, 86
ATM spoofing, 284-285 ing history), 216
angle mirrors, 78
authority figures, right versus bicycle squads (policing his-
anthropology forensics, 145
wrong crime theory, 4-5 tory), 216
facial reconstruction
Automated Fingerprint biometric identification tech-
history, 169
Identification nologies
limitations, 169
Systems (AFIS), 104 fingerprint readers, 298
positive identification
autopsies iris scans, 298
and, 170-171
cutting, 139-140 odor detectors, 299
superimpositions, 169
determining cause of death retinal scanning devices,
three-dimensional meth-
asphyxiation, 141-142 298
ods, 168-169
beatings, 141 bite marks, 162-165
two-dimensional
natural versus unnatural, black putrefaction (bodily
method, 168
140 decay phase), 176
skeletal remains analysis,
shootings, 140-141 blood alcohol levels, 86
165-167
stabbings, 141 blood evidence
excavation procedures,
preparations, 138-139 chemical analysis, 110-112
166
!! BVS1][^ZSbS7RW]ba5cWRSb]4]`S\aWQaASQ]\R3RWbW]\
collecting physical evi- classifications
dence, 87-88
1 crimes, 18-27
fingernails, 132 COMPSTAT, 21-22
cameras, as investigator's tool,
stains and splatters, drug-related crimes,
79
130-132 25-26
Canter method (criminal pro-
bloodborne pathogen protec- person against person,
filing), 39-40
tion kit, 78 22-24
carnal knowledge, 23
blowflies, time of death mea- predictions as preven-
cause of death, determining
surements, 174-175 tion, 20
asphyxiation, 141-142
blunt force trauma, 130 property-related crimes,
beatings, 141
body fluids 24-25
natural versus unnatural,
chemical analysis, 110-112 purpose, 19
140
collecting physical evi- setting priorities, 19-20
shootings, 140
dence, 87-88 white-collar crimes,
stabbings, 141
collection kits, 79 26-27
Central Vice Control Section
toxicology analysis, fingerprints
(Investigative Bureau), 226
157-158 arches, 102-103
Certified Forensic Alcohol
acid/base division proce- loops, 102
Toxicologist, 148
dure, 158 nine basic fingerprint
Certified Forensic Drug
screening tests, 158 patterns, 103-104
Toxicologist, 148
body language and deception whorls, 103
Certified Forensic
detection, 259-261 clothing, collecting physical
Toxicologist, 148
bones. See skeletal remains evidence, 87
chain of custody (evidence),
Boston Strangler, criminal CODIS (Combined DNA
54, 88
profiling, 36-37 Index System), 194
examination process, 89
botany forensics, 146 collecting evidence
presentation, 91
bone dating, 182-183 DNA evidence, 188
preservation and storage,
dendrochronology, 183 entomological evidence,
90
ecological investigations, 177-178
chalk, as investigator's tool, 79
181 physical evidence
chemical analysis section
limnology, 181-182 alcohol, 86
(crime lab), 109-112
palynology, 180 blood and body fluids,
chemical processing (finger-
Principle of Contact 87-88
printing), 101-102
Traces, 180 broken glass, 84
chemical spot tests, 158
Bow Street Runners, 202 cigarette butts, 85
chemical weapons, 303
brain fingerprinting, 258-259 clothing and laundry
child molestation, 23
Bundy, Theodore Robert marks, 87
child pornography (cyber
(Ted), 165 drugs, 86
crimes), 288
Bureau of Investigations fingerprints, 88
chromatography, 158
Identification Division, 99 hair and fibers, 87
cigarette butts, collecting
burglary, 24 rope and tape, 85
physical evidence, 85
Burglary and Auto Theft shoe and tire impres-
circumstantial identification,
Units, 226 sions, 82-83
170
butyric fermentation (bodily soils and minerals, 84-85
decay phase), 176 tools, 83-84
weapons and ammo, 86
7\RSf !!
toolkits evidence fragility, 300 crime labs

angle mirrors, 78 procedures, 300-301 arson investigations,
bloodborne pathogen crimes, 27 119-120
protection kits, 78 policing trends, 296 ballistics and firearms anal-
body fluid collection condition of the body consid- ysis, 116-117
kits, 79 erations, 128-129 chemical analysis section,
camera and film, 79 constable system (policing sys- 109-112
chalk, 79 tem), 212 hair and fiber analysis,
compass, 79 containers, as investigator's 112-113
containers and enve- tool, 79 polarized light microscopy,
lopes, 79 corpses 114
fingerprint kits, 79 autopsies questioned document sec-
flashlights, 79 cutting, 139-140 tion, 118-119
forensic light sources, 81 determining cause of shoe and tire print analysis,
knives, 80 death, 140-142 117-118
magnifiers, 80 preparing, 138-139 tool mark analysis, 117-118
measuring tape and rul- condition of the body con- voice and image analysis,
ers, 80 siderations, 128-129 114-115
picks, 80 identification crime scenes, 13
Plaster of Paris, 80 botanists, 146 Crime Scene Analysis pro-
pliers, 80 dental evidence, 145 cedure (FBI), 38-39
sexual assault kits, 80 entomologist, 146 homicide investigations
sketching supplies, 80 fingerprinting, 145 blood evidence, 130-132
tweezers, 80 forensic anthropology, capturing scenes, 127
wrecking bars, 80 145 condition of the body
Combined DNA Index System phases of bodily decay, considerations,
(CODIS), 194 175-177 128-129
communication, policing black putrefaction, 176 dying declarations, 126
trends, 296-297 butyric fermentation, observation of surround-
Communications (Technical 176 ings, 130
Services Bureau), 226 dry rot, 176 protection of scene, 126
communities initial decay, 176 signs of struggle,
community-based policing, putrefaction, 176 127-128
227-228 counterfeiting (desktop coun- wound evidence,
policing trends, 304 terfeiting), 288-289 132-134
compasses, as investigator's Court/Records Services investigation process, 47-68
tool, 79 (Technical Services Bureau), interpretations, 60
COMPSTAT, 21-22 226 macroscopic, 58-59
computer-aided imaging, courtroom principles microscopic, 58-59
recording crime scenes, 66 DNA evidence, 193-194 note-taking, 67-68
computer voice stress analyzer hypnotic testimonies, 270 physical evidence analy-
(CVSA), 258 polygraphs, 257 sis, 60-61
computers truth serums, 265-266 pitfalls, 53-56
computer forensics crazing, 120 primary scenes, 58
e-mail analysis, 301 credit card crimes, 284 recording the scene,
62-66
!! BVS1][^ZSbS7RW]ba5cWRSb]4]`S\aWQaASQ]\R3RWbW]\
roles and responsibili- media outlets, 5-6 profiling
ties, 48-52 self perspectives, 6 benefits, 42
search methods, 59 social harm concept, 10-11 Boston Strangler, 36-37
secondary scenes, 58 Criminal Investigation Section Canter method, 39-40
crimes (Investigative Bureau) fact versus fiction, 31-32
classifying, 18-27 Burglary and Auto Theft FBI profiling method,
COMPSTAT, 21-22 Units, 226 37-39
drug-related crimes, Criminalistics Squads, 226 history, 32-33
25-26 Fraud Units, 226 Hitler, Adolf, 34
person against person, Homicide Squads, 225 criminogenesis, 7
22-24 Major Offender Project, criminology
predictions as preven- 225 defining characteristics, 7-8
tion, 20 Pawn Shop Units, 226 practices, 12
property, 24 Polygraph Units, 226 theories, 12
property-related crimes, Robbery Units, 225 Crippen Case, 207-208
24-25 Youth Squads, 225 cross-cultural norms, 10-11
purpose, 19 criminal investigations, 12 crystal tests, 158
setting priorities, 19-20 crime scenes, 13 CVSA (computer voice stress
white-collar crimes, defining characteristics, 8 analyzer), 258
26-27 goals, 14 cyanoacrylate fuming, 101
criminal labeling approach, information sources cyber crimes
11 informants, 242-243 child pornography, 288
future outlooks police networking, hacking, 286-287
cyber crimes, 286-288 243-245 phishing, 287
desktop counterfeiting, reports and records, terrorism, 287-288
288-289 238-239
drug trends, 282-283 suspects, 240 2
economic influences, undercover work, 241
280-282 victims, 239 dangers of policing
statistical data, 278-280 witnesses, 240 assault weapons, 230-231
techno crimes, 284-286 realities, 14-15 fatality statistics, 228-229
human diversity ap- record keeping, 241-242 post-traumatic stress disor-
proach, 11 criminal labeling approach der, 230
human right perspec- (crime), 11 stress and burnout, 230
tives, 11 Jack the Ripper, 33-34 Daubert standard, 257
legal definition, 10 Mad Bomber, 34-36 dead body searches, 74
prevention, 293-294 Turvey method, 40-42 death
quality of life offenses, 20 criminalists, 52 determining cause of death
right versus wrong concept, criminals asphyxiation, 141-142
4-11 identifying beatings, 141
authority figures, 4-5 Bertillon System, 95-97 natural versus unnatural,
cross-cultural norms, early identification 140
10-11 methods, 94 shootings, 140-141
differences, 9-10 fingerprinting, 97-99 stabbings, 141
7\RSf !!!
time of death indications detectives collecting physical evi-

decomposition, 144 policing history, 204 dence, 86
entomology analysis, psychic detectives, 270-272 drug-related crimes, 25-26
174-178 roles in crime scene investi- drug synergy, 156
eyes, 143 gations, 50-51 forensic toxicology. See also
stomach contents, deviance, human diversity toxicology
143-144 approach (crime), 11 acute toxicity, 153
temperature, 143 disorganized offender charac- drug synergy, 156
decay (phases of bodily decay), teristics, 38 intoxication, 153
175-177 DNA evidence, 185 limitations, 158-159
black putrefaction, 176 biological barcodes, 187 pharmacodynamic stud-
butyric fermentation, 176 CODIS (Combined DNA ies, 154-155
dry rot, 176 Index System), 194 specimen analysis,
initial decay, 176 collecting specimens, 188 157-158
putrefaction, 176 courtroom principles, toxicity level measure-
deception detection, 259-261 193-194 ments, 155-156
decomposition (time of death fingerprinting, 105 tracking of popular
indications), 144 fingerprints, 187-188 drugs, 156-157
dendrochronology, 183 future implications, 194 understanding effects of
dental evidence, 145 gel electrophoresis process, drugs, 157
bite marks, 162-165 189-190 future crime trends
dental identification, identification process, designer drugs, 282-283
162-163 192-193 users, 283
department organization isolating, 188-189 urine drug testing, 150
(policing), 224-226 mitochondrial DNA typing, versus poisons, 152-153
Investigative Bureau 192 dry rot (bodily decay phase),
Central Vice Control overview, 186 176
Section, 226 PCR (polymerase chain dusting for fingerprints,
Criminal Investigation reaction) process, 192 100-101
Section, 225-226 preservation, 190 dying declarations, 126
Intelligence Section, 226 probes, 190-191
Narcotics Liaison restriction fragment length 3
Section, 226 polymorphism analysis,
Operations Bureau, 225 189 e-mail analysis (computer
Personnel Resources variable number tandem forensics), 301
Bureau, 226 repeats, 189 ecological investigations, 181
Technical Services Bureau documents, questioned docu- economic influences, future
Communications, 226 ments, 108, 118-119 crime trends, 280-282
Court/Records Services, dog searches, 75 electromagnetic devices, 303
226 drugs emotional dangers, police offi-
Equipment Manage- Certified Forensic Drug cers, 228-230
ment, 226 Toxicologist, 148 post-traumatic stress disor-
DeSalvo, Albert, 36 chemical analysis of, der, 230
designer drugs, 282-283 110-112 stress and burnout, 230
desktop counterfeiting,
288-289
!!" BVS1][^ZSbS7RW]ba5cWRSb]4]`S\aWQaASQ]\R3RWbW]\
entomology forensics, 146 fingerprints, 88 future implications, 194
evidence collection proce- hair and fibers, 87 gel electrophoresis pro-
dure, 177-178 rope and tape, 85 cess, 189-190
geographical area analysis, shoe and tire impres- identification process,
178-179 sions, 82-83 192-193
time of death indications soils and minerals, 84-85 isolating, 188-189
blowfly analysis, 174-175 toolkits, 78-81 mitochondrial DNA typ-
phases of bodily decay, tools, 83-84 ing, 192
175-177 weapons and ammo, 86 overview, 186
envelopes, as investigator's computer forensics and, PCR (polymerase chain
tool, 79 300 reaction) process, 192
environmental crimes, 24 crime lab analysis preservation, 190
Equipment Management arson investigations, probes, 190-191
(Technical Services Bureau), 119-120 restriction fragment
226 chemical analysis, length polymorphism
evidence 109-112 analysis, 189
body fluids (forensic toxi- firearms, 116-117 variable number tandem
cology) hair and fibers, 112-113 repeats, 189
acid/base division proce- polarized light micros- entomology
dure, 158 copy, 114 evidence collection pro-
screening tests, 158 questioned documents, cedures, 177-178
botany forensics 118-119 geographical area analy-
bone dating, 182-183 shoe and tire prints, sis, 178-179
dendrochronology, 183 117-118 time of death indica-
ecological investigations, voice and image analysis, tions, 174-177
181 114-115 examining, 89
limnology, 181-182 crime scene investigations fingerprinting. See
palynology, 180 blood evidence, 130-132 fingerprinting
Principle of Contact wound evidence, forensic toxicology, 157
Traces, 180 132-134 geology forensics, 184
chain of custody, 54, 88 dental evidence, 145 physical evidence analysis,
examination process, 89 bite marks, 162-165 60-61
presentation, 91 dental identification, linkage factors, 61
preservation and stor- 162-163 modus operandi, 61
age, 90 DNA evidence, 185-194 recording crime scenes
collecting biological barcodes, 187 computer-aided imag-
alcohol, 86 CODIS (Combined ing, 66
blood and body fluids, DNA Index System), investigative photogra-
87-88 194 phy, 62-63
broken glass, 84 collecting specimens, sketches, 66
cigarette butts, 85 188 searches, 70
clothing and laundry courtroom principles, dead body searches, 74
marks, 87 193-194 dogs, 75
drugs, 86 fingerprints, 187-188 garbage pulls, 73
methods, 59
7\RSf !!#
probable cause, 71 FBI Law Enforcement Faulds, Dr. Henry, 98-99

search and seizure laws, Bulletin, 171 Galton, Sir Francis,
71 Federal Bureau of 98-99
search warrant listings, Investigation. See FBI Herschel, Sir William,
72 fibers 97-98
suspects, 73-74 collecting physical evi- Malpighi, Marcello, 97
systematic approach, 72 dence, 87 Purkinji, John
vehicles, 73 crime lab analysis, 112-113 Evangelist, 97-98
skeletal remains, 165-171 Fielding, Sir Henry, roles in identifying corpses, 145
excavation procedures, policing, 201-202 kits, 79
166 finding fingerprints readers, 298
facial reconstruction, chemical processing, firearms, crime lab analysis,
168-171 101-102 116-117
reconstruction process, dusting for prints, 100-101 five-factor model (Canter
166-167 latent prints, 100 method), criminal profiling,
trace evidence, 13, 108 fingernails, blood evidence 39-40
excavation procedures, skeletal and, 132 flashlights, as investigator's
remains, 166 fingerprinting tool, 79
eyes, time of death indica- AFIS (Automated forensic light sources, 81
tions, 143 Fingerprint Identification forensics
Systems), 104 anthropology forensics, 145
4 brain fingerprinting,
258-259
facial reconstruction,
168-171
facial reconstruction classifications skeletal remains analysis,
history, 169 arches, 102-103 165-167
limitations, 169 loops, 102 botany forensics, 146
positive identification and, nine basic fingerprint bone dating, 182-183
170-171 patterns, 103-104 dendrochronology, 183
superimpositions, 169 whorls, 103 ecological investigations,
three-dimensional methods, collecting physical evi- 181
168-169 dence, 88 limnology, 181-182
two-dimensional method, DNA evidence, 105 palynology, 180
168 DNA fingerprinting, Principle of Contact
fatality statistics, policing, 187-188 Traces, 180
228-229 early identification meth- computer forensics
Faulds, Dr. Henry, 98-99 ods, 94 e-mail analysis, 301
FBI (Federal Bureau of finding prints evidence fragility, 300
Investigation) chemical processing, procedures, 300-301
Bureau of Investigations 101-102 defining characteristics, 8
Identification Division, 99 dusting for prints, entomology forensics, 146
history, 219-222 100-101 evidence collection pro-
profiling methods, 37-39 latent prints, 100 cedures, 177-178
G-men, 221 history geographical area analy-
Hoovers reform, Bureau of Investigations sis, 178-179
221-222 Identification Division, time of death indica-
99 tions, 174-177
!!$ BVS1][^ZSbS7RW]ba5cWRSb]4]`S\aWQaASQ]\R3RWbW]\
geology forensics, 184 understanding effects of gel electrophoresis process,
medical sciences, 108 drugs, 157 189-190
odontology, 145 urine drug testing, 150 geographical area analysis
bite mark, 162-165 Fourth Amendment, 71 (entomology forensics),
dental identification, fraud, 27 178-179
162-163 Fraud Units, 226 geology forensics, 184
overview, 108 freshwater ecology studies glass fragments, collecting
physical sciences, 108 (limnology), 181-182 physical evidence, 84
psychology Freud, Sigmund, psychoanaly- goals
criminal profiling, 31-42 sis, 266 criminal investigations, 14
overview, 30 Frye, James T., 251 forensic toxicology,
technicians, 51 future outlooks 155-156
toxicology, 144 crimes grid search method, 59
acute toxicity, 153 cyber crimes, 286-288 guns, policing trends, 302
Certified Forensic desktop counterfeiting, gunshots, wound evidence,
Alcohol Toxicologist, 288-289 133
148 drug trends, 282-283
Certified Forensic Drug
Toxicologist, 148
economic influences,
280-282
6
Certified Forensic statistical data, 278-280 hacking (cyber crime),
Toxicologist, 148 techno crimes, 284-286 286-287
drug synergies, 156 DNA evidence, 194 hairs
future outlooks, 159 forensic toxicology, 159 collecting physical evi-
goals, 155-156 policing dence, 87
human-performance arsenals, 301-304 crime lab analysis, 112-113
forensic toxicology, 150 community consider- harm, social harm concept
intoxication, 153 ations, 304 (crime), 10-11
limitations, 158-159 computer forensics, Herschel, Sir William, 97-98
pharmacodynamic stud- 300-301 history
ies, 154-155 crime prevention, criminal profiling, 32-33
poisonings, 150-152 293-294 facial reconstruction, 169
poisons versus drugs, emphasis on informa- fingerprinting
152-153 tion, 295-300 Bureau of Investigations
postmortem forensic security practices, 295 Identification Division,
toxicology, 150 technological influences, 99
roles of toxicologists, 292-293 Faulds, Dr. Henry, 98-99
148-150 Galton, Sir Francis,
Society of Forensic
Toxicology, 150
5 98-99
Herschel, Sir William,
specimen analysis, G-men, 221 97-98
157-158 Galton, Sir Francis, 98-99 Malpighi, Marcello, 97
toxicity level measure- Galton's Details, 99 Purkinji, John
ments, 155-156 garbage pulls, 73 Evangelist, 97-98
tracking of popular gas chromatography tests, 111 policing
drugs, 156-157 FBI, 219-222
7\RSf !!%
London, 201-209 hypnosis police networking, 243-245

New York City, 212-217 alien abduction story, record keeping, 241-242
organized crime, 219 267-270 reports and records,
prohibition, 218 court admissibility, 270 238-239
Rome, 200-201 hypnotic regression, suspects, 240
polygraphs 266-267 undercover work, 241
Keeler, Leonarde, 252 psychoanalysis, 266 victims, 239
Larson, Dr. John A., suspects and, 267 witnesses, 240
251-252 initial decay phase, 176
Lindbergh kidnapping,
253-254
7 insects (entomology forensics)
evidence collection proce-
Marston, William M., identification dures, 177-178
251 biometric identification geographical area analysis,
Hitler, Adolf, criminal profil- technologies 178-179
ing, 34 fingerprint readers, 298 time of death indications
Homicide Squads, 225 iris scans, 298 blowfly analysis, 174-175
homicides odor detectors, 299 phases of bodily decay,
crime scene investigations retinal scanning devices, 175-177
blood evidence, 130-132 298 Intelligence Section
capturing scenes, 127 botanists, 146 (Investigative Bureau), 226
condition of the body circumstantial identifica- international police network-
considerations, tion, 170 ing, 244-245
128-129 criminals interpersonal police network-
dying declarations, 126 Bertillon System, 95-97 ing, 244
observation of surround- early identification interrogations
ings, 130 methods, 94 methods, 70
protection of scene, 126 fingerprinting, 97-99 Miranda warnings, 68-69
signs of struggle, dental identification, 145, productive questioning,
127-128 162-163 69-70
wound evidence, DNA evidence, 192-193 intoxication, 153
132-134 entomologist, 146 investigation processes, 8, 12
involuntary manslaughter, facial reconstruction and, crime scenes, 13
22 170-171 interpretations, 60
murder, 22 fingerprinting, 145 macroscopic, 58-59
voluntary manslaughter, 22 forensic anthropology, 145 microscopic scenes,
Hoover, J. Edgar, FBI reform, positive identification, 170 58-59
221-222 identity theft, 285-286 note-taking, 67-68
human diversity approach incident reports, 238-239 physical evidence analy-
(crime), 11 informants, 242-243 sis, 60-61
human right perspectives pitfalls, 243 pitfalls, 53-56
(crime), 11 rewarding, 243 primary scenes, 58
Human Skeleton in Forensic information sources (criminal recording the scene,
Medicine, The, 169 investigations) 62-66
human-performance forensic informants, 242-243 roles and responsibili-
toxicology, 150 ties, 47-52
!!& BVS1][^ZSbS7RW]ba5cWRSb]4]`S\aWQaASQ]\R3RWbW]\
search methods, 59 victims, 239 bloodborne pathogen pro-
secondary scenes, 58 witnesses, 240 tection kits, 78
ecological investigations, interrogations body fluid collection kits,
181 methods, 70 79
evidence collection Miranda warnings, 68-69 camera and film, 79
alcohol, 86 productive questioning, chalk, 79
blood and body fluids, 69-70 compass, 79
87-88 realities, 14-15 containers and envelopes,
broken glass, 84 record keeping, 241-242 79
cigarette butts, 85 searches, 70-75 fingerprint kits, 79
clothing and laundry dead body searches, 74 flashlights, 79
marks, 87 dogs, 75 forensic light sources, 81
drugs, 86 garbage pulls, 73 knives, 80
fingerprints, 88 probable cause, 71 magnifiers, 80
hair and fibers, 87 search and seizure laws, measuring tape and rules,
rope and tape, 85 71 80
shoe and tire impres- search warrant listings, picks, 80
sions, 82-83 72 Plaster of Paris, 80
soils and minerals, 84-85 suspects, 73-74 pliers, 80
tools, 83-84 systematic approach, 72 sexual assault kits, 80
weapons and ammo, 86 vehicles, 73 sketching supplies, 80
goals, 14 Investigative Bureau tweezers, 80
homicides Central Vice Control wrecking bars, 80
blood evidence, 130-132 Section, 226 invisible prints, 100
capturing scenes, 127 Criminal Investigation involuntary manslaughter, 22
condition of the body Section iris scans, 298
considerations, Burglary and Auto Theft isolating DNA evidence,
128-129 Units, 226 188-189
dying declarations, 126 Criminalistics Squads,
observation of surround- 226 8½9½:
ings, 130 Fraud Units, 226
protection of scene, 126 Homicide Squads, 225 Jack the Ripper case
signs of struggle, Major Offender Project, criminal profiling, 33-34
127-128 225 policing history, 206
wound evidence, Pawn Shop Units, 226 JonBenét Ramsey case, 56
132-134 Polygraph Unit, 226
information sources Robbery Units, 225 Keeler, Leonarde, 252
informants, 242-243 Youth Squads, 225 kinesics, 70
police networking, Intelligence Section, 226 knives, as investigator's tool,
243-245 Narcotics Liaison Section, 80
reports and records, 226
238-239 investigative photography, labs (crime labs)
suspects, 240 62-63 arson investigations,
undercover work, 241 investigator toolkits 119-120
angle mirrors, 78
7\RSf !!'
ballistics and firearms anal- lights marks (tool marks), 117

ysis, 116-117 forensic light sources, 81 Marston, William M., 251
chemical analysis section, polarized light microscopy, mass spectrometer, 158
109-112 114 mass spectrophotometry test,
hair and fiber analysis, limitations 111
112-113 facial reconstruction, 169 measuring tapes, as investiga-
polarized light microscopy, forensic toxicology, 158- tor's tool, 80
114 159 mechanical devices (nonlethal
questioned document sec- limnology, 181-182 weapons), 303
tion, 118-119 Lindbergh kidnapping, media
shoe and tire print analysis, 253-254 crime scene investigation
117-118 line search method, 59 pitfalls, 53-54
tool mark analysis, 117-118 linkage factors, physical evi- right versus wrong crime
voice and image analysis, dence analysis, 61 theory, 5-6
114-115 London, England (policing medical examiners, 126
Langsner, Maximilien (psychic history) autopsies
detective), 271 Bow Street Runners, 202 cutting, 139-140
Larson, Dr. John A., 251-252 Crippen Case, 207-208 determining cause of
latent prints, 100 detectives, 204 death, 140-142
laundry marks, collecting Fielding, Sir Henry, preparations, 138-139
physical evidence, 87 201-202 time of death indica-
Lee, Dr. Henry C., 88 Jack the Ripper case, 206 tions, 143-144
legalities Metropolitan Police force, roles and responsibilities,
Miranda warnings, 68-69 202-204 52, 138
search and seizure laws, 71 Peel, Sir Robert, 202-203 medical sciences, 108
lie detection police box experiments, 209 metabolites, 154
brain fingerprinting, Scotland Yard, 205 Metesky, George (Mad
258-259 terrorism, 205 Bomber), criminal profiling,
CVSA (computer voice wireless police work, 34-36
stress analyzer), 258 207-208 Metropolitan Police force
deception detection, Women Police Service, 208 detectives, 204
59-261 loops (fingerprint classifica- expansion, 204
polygraphs tion), 102 New York City, 213
court admissibility, 257 origins, 202-203
history, 251-254 ; Scotland Yard, 205
mechanics, 249-250 Women Police Service, 208
overview, 248-249 macroscopic crime scenes, microscopic crime scenes,
purpose, 250-251 58-59 58-59
reliability, 256-257 Mad Bomber, criminal profil- minerals, collecting physical
testing procedures, ing, 34-36 evidence, 84-85
255-256 magnifiers, as investigator's minutiae, 99
PSE (psychological stress tool, 80 Miranda warnings, 68-69
evaluator), 258 Major Offender Project, 225 mitochondrial DNA typing,
Malpighi, Marcello, 97 192
Markov case, 150-152 modus operandi concept, 30,
61
!" BVS1][^ZSbS7RW]ba5cWRSb]4]`S\aWQaASQ]\R3RWbW]\
mummification, 144 mechanical devices, 303 serial offenders, 24
Municipal Police force, optical weapons, 303 sex offenses, 23
212-213 norms, cross-cultural norms, Personnel Resources Bureau,
murder, 22 11 226
note-taking (crime scene pharmacodynamic studies,
< investigations), 67-68 154-155
phases of bodily decay,
Napoleon, suspected poison- = 175-177
black putrefaction, 176
ing of, 149
narcotics, 152-153 O. J. Simpson case, 54-55 butyric fermentation, 176
Narcotics Liaison Section odontology (forensic odontol- dry rot, 176
(Investigative Bureau), 226 ogy), 145 initial decay, 176
natural death causes, 140 bite marks, 162-165 putrefaction, 176
Ness, Eliot, 220 dental identification, phishing (cyber crime), 287
networking 162-163 photographs, recording crime
computer networking odor detectors, 299 scenes, 62-63, 127
(policing trends), 296 offenders physical dangers (policing)
police networking, 243-245 disorganized offender char- assault weapons, 230-231
international, 244-245 acteristics, 38 fatality statistics, 228-229
interpersonal, 244 organized offender charac- stress and burnout, 230
neutron activation analysis, teristics, 37-38 physical evidence analysis, 60
113 Operation Drug Wheels, 241 collecting
New York City (policing his- Operations Bureau, 225 alcohol, 86
tory) optical weapons, 303 blood and body fluids,
constable system, 212 organized crime (policing his- 87-88
diversity and, 217 tory), 219 broken glass, 84
Metropolitan Police force, organized offender character- cigarette butts, 85
213 istics, 37-38 clothing and laundry
Municipal Police force, Orthotolidine, 88 marks, 87
212-213 drugs, 86
fingerprints, 88
precincts, 214 > hair and fibers, 87
prejudice and racism, 217
rival forces, 213 rope and tape, 85
palynology, 180 shoe and tire impres-
Roosevelt’s reform, 215-216 parent substances, 154
utility men, 214 sions, 82-83
Pawn Shop Units, 226 soils and minerals, 84-85
nine basic fingerprint patterns, PCR (polymerase chain reac-
103-104 tools, 83-84
tion) process, 192 weapons and ammo, 86
ninhydrin, 102 Peel, Sir Robert, Metropolitan
nonlethal weapons (policing linkage factors, 61
Police force, 202-203 modus operandi, 61
trends), 302-304 person against person crimes
acoustics, 302 physical sciences, 108
assault, 23 pitfalls (crime scene investiga-
chemicals, 303 child molestation, 23
electromagnetic devices, tions)
homicide, 22 chain of custody, 54
303 robbery, 22-23 JonBenét Ramsey case, 56
7\RSf !"
media influences, 53-54 roles in crime scene inves- post-traumatic stress

O. J. Simpson case, 54-55 tigations disorder, 230
plant evidence analysis (botany detectives, 50-51 stress and burnout, 230
forensics) uniformed officers, secret police, 201
bone dating, 182-183 48-50 SWAT team, 225
dendrochronology, 183 policing sworn duties, 224
ecological investigations, assault weapons, 230-231 training programs, 231-234
181 community-based policing, Use of Force Continuum,
limnology, 181-182 227-228 234-235
palynology, 180 department organization, pollen analysis (palynology),
Principle of Contact 224-226 180
Traces, 180 Investigative Bureau, polygrams, 255
Plaster of Paris, 80 225-226 Polygraph Units, 226
plastic fingerprints, 100 Operations Bureau, 225 polygraphs
pliers, as investigator's tool, 80 Personnel Resources alternatives
PMI (post-mortem interval), Bureau, 226 brain fingerprinting,
174 Technical Services 258-259
poisonings Bureau, 226 CVSA (computer voice
acute toxicity, 153 future outlooks stress analyzer), 258
drug synergy, 156 arsenals, 301-304 PSE (psychological
Markov case, 150-152 community consider- stress evaluator), 258
Napoleon, 149 ations, 304 court admissibility, 257
pharmacodynamic studies, computer forensics, history
154-155 300-301 Keeler, Leonarde, 252
poisons versus drugs, crime prevention, Larson, Dr. John A.,
152-153 293-294 251-252
roles of toxicologists, emphasis on informa- Lindbergh kidnapping,
148-150 tion, 295-300 253-254
toxicology analysis, security practices, 295 Marston, William M.,
157-158 technological influences, 251
acid/base division proce- 292-293 mechanics, 249-250
dure, 158 history overview, 248-249
screening tests, 158 FBI, 219-222 purpose, 250-251
polarized light microscopy, London, 201-209 reliability, 256-257
114 New York City, 212-217 testing procedures, 255,-56
police box experiments, 209 organized crime, 219 polymerase chain reaction
police officers prohibition, 218 (PCR) process, 192
interrogations Rome, 200-201 popular drugs, tracking,
methods, 70 networking, 243 156-157
Miranda warnings, 68-69 international, 244-245 positive identification,
productive questioning, interpersonal, 244 170-171
69-70 physical and emotional post-mortem interval (PMI),
note-taking, 67-68 dangers 174
fatality statistics, postmortem forensic toxicol-
228-229 ogy, 150
!" BVS1][^ZSbS7RW]ba5cWRSb]4]`S\aWQaASQ]\R3RWbW]\
powder tattoo, 133 Reiner, Noreen, 271-272 history, 169
precincts (policy history), 214 reliability, 272 limitations, 169
prejudice (policy history), 217 psychoanalysis, 266 superimpositions, 169
preliminary investigations, psychological stress evaluator three-dimensional meth-
127-128 (PSE), 258 ods, 168-169
presentation of evidence, 91 psychology (forensic psychol- two-dimensional
preservation ogy) method, 168
DNA evidence, 190 criminal profiling skeletal remains, 166-167
evidence, 90 benefits, 42 record keeping, 241-242
prevention (crime prevention), Boston Strangler, 36-37 recording crime scenes, 62,
20, 293-294 Canter method, 39-40 127
primary crime scenes, 58 fact versus fiction, 31-32 computer-aided imaging,
Principle of Contact Traces, FBI profiling method, 66
180 37-39 investigative photography,
prints. See fingerprinting history, 32-33 62-63
probable cause searches, 71 Hitler, Adolf, 34 sketches, 66
probes, DNA evidence, Jack the Ripper, 33-34 Reiner, Noreen (psychic
190-191 Mad Bomber, 34-36 detective), 271-272
productive questioning (inter- Turvey method, 40-42 reliability
rogations), 69-70 overview, 30 polygraphs, 256-257
profiling Purkinji, John Evangelist, psychic detectives, 272
criminal profiling 97-98 truth serums, 265
benefits, 42 putrefaction phase (bodily reports, incident reports,
Boston Strangler, 36-37 decay phase), 176 238-239
Canter method, 39-40 restriction fragment length
fact versus fiction, 31-32 ?½@ polymorphism (RFLP), 189
FBI profiling method, retinal scanning devices, 298
37-39 quadrant search method, 59 RFLP analysis (restriction
history, 32-33 quality of life offenses, 20 fragment length polymor-
Hitler, Adolf, 34 questioned documents, 108, phism), 189
Jack the Ripper, 33-34 118-119 right versus wrong concept
Mad Bomber, 34-36 questioning, productive ques- (crime), 4-11
Turvey method, 40-42 tioning (interrogations), authority figures, 4-5
racial profiling, 294 69-70 cross-cultural norms, 10-11
prohibition (policing history), differences, 9-10
218 racial profiling, 294 media outlets, 5-6
property-related crimes racism (policing history), 217 self perspectives, 6
arson, 25 rape, 23 robbery, 22-23
burglary, 24 realities Robbery Units, 225
environmental crimes, 24 criminal investigations, roles and responsibilities
protecting crime scenes, 126 14-15 (crime scene investigations)
PSE (psychological stress criminal profiling, 31-32 criminalists, 52
evaluator), 258 recidivist, 94 detectives, 50-51
psychic detectives, 270-272 reconstruction process forensic technicians, 51
Aymar, Jacques, 271 facial reconstruction
Langsner, Maximilien, 271
7\RSf !"!
medical examiners person- recording the scene, rape, 23

nel, 52 62-66 sexual assault, 23
prosecutors, 52 roles and responsibili- sexual battery, 23
uniformed officers, 48-50 ties, 48-52 sexual assault kits, 80
Rome (policing history), search methods, 59 shoe prints
200-201 secondary scenes, 58 collecting physical evi-
Roosevelt, Theodore, police Schedule I drugs, 26 dence, 82-83
reforms Schedule II drugs, 26 crime lab analysis, 117-118
adoption of Bertillon tech- Schedule III drugs, 26 shootings
niques, 216 Schedule IV drugs, 26 determining cause of death
bicycle squads, 216 Schedule V drugs, 26 (autopsy), 140-141
Board of Commissioners, Scotland Yard, 205 wound evidence, 133
215 screening tests (forensic toxi- signs
morale and honor, 216 cology) arson, 119-120
ropes, collecting physical evi- chemical spot tests, 158 struggles, 127-128
dence, 85 chromatography, 158 simple assault, 23
crystal tests, 158 skeletal remains
A searches (evidence), 70 anthropologists' analysis of,
methods 165-171
scene of crimes, 13 grid method, 59 excavation procedures,
Crime Scene Analysis pro- line method, 59 166
cedure (FBI), 38-39 quadrant method, 59 facial reconstruction,
homicide investigations spiral searches, 59 169
blood evidence, 130-132 probable cause, 71 reconstruction process,
capturing scenes, 127 search and seizure laws, 71 166-171
condition of the body search warrant listings, 72 bone dating, 182-183
considerations, 128- special searches, 72-75 sketches
129 dead body searches, 74 recording crime scenes, 66
dying declarations, 126 dogs, 75 sketching supplies, 80
observation of surround- garbage pulls, 73 social harm concept (crime),
ings, 130 suspects, 73-74 10-11
protection of scene, 126 vehicles, 73 Society of Forensic
signs of struggle, systematic approach, 72 Toxicology, 150
127-128 secondary crime scenes, 58 soil, collecting physical evi-
wound evidence, secret police, 201 dence, 84-85
132-134 security practices, future spalling, 120
investigation process, 47-68 policing outlooks, 295 speakeasies, 218
interpretations, 60 self perspectives, right versus special searches, 72-75
macroscopic, 58-59 wrong crime theory, 6 dead body searches, 74
microscopic, 58-59 serial offenders, 24 dogs, 75
note-taking, 67-68 sex offenses garbage pulls, 73
physical evidence analy- aggravated sexual battery, suspects, 73-74
sis, 60-61 23 vehicles, 73
pitfalls, 53-56 carnal knowledge, 23 spiral searches, 59
primary scenes, 58 splatters (blood splatters),
130-132
!"" BVS1][^ZSbS7RW]ba5cWRSb]4]`S\aWQaASQ]\R3RWbW]\
stabbings credit card crimes, 284 tire impressions
determining cause of death identity theft, 285-286 collecting physical evi-
(autopsy), 141 temperature, time of death dence, 82-83
wound evidence, 133-134 indications, 143 crime lab analysis, 117-118
statistics terrorism tool marks
COMPSTAT, 21-22 cyber crimes, 287-288 crime lab analysis, 117-118
future crime trends, policing history, 205 defining characteristics, 117
278-280 tests toolkits (investigator’s)
stomach contents, time of polygraphs, 255-256 angle mirrors, 78
death indications, 143-144 screening tests (forensic bloodborne pathogen pro-
storage of evidence, 90 toxicology) tection kits, 78
stress and burnout (policing), chemical spot tests, 158 body fluid collection kits,
230 chromatography, 158 79
struggles, signs of, 127-128 crystal tests, 158 camera and film, 79
Sunshine laws, 53 urine drug testing, 150 chalk, 79
superimpositions, 169 theories (crime), 4-12 collecting physical evi-
surroundings, crime scene criminal labeling approach, dence, 83-84
observations, 130 11 compass, 79
surveillance, video surveil- human diversity approach, containers and envelopes,
lance, 299-300 11 79
suspects human right perspectives, fingerprint kits, 79
as information source, 240 11 flashlights, 79
hypnosis and, 267 legal definition, 10 forensic light sources, 81
searches, 73-74 right versus wrong concept knives, 80
SWAT team, 225 authority figures, 4-5 magnifiers, 80
sworn duties (police officers), cross-cultural norms, measuring tape and rulers,
224 10-11 80
synergy (drug synergy), 156 differences, 9-10 picks, 80
media outlets, 5-6 Plaster of Paris, 80
B self perspectives, 6
social harm concept, 10-11
pliers, 80
sexual assault kits, 80
Tasers, 303 three-dimensional facial sketching supplies, 80
Technical Services Bureau reconstruction, 168-169 tweezers, 80
Communications, 226 time of death indications wrecking bars, 80
Court/Records Services, decomposition, 144 toxicology (forensic toxicol-
226 entomology analysis ogy), 144
Equipment Management, blowfly analysis, 174-175 acute toxicity, 153
226 evidence collection pro- Certified Forensic Alcohol
technology cedures, 177-178 Toxicologist, 148
influence on policing, phases of bodily decay, Certified Forensic Drug
292-293 175-177 Toxicologist, 148
techno crimes eyes, 143 Certified Forensic
ATM spoofing, 284-285 stomach contents, 143-144 Toxicologist, 148
temperature, 143 drug synergies, 156
7\RSf !"#
future outlooks, 159 two-dimensional facial recon- nonlethal weapons,

goals, 155-156 struction, 168 302-304
human-performance foren- white-collar crimes, 26-27
sic toxicology, 150
intoxication, 153
C computer crimes, 27
fraud, 27
limitations, 158-159 undercover work, 241 whorls (fingerprint classifica-
pharmacodynamic studies, uniformed officers, roles in tion), 103
154-155 crime scene investigations, wireless police work (policing
poisonings 48-50 history), 207-208
acute toxicity, 153 unnatural death causes, 140 witnesses, as information
Markov case, 150-152 urine drug testing, 150 source, 240
pharmacodynamic stud- Use of Force Continuum Women Police Service (polic-
ies, 154-155 (policing), 234-235 ing history), 208
poisons versus drugs, wound evidence, 132-134
152-153 gunshots, 133
postmortem forensic toxi- D stabbings, 133-134
cology, 150 wrecking bars, 80
roles of toxicologists, variable number tandem
repeats (VNTRs), 189
148-150
vehicle searches, 73 F½G½H
Society of Forensic
Toxicology, 150 victimology
overview, 27-28 Youth Squads, 225
specimen analysis, 157-158
acid/base division proce- Turvey method, 41
victims zone search method, 59
dure, 158
screening tests, 158 as information source, 239
toxicity level measure- dying declarations, 126
ments, 155-156 video surveillance, 299-300
tracking of popular drugs, visible prints, 100
156-157 VNTRs (variable number tan-
understanding effects of dem repeats), 189
drugs, 157 voice and image analysis
urine drug testing, 150 (crime lab), 114-115
trace evidence, 13, 108 Volstead Act, 219
training programs (policing), voluntary manslaughter, 22
231-234
tree ring studies (dendrochro- E
nology), 183
truth serums weapons
court admissibility, 265-266 assault weapons, 230-231
overview, 264-265 ballistics and firearms anal-
reliability, 265 ysis (crime lab), 116-117
Turvey method (criminal pro- collecting physical evi-
filing), 40-42 dence, 86
tweezers, as investigator's tool, policing trends, 301-304
80 guns, 302

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Reading the Wounds ..................................................................132

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X Criminology, criminal investigation, and forensics defined

X Some leading theories of crime

X Relation of criminology to criminal investigation and forensics

X At the crime scene

X Fantasy cops vs. real investigators

To a question recently posed by the public opinion firm Zogby

Many people think about

(Image from Arttoday.com.)

Criminal investigation is the general process of discovering, collecting, identifying,

In criminology, cross-cultural norms identify certain acts as universally deemed crimes,

Police professionalism grew

(Image from Arttoday.com)

X The major crimes against persons

X The major crimes against property

X Drugs and crime

X The white-collar offenses

X Victimology: a new focus on the victim

A brontosaurus was lumbering in the background while a pterodactyl

Most jurisdictions do make distinctions among different controlled substances. They

X Hollywood myth vs. nitty-gritty reality

X Evolution of profiling: from Jack the Ripper to the Boston Strangler

X FBI profiling practices

X Profiling serial offenders: the Canter method

X Turvey’s Behavioral Evidence Analysis method

X How effective is criminal profiling?

If you’re a fan of old detective movies, crime shows of television’s Golden

This 1888 cartoon from the

(Image from ArtToday)

Committed to an asylum, Metesky was released in 1974 and returned to Waterbury,

X Adequate level of social competence

X Prefers skilled work

X High birth-order status

X Father had/has stable work

X Childhood discipline inconsistent

X Mood was controlled during the crime

X Used alcohol in connection with the crime

X Situational stress precipitated crime

X Lives with partner

X Is mobile; owns a car in good condition

X Follows crime in the news media

X May change jobs or leave town after the crime

Disorganized offender characteristics include:

X Works at unskilled labor

X Low birth-order status

X Father has/had unstable work

X Received harsh discipline as a child

X Mood was anxious during the crime

X Minimal use of alcohol in connection with the crime

X Situational stress played little role in precipitating the crime

X Lives or works near the crime scene

X Not interested in following the crime in the news media

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