The Evolution of The Entrepreneurial University
The Evolution of The Entrepreneurial University
The Evolution of The Entrepreneurial University
1, 2004
Henry Etzkowitz
Purchase College, 735 Anderson Hill Road,
Purchase, New York 10577, USA
E-mail: [email protected]
1 Introduction
The university and other knowledge producing institutions are viewed as a generator of
future economic growth in ever more direct ways. An entrepreneurial university might
seem to be an oxymoron, a contradiction in terms, and an antithesis of the ivory tower,
academic model. We usually think of an entrepreneur as an individual who takes great
risks to initiate a new activity whilst organisations typically perform the function of
institutionalising and perpetuating an activity. However, organisations may also play the
entrepreneurial role, as Schumpeter noted in his analysis of the role of the Department of
Agriculture in creating the US agricultural research system [1]. Academic
entrepreneurship is, on the one hand, an extension of teaching and research activities and,
on the other hand, the internalisation of technology transfer capabilities, taking a role
traditionally played by industry. It is this ‘capitalisation of knowledge’ that is the heart of
a new mission for the university, linking universities more tightly to users of knowledge
and establishing the university as an economic actor in its own right.
The entrepreneurial university is an emergent phenomenon that is a result of the
working out of an ‘inner logic’ of academic development that previously expanded the
academic enterprise from a conservator to an originator of knowledge. Originating as a
medieval institution for the conservation and transmission of knowledge, the university
has evolved over the centuries into an institution in which knowledge is also created and
put into use. Research became an inextricable part of the teaching process as teaching
extended from dissemination of available knowledge to include methodologies that
retrieve lost knowledge. Research was expanded to an increasing number of disciplines
as reliable methods were formulated, enabling students to participate in the creation of
new knowledge as part of their training. Naturally, what was found was reinterpreted in
the light of current interests as part of the recuperation of classic texts. Practical
implications were discerned in some of these research results, especially in the sciences,
and steps were taken to put them to use.
The entrepreneurial university is an efflorescence of embryonic characteristics that
exist potentially in any academic enterprise. Theories of the university typically fail to
account for the metamorphosis of a medieval institution based on charitable and
eleemosynary principles into one capable of generating a significant part of its own
support and of playing a primary, rather than a secondary, role in society. Instead, they
argue for confinement to whatever has previously been accepted as academic roles and
statuses, such as teaching and research, isolation, or a close connection to the state. The
entrepreneurial university transcends and incorporates previous academic dichotomies
(ivory-tower/polytechnic; research/teaching) in a new synthesis. This paper analyses the
emergence of the university as an entrepreneur, the internal and external impetuses for
this transformation, and its consequences for the role of the university in the societal
transition from an industrial to a knowledge base.
Proposition 1: capitalisation
Knowledge is created and transmitted for use as well as for disciplinary advance; the
capitalisation of knowledge becomes the basis for economic and social development and,
thus, of an enhanced role for the university in society.
Proposition 2: interdependence
The entrepreneurial university interacts closely with the industry and government; it is
not an ivory tower university isolated from society.
Proposition 3: independence
The entrepreneurial university is a relatively independent institution; it is not a dependent
creature of another institutional sphere.
Proposition 4: hybridisation
The resolution of the tensions between the principles of interdependence and
independence are an impetus to the creation of hybrid organisational formats to realise
both objectives simultaneously.
Proposition 5: reflexivity
There is a continuing renovation of the internal structure of the university as its relation
to industry and government changes, and of industry and government as their relationship
to the university is revised.
There are three stages and phases to the development of the university as an
entrepreneur, with each modality building upon the other in a usual, but by no means
necessary, order. In an initial phase (University Entrepreneur One), the academic
institution takes a strategic view of its direction and gains some ability to set its own
priorities, typically through negotiations with resource providers [2]. In a second phase
(University Entrepreneur Two), the academic institution takes an active role in
commercialising the intellectual property arising from the activities of its faculty, staff
and students. In a third phase (University Entrepreneur Three), the academic institution
takes a proactive role in improving the efficacy of its regional innovation environment,
often in collaboration with industry and government actors.
Although these phases were identified as taking place sequentially in the development
of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), reverse sequences may be identified,
for example, as in the experience of the Blekinge Institute of Technology, which took off
from phase three [3]. Blekinge was founded as a crucial link in a regional renewal
scheme, as a platform for the creation of software firms in the immediate future, whereas
MIT was established as a distinctive academic format that would contribute to regional
innovation in the long term. Not surprisingly, the similarities in intention and purpose
between these mid 19th and late 20th century entrepreneurial academic foundations may
outweigh any differences.
The evolution of the entrepreneurial university 67
science-based economic development at the national political level. However, it did not
find a receptive audience due to prevailing views that too much new technology was
possibly the cause of depression and unemployment. New England, with its history of
industrial growth based on technological innovation, from at least the early 19th century
provided an exception to the general rule of technological scepticism that was the
prevailing ideology at the time.
Thirdly, the New England Council provided a network to put the concept into effect.
Several elements had to be brought together in order to invent the venture capital firm.
These included changes in the law, to allow financial institutions to invest part of
their capital in more risky ventures than previously allowed. Moreover, persons with
technical expertise were needed to seek out and review candidate technologies for
commercialisation, as well as individuals with business expertise to guide the
firm-formation process. Finally, someone with an overview of all the elements of the
process was required to knit these elements together into a coherent organisation.
The individual elements were available in the region. The
university-industry-government network created by the New England Council could call
upon individuals such as Ralph Flanders, who had moved from the industrial sphere, as
President of a Vermont tool company, to the political sphere, as Senator from Vermont,
with an intervening stint as a member of the board of the Boston branch of the Federal
Reserve Bank. Such persons were available to encourage the necessary legislation. MIT’s
senior faculty could be called upon as advisors to review candidate technologies and
recent graduates could be hired as technology scouts. The Harvard Business School
happened to have on its faculty a professor, Georges Doriot, who had taken an interest in
new firm formation in contrast to the vast majority of the faculty who were focused on
the issues facing existing, typically large, firms. Graduates, especially those who had
taken Doriot’s course in Manufacturing, could be recruited to work in an organisation
concerned with firm formation.
A university-industry-government network to promote regional development could be
built on a substratum of academic institutions such as MIT that were already producing
commercialisable technologies and that already had experience in transferring technology
to industry through consultation, patenting and licensing. In addition, a business school,
with a limited focus on entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial skills, was available.
President Compton provided the necessary leadership to put these elements together into
a coherent organisational format. Operating within the context of the New England
Council, MIT took the Innovation Organiser (IO) role in renewing New England’s
regional innovation system [4].
There is a transformation in the mission of economic and social development, from
being merely a facilitator for transferring technology to individual firms to being a force
for fostering regional economic and social development. Instead of the focus being on an
individual patent or technology transfer regime, there is a concern with the university
playing a broader role in its region. Sometimes, as in Portugal, where regional political
entities are weak, the university plays a role of ‘regional innovation organiser’ (RIO),
bringing together local businesses and municipalities to develop an innovation
strategy [5].
The evolution of the entrepreneurial university 69
The interactive model brings together the two linear models as well as generating an
interaction between them in which basic research questions arise from addressing
practical problems and vice versa. The potential of an interactive model became apparent
during the Second World War, when physicists working on engineering problems in
wartime research projects such as radar, who believed that they had put aside their
academic interests, started generating theoretical questions that they would address later.
Thus, scientists who had previously opposed federal funding of research, fearing that they
would lose their academic freedom, enthusiastically embraced it after the war.
A two-way flow of influence is created between the university and an increasingly
knowledge-based society as the distance among institutional spheres is reduced.
Universities negotiate partnerships with start-up firms, emanating from academic
research in which they invest intellectual and financial capital in exchange for equity in
these firms. They also make broad arrangements with R&D intensive firms for funds in
exchange for preferred access to patent rights and adjunct faculty status for company
researchers. Such firms may locate on campus, as at the University of Bochum in
Germany, the Centennial campus of North Carolina State University, and prospectively at
the College of Natural Resources at the University of California, Berkeley. The content
and formats for teaching, research and linkage itself are also affected. The assumption of
an active role in economic development leaves existing academic missions in place, but it
also encourages them to be carried out in new ways.
To this day, European Professors are often selected through national competitions that
make a strategy, such as Terman’s “steeple building” at Stanford, making the creation of
a critical mass of professors on a special topic difficult, if not impossible, to realise.
Terman’s strategy was to identify a nascent field with theoretical and practical potential
and hire several professors with research specialties in this area, in effect forming a proto
centre, while linking them to departments in which they would teach more broadly than
their special research area. This strategy allowed the university to fulfil three missions
simultaneously that otherwise might have been at odds with each other.
The first academic revolution took place in the late 19th and early 20th century, when
research became a legitimate function of the university. Although the term university had
been utilised since the medieval period, to refer to institutions for the preservation and
transmission of knowledge, the modern university can be traced to the Humboldtian
model, emphasising the interconnection between teaching and research; the university
and the nation state [6]. Indeed, the incorporation of research as an academic mission,
especially in the historical sciences, was part of a state building project. Scientific
research was supported both for practical benefits expected and to enhance national
prestige. Thus, a delegation of leading German scientists, Planck and Nernst, went to
Zurich to attract Einstein back to a chair in Berlin, after he had published his initial
groundbreaking papers [7].
A series of organisational innovations in teaching and research laid the groundwork
for the entrepreneurial university. The research university emerged as an institutional
format in the late 19th century by bringing together two activities, teaching and research,
which had previously developed separately in colleges and scientific societies. Whilst
research was introduced by law, as a specific task of Swedish universities, in 1916, an
embryonic entrepreneurial academic dynamic originated in the US university, due to the
circumstances in which research was introduced.
The paucity of research funds in the USA affected the way in which academics,
imbued with the research ethic, pursued their goal during the late 19th century. Lack of a
formal research funding system, apart from agriculture, placed a premium on individual
and collective initiatives to obtain resources to support original investigation. By that
time, loose interpretations of hierarchical German academic models of investigation
appeared in the emerging research universities of the USA. Departments with relative
autonomy of professors in different grades replaced professorships with a support
staff [8].
72 H. Etzkowitz
The first academic revolution sowed the seeds of the second by providing the research
base from which knowledge could be capitalised. However, the practical implications of
much academic research were not attended to, due to the creation of an ethic of academic
autonomy that took strong root in a group of liberal arts research universities that abjured
this task. In the late 19th century, a clear demarcation was attempted between the
university and other institutional spheres through the creation of an ideology of basic
research. The basic or ‘pure’ research model was propounded most notably by Henry
Rowland, a physicist at Johns Hopkins University, in his Presidential Address to the
American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) in the late 19th century.
Rowland proposed a model of starting from curiosity driven science moving to applied
research and eventually to long-term benefits.
At the same time, universities specialising in applied research for agriculture and
industry, the ‘land grant’ foundations in the USA and polytechnic institutions in
Europe temporarily met this need. However, this organisational differentiation eventually
broke down due to internal and external causes: the inevitable production of research
results with practical implications in universities ostensibly devoted to basic research,
on the one hand; and external demand for greater utility from public research funding,
on the other.
In recent decades, these processes have collapsed into each other again, opening up
opportunities for scientific entrepreneurship.
Informal transfer through consultation, faculty student relationships and ‘knowledge
flows’ through publication are being superseded by more formal mechanisms that not
only package the technology into discrete sets of rights but also advance the exploration
of its commercial potential. There are several points of entry to the university for
independent investors and firms seeking technology including: direct access to research
groups, mediated access through technology transfer offices and through incubators. Each
offers the possibility of access to potential investments at different stages of the research
and commercialisation process.
The evolution of the entrepreneurial university 73
The development of an assisted linear model of technology transfer begins with a liaison
office, going a step beyond producing trained graduates and publications to take
knowledge out of the university. Universities have established liaison offices to facilitate
contacts, formalising the process by which firms often make their own contacts through
former students and personal connections. An individual liaison officer may take
responsibility for organising interactions between a department or research unit and a
group of interested firms. This may take the form of individual meetings, possibly
leading to consultation contracts or presentations of a unit’s work, typically through
graduate student talks, to a group of firms on a regular basis.
In a second stage, knowledge is encapsulated in a technology and moved out by a
technology transfer office created to identify, patent, market and license intellectual
property. The technology transfer office operates as a dual search mechanism, pulling
technology out of university research groups, and finding a place for it. In recent years,
universities have explored various ways to add value to early stage university
technologies by conducting marketing surveys, seeking development support and
embodying the technology in a firm.
In a third stage, knowledge and technology is embodied in a firm and moved out of
the university by an entrepreneur. Firm formation from academic research was an
informal activity for many years, beginning with instrumentation companies arising from
work at MIT and Harvard in the late 19th century. The initial formalisation of this
process took place through the invention of the venture capital firm, which provided an
external support structure for firm formation projects that were often initially located in
available space in academic buildings. The incubator, a formal organisation providing
space and other assistance to nascent firms emanating from academic research, was
introduced during the early 1980s at Renssellear Polytechnic Institute, a school lacking a
tradition of firm formation, and has been widely utilised since.
A growing number of universities are willing to use a small portion of their
endowment funds to capitalise new firms, from campus as well as other sources, often in
association with other investors [9]. This can be seen as the latest stage in a long-term
movement of endowment managers to a more risk intensive investment strategy, having
74 H. Etzkowitz
During the 1970s and 1980s, academic-industry relations developed rapidly in the USA
in response to increased international competition. The incremental evolution of products
within existing industries was inadequate to ensure economic growth. Academia was thus
brought into new, relatively independent, alignment with industry. There was both a need
to introduce new technologies into existing industries and to create industries based on
new technology. There were precursors earlier in the century for accomplishment of this
task, but integration of research with application is now the basis of a policy for civilian
technology development, a model previously confined to the military sector [10].
Although the increase or decrease of funding certainly has an effect on academic and
other institutions, such trends can just as easily rigidify existing structures, expanding or
contracting them along existing lines, as well as inducing their reform. The reorganisation
of the university is more fundamentally driven by changes in knowledge production and
utilisation as new forms of knowledge are created through the intersection of academic,
industrial and government interests. A new set of scientific disciplines has recently been
created, such as molecular biology, computer science and materials science, that
simultaneously exhibit both theoretical and practical implications, rather than the latter
emerging after a long time delay. Thus, the attainment of theoretical advance is closely
related to technological innovation and vice versa.
The Brazilian entrepreneurial academic model can be seen as a synthesis of the US and
European variants. Academic entrepreneurship emerged in Brazil as a survival strategy
when research funding precipitously declined in the early 1980s. Research as an explicit
academic mission had only recently been introduced into an academic system with
largely training functions, despite the long-time existence of a few specialised research
units. Universities that were determined to persist in this new mission looked to develop
new sources of material and ideological support for this goal and the means to realise it.
The incubator was imported from the USA as an organisational format to translate
academic research into economic activity [12].
Academic entrepreneurship also took a broader format to address social problems as
well as economic issues. Thus, the incubator concept was translated from a high tech
business firm development format into a low tech service cooperative initiative,
translating the organisational expertise developed in the initial project to address the deep
inequalities endemic to Brazilian society [13]. Entrepreneurial education was also
introduced as part of general education, rather than being confined to engineering and
business students, the traditional human resource of entrepreneurial activities. Just as
students learn to write an essay expressing their personal thoughts, or a scientific report
utilising evidence to support a thesis, so they are also being taught to write a business
plan, setting forth an objective and the means to realise it, along with a ‘market test’ [14].
Academic entrepreneurship thus becomes part of the teaching mission of the
university, intruding an entrepreneurial ethos to a broader population on the grounds that
it is equally relevant to the arts and social sciences as to engineering and the sciences; to
low tech as well as high tech ventures. Academic entrepreneurship is being translated to a
non-academic population through the popular cooperatives and other university
originated social programs.
76 H. Etzkowitz
academic mission, students are taught how to do it, thus making it part of the educational
mission.
Similarly, economic development provides a new legitimation for research as it
contributes to expanding that activity. The second academic revolution also expands the
number of universities. As the thesis of knowledge-based economic development takes
hold, every region wants its own university. Attracting the best students and professors in
some areas becomes an economic development strategy that expands the growth of the
academic enterprise. Some of these changes are internal developments within the
academy, such as the development of the research group that has firm-like qualities.
Thus, the research university shares homologous qualities with a start-up firm, even
before it directly engages in entrepreneurial activities.
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University-Industry-Government Networks Science and Public Policy, April.
13 Etzkowitz, H., Mello, J. and Almeida, M. (2003) Evolution of the Incubator: The Emergence
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14 Bok, D. (2003) Universities in the Marketplace, Princeton University Press, Princeton.