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AFRICAN HISTORIES
AND MODERNITIES
Exploitation and
Misrule in Colonial and
Postcolonial Africa
Edited by Kenneth Kalu · Toyin Falola
African Histories and Modernities
Series Editors
Toyin Falola
The University of Texas at Austin
Austin, TX, USA
Matthew M. Heaton
Virginia Tech
Blacksburg, VA, USA
This book series serves as a scholarly forum on African contributions to
and negotiations of diverse modernities over time and space, with a
particular emphasis on historical developments. Specifically, it aims to
refute the hegemonic conception of a singular modernity, Western in
origin, spreading out to encompass the globe over the last several decades.
Indeed, rather than reinforcing conceptual boundaries or parameters, the
series instead looks to receive and respond to changing perspectives on
an important but inherently nebulous idea, deliberately creating a space
in which multiple modernities can interact, overlap, and conflict. While
privileging works that emphasize historical change over time, the series
will also feature scholarship that blurs the lines between the historical
and the contemporary, recognizing the ways in which our changing
understandings of modernity in the present have the capacity to affect
the way we think about African and global histories.
Editorial Board
Akintunde Akinyemi, Literature, University of Florida, Gainesville
Malami Buba, African Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies,
Yongin, South Korea
Emmanuel Mbah, History, CUNY, College of Staten Island
Insa Nolte, History, University of Birmingham
Shadrack Wanjala Nasong’o, International Studies, Rhodes College
Samuel Oloruntoba, Political Science, TMALI, University of South Africa
Bridget Teboh, History, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth
More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14758
Kenneth Kalu • Toyin Falola
Editors
Exploitation
and Misrule in
Colonial and
Postcolonial Africa
Editors
Kenneth Kalu Toyin Falola
Ted Rogers School of Management The University of Texas at Austin
Ryerson University Austin, TX, USA
Toronto, ON, Canada
African Histories and Modernities

ISBN 978-3-319-96495-9 ISBN 978-3-319-96496-6 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96496-6
Library of Congress Control Number: 2018953347
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG, part of Springer Nature 2019
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
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Preface
Resentment to colonial exploitation and consequent underdevelopment of

the colonies was the common theme around which Africa’s nationalists
rallied to confront the colonial government, and push for political inde-
pendence. Through various means, African nationalists opposed colonial
rule and sought for self-government, ostensibly to curb the exploitation
that colonialism represented and to work for the economic development of
the continent. Nationalist rhetoric suggested that political independence
would bring an end to exploitation of the continent by foreigners, restore
the dignity of the African, and chart a course for sustainable development
for the benefit of Africans. In a way, colonialism was seen as the evil that
must be eliminated in order to give Africa its rightful place in the global
political economy. Guided by this mindset, political independence became
an end to itself, rather than a means to an end. Consequently, Africans
came together irrespective of ethnicity or religious beliefs to fight against
the perceived common enemy of that era—European colonial masters.
Colonial rule began to crumble in the middle of the twentieth century,
with Ghana gaining political independence in 1957 and several other
countries becoming independent in the 1960s. Based on the rhetoric of
nationalist leaders of that era, and the misconception that self-governance
meant the same as good governance, Africans welcomed political indepen-
dence with excitement and hope. The expectations were that independent
African states would deliver good governance that would generate devel-
opment and unleash the potentials that were suppressed under colonial
rule. However, the first decade of political independence produced series
of crises that almost questioned the idea of political independence. A few
v
vi PREFACE
years after independence, the political and economic conditions in many

African states deteriorated. Military coups became more of a norm than an
aberration. By the end of the 1970s, almost every country in Sub-Saharan
Africa was facing one political crises or the other. Civil wars, ethnic and
religious conflicts, and general social disorders had become commonplace
across the continent. Africa’s economy did not fare any better—several
failed attempts at industrialization left the countries with burdensome
public debt and deteriorating public infrastructure. As the government
failed to provide basic social services, discontent grew among the popu-
lace, who had looked up to political leaders to bring real development.
If political independence were to produce inclusive institutions, eco-
nomic growth, and social stability, African leaders who took over political
power from the colonial masters needed to first dismantle the colonial
structures that were designed as instruments of exploitation and predation.
However, subsisting postcolonial realities have shown that African leaders
either were not prepared for the task ahead or lacked the understanding,
courage, foresight, and integrity needed to effectively work for the trans-
formation that would produce real social and economic emancipation of
the people. The failure to effectively dismantle the colonial governance
structures and to transform such institutions as the civil service, the police,
the judiciary, and other government agencies into organs for serving the
citizens meant that political independence became mere symbolism, with
little positive real changes for majority of Africans. In some ways, political
independence can be described as mere transfer of the instruments of
exploitation from European colonial officials to a few Africans who had
received some Western education in the mid-twentieth century.
Contributors to this volume have explored representations and images
of colonial and postcolonial exploitation in literature and rhetoric, as well
as through case studies that exemplify persistent governance failures from
the era of colonial exploitation to postcolonial misrule and perversion
across the African region. Overall, there is an emerging consensus that
African states must transform the governance institutions that have fos-
tered exploitation and produced underdevelopment and poverty across
the continent. Such transformation is necessary to rupture lingering colo-
nial legacies and put the African state on a credible path to sustainable
development.
Toronto, ON, Canada Kenneth Kalu

Austin, TX, USA Toyin Falola
Contents
1 Introduction: Exploitation, Colonialism, and Postcolonial

Misrule in Africa 1
Kenneth Kalu and Toyin Falola
Section I Encounters: Texts, Images, and Fiction 25
2 Rupturing Neocolonial Legacies in the African Novel:

Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Matigari as a Paradigm 27
Damlègue Lare
3 Decolonial Visions in Mid-Twentieth-Century African

Rhetoric: Perspectives from Kwame Nkrumah’s
Consciencism 51
Nancy Henaku
4 Images of Colonialism in the Text of Two African Female

Poets 77
Gabriel Bámgbóṣé
5 Migration and Exile: The Exotic Essence of Life in Bessie

Head’s When Rain Clouds Gather 101
Joshua Agbo
vii
viii Contents
6 Ingrid de Kok’s “A Room Full of Questions” and South

Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission 125
Michael Sharp
7 Identity, the “Passing” Novel, and the Phenomenology

of “Race” 145
Mawuena K. Logan
Section II Encounters: Spaces of Subjugation and Dominance 163
8 Precolonial Imaginaries and Colonial Legacies in

Mobutu’s “Authentic” Zaïre 165
Daviel Lazure Vieira
9 World War II and West African Soldiers in Asia,

1943–1947 191
Oliver Coates
10 A Colonizing Agricultural Company in Somalia: The

Duke of Abruzzi’s Società Agricola Italo-Somala in the
Italian Colonial Fascist System 217
Alberto Cauli
11 The Magical Hour of Midnight: The Annual

Commemorations of Rhodesia’s and Transkei’s
Independence Days 243
Josiah Brownell
12 Colonial Ideologies and the Emergence of Two Spaces:

The Nigerian Experience 277
Bright Alozie Chiazam
Index 295
Notes on Contributors
Joshua Agbo holds a PhD in Exile and Postcolonial African Literature

from Anglia Ruskin University, Cambridge, UK. His research focuses on
Bessie Emery Amelia Head’s novels, approached from the angle(s) of exile,
migration, trauma, and postcolonial studies. His research interests further
stretch across African history, linguistic/literary stylistics of African litera-
ture, and Afro-Caribbean studies. He is the author of How Africans
Underdeveloped Africa: A Forgotten Truth in History (2010) and Dead
Wood (2015), as well as the co-editor of the book Linguistics: An
Introductory Text. He is also a member of several academic bodies/associa-
tions, and some of which include Modern Language Association (MLA),
African Literature Association (ALA), Association of Child Development
and Communication Disorders, Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA),
Great Northern Postcolonial Network, New Routes Old Roots Network,
Refugees & Migration Ph.D. Network, and Postcolonial Studies
Association. He has published both nationally and internationally. His essay
was shortlisted for the “Barbara Harlow Prize for Excellence” in 2017.
Gabriel Bámgbóṣé is a PhD student in Comparative Literature at Rutgers
University, New Jersey, USA. He has taught in the Department of English
at Tai Solarin University of Education, Nigeria. He has also taught Yorùbá
as a Fulbright Foreign Language Teaching Assistant (FLTA) in Africana
Studies Program at New York University, New York. His interests in schol-
arship include African literature, folklore, and popular culture; African
women’s poetry; and feminist, postcolonial, and decolonial thoughts.
Bámgbóṣé is also a poet and the founding editor of Ijagun Poetry Journal.
ix
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x Notes on Contributors
His work has appeared in Comparative Literature and Culture,

Contemporary Humanities, The African Symposium, Footmarks: Poems on
One Hundred Years of Nigeria’s Nationhood, Ake Review, The Criterion,
and the Journal of Social and Cultural Analysis, among others. He is the
author of the poetry collection Something Happened After the Rain.
Josiah Brownell is Assistant Professor of History at the Pratt Institute in
Brooklyn, New York, USA. His primary areas of research are comparative
settler colonialism, with a focus on central and southern Africa, and the
international law and politics of African decolonization. He holds a PhD
in History from the School of Oriental and African Studies, and he has a
law degree from the University of Virginia. His first book was published by
I.B. Tauris in 2011, titled The Collapse of Rhodesia: Population Demographics
and the Politics of Race. He is working on hissecond book, to be titled,
States of Denial: Katanga, Rhodesia, and Transkei, and the Limits of
African Self-Determination, which looks at the very similar ways in which
these three unrecognized secessionist regimes tried to gain external sover-
eignty, the similar responses that each of their sovereign claims elicited
overseas, and why these sovereign contests continue to matter today.
Alberto Cauli is a doctoral student and graduate teaching assistant in
Italian at the University of Auckland, New Zealand. He holds a BA in
History and an MA in History and Society, both from the University of
Cagliari, Italy. In his doctoral research, he investigates the relationship
between fascism and geographic explorations through analyzing the biog-
raphies of Luigi di Savoia, the Duke of Abruzzi, Aimone of Savoia, the
Duke of Spoleto, and Ardito Desio. He is also interested in the early
aviation history and in naval military history. In 2008, he published
the biography of the aviator Ernesto Campanelli, who flew from Italy
to Australia with Francesco De Pinedo in 1925. In 2015, he pub-
lished Cho Oyu, an account of the first Sardinian climbing expedition
in the Cho Oyu mountain. He has lived in Toronto in 2014, where
he taught Italian language.
Bright Alozie Chiazam is a PhD candidate and teaching instructor at
the Department of History, West Virginia University, USA.
Oliver Coates is a college supervisor in History at Cambridge, UK. A
fellow of the French Research Institute in Africa, Oliver has taught African
Studies and African history at Cambridge and at Institut National des
Langues et Civilisation Orientales (INALCO) in Paris. Oliver’s PhD thesis
Notes on Contributors xi
was on “A Social History of Military Service in Southwestern Nigeria,

1939–1955.” His research interests are in West African social and cultural
history, as well as in India/Africa relations and Islamic history. He has
published in Research in African Literatures, the Journal of Modern
African Cultural Studies, and the Journal of Commonwealth Literature.
He is working on a manuscript based around his PhD thesis.
Toyin Falola is the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair Professor
in the Humanities and a Distinguished Teaching Professor at the University
of Texas at Austin, USA. A celebrated scholar of global stature, Falola has
published numerous books and essays in diverse areas. He has received
various awards and honors, including the Jean Holloway Award for
Teaching Excellence, the Texas Exes Teaching Award, and seven honorary
doctorates. He is the Series Editor of “Carolina Studies on Africa and the
Black World,” among several others.
Nancy Henaku is a doctoral candidate of the Rhetoric, Theory, and
Culture program in the Department of Humanities at Michigan
Technological University. She describes her research interests as interdisci-
plinary, combining perspectives from linguistic, rhetorical, and literary
theory. Her research explores the intersections between discourse, subal-
ternity, and power with particular interest on the construction and/or
resistance of postcolonial and/or gendered subjectivities in discourse.
Kenneth Kalu is an assistant professor at the Ted Rogers School of
Management, Ryerson University, Toronto, Canada. He was also a visit-
ing research scholar at the University of Texas at Austin, USA. Kalu holds
a PhD from Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada. His research interests
revolve around Africa’s political economy. He is particularly interested in
examining the nature, evolution, and interactions of economic and politi-
cal institutions, and how these institutions shape the business environment
and economic growth in Africa. His essays have appeared in several aca-
demic journals and edited volumes.
Damlègue Lare was born and educated in Togo. He received his doctor-
ate degree in 2011 from the University of Lomé, Togo. Since then, he has
been lecturing African literature and civilization in the universities of
Togo. He was also a Fulbright Visiting Fellow of Senior Research in
African Literature at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln in 2016–2017.
In addition to several articles that appear in international journals, includ-
xii Notes on Contributors
ing Research in African Literatures, Research Scholar, Revue du CAMES

Literature, and langues et linguistique, he is the author of two critical
books: Diction and Postcolonial Vision in the Plays of Wole Soyinka (Glinicke
2016) and African Feminism, Gender and Sexuality: Emerging Discourses
in Contemporary Literature (Glinicke 2017). His areas of research include
postcolonial politics in literature, modern African drama, feminist, and
gender studies.
Daviel Lazure Vieira worked as a journalist and professional reader for
several Canadian newspapers, magazines, and publishing houses. He was a
contributor to the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation’s public radio ser-
vice and worked for the British Council in Paris. He studied international
relations at the University of Toronto, and attended the University of
California, Berkeley, in the summer of 2015. A Jackman Humanities
Institute Undergraduate Fellow in 2016–2017, he was the recipient of a
number of awards, including the Killam American Fund for International
Exchange Scholarship and the Jukka-Pekka Saraste Undergraduate Award
in the Humanities. His essay, “Precolonial Imaginaries and Colonial
Legacies in Mobutu’s ‘Authentic’ Zaïre,’” presented during the 17th
Annual Africa Conference at the University of Texas at Austin, was awarded
the inaugural Barbara Harlow Prize for Excellence in Graduate Studies.
While pursuing research, he works as a writer, editor, and translator in
both North America and Europe.
Mawuena K. Logan is an associate professor in the Department of Pan-
African Studies at the University of Louisville, Kentucky, USA, where he
teaches postcolonial/African literature, African Diaspora (African-
American, Afro-Caribbean) literatures, and race and ethnicity in the
Diaspora. His areas of research encompass the socio-political and cultural
impact of Afro-Brazilian returnees on West Africa, postcoloniality and
popular music in Africa and the Caribbean, identity and racial politics in
Africa and the Diaspora, and Black nationalism in the age of globalization.
His publications include “Narrating Africa” (1999), “Negritude-
Postcolonial Interface in Cheikh Hamidou Kane’s Ambiguous Adventure”
(2009), “Postmodern Identity: Blackness and the Making of President
Obama” (2010), “Legba in the House: African Cosmology in Their Eyes
Were Watching God” (2013), “Representing Haiti: Postcolonial Discourse
and Aimé Césaire’s La tragédie du roi Christophe,” and “Sankofa: Garvey’s
Pan-Africanism, Negritude, and Decolonizing Narratives” (2017).
Notes on Contributors xiii
Michael Sharp has a PhD from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

He is Professor of English and Caribbean Studies at the University of
Puerto Rico where he specializes in literature written in English in Africa
and the Caribbean. He has taught in universities in Greece, Portugal,
Nigeria, and at Harvard University and has been a faculty associate at the
International School of Theory at the University of Santiago de
Compostela, Spain. Sharp’s poetry has been published on both sides of the
Atlantic.
CHAPTER 1
Introduction: Exploitation, Colonialism,

and Postcolonial Misrule in Africa
Kenneth Kalu and Toyin Falola
A number of African states continue to face daunting challenges in their

socio-political and economic affairs. Current discourses on Africa’s political
economy have been dominated by political instability, leadership failures,
regional and ethnic strife, economic backwardness, diseases, and high rates
of poverty in the general population. The World Bank reports that Africa is
currently home to the largest number of the extremely poor in the world,1
after Southeast Asia recorded tremendous economic and structural trans-
formations during the past three decades. This depressing state of affairs in
African countries has expectedly generated a lot of interests from scholars,
policy makers, and international development institutions.
1
The World Bank reports that for the first time in history, Africa has overtaken Asia as the
continent with the largest number of poor people on earth. See World Bank’s poverty data:
http://iresearch.worldbank.org/PovcalNet/povDuplicateWB.aspx
K. Kalu (*)
Ted Rogers School of Management, Ryerson University, Toronto, ON, Canada
e-mail: [email protected]
T. Falola
The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX, USA
© The Author(s) 2019 1

K. Kalu, T. Falola (eds.), Exploitation and Misrule in Colonial
and Postcolonial Africa, African Histories and Modernities,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96496-6_1
2 K. KALU AND T. FALOLA
While there are diverse explanations for Africa’s precarious social and
economic conditions, not a few scholars point to African states’ gover-
nance arrangements, political institutions and culture, and the choices that
these institutions support, as the major explanations for the continent’s
inability to make meaningful progress toward sustainable growth and
development.2 In most African states, subsisting institutions have generally
supported crass exploitation of the commonwealth in favor of a tiny elite,
leading to a political culture defined by cronyism and clientelism, dictator-
ship, and prebendalism.3 The questions that arise is how these forms of
institutions evolved and why they have persisted despite their obvious
disastrous consequences on the progress of the African state and the well-
being of its citizens.
Scholars of African history point to two major epochs that shaped and
perhaps continue to shape Africa’s sociology, politics, and economics. The
horrors of Atlantic slave trade and the exploitation that defined subse-
quent European colonialism have been identified as two major historical
events that set the stage of what we know as Africa today. Along these
lines, scholars have, in various ways, articulated the devastating effects of
Atlantic slave trade on Africa and its people.4 Slavery was and perhaps
remains the highest form of exploitation. Atlantic slave trade devastated
Africa for several centuries, setting the stage for a culture of exploitation,
brute force, inequality, subservience, and instability—features that do not
2
See, for example, Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Why Nations Fail: The origins
of power, prosperity and poverty, (London: Profile Books Ltd., 2012): Ali A. Mazrui and
Francis Wiafe-Amoako, African Institutions: Challenges to political, social, and economic
foundations of Africa’s development, (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2016); Patrrick
Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz, Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument (Oxford &
Bloomington: James Currey & Indiana University Press, 1999).
3
Richard A. Joseph, Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the
Second Republic, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Nicolas van de Walle,
“Presidentialism and Clientelism in Africa’s Emerging Party Systems,” Journal of Modern
African Studies, 42 no. 2 (2003): 297–32.
4
Patrick Manning, Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental and African Slave
Trades, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Joseph Inikori and Stanley
Engerman, “Introduction: Gainers and Losers in the Atlantic Slave Trade” in The Atlantic
Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies and People in Africa, the Americas, and Europe,
eds., Joseph Inikori and Stanley Engerman (Durham and London: Duke University Press,
1992), 1–21; Paul Lovejoy, Transformation in Slavery: A History in Slavery in Africa, (2nd
Edition). (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Nathan Nunn, “The long-
term effects of Africa’s slave trades”, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 123 no. 1 (2008):
139–176.
INTRODUCTION: EXPLOITATION, COLONIALISM, AND POSTCOLONIAL… 3
support sustainable development of any sort. The slave economy made it

impossible for African societies to develop stable centralized political
authorities over large geographical areas. This was because of the continu-
ous raids, fighting, and wars that facilitated the slave economy. The kings
and queens of that era could therefore only exercise effective control over
a limited geographical area beyond which it would be impossible to con-
trol. Consequently, developing stable centralized authorities over large
geographical areas were almost impossible. This made it difficult, if not
impossible for authorities, to set up formal and effective institutions to
engender civil order over large geographical areas.
Besides the inability to establish effective centralized governance
authorities over large areas, slave trade decimated the population of
African societies by sending away Africans as slaves to Europe and the
Americas. The dynamics of the slave economy—forceful conscription of
the citizens, continuous fighting, kidnapping, raids and wars that had to
happen to facilitate such conscription—created a society at war with itself.
Consequently, tensions and crises became almost a way of life, might
became right, and survival of the fittest became the norm. This brand
of social evolution permeated African culture and politics and created
unequal societies that in turn facilitated continuous and systemic exploita-
tion of the weak.
Most studies on the devastation of Atlantic slave trade focus on what
can be described as the hard and perhaps measurable effects of the illicit
trade, such as its impacts on the population of African societies,5 or the
cost of lost output that could have been produced by Africans who were
sold to slaveholders in foreign land, or the mental torture of the slaves,
among other such factors. However, one can argue that the “soft” nega-
tive effects of slavery were even more devastating as these shaped the cul-
ture and sociology of the African society, creating permanent scars that
continue to make it difficult for the societies to achieve stability and devel-
opment. Slavery institutionalized what can be described as “master-
servant” relationships among otherwise similar human beings with equal
or similar cognitive abilities and imbued with the same natural sense of
taste, feelings, and human instincts. By designating some people as slaves
and others as slaveholders, human relationship became defined by exploi-
tation, with the slaveholders (masters) assuming ownership of the intellect,
labor, and products of the slaves (servants). This unequal relationship
5
Ibid.
shaped social relations in African societies, with authority figures in

political positions often exploiting the masses at will, sometimes with the
active collaboration and support of the enslaved. By institutionalizing a
culture of subservience and the belief that the master is always right and
must be obeyed, slavery created a society that is antithetical to the tenets
of Western democracy. Perhaps this is why the rhetoric of democratic gov-
ernance in most of Africa has failed to produce real liberal democracy in
substance, as political leaders continue to pander to choices that enhance
their personal interests while putting the citizens at the receiving end.
Dictatorships, corruption, and the patron-client relationships that define
Africa’s political culture are all direct and indirect consequences of these
unfortunate master-servant relationships. Unfortunately, these perverse
political arrangements are often indirectly supported by the oppressed
who in most cases find it difficult or “culturally wrong” to confront the
authorities.
Colonial Exploitation
At the end of Atlantic slave trade, Africa entered yet another phase of
exploitation under European colonialism. The history of European colo-
nial exploitation in Africa is well documented in a number of studies.6 The
official explanation of European colonial conquest was the pursuit of the
Dual Mandate—to develop or introduce light to the “dark” continent,
and at the same time advance the economic interests of Europe. In reality,
African societies came out of colonialism fractured, exploited, and devas-
tated, with permanent deformities that have so far proven intractable and
not amenable to modern economic development. Products of the artificial
bifurcation of African societies for allocation to contending European
interests of that era later became African countries as we know them today.
While the creation of these states was designed to serve the convenience
of the colonial masters, little consideration was given to the colonial sub-
jects in terms of the workability of the forced unions given differences in
language, culture, and peculiar histories and orientations of the societies
that were joined together into one administrative unit. Focusing exclusively
6
See, for example, Crawford Young, The African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994); Richard Reid, A History of Modern Africa:
1800 to the Present, (Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, 2012).
on the interests of the metropole, the colonial masters did not give con-
sideration to the workability of these divisions and unions for the citizens.
Today, there are crises of identity and nationhood across several African
states. One of the consequences of these state structures has been com-
plaints of marginalization of one group by another, leading to disunity,
ethnic tensions, and conflict in ways that cannot support social stability
and economic development. A consequence of this precarious state struc-
ture has been that political contests have moved from being the contest of
ideas to the contest of ethnicities, religions, and personalities, thus making
mockery of the ideals of Western democracy.
Despite the rhetoric of Dual Mandate, Europe took control of African
societies through military conquests and suppressed domestic dissents
with military force as well.7 Colonial Africa was also not an equal society,
and the colonial officials made no effort to suggest otherwise. Although
the system of colonial administration differed across different countries
and across the particular colonial power in question, the principal features
of exploitation were the same whether dealing with the British system of
indirect rule or the French policy of assimilation or the utterly ravenous
exploitation that defined King Leopold’s rule over the Congo.
In the search of resources to feed Europe’s industrial growth, the colo-
nial officials created governance systems and economic institutions that
facilitated wholesale exploitation of Africa’s natural resources. The colo-
nial economy revolved around the production of cash crops exclusively for
export to Europe. While there is probably nothing wrong with getting the
colonies to produce crops for export, the real issue was in the structure of
that economic arrangement. Although Africans produced the crops, the
farmers had no hands whatsoever in the marketing of their produce—
prices were set by European merchants and the colonial government
established commodity boards. Although the middlemen and commodity
boards were promoted as organs to protect African farmers from price
variations in the international market, these organs were in reality agents
of exploitation and extortion. While Africans received very little for their
effort, European merchants made most of the profit from the colonial
economy, leading to the establishment of large European firms that feasted
on the sweats of laboring African farmers.
7
The Mau Mau insurgency in colonial Kenya was one of the strong forces that fought
against colonial incursion in Africa. However, the British colonial authorities crushed the
insurgents with superior military power. See Reid, A History of Modern Africa.
By design, the colonial economic structure forced Africans into

producing cash crops for export even at the expense of food production
for subsistence. With the introduction of cash money in the colonies based
on European currencies, Africans were forced to work for the money in
order to meet their daily needs.8 The only way to earn money was to pro-
duce the crops that the colonist wanted, and at the terms set by European
merchants. The culture of producing cash crops for export led to aban-
donment of other economic activities and set the stage for food crises in
colonial Africa. The overall effect was a precarious economic structure
dependent exclusively on the export of natural resources—a disease that
continues to define Africa’s economy up to the present day. Interestingly,
the economic system set up by the colonial government and that served
colonial interests at that time is now being used in disparaging ways to
describe African economies, with such terms as “resource curse,” “Dutch
disease,” and “resource rent” among others. It is also interesting that con-
temporary studies have begun to unearth the follies of the colonial eco-
nomic ideas and the insincerities of those “bearers of light” supposedly on
a mission to bring light to the dark continent. Economists have since con-
cluded that resource-dependent economies with little or no industrial
capacities are at a disadvantage compared to industrialized countries.9 This
is because natural resources command only little value in the international
market compared to industrial goods. Therefore, economies that depend
exclusively on the export of natural resources face significant developmen-
tal challenges. The economic system set up by the colonial administration
in African colonies is at variance with the declaration of the Dual Mandate
touted as the primary mission of colonialism. Instead, the colonial econo-
mies in substance suggested the pursuit of a single mandate to advance
European economic interests, while leaving the African colonies in condi-
tions that would make subsequent development almost impossible. In
many ways, the colonial economy fostered exploitation, disrupted Africa’s
natural developmental process, and institutionalized economic and politi-
cal cultures anchored on exploitation and predation. These foundations,
8
Toyin Falola and Matthew Heaton, A History of Nigeria (New York, NY: Cambridge
University Press, 2008).
9
Raul Prebisch, “The Economic Development of Latin America and its Principal
Problems.” reprinted in Economic Bulletin for Latin America, 7 no. 1 (1950): 1–22; Hans
Singer, “The distribution of gains between investing and borrowing countries” American
Economic Review, 40, (1950): 473–85.
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unfortunately maintained and expanded by the African leaders who took

over political power at independence, have consigned the average African
state to the excruciating chains of poverty and underdevelopment.
It must be noted that colonial rule did bring some new developments
to the African colonies. One can point to the development of infrastruc-
ture, such as paved roads and railways, electricity, and the introduction
of Western education and health facilities as some of the benefits of colo-
nialism. These hard infrastructures and the Westminster-style public ser-
vice are sometimes seen as necessary steps toward bringing Africa to
civilization and modernity. While the colonial structures may have in
some ways had positive impacts on the life of some Africans, especially on
those who were privileged to have direct and indirect contacts with the
colonial masters, in reality, any benefits of colonialism were mostly ancil-
lary to the original intentions of the colonial agenda. In a sense, such
ancillary benefits to Africans could be described as marginal positive
externalities different from the original aim of such policies and pro-
grams. For example, the physical infrastructures such as roads and rail-
ways were built primarily to link the hinterlands where commodities
were produced to the nearest seaport in order to facilitate onward ship-
ment of agricultural produce to Europe.10 In the same way, European
colonial administration introduced Western education to African colo-
nies with the primary intention of training a few Africans on the basics of
reading and writing, so these Africans could in turn perform junior cleri-
cal duties in the colonial civil service. However, one must note that it was
exposure to Western education that eventually helped to create a crop of
early nationalists who led the agitations for independence. For a colonial
government that was reluctant to discuss political independence for
African colonies, it is unlikely that such government intentionally pro-
vided Western education that would eventually give Africans the tools to
dismantle colonialism.
Even where one acknowledges that colonial rule perhaps had some
positive impacts on African societies, the negative effects of colonial con-
quests such as the rabid exploitation that defined colonialism, and the
disastrous legacies of predatory political and economic institutions far out-
weigh any secondary benefits that may have flown from colonialism.
10
Reid, A History of Modern Africa; Falola and Heaton, A History of Nigeria.
Writing along this line, Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson11 documented

the colonial origins of comparative development. They noted that Europe
adopted different systems of colonial administrations and built different
institutions in different colonies depending on the colonial officials’ per-
ceived habitability of a colony. Where the environment was conducive to
colonial habitation, as was the case in the colonies of Australia, Canada,
and New Zealand, the colonial officials set up enduring and development-
friendly institutions similar to what obtained in Europe at that time. In
effect, the colonial government created Neo-Europe in such colonies.12
These institutions persisted and created the foundations for sustainable
growth and development in these countries. However, in the case of
African countries, Galagher13 noted that the colonial officials suffered high
mortality rates due to the presence of malaria in the African colonies.
Given the high mortality rate in the African colonies, the colonial officials
designed extractive and exploitative institutions that could barely support
the colonial exploitation and export of Africa’s resources to Europe.
Instead of European officials migrating to the African colonies in large
numbers, European officials made use of Africans to provide skeletal ser-
vices and focused exclusively on the exploitation and transfer of Africa’s
commodities. The system of administration led to the development of
“extractive” institutions as against “inclusive” ones. Extractive institutions
thrive on exploitation of one group for the benefit of another. Such insti-
tutions do not support long-term growth and development.
It was lack of long-term interest in African colonies or the absence of
overriding desire for permanent settlement in African colonies that led
Europe to implement the most exploitative brand of colonialism in African
colonies. Those who are lampooning African societies for their seeming
inability to make the transition to sustainable growth and development (as
other former colonies have made), often fail to realize that Europe adopted
different colonizing strategies in different colonies. The strategy could be
one that favored the transformation of such colonies to Neo-Europe or it
could be those of extreme exploitation, as was the case in African colonies;
Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson and James Robinson, “The Colonial Origins of
11
Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation,” The American Economic Review,

91 no. 5 (2001): 1369–1401.
12
Ibid.
13
Philip Curtin, Death by Migration: Europe’s Encounter with the Tropical World in the 19th
Century (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
or other strategies in-between. Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson14 show

that these initial institutions determined the trajectories of subsequent
development and continue to influence the political and economic devel-
opment paths of the succeeding independent states. This form of
institutional persistence has been explained by the path-independent

nature of institutions, to the effect that once a particular set of institutions
are in place, such institutions produce unique costs and benefits that in
some ways reinvent themselves.15
While there is no attempt to contemplate kind words for leaders of
postcolonial Africa who have unfortunately extended the frontiers of
exploitation in their respective states since taking over political power from
European colonial officials, colonial rule in Africa institutionalized gover-
nance arrangements that rest on exploiting the state’s resources for the
enjoyment of a privileged few. This perverse governance system has
endured, and has sadly consigned majority of Africans to a live of misery
and destitution, while producing affluence for political leaders and their
cronies. The political system under colonial rule was one that treated
public officials—the European officials—as the primary focus of govern-
ment. Government actions were designed exclusively to advance the
welfare and interests of the colonial officials, with the citizens at the receiv-
ing end of government policies and actions. For example, the colonial
Police Force was an instrument of subjugation and exploitation. Instead of
being a protector of the rights of citizens, the colonial Police was an instru-
ment to intimidate, harass, and exploit Africans. This institutional philoso-
phy of government organs persisted even after the attainment of political
independence, with the result that what obtains in most of Africa is preda-
tory state-society relations, where the state exists principally to take away
resources from the society for the enjoyment of state officials.
Although there have been changes since the end of colonial rule, such
as the introduction of democratic elections and some form of advance-
ment in civil liberties and freedoms, these changes have merely been at the
margins and have not resulted to fundamental transformation of political
14
Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson, “The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development”.
15
Arthur Stinchcombe, Constructing Social Theories (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1968); Paul Pierson, “Increasing Returns, Path Dependence, and the Study of
Politics”, American Political Science Review, 94 (200): 251–67.
and economic institutions.16 The result is that the average African state
continues to be more of an instrument for exploitation than a mechanism
for the pursuit of development and citizens’ well-being. The colonial
political system did not grant Africans the basics of citizenship—Africans
had no say in the colonial administration, and the colonial officials
routinely applied draconian tactics to generate obedience to oppressive
colonial policies. While colonial rule was different from Atlantic slave trade
because colonialism did not involve the sale and transportation of Africans
to other societies, European colonialism in Africa could be described as
internal slavery because Africans were in several respects not different from
slaves, although operating in their own communities.
Postcolonial Misrule
Complaints about colonial exploitation and consequent underdevelop-
ment of the colonies were the common themes around which Africa’s
nationalists rallied to confront the colonial government, and to push for
political independence. Through various means, Africans opposed colonial
rule and sought for self-government, ostensibly to curb the exploitation
that colonialism represented and to work for the economic development
of the continent. Nationalist rhetoric suggested that political indepen-
dence or self-government would bring an end to the exploitation of the
continent by foreigners, restore the dignity of the African, and chart a
course for sustainable development of the continent. The nationalist
leaders felt that colonialism was the evil that must be eliminated in order
to give Africa its rightful spot in the global political economy. Guided by
this mindset, political independence became an end to itself, rather than a
means to an end. Consequently, Africans came together irrespective of
ethnicity or religious beliefs to fight against the perceived common enemy
of that era—European colonial masters.
Colonial rule began to crumble in the middle of the twentieth century,
with Ghana gaining political independence in 1957, and several other
countries becoming independent in the 1960s. Based on the rhetoric of
the nationalist leaders and the misconception that self-governance meant
the same as good governance, Africans welcomed independence with
16
Kenneth Kalu, “State-Society Relations, Institutional Transformation and Economic
Development in Sub-Saharan Africa,” Development Policy Review, Vol. 35 (2017), O234–
O245. https://doi.org/10.1111/dpr.12320.
excitement and hope. Expectations were ripe that independent African

states would dismantle the exploitative structures set up by the colonial
government, and deliver good governance that would generate develop-
ment and unleash the potentials that were suppressed under colonial
exploitation. However, the first decade of political independence pro-
duced series of crises that almost questioned the idea of political indepen-
dence. A few years after independence, the political and economic
conditions in many African states deteriorated. Military coups became
more of a norm than an aberration. By the end of the 1970s, almost every
country in Sub-Saharan Africa was facing one political crises or the other.
Civil wars, ethnic and religious conflicts, and general social disorder had
become commonplace across the continent. Africa’s economy did not fare
any better—several failed attempts at industrialization left the countries
with burdensome public debt and deteriorating social infrastructure. As
the government failed to provide basic social services, public discontent
grew among the populace who had looked up to the African leaders to
bring about real development.
The development crises in Africa reverberated across the world.
Development institutions like the World Bank and the United Nations
devoted much attention to solving Africa’s development challenges. New
disciplines like Development Economics emerged, and several studies on
the African condition began to attract scholars and analysts from different
disciplines. Expectedly, scholars began to adduce reasons for the conti-
nent’s development challenges. While some pointed to high ethnic frag-
mentation17 as a major drawback to real development in Africa, others
suggested that the continent’s unfriendly climate and bad weather18 made
it extremely difficult to achieve the level of productivity necessary for
growth and development. However, Acemoglu, Johson, and Robinson19
argue that neither ethnicity nor geography could explain the differences in
income levels across different countries. They argue that institutions
explain most of the differences in income levels between countries, with
efficient and inclusive institutions having the best chances of producing
economic successes and societal well-being. Continuing, the authors
17
William Easterly and Ross Levine, “Africa’s Growth Tragedy: Politics and Ethnic
Diversity”, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 112 no. 4, (1997): 1203–1250.
18
Bloom, D. E. and Sachs, J. D. “Geography, Demography, and Economic Growth in
Africa”, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 2, (1998): 207–273.
19
Acemoglu and Robinson, Why Nations Fail.
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körülmények között sem szabad senkinek külön mozdulatot tennie.
Az engedelmeskedőt a legszükebb korlátok közé szorítja a
parancsoló. De hol van akkor a szabadság?
Más tekintetben meg szerencse, hogy az emberek között vannak
ilyen tábornokok. Az emberiség nem áll csupa egyforma fontosságu
alkotórészből, mint véleményünk szerint az anyag, hanem nagy,
összetartó tömegek állnak szemben egyes fejekkel. A tömeg
sohasem képes arra, hogy egy lépést tegyen előre; minden időkben
mozdulatlanul vesztegelne. Az egyesek, a kevesek ragadják előre és
segítik a lét magasabb fokaira. Van nehány jó fej; ezeknek hatalmat
kell kapniok a tömeg felett. Akkor a tömeg, ezeknek gondolataitól
vezetve, mesterműveket alkot.
Igy volt az eddigelé. Még egyáltalában nem bizonyos, vajjon ugy
alakul-e az emberiség jövendője, hogy a tömeg egyes, gondolkodó,
teljes értékű egyéniségekre bomlik-e, vagy úgy marad-e, amint
eddig, hogy minden jó, minden keletkezés egyesektől ered, kik
létükkel a tömegeket a magasba emelik. Ezek akaratának kell
kormányoznia, ha a sokak előbbre akarnak jutni.
Tehát szükséges, hogy a tömeget a kevesek akarata kösse meg,
ha előbbre akarunk jutni. Nem kell-e akkor a haladásnak éppen a
szabadságot kiküszöbölnie? Mert ha szabadjára eresztjük a tömeget,
nem lehet szó alakulásról. Csak akkor, ha keveseké az uralom,
háramlik jó sokakra. Tehát a sokaknak megkötöttségben kell
maradniok és nem szabad egyéni mozgási képességüknek lennie.
Ez a szabadság rejtélye, mely nyomasztóbban nehezedik
történelmünkre, mint azt sokan hinnék. Tudniillik ennek a helyzetnek
ellenére a mi korunkban olyan féktelen szabadságtörekvés ébredt
fel, hogy egészen uj és sokszor felette nehéz helyzetek álltak elő.
A tömeg nem türi többé a féket. Nevezetesen a munkaadó és
munkás között lehetetlen a családi viszony. Azelőtt a vezetőnek az
alárendeltek tömegével szemben olyasféle hatalma volt, mint az
apának, amit jósággal és szigorral érvényesített és aminek
következtében teljes mértékben igénye volt azok bizalmára, akiket
vezetett. Akkoriban az alkalmazott tágabb értelemben családtagja
volt a vállalkozónak, a családi életnek jogaival, de egyuttal minden
kinos következményeivel.
Ennek ma már vége van. A tömeg már morogva ismeri el az
egyesek felsőbbségét és mint valami elnyomó hatalom előtt, ugy
hajol meg előttük. A gondolat erejével egyuttal szembeszáll az ököl
ereje és mint ellenséges pártok, nem mint a haladás tényezői, állnak
egymással szemben a vállalkozó szellem és a dolgozó tömeg.
Ez korunknak égető kérdése, sokan éppen ezért emlegetik a régi
jó időket és panaszkodnak, hogy a világ egyre bajosabbá, egyre
rosszabbá lesz és az ilyen fejlődésben nem birják meglátni a jóra
vezető, észben való haladást.
A rejtély megoldásának reménye.
Ha vizsgáljuk az emberi viszonyokat, melyeket még nagyjában

sem láthat be közülünk senki, akár a jelenről, akár a multról van is
szó, magunkban először is arra kell gondolnunk: A fejlődés nem tud
nyugton állni, sem hátrafelé nem mehet, következésképpen előre
megy, tehát a jóra vezet. A világ eddigi folyása, de meg az elvi
meggondolás szerint sem győzedelmeskedhetik az, ami csekélyebb
értékü vagy rossz. Csak a jó és tökéletes uralkodhatik huzamosabb
időig és érvényesülnie is kell.
Mindenesetre vannak a természetben képletek, melyek a fejlődés
nyugvását jelentik, melyből nincs ut kifelé. Ezek a fejlődés utjának
mellékvonalai. Vannak emberi csoportok is, melyek nyugvó pontra
jutottak és láthatóan visszafejlődnek. Ezek az emberiségnek azok a
részei, melyek valahol és valahogyan elhibázták a fejlődési vonalhoz
való csatlakozást. Az is lehetséges, hogy a jelen pillanatban mi is
erre a sorsra jutottunk. Senki sem mondhat erről bizonyosat. Ez
azonban nem valószinü, még pedig azért nem, mert jelenleg minden
kulturnemzetben, melyek az emberi fejlődésnek zászlóvivői, a
szabadság kérdése oly égetővé vált és mivel nem nehéz belátni,
hogy ez a kérdés az embernek a szellem felé való fejlődésével a
legszorosabb kapcsolatban van. Tehát el kell ismernünk, hogy a
mozgás folyójának a sodrában vagyunk.
Mindazáltal semmi esetre sem szabad rettegnünk attól, hogyan
hegyeződnek ki ezek a viszonyok. Az emberek jobb belátása a
legsulyosabb helyzetben sem juttatja végletekbe a dolgot, még ha
itt-ott szikrába pattan is a nagy feszültség. Ez sohasem odázza el a
czélt.
Sőt szükséges, hogy ha valami tökéletest akarunk elérni, előbb
teljes mértékben legyen nyilvánvalóvá a tökéletlenség. Másrészről
azonban azt is látjuk, hogy mi tulajdonképpen kezdetén állunk a
szabadságfejlődésnek. Odáig jutottunk el, hogy egész terjedelmében
látjuk ezt a kérdést. Ezzel még nem értük el magát a lényeget, csak
oly közel jutottunk hozzá, hogy tisztán látjuk magunk előtt.
Minden emberi alakulás olyan, hogy kicsiből nő ki, alulról, nem
pedig nagyból és felülről. Igy volt az a gondolatszabadsággal is. Nem
e föld hatalmasságainak ajándéka és jótéteménye volt, hanem egyes
fejekből indult ki és érvényesült, bár egy világ szállt vele szembe. Ma
sem lehet egyszerüen behozni az óhajtandó gondolatszabadságot.
De az egyes ember mondhatja: Ahol én vagyok, ott
gondolatszabadság van. Körülöttem egy ember sem kénytelen
eltitkolni nézetét vagy gondolatát félelemből, de azért teljesnek még
sem lehet mondani.
Az ilyen ember messzeható hatalom, belőle, mint a magból, nő ki
a világ számára a jó.
Talán hasonló viszonyban állhatunk a szabadsággal is. A fődolog
az volna, hogy nem kellene megijednünk, bármiképen nyilvánul is a
fékevesztett szabadságtörekvés. A tömeg olyan, mint a csorda. Ha a
csordát tavaszszal a legelőre csapják, nehány napig majd megkergül,
de csak rövid időre. Azután nagyon jámbor lesz és szelid a
szarvasmarha, mely magától értetődőnek találja szabadságát és nem
él vele vissza. Az ember is hozzászokik majd, hogy helyesen
használja szabadságát. A szabad ember mindenekelőtt igaz emberré
lesz és aki igaz, az istenes uton jár.
De a rejtélyt egyáltalában csak az egyes ember oldhatja meg,
sohasem a tömeg. A szabadság alapjában véve mégis csak szellemi
állapot, tehát olyas valami, ami mélyen az ember bensőjében van.
Azt nem lehet kivülről hozni, ha igazi. A bensőből kell kinőnie.
A szabadság lényege az önrendelkezés. A szabadságnélküliség és
szolgaság abban áll, hogy akaratunk, azaz belső világunk más, mint
a minket környező világ, kivánságaink hadi lábon állnak
viszonyainkkal. Mihelyt igy van, minden dolog kinoz és fáradságot,
bajt érezünk. De ami kinoz és fáraszt, az bennünk van. A dolgok
teljesen közömbösek. Olyan fontosságuk van, amilyent mi adunk
nekik. Ha erősebbek vagyunk, mint a dolgok – arra valók vagyunk,
hogy mindenen uralkodjunk – akkor nagyszerü a világ. És minden,
mintegy a maga jószántából, alkalmazkodik, mintha alárendelné
magát az erős szellemnek. De ha a dolgok fejünkre nőnek, akkor a
világ természetesen siralom völgye és alig érdemes élni. Aki a
világnak és a benne való életnek nem tud örülni, arról tesz
bizonyságot, hogy nem számolt le a dolgokkal és azok föléje
kerekedtek.
Minden bennünk magunkban van, semmi sincs rajtunk kivül.
Nehéz munkát végezhetünk, nagy bajokat állhatunk ki és mégis
ugyanakkor telve lehetünk leirhatatlan megelégedéssel, csekély
nehézségek pedig gyakran elviselhetetlen bilincsekké lesznek.
Ismertem asszonyokat, a nép leányait, kik a legsúlyosabb
viszonyok között, szegénységben, a munka terhe alatt roskadozva
egész sereg gyermeket neveltek fel s amellett vidámak és
elégedettek voltak. Ugyanazok valamiféle szolgálati viszonyban nem
tudták eltürni a legcsekélyebb kényelmetlenséget sem, ami minden
háztartással együtt jár. De a rejtélynek megoldása nagyon egyszerü.
Az előbbi esetben szabadok és szolgálatkészek voltak, az utóbbi
esetben szolgálók és kelletlenek.
Milyen viszonyok között alkalmazkodik akaratunk viszonyainkhoz?
Mihelyt belátjuk, hogy mindennek olyannak kell lenni, amilyen. Aki
valamely dolog szükségességéről meg van győződve, hajlandó lesz
arra, hogy azt magára vállalja és ezzel a dolog könnyüvé lesz.
Minden baj megszünik, mihelyt hajlandókká válunk, mivel akkor
szabadok vagyunk és aki szabad, az vidám is.
Igy van ez a nagy dolgokban is. Az emberekre az fontos, hogy
tudják, hol van önkényüknek határa. Ez a mások jogaiban van.
Mihelyt megtanulják, hogy a mást ugy tiszteljék és ugy becsüljék,
mint saját magukat, akkor önrendelkezésüket arra fogják
felhasználni, hogy maguk korlátozzák magukat és tökéletessé legyen
az, ami ma, mint törvény és szabály nagyon tökéletlen. A korlátok
pedig, melyeket magunk állítottunk magunk elé, nem akadályai a
személyes szabadságnak.
A szabadság igenje és nemje.
A szabadságnak ugy, mint sok természeti erőnek, két eleme van,

melyeknek együtt kell működniök. Az egyik külsőleges, a kényszer
nélküli mozgás lehetősége. Ez az, amit a népek évezredek folyamán
a szabadságból elértek. Ez nagyon fontos. A kifelé való, egyre
nagyobb mozgásszabadság nélkül sohasem nevelhetünk belsőleg
szabad embereket. Ezek a szabadságok az uj életerőnek nemje, a
külső forma, melyet még meg kell tölteni mélyebb tartalommal.
Teljesen hiába fáradoztak a zsarnokok és tenyésztők, még a
vallási nevelő intézmények is, hogy az embert, lehetőleg kevés
mozgási szabadságot engedve neki, előbb «belsőleg» fejleszszék.
Igy csak képmutatókat és szolgákat lehet tenyészteni. Ezt minden
gyermekszobában láthatjuk. Ki növekedő gyermekének nem ad
egyre fokozódó mértékben teljes mozgási szabadságot, mindenkorra
elvesztette őt és azonfelül még becstelenségre is csábította.
Erről a külső szabadságról álmodott egykoron Nabukadonozor és
megrettent tőle. Egy zsarnok sem értheti meg, ha máskülönben még
oly nagy is. Hiszen a szabadságok csak kicsi és külső dolgok, de elől
kell járniok és nem szabad őket akadályozni. A szabadság igenje, ez
a belső szellemi lényeg, csak akkor keletkezhetik, ha külső, szabad
állapotok utat építettek hozzá.
A szabadságok előlegezett bizalmat jelentenek. Felkelti az
emberben a nemes ösztönöket és nem szabad megvonni, még ha
vissza is éltek vele alkalomadtán. Természetesen a bizalommal végül
mégis visszaélnek. Nem is csoda, mert honnan jön az ember? De
amilyen mértékben tartják fenn még a visszaélések ellenére is, olyan
mértékben váltja ki az igazi, jó szellemi természetet is és segíti az
ember nagyszerüségének nyilvánulását.
Az észbeli fejlődés történelme is ugy folyt le, hogy mindig előbb
alakult a mozgási szabadság, melylyel sokszorosan visszaéltek és
csak azután nőtt bele az embernek mélységes léte ebbe a keretbe.
Természetesen a dolog nem ugy megy végbe, hogy az ember
korlátait egyszerüen, hirtelen le kell dönteni. A külső szabadságnak is
izről-izre kell nőnie és még sokáig lesz szükség törvényre és
hatalomra, hogy felebarátaink védelmére őrködjenek. Ha a
szabadság teljes mértékben volna itt, akkor fölöslegesek volnának.
De korunknak egyre fokozódó törekvése, hogy mindenféle
szabadságot teremtsen a nép minden része számára, nagyon
egészséges tünet, mely megfelel a fejlődésnek, amilyennek annak
lennie kell. Azért senkinek sem kell megijednie, ha itt vagy ott vad
mozdulatokban jelenik is meg. Ezek a mozdulatok nem maradnak
meg sokáig és eltünnek, mint a gyermeki illetlenség.
De ezek a külsőségek mégis csak külső oldalai a szabadságnak.
Maga a lényeg, a szabadság hatalmas igenje, a szellemen alapul,
természetes nyilvánulása magának a szellemnek, az élet üdítő
levegője, melyet hoz és magából kiáraszt.
A belső szabadság az embernek önuralmában növi ki magát. Ez a
szellemi hatalom, mely az embert testileg és lelkileg egyensulyban
tartja. Ez az, amit a biblia egyes helyeken «örök élet»-nek nevez,
olyan állapot, amelyben erő, egészség, mint az élő forrás,
kimeríthetetlenül özönlik ki szakadatlanul belülről a legutóbbi létnek
láthatatlan és titokzatos mélyéből és szabályozza az alacsony
anyagiasságnak és a lelki érzékvilágnak minden mozdulatát és az
embert magasztos nagyságba öltözteti, amelyet csak a tiszta szellem
hozhat létre. Nem tudni, honnan jön, hová megy, de világosan
érezzük hatalmát és nagyságát.
Az embernek ez az önuralma kifelé eleven erőknek áradatában
nyilatkozik meg, melyek az élet e parancsának engedelmeskednek.
Tiszteld és becsüld mindenki másban az embert és ugy bánj vele,
hogy egység a szellemben. Ez nem formula, nem is valami vallási
parancs, hanem a szellemi szabadságnak önkéntelen
megnyilatkozása, mely mindenütt szabadítóan és nemesítően hat.
Isteni bánásmód, csak ebben élhet az ember, azonban nem
működhetik, ha nem előzi meg a szabadság teljessége.
Hiszen az embernek egész fejlődése csupa szabadságokon épül
fel. Mintha ez volna a feladat: A mindenség milliárd csillaga közül,
ime, tiétek ez a szép bolygó kisérletező helyül létetek
megvalósulására. Én, a mindenség nagy építőmestere, látszólag nem
törődöm veletek, csak bizom bennetek. Nem történhetik más, csak
az, hogy a czélnak megfelelően az élet, a szellem felé haladjatok,
mert ennek csirája bennetek nyugszik és ez az a hatalmas őserő,
mely titeket hajt.
De jöttek a hatalom emberei erőszakosságukkal és szabadság
nélküli állapotokat teremtettek és amikor látták, hogy alkotásuknak
romba kell dülni, megrettentek és elbujtak, még arra sem birták
magukat elhatározni, hogy megadják az igazságnak a tiszteletet. De
hiszen ez nem baj. A történelem megtette ezt és megteszi még ma
is szemünk előtt. Csak türelem, egy kevés emberfölötti és örökös
türelem és nagy czélját el fogja érni; semmiféle politikai, erkölcsi
vagy vallásos erőszak nem tarthatja vissza.
A külső szabadulás napjait egykor fel fogja váltani a belső
elmélyedés kora, és egyre fokozódó mértékben halad majd az
emberiség. A lassú fejlődés idejét megszakítja majd egy-egy rövid uj
életlökés és mind a kettő előbbre visz minket. Igy volt ez eddig és
igy lesz ezután is.
Csoda-e, hogy a nagy alakulásnak időre van szüksége? Az a
csoda, hogy egyáltalában végbemegy. Nem tudjuk, mennyi időre volt
szüksége a földnek ahhoz, hogy az első élő sejteket létre hozza.
Nagyon alapos okunk van hinni, hogy ez nagyon hosszu idő volt, a
mi időmértékünk szerint. A fejlődés már régóta uj életutakat vágott,
mert helyet teremtett a szellem, az élet törvényei és a szabadság
számára. Hogy még nincs befejezve – busulnunk kell azért?
Ujjonganunk kell azon, hogy támadhat ilyen, belülről eredő, alulról, a
legkisebb kezdetekből felnövekedő keletkezés és nem kell azt
földöntuli csillagokból és megfoghatatlan világtávlatokból behurczolni
és hogy a szabadság alakulásában a két meghatározó őserő van
működésben, éppen ugy, mint egyéb természeti jelenségeknél.
A szabadság megvalósulása.
A külsőleg megadott mozgási képesség és a belsőleg teremtett

megkötöttség a két alkotó ereje a szabadságnak. Ha az emberben
megvan a teljesen szabad mozgásnak lehetősége és ha sikeresen
érvényesítheti akaratát természetes és hozzá közel eső
kötelességeinek teljesítésére, akkor működése és egész lényege
egyre nagyobb mértékben fogja magán hordani a tökéletesség
bélyegét, belenő az embernek, a szabad szellemnek igazi lényegébe.
Akkor aztán minden, amire magában vagy másokkal együtt
vállalkozik, vidám és kellemes ténykedés lesz. Minden arra mutat,
hogy az ember vállalkozásai nem csökkennek, hanem
nagyobbodnak. Mindig egy-egy fő gondolkodik majd és ezer meg
ezer kéz fogja közös munkában a gondolatot valóra váltani.
De mindennek egészen más képe lesz, mint most. Mindenki
magáévá teszi a vezető szellem gondolatát és a maga gondolatával,
saját akaratából tölti be helyét a közös alkotásban. Már nem a
kenyérkérdés fog dönteni, hanem az akarat kérdése, nem a
megkötöttség, hanem a szabadság.
Képzeljünk el megint egy hadsereget, melyet egyetlen akaratnak
kell vezetni. Kimélet nélküli fegyelmezéssel esetleg lehet akaratlan
egységgé tömöríteni verejtékes fáradság árán, ugy hogy minden
katona tompa engedelmességgel álljon azon a helyen, ahová
állították. De ilyen nyers tömeggel még igy is felette bajos diadalt
aratni. Hiszen mesterségesen lelketlenített emberek.
Ha azonban ugyanez a zárt hadseregtömeg telve van
lelkesedéssel és minden katona azt akarja, amit hadvezére akar, ha
örvendező öntudattal áll helyén erejének legjavával, a maga
gondolkodásából és szabad akaratából, akkor ezeknek az
embereknek nem lehet ellenállni. Még ha sok tompa elméjü
tömegember volna is e sorokban, azokra is ráragadna és magával
sodorná őket társaiknak lelkesedése. Aki e világon diadalt aratott,
ilyen katonákkal vivta ki.
És mindamellett sok ebben a nyers, az emberhez méltatlan
erőszak. De ha az ilyen népek ezzel az emberi felfogással
növekednek fel: Tiszteld és becsüld mindenki másban az embert, –
akkor minden borzalmas és vértől csepegő háborut elemészt a
lelkesedés maga.
A léleknek lényege külsőképpen is kifejezésre jut az emberben és
nem maradhat rejtve. Gyakran jutok el egy püspöki városba. 6000
lakosa van, hat kolostora és 12 temploma. Tehát nem egy
tisztelendő urat láthatnak ottan. Egy nagyobb egyházi körmenet
alkalmával vagy fél kilométer hosszu menet telt ki belőlük. Látni itt
szellemtől áthatott arczokat, olyan embereket, kik életüket vitték
bele az ügyükbe. Ezek igazi, lelkes harczosai a vallásnak és
egyháznak. Látni megátalkodott alakokat, kik látnivalóan nem
boldogultak a gondolkodással és akiknél ennek helyébe a
vakbuzgóság lépett és lelki mámor pótolta a lelkességet.
Veszedelmes állapot. Vannak köztük kedélyes, barátságos
aggastyánok is, kik szivesen veszik, ha köszöntik őket és csókolják
kezüket. De tömegben az ismert, nem nagyon kedves képet
mutatják, nyomott, formátlan fejökkel, ahogy rosszmáju festők
örökítették meg őket boszantásul.
Némán, gondolatokba merülve néztük a látványosságot. Akkor
azt kérdezte barátom: Hogyan magyarázod meg magadnak ezeket
az alakokat? Sem a bő táplálkozás és esetleges tétlenség, sem a
nőtlenség nem okolja meg eléggé ezt a jellegzetes formátlanságot.
Akkoriban nem tudtam neki megfelelni. De ma nem tudom másképp
elgondolni, mint hogy a nevelés az okozója, mely arra törekedett,
hogy az egyéni gondolkodást agyonüsse és amelynek természetes
következménye a husnak tultengése, mely mértéktelen táplálkozás
nélkül is ilyen alakokat nemzett. Valamerre kell nőnie az embernek.
Ha elzárod a szellem utját, akkor a hülye alakulatnak kell kifejlődni.
Azért nem hiszek én a papság végleges győzelmében, bármily
parancsoló is ez a hatalom, hanem hiszek az emberiség és a
szabadság győzelmében. Ha itt a kezdetek nagy mértékben vannak
meg, származnak az előbb említett rendek és ezekkel együtt
megváltást nyer az utóbbi is.
Inkább hiszek a munkás győzelmében. Minden ember munkás, ki
kezét és fejét oda adja, hogy az emberiség számára hasznosat
alkosson. Aki dolgozik, az a lélek utján jár, a haladás pályáján és a
dologtalanok mind kiirtatnak. Még a legnagyobb tőke sem lesz képes
a dologtalant sokáig fenntartani. Nemzetsége feloszlik és eltünik.
De a dolgozó embernél, kire valami kötelességet szabtak, arról
van szó, hogy lelkének egész erejével ragadja meg munkáját és
először is belsőleg mesterkedik. Ez aztán szabad munka lesz, ut a
szabadság és tökéletesség felé.
Képzeljünk csak el egy nagyobb munkáshadat, pl. egy hajógyár
munkásait, kik a vezető főtől le az utolsó inasig lelkesednek
munkájuk iránt, kik munkájukba belevitték egész lelküket a régi
szállóige értelmében: navigare necesse est vivere non necesse est,
mit ma így fordíthatnánk: a haza jövője a tengeren van – mire
képesek az ilyen emberek, ellentétben a kedvetlen, békétlen
munkástömegekkel, kik sötéten és zárkózottan állnak a vezetőkkel
szemben!
Természetesen ezt a szabad, vidám tevékenységet feltételezi az,
hogy mindenki uralja ez igazságot: Tiszteld és becsüld mindenki
másban az embert és bánj vele legmélyebb lényegetek egysége
szerint. A legalsóbbrendü munkatársnak is éreznie kell, hogy mint
embert tisztelik és úgy bánnak vele. Nem a munkásság működési
eredményét kell egyoldaluan figyelembe venni, hanem a vállalat
belső értékének kell érvényre jutnia a különböző lelkek közös
együttműködésében.
Kétségtelen, hogy az ember és az igazi szabadság
érvényesülésével rendkivüli mértékben fog emelkedni az ember
munkájának eredménye. A szabad ember sokkal többre lesz képes,
mint a kényszerített szolga, mert a szellem uralkodik mindenen, a
szolgában pedig szunnyad a szellem.
Innen van, hogy a mi szabadságérzettől áthatott korunk sokkal
többet alkot munkálkodással, mint a régi jó idők. Többre megyünk,
mint apáink. Ennek az az oka, hogy több szabadságot izleltünk meg,
mint amennyit a régi czéhrendszer megértett és hogy a szabadság
fokozza az ember erejét, mert magasabbrendű élet.
Hogyan jutunk el a szabadsághoz.
Csak ismerné valaki azt az utat, mely csalhatatlanul elvezet a

szellem szabadságához! Nem sokan, nem kevesen, hanem mindenki
azon járna, mert mindenki vágyódik titokban utána. Azonban a
szabadság, a szellem is beletartozik, éppen ugy, mint az élet, abba a
nagy birodalomba, melyet természetnek nevezhetünk, habár a
természet csak szó a létnek arra a nagy titkára, mely Istenből buzog.
A szabadság ugy támad, mint az élet, mert egyik formája az
életnek. Hogyan támadt az élet? Egy napon támadt egy, támadt
millió élő sejt. Előbb volt egy kocsonyás, nyálkás massza, de ebből a
masszából hártyával elhatárolt sejtek – alakultak. Ki csinálta őket? A
föld hozta létre.
A föld? Tehát az anyag. Az anyag? Igen, mert az anyag
nyilvánulási formája a szellemnek és a szellem az élet. Tehát
keletkezett az élet.
Egyetlenegy anyagrészecske sem nyult bele az élet körébe.
Hiszen nem is tudott erről semmit. De az élet működése megragadta
őt, mihelyt annyira jutott minden, hogy lehetővé lett az élet.
Igy van az a szabadsággal is. Egy ember sem mondhatja: Most
szabad akarok lenni. Egy korszak sem határozhatja el: Most
virradjon meg a szabadság napja. Megvirrad, ha eljön az ideje.
Magában véve az, amit mi szellemnek nevezünk, meg van kötve ugy
az egyes emberben, mint az egész emberiségben. Egyikünknek sincs
szabad akarata, csak sejtelmünk van róla. Tényleg a megkötöttség
állapotában cselekszünk. Azért törekedtek az irányadó szellemek
arra, hogy fenntartsák a megkötöttség állapotát, mert
szükségszerüséget láttak benne. Hanem valami él, valami fejlődik
közreműködésünk nélkül: a szabadság. Nem siettethetjük, szorítsuk,
toljuk bár, fel nem tartóztathatjuk, ha elébe állunk sem.
A szabadszellemű, izgató iratoktól féltek mindig legjobban a
zsarnokok. Ezért találták ki a czenzurát, a lelki határsorompót. Egy
barátommal történt meg, hogy mikor átlépte az orosz határt,
kigöngyölték szappanát a papirosból, mert egy darab külföldi
ujságba volt csomagolva, mely talán (!) szabadszellemű volt. De a
legszigorubb határsorompó is hiábavaló, ha szabadság «lesz». A
szabadsággondolatok nem jönnek, mint lelki csiramagok idegen
világból, a föld hozza létre őket éppen úgy, ahogy a föld támasztotta
az életet. Mi sem nem alkotjuk, sem nem akadályozzuk őket.
Hogyan jutunk hát el a szabadsághoz? Legjobb, ha nyitott
szemmel nézzük véghetetlen nagyszerüségét Istennek és az életnek,
mely körülvesz minket. Ha engedjük, hadd ragadjanak meg a lelki
áramlatok, melyek életünk levegőjén suhannak át. Akkor magunktól
is odajutunk, mintha sasszárnyakon szállnánk, és mindenki jön
velünk együtt. Szorosokon és sötétségen és járhatatlan helyeken
keresztül visz az ut a nagy czél felé és a czélnak a neve: Isten
gyermekeinek nagyszerü szabadsága.
Az emberiség jövője kétségtelenül a szabadságon, a tiszta lélek
tökéletességén alapul. Minden silány értéket eltemetnek és maguk
mögött hagynak ezek a lelki áramlatok. Végtelenül nagy az a czél,
mely szemünk előtt lebeg. Baj az, ha nem érjük el nagyhamar? És ki
mondhatja meg, hogy sok vagy kevés idő telik-e bele? Ki tudja, hogy
a fejlődés nem megy-e egyre gyorsabb menetben végbe, aszerint,
amint tudatosabbá lesz? Üdvösségünk talán közelebb van, mint
gondolnók. De ha késik is, várjuk bizakodva, várjuk egyre. Bizonyos,
hogy eljön és itt marad.
TARTALOMJEGYZÉK.
A fejlődés kérdése
Az olvasóhoz 3
Teremtés és fejlődés 6
A kialakulás folyama 9
Az ember és a kialakulás 13
Az előrehajtó ösztön 17
Az emberiség paradicsoma 21
Az új tökéletesség 26
Az első lépés 29
A jó és a rossz 33
Szellem és hit 38
A vallás kérdése vagy a modern és vallásos
gondolkodás megbékülése
Vallás és fejlődés 47
A vallási összeférhetetlenség 53
Békülési kisérletek 57
A megbékülés alapja 60
A gondolatszabadság eredete 65
Az új erkölcsiség 69
Természet és erkölcs 74
Jézus és az új erkölcs 81
A szabadság kérdése az emberiségben
A társadalmi nehézségek 89
Az emberiség álma 92
A gondolat, mint a szabadság hordozója 96
A szabadság lényege 101
A szabadság rejtélye 105
A rejtély megoldásának reménye 111
A szabadság igenje és nemje 115
A szabadság megvalósulása 119
Hogyan jutunk el a szabadsághoz 123
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AZ EMBERISÉG
JÖVŐJE ***
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(FREE PDF Sample) Exploitation and Misrule in Colonial and Postcolonial Africa Kenneth Kalu Ebooks

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Exploitation and Misrule in Colonial and

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The Portuguese Escudo Monetary Zone: Its Impact in

The Palgrave Handbook of African Colonial and Postcolonial

Scream for Me Africa Heavy Metal Identities in Post

Chemistry The Central Science 13th Edition Theodore E.

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African Histories and Modernities

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018953347

Cover credit: Mira / Alamy Stock Photo

Resentment to colonial exploitation and consequent underdevelopment of

years after independence, the political and economic conditions in many

Toronto, ON, Canada Kenneth Kalu

1 Introduction: Exploitation, Colonialism, and Postcolonial

Section I Encounters: Texts, Images, and Fiction 25

2 Rupturing Neocolonial Legacies in the African Novel:

3 Decolonial Visions in Mid-Twentieth-­Century African

4 Images of Colonialism in the Text of Two African Female

5 Migration and Exile: The Exotic Essence of Life in Bessie

6 Ingrid de Kok’s “A Room Full of Questions” and South

7 Identity, the “Passing” Novel, and the Phenomenology

Section II Encounters: Spaces of Subjugation and Dominance 163

8 Precolonial Imaginaries and Colonial Legacies in

9 World War II and West African Soldiers in Asia,

10 A Colonizing Agricultural Company in Somalia: The

11 The Magical Hour of Midnight: The Annual

12 Colonial Ideologies and the Emergence of Two Spaces:

Joshua Agbo holds a PhD in Exile and Postcolonial African Literature

His work has appeared in Comparative Literature and Culture,

was on “A Social History of Military Service in Southwestern Nigeria,

ing Research in African Literatures, Research Scholar, Revue du CAMES

Michael Sharp has a PhD from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

Introduction: Exploitation, Colonialism,

Kenneth Kalu and Toyin Falola

A number of African states continue to face daunting challenges in their

© The Author(s) 2019 1

support sustainable development of any sort. The slave economy made it

shaped social relations in African societies, with authority figures in

By design, the colonial economic structure forced Africans into

unfortunately maintained and expanded by the African leaders who took

Writing along this line, Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson11 documented

Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation,” The American Economic Review,

or other strategies in-between. Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson14 show

excitement and hope. Expectations were ripe that independent African

A rejtély megoldásának reménye.

Ha vizsgáljuk az emberi viszonyokat, melyeket még nagyjában

A szabadság igenje és nemje.

A szabadságnak ugy, mint sok természeti erőnek, két eleme van,

A külsőleg megadott mozgási képesség és a belsőleg teremtett

Csak ismerné valaki azt az utat, mely csalhatatlanul elvezet a

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

START: FULL LICENSE

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free

Section 1. General Terms of Use and

Toronto, ON, Canada Kenneth Kalu

1 Introduction: Exploitation, Colonialism, and Postcolonial

Section I Encounters: Texts, Images, and Fiction 25

2 Rupturing Neocolonial Legacies in the African Novel:

3 Decolonial Visions in Mid-Twentieth-Century African

4 Images of Colonialism in the Text of Two African Female

5 Migration and Exile: The Exotic Essence of Life in Bessie

6 Ingrid de Kok’s “A Room Full of Questions” and South

7 Identity, the “Passing” Novel, and the Phenomenology

Section II Encounters: Spaces of Subjugation and Dominance 163

8 Precolonial Imaginaries and Colonial Legacies in

9 World War II and West African Soldiers in Asia,

10 A Colonizing Agricultural Company in Somalia: The

11 The Magical Hour of Midnight: The Annual

12 Colonial Ideologies and the Emergence of Two Spaces: