LEADERSHIP STYLE AS AN ENDOGENOUS CONTRADICTION IN UNDERSTANDING THE CRISIS OF UNDER-

DEVELOPMENT AMONGST AFRICAN STATES: A critique of the dependencea

BY

WAZHI, Hezekiah Nanjul

Abstract

The sixties was a period which marked a milestone in liberation movements throught the shores of
Africa and Asian regions. These moves raised the hopes of many Africans as they clamored and ascended
the pinnacle of self rule. Breaking the jinx through the tongues of chanted solidarity and liberation by
partly reducing foreign control of their policies, the conspicuous "U-Turn" in the ideologies guiding who
gets what, when and how in African states indeed gave the continent a bitter story to tell. Using the
modernist framework, this paper probed the reasons behind Africa's continuous underdevelopment and
found the sit-tight syndrome, disillusioned statesmanship and misplacement of priorities as key pointers
to the development of underdevelopment among African states. The paper moved that through
adequate education of the populace on the ills of blame game and the imperatives of solution seeking,
the bitter years of intra and inter state conflicts resulting from political and religious upheavals can be
reduced.

Key terms

Dependencea: This basically is a school of thought whose interest is on analyzing the causes of
underdevelopment among third world countries as linked to past and present ties which Less Developed
Counties (LDCs) maintain with the global North. Walter Rodney , Samir Amin , Immanuel Wallestine
amongst others are the key exponents of this model

Endogenous factors: These are causes that are inherent amidst Africans. It entails the internally
conceived contradictions as against external forces as advanced by the dependecea. This school of
thought is concerned about archaic and unreviewed practices amongst developing states which have
stood as a bane to their development. William Walt Rostow is inter alia, is an exponent of this model

INTRODUCTION

It would sound like the case of a thirty year old unfortunate industrialist who would attribute his
continuous failure to the selfishness of his former tutor. Just as it is with the habit of many who derive a
lot of pleasure in blame games as excuses, the dependency school of thought has for long failed to come
to terms with the fact that wounds get healed with time. This time espoused is the years of freedom
enjoyed by most once exploited states to sit back and chart a suitable blueprint for her states rather
than throwing blames. Agreed, Africa had a history of colonial encroachment and did share same fate
with other nations of the world; but an evident fact which has for long relegated the proclivity of African
civilization and the prospects of development within African states as advanced by Merdith (2005) is,
the vaunted leadership style and unquenchable thirst of the elite class for political power. A chronology
of African leaders starting with the notorious Mobutu sese-siko of Zaire, with his ideology of
"Authenticity", to Charles Taylor, the controversial Liberian conflict game player would facilitate ease in
understanding the idiosyncrasies of Africans whom having lured the committed populace into the
ambiance of independence and were trusted with public offices, changed into home grown dictators.
The list of Africa's sit-tight elites are endless. The leadership styles of these actors have caused many to
ask if at all they were schooled by the same teacher on the course of leadership because it has been the
same old story from the indecisive Yahya Jammeh of The Gambia, to Teodor Obiang Nguema Mabasogo
of Equitorial Guinea who spent over thirty five (35) years in Office; to Africa's conqueror of women,
emperor Jean Bedel Bokkassa of central African Republic, to Jose Eduardo de Santos of Angola who
came to power in 1979, to Blaise Campaore Of Burkina Faso, to Paul Biya Of Cameron who spent 33
years in power, to Idi Amin Of Uganda the man famous of a granted freedom only before speech, to
Isayas Afewerki of Eritrea to Robert Gabriel Mugabe of Zimbabwe, the world's most schooled but inept
leader and champion of the sit tight syndrome coming to power since 1980, to the likes of Pierre
Nkrunziza who without remores nor lessons to learn from history treaded the paths of his comrades.
These are the leaders Africa has produced. It is tragic that these are, and have consistently been the
men Africans elect into public offices. These are the men whose actions when sworn into public office
can best be understood from a Machiavellian conceptualization because that has been the true nature
of an African elite.

Endogenous fuelers of Africa's underdevelopment

The long debate as put forward by (Rodney 1972 and Ake 1993) is one which actually gave third world
countries a voice and reason to refute the ills of the global North. Not to distort the facts already
established but a point worth noting however is the impressive impact time has on human adventures
and quest for change. It is true that Africa was exploited but events unfoldening from the aftermath of
the much anticipated independence of African countries have casted a serious doubt as to whether or
not it is the same old perceived exploitors who have stagnated Nation building processes and holistic
economic development strides in Africa. Igwe (2010) observed the following internal contradictions

The politization of ethnic plurality

Abuse of public privileges (Corruption)

Quota system and regionalism

High cost of governance/ Recurrent expenditure plan

Lack of interest for home made products

The unreadiness of both governors and the governed to learn from the complex web (Bretton Woods)

Varied opinions of regional and international Organizations on themes of rapid economic development

Insurgency/Terrorism

Against widely held opinions, ethnic plurality has never been Africa's problem instead, the politization of
ethnic plurality is what has hampered peace building professes among African states. In Mozambique,
the Renamo, Makua, Suna and Shone (ndau) were once upon a time a happy people not until (2014-
2016) when the Makua were politically instigated with their greatest weakness (ethnicity) then, they
were more united than ever when they jointly fought for the liberation of Mozambique. In Zimbabwe,
the Shona couldn't rise their once loud voices against Mugabe as they did when they clamoured for
independence because he was of theirs. The situation in Ivory Coast is no different as the Akans, Baoole
and even the Krou are in the habit of doing same (Lumumba, 2014). The scenario is indefferent in
Nigeria as the Igbos breed a wind of suspicion against northern domination by the Hausas. This has been
one of Africa's internal but losely and unexamimed cause of her underdevelopment. In an exhaustive
research by Transparency International on the effects of corruption on the development of African
states, it was estimated that over £62 Billion dollars leave Africa for deposits in every six months. These
funds are proceeds gotten from inflated contracts, diverted funds as was with the case of Sambo Dasuki
of Nigeria.

Again, the fear of regional domination which necessitated the adoption of a quota system ought to have
been eliminated as the continuous reliance on the qota system over merit have carved a safe haven for
unqualified, lazy and inexperienced engineers, medical practitioners, administrators, public servants and
even graduates. Should Africans still blame Europe and America for these challenges? Most definitely
no. It is neither rocket nor junk science that public officials in this part of the world are monarchs of
ecstasy. Elections into public offices are fierce and bloody, hardly does an incumbent loss an election.
The case in Kenya between Uhuru Kenyatta and Rails Odinga confirms this. There has never been a time
in the history of Africa where public servants or the political class ever considered itself as a servant
instead, they are the ones who have been served. Winning an election in an African state like Nigeria is
like winning a lottery ticket (Bruce, 2015).

One out of many reasons why taxes, subsidies, deregulation and other belt tightening adjustments even
when proposed by the intelligence institutions (Breton woods) will never yield the required results in
many third world states is because serving and retired politicians pay themselves more than any other
cadre. Functions are being duplicated yet, no one is ready to accept the truth. Impunity is condoned,
funds are being shipphoned by humans but reptiles are blamed on national dailies in States in post
colonial Africa (Alavi, 1972).
Same is the situation in Somalia, In Gambia the story is dejavu, the same. In most third world countries,
the paper headlines do not change. The news is the same, they cover the same old problems and renew
the thoughts of listeners with the same old unfulfilled promises. In Africa, there's no news that the
people have not read or heard.

A fact to grasp

Pathetic is the feeling that at this moment, time and an era which is said and believed to be an era of
change and enlightenment, many states in post colonial Africa are still lost in oblivion. South Sudan
clamored for independence and independence she got, it is the same independence which has won her
a place of on BBC, Ajazeera and CNN. The sad thing about Africans is that we have not discovered
ourselves. In an unguarded suggestion, Donald Trump, once submitted that African states ought to be
recolonized, as he believed it would create true consciousness amongst them. By the way, that was
Donald speaking but however the case is, if given a close look, we'll visualize the evident elements of
truth in the cliche which reads "there is sense in every nonsense" not to generalize but if we are to tell
ourselves the truth, there have been good Africans who carried the African dream in their words and
actions but the truism is, there is still, much more work to be done on the thinking faculty of Africans
because there is absolutely nothing wrong with the innovative capability of the African skin as
purportedly taught by Hung Trevor and David Hume ( Chandra, 2014)

Consistently, Igwe (2010) has argued, there is nothing wrong with the African continent instead, Africa's
problem are Africans. Africa's problem is that it has no defined model for development. By our own
hands, we've caved a vicious circle which we are now trapped in (Alavi, 1972). Whether one is coming
from Tanzania, Zambia, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Togo, Senegal, Gambia, Gabon, Ivory coast, Ghana, Sierra
Leone, Sudan, Libya, Mauritania, Somalia or Nigeria, a close look at the annual budgets of respective
countries will reveal Africa's absence of a formidable development model. African states are
exceptionally good at policy formulations but they fail easily at the implementation stages of these
policies. Yes, it is a good thing to deregulate an economy as it would lessen the bulk of work load on the
state when effectively and efficiently monitored through a long term plan facility as it will enable her
(the state) create an enabling environment for investments but the irony with an African leader is that
he will create reasons and coin truthful lies which he'll spar no sleep until the funds recovered from the
subsidies are added to his jumbo pay and to those of his comrades before a single tenure elapses.
Citizens and public office holders reason like aliens in Africa.

In Africa, we behave as if there is another place called home. Winning an election in Africa is a journey
out of one's expenses schedule as transportation, feeding and other bills are being sorted by the state,
little wonder upon swearing in, the public treasury is plundered. The youths are constantly told "You are
the leaders of tomorrow" while incumbent presidents in their seventies take loans which would be paid
by the fourth generation. Africa's future and that of the youths is being mortgaged to foreign loans. It is
the same elite class who sow the seeds of ethnic arithmetics among peasants. Then in Tanzania it wasn't
like this, the first, second, third fourth and fifth presidents Tanzanians elected weren't based on ethnic
arithmetics, that was how they ruled and left offices without questions if clans and ethnic groups.
Zambia had it once, Nigeria had it in her aborted third Republic with a Muslim-Muslim ticket but same
isn't the same today (Bruce, 2015). Here we are in Africa, public office holders commission hospitals
which they don't get treated in. Health ministers would run abroad for medical treatments and ear
check ups. The Political class in africa today introduce what they call free education in public institutions
but it's saddening that those institutions are indeed free of education and acknowledge (Lumumba,
2012). They commission schools but you dare not see their wards taught in such schools. Why? The
reasons are not far fetched, because African elites are aware of the decay and corrosive level of
malnutrition in such sectors, sending their wards there would be sucidal. But why not learn from the
complex web? Why not expend extensively and have these structures refurbished and resuscitated.
More funds would have been generated and saved had the Africans with a conscious mind alert to
development (Mazrui, 1968) It is disheartening that till date, many Africans have not discovered who
and where they are in the global economy. It strikes one's imagination that many of us have not
discovered what we are ready to die for like Nwalimu in his conceived socialist thoughts as seen in the
Arusha Declaration (Uja'ama) he labored to pull Tanzania out of a dependent circle.

Like the German Martin Luther who was excommunicated by the pope for his grounds on protestanism.
Like Murtala Muhammed of Nigeria who was killed for his policies which were anti-west. Like Walter
Rodney Of Guyana who was killed in a car bomb for his Prowess in the fight for social Justice. Like The
Argentine Guevera Ernesto Chi who was assassinated in Bolivia for his cause in the fight for revolution.
Like the impenetrable Thomas San Kara Of Burkina faso who was ousted and assassinated for his anti-
west policies. Like Mahatma Ghandi, who was assassinated in 1948, a year after he led his country to
independence by a Hindu militant group. Like the eloquent Martin Luther King Jnr who championed the
match to Washington DC, where he delivered the famous "I Have a Dream” speech. Sad enough, he was
assassinated in 1969. Like the erudite Malcolm X who stood his grounds for the outlaw of racial
discrimination and the Jim Krow laws. Like Dele Giwa, a renown Nigerian Journalist to be reckoned with;
who was silenced with a parcel bomb. Like Frantz Fanon, the author of "The wretched of the earth" who
died of cancer while fighting for social justice. Like Amilcar Cabral Of Guinea Bissau who was
assassinated with a lethal bomb. Like many others who took the bullets to bring Africa to what and
where it is today. It is a truism that the reasons behind the struggles of our heroes are eroding gradually,
and the only way to salvage this situation is a second thought and a reflection on our internal
contradictions by asking ourselves, "How have we Africans underdeveloped Africa?”

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Having examined the socio political and economic dimensions of the challenges African countries are
been confronted with, the following recommendations have been carefully observed and weighed as if
implementated, would go a long way in arresting the ceaseless blame games by the Dependency school
of thought as to what is really responsible for the stagnated pace of Africa's development in the
committee of nations.

1. A review of the existing ties with other nations of the world. Contrary to the positions of the
Dependency school of thought, African States stand better chances of making the best of the
relationships they are into with other countries of the world. African States must redefine their national
interest in the international arena as they relate with other states. The best brains must be used this
way, liked minds with a better understanding of the rules of engagement will represent countries.
Africans must deffrenciate between a technocrate and a politician, this way, it will be better of.

2. Strengthening of regional organizations : This as advanced by (Bruce, 2015) would fast tract the even
development of African countries. The Economic Community of West African Sates is already doing this
and if East Africans will expedite actions they will yield desired goals.

3. More intelligence gathering on strategic matters and terrorism : The importance of peace and security
which is the paramount responsibility of the state must given top most priority, African States in their
relations with other countries of the world must think of an area where it has a comparative advance.
This way, it can improve on her military and counter terrorism competence to enable her deal with
irregular warfare because the presence of the Boko Haram in North Eastern Nigeria, to other terrorist
groups linked to Al Qaeda, the Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP ) Seal-Qa’ida in the Islamic
Maghreb in Algeria, Mali and Niger formerly (GSPC) to the Ansar al-Shari'a in Darnah Libya, the Ansar al-
Shari'a in Tunisia to the Ansar Bayt al Maqdis in Egypt Also known as ISIL Sinai Province ISIL SP must be
viewed as a threat to all be it from the North, South, East, West or Central region of Africa because these
terrorist activities have made efforts at wooing investors from within and outside of Africa futil.

4. Expansion of accessible Markets to Africans for African exchange : Africa's biggest business partners in
Cocco and other mineral resources are not African States. They are The G8 and other industrialized
countries who buy at prices that are determined by them. With the refurbishment and resuscitation of
the existing Interpol market in Nairobi to the international market in Lusaka to the Cotonu gain making
market in to the Alaba international market in Lagos Nigeria must be bequitted with well manned
structures to attract investors

5. Political conscientisation of the African populace : As Patrick O. Lumumba a Kenyan Law school
director is in the habit of, there is every need the academia, traditional heads and religious institutions
raise to the occasion and combat corruption and religiosity which as advanced by (Ake,1992 ) are the
twin problems of Africa.

6. Expansion of a capital expenditure frame work. As glaringly seen in the news papers, a good
percentage of African States still practise the high recurrent expenditure plan which have not augured
well with them in the management of macro economic encumbrances. With this idea, state and federal
governments will have much to invest which at the long run will yield dividends and to achieve this,
there are fund sapping routines such as the payment of retired politicians and the high cost of
governance inter alia, must be stopped at once. Graduate Programmes which are been run in each of
the stats in Africa also contribute to the bulk of recurrent expenditures. In Nigeria, programs such as the
National Youth Service Corp which is equivalent to the Kenyan National Graduates Service Scheme In
Kenya which In Ghana is being motivated by the National service Secretariate (NSS) and other states
must be placed on halt.

7. Decentralization of power. It is evident that public offices weld too much powers in Africa, a case
study of the situation in Nigeria reveals that, the federal government controls virtually all the tires of
government with little or nothing to States and at statelevels, the local governments are not
Autonomous instead, they are being dominated by the state. The non devolution of political power is
what has made public offices competitive and a lucrative industry and this ill has made it impossible to
raise topics of a reduction in the cost of governance.

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