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 This is a special edition of an established title widely used by colleges and
GLOBAL universities throughout the world. Pearson published this exclusive edition
for the benefit of students outside the United States and Canada. If you
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EDITION purchased this book within the United States or Canada, you should be aware EDITION

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Branscombe and Baron’s Social Psychology provides a comprehensive overview of social psychological theory

Social Psychology

Social Psychology
and research, illuminating why people think, feel, and act as they do. With its trademark engaging writing style,
the fifteenth Global Edition continues to help students understand the many hidden processes that shape how
people influence each other. The authors draw students in by illustrating how understanding social psychological
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specific strategies that, when put into practice, will improve their well-being. FIFTEENTH GLOBAL EDITION
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and mental health.

NEW AND UPDATED IN THIS EDITION

• NEW and UPDATED—Chapter-opening vignettes discuss the intersection of concepts in psychology
with real-life experiences, such as how social relationships affect mental health and happiness, and how people
Nyla R. Branscombe
take decisions when faced with complex and confusing information. These vignettes set the tone and introduce
students to a key concept discussed in the chapter.
Robert A. Baron

GLOBAL EDITION
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• NEW—Rapid Review at the end of every chapter summarizes the key points discussed under each learning
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which develops their critical thinking abilities.
• NEW—End-of-chapter Self-Test exercises assess the understanding of students and enable them to target

Branscombe • Baron
areas for improvement.

Also available separately for purchase is Revel for Social Psychology. Revel is an interactive learning environment
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 Social Psychology
Fifteenth Global Edition

Nyla R. Branscombe
University of Kansas

Robert A. Baron
Oklahoma State University

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 Dedication
To Phil Schlaman, my best friend and essential social support;
You make it all worthwhile.
—Nyla R. Branscombe

To the people I care about most and who care most about me—
Rebecca, Ted, Melissa, Samantha, Randy, Paul and Leah;
And to the colleagues who helped make my life’s journey such a happy one—
Donn Byrne, Roger Black, Jim Naylor, John Capaldi, and Mike Morris
—Robert A. Baron

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iv

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 Brief Contents
1 Social Psychology 17 8 Social Influence 274

2 Social Cognition 52 9 Prosocial Behavior 310

3 Social Perception 87 10 Aggression 339

4 The Self 123 11 Groups and Individuals 373

5 Attitudes 161
12 Dealing with Adversity and
Achieving a Happy Life 412
6 Causes and Cures of Stereotyping,
Prejudice, and Discrimination 199

7 Liking, Love, and Other Close

Relationships237

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 Contents
Preface11 2.1.2: Availability: “If I Can Recall Many Instances,
Acknowledgements15 They Must Be Frequent?” 56
About the Authors 16 2.1.3: Anchoring and Adjustment: Where You
Begin Makes a Difference 59
1 Social Psychology 2.1.4: Status Quo Heuristic: “What Is, Is Good” 61
What Research Tells Us About… People’s Preference
The Science of the Social Side of Life 17 for the Status Quo 61
1.1: Social Psychology: What It Is and Is Not 20 2.2: Schemas: Mental Frameworks for Organizing Social
1.1.1: Social Psychology Is Scientific in Nature 20 Information 62
1.1.2: Social Psychology Focuses on the Behavior 2.2.1: The Impact of Schemas on Social Cognition:
of Individuals 23 Attention, Encoding, Retrieval 62
1.1.3: Social Psychology Seeks to Understand the 2.2.2: Priming: How Schemas Guide Our Thought
Causes of Social Behavior 24 and Action? 63
1.1.4: The Search for Basic Principles in a Changing 2.2.3: Schema Persistence: Why Even Discredited
Social World 28 Schemas Can Influence Thought and Behavior 66
2.2.4: Reasoning by Metaphor: How Social Attitudes
1.2: Social Psychology: Advances at the Boundaries 29
and Behavior Are Affected by Figures of Speech 66
1.2.1: Cognition and Behavior: Two Sides of the
Same Social Coin 29 2.3: Automatic and Controlled Processing in Social
Thought 67
1.2.2: The Role of Emotion in the Social Side of Life 30
2.3.1: Automatic Processing and Automatic
1.2.3: Social Relationships: How Important They
Social Behavior 68
Are for Well-Being 30
2.3.2: Benefits of Automatic Processing: Beyond
1.2.4: Social Neuroscience: The Intersection of Social
Mere Efficiency 69
Psychology and Brain Research 31
1.2.5: The Role of Implicit (Nonconscious) Processes 34 2.4: Potential Sources of Error in Social Cognition:
Why Total Rationality Is Rarer Than You Think 70
1.2.6: Taking Full Account of Social Diversity 35
2.4.1: Our Powerful Tendency to Be Overly Optimistic 70
1.3: How Social Psychologists Answer the Questions
2.4.2: Situation-Specific Sources of Error in Social
They Ask: Research as the Route to Increased Knowledge 36
Cognition: Counterfactual Thinking and Magical
1.3.1: Systematic Observation: Describing the World Thinking 74
Around Us 36
2.5: Affect and Cognition: How Feelings Shape
1.3.2: Correlation: The Search for Relationships 39
Thought and Thought Shapes Feelings 77
1.3.3: The Experimental Method: Knowledge Through
2.5.1: The Influence of Affect on Cognition 78
Systematic Intervention 40
2.5.2: The Influence of Cognition on Affect 79
1.3.4: Further Thoughts on Causality: The Role of
Mediating Variables 44 2.5.3: Affect and Cognition: Social Neuroscience
Evidence for Two Separate Systems 81
1.3.5: Meta-Analysis: Assessing a Body
of Knowledge 44 What Research Tells Us About… How Today’s
1.4: The Role of Theory in Social Psychology 45 Decisions Are Shaped by Regret for Tomorrow’s
Outcomes 82
1.5: The Quest for Knowledge and the Rights of
Rapid Review 83
Individuals: Seeking an Appropriate Balance 46
Critical Thinking Questions 85
Rapid Review 49
Self-Test86
Critical Thinking Questions 50
Self-Test51

3 Social Perception
2 Social Cognition Seeking to Understand Others 87
How We Think About the Social World 52 3.1: Nonverbal Communication: An Unspoken Language 89
2.1: Heuristics: How We Employ Simple Rules in Social 3.1.1: Basic Channels of Nonverbal Communication 89
Cognition 54 3.1.2: Nonverbal Cues in Social Life 94
2.1.1: Representativeness: Judging by Resemblance 55 3.1.3: Recognizing Deception 97

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 Contents 7

What Research Tells Us About… The Role of Nonverbal 4.6.1: How Shame and Guilt Can Shape Our Behavior 154
Cues in Job Interviews 100 What Research Tells Us About… Academic
3.1.4: Dark Personality and Person Perception 100 Cheating & Self-Conscious Emotions 154
3.2: Attribution: Understanding the Causes of Behavior 102 4.6.2: The Two Faces of Janus: Authentic
3.2.1: Theories of Attribution: How We Attempt and Hubristic Pride 155
to Make Sense of the Social World 102 Rapid Review 157
3.2.2: Basic Sources of Error in Attribution 107 Critical Thinking Questions 159
What Research Tells Us About… Why Some People Self-Test160
Conclude They Are Superior to Others 111
3.2.3: Applications of Attribution Theory:
Interventions and Insights 112
5 Attitudes
3.3: Impression Formation and Management: Combining Evaluating and Responding to the
Information About Others 114 Social World 161
3.3.1: Impression Formation 114 5.1: Attitude Formation: How Attitudes Develop 167
3.3.2: Impression Management 118 5.1.1: Classical Conditioning: Learning Based
Rapid Review 119 on Association 167
Critical Thinking Questions 121 5.1.2: Instrumental Conditioning: Rewards
Self-Test122 for the “Right” Views 169
5.1.3: Observational Learning: Learning by
4 The Self Exposure to Others 171
What Research Tells Us About… Social Modeling
Answering the Question “Who Am I?” 123 and Fashion-related Attitude 173
4.1: Self-Presentation: Managing the Self in Different 5.2: When and Why Do Attitudes Influence Behavior? 173
Social Contexts 125 5.2.1: Role of the Social Context in the Link Between
Attitudes and Behavior 174
4.1.1: Self–Other Accuracy in Predicting Our
Behavior 126 5.2.2: Strength of Attitudes 175
4.1.2: Self-Presentation Tactics 128 5.2.3: Attitude Extremity: Role of Vested Interests 175
4.2: Self-Knowledge: Determining Who We Are 130 5.2.4: Attitude Certainty: Importance of Clarity
and Correctness 177
4.2.1: Introspection: Looking Inward to Discover
the Causes of Our Own Behavior 130 5.2.5: Role of Personal Experience 178
What Research Tells Us About… Prosocial 5.3: How Do Attitudes Guide Behavior? 179
Spending and Individual Happiness 132 5.3.1: Attitudes Arrived at Through Reasoned
Thought 179
4.2.2: The Self from the Observer’s Standpoint 132
5.3.2: Attitudes and Spontaneous Behavioral
4.3: Personal Identity Versus
Reactions 180
Social Identity 133
5.4: The Science of Persuasion:
4.3.1: Who I Think I Am Depends
How Attitudes Are Changed 181
on the Social Context 135
5.4.1: Persuasion: Communicators, Messages,
4.3.2: Who I Am Depends on Others’ Treatment 138
and Audiences 182
What Research Tells Us About… The Importance
5.4.2: The Cognitive Processes Underlying Persuasion 184
of Belonging and Group Ties 140
5.5: Resisting Persuasion Attempts 187
4.3.3: The Self Across Time: Past and Future Selves 141
5.5.1: Reactance: Protecting Our Personal Freedom 187
4.3.4: Why Self-Control Can Be Difficult to Achieve 141
5.5.2: Forewarning: Prior Knowledge of Persuasive
4.4: Social Comparison: How We Intent 188
Evaluate Ourselves 143
5.5.3: Selective Avoidance of Persuasion Attempts 188
4.4.1: Self-Serving Biases and Unrealistic Optimism 146
5.5.4: Actively Defending Our Attitudes:
4.5: Self-Esteem: Attitudes Toward Ourselves 147 Counterarguing Against the Competition 189
4.5.1: The Measurement of Self-Esteem 147 5.5.5: Individual Differences in Resistance
4.5.2: How Migration Affects Self-Esteem 150 to Persuasion 189
4.5.3: Do Women and Men Differ in Their Level of 5.5.6: Ego-Depletion Can Undermine Resistance 190
Self-Esteem? 150 5.6: Cognitive Dissonance: What Is It and How
What Research Tells Us About… Perceived Do We Manage It? 191
Discrimination and Self-Esteem 152 5.6.1: Dissonance and Attitude Change: The Effects
4.6: The Self and Emotions 153 of Induced Compliance 191

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 8 Contents

5.6.2: Alternative Strategies for Resolving Dissonance 192 7.2: External Sources of Attraction: The Effects of
5.6.3: When Dissonance Is a Tool for Beneficial Proximity, Familiarity, and Physical Beauty 243
Changes in Behavior 193 7.2.1: The Power of Proximity: Unplanned Contacts 243
What Research Tells Us About… Culture 7.2.2: Physical Beauty: Its Role in Interpersonal
and Attitude Processes 195 Attraction 246
Rapid Review 196 What Research Tells Us About… Dramatic
Critical Thinking Questions 198 Differences in Appearance Between Partners:
Self-Test198 Is Love Really Blind? 251
7.3: Sources of Liking Based on Social Interaction 252
6 Causes and Cures of Stereotyping, 7.3.1: Similarity: Birds of a Feather Actually
Do Flock Together 253
Prejudice, and Discrimination 199 7.3.2: Reciprocal Liking or Disliking: Liking
6.1: How Members of Different Groups Perceive Those Who Like Us 257
Inequality 202 7.3.3: Social Skills: Liking People Who Are Good at
What Research Tells Us About… Biases in Interacting with Others 257
Our Beliefs About Inequality 205 7.3.4: Personality and Liking: Why People with
Certain Traits Are More Attractive Than Others 258
6.2: The Nature and Origins of Stereotyping 206
7.3.5: What Do We Desire in Others? Gender
6.2.1: Stereotyping: Beliefs About Social Groups 207
Differences and Changes over Stages of a Relationship 259
6.2.2: Is Stereotyping Absent If Members of Different
7.4: Close Relationships: Foundations of Social Life 261
Groups Are Rated the Same? 212
7.4.1: Romantic Relationships and the
6.2.3: Can We Be Victims of Stereotyping and
(Partially Solved) Mystery of Love 262
Not Even Recognize It: The Case of Single People 214
7.4.2: What Do We Seek in Romantic Partners? 264
6.2.4: Why Do People Form and Use Stereotypes? 215
What Research Tells Us About… Two Factors
6.3: Prejudice: Feelings Toward Social Groups 217
That May Destroy Love—Jealousy and Infidelity 265
6.3.1: The Origins of Prejudice: Contrasting
Perspectives 219 7.4.3: Relationships with Family Members:
Our First—and Most Lasting—Close Relationships 267
What Research Tells Us About… The Role
7.4.4: Friendships: Relationships Beyond the Family 269
of Existential Threat in Prejudice 224
Rapid Review 271
6.4: Discrimination: Prejudice in Action 225
Critical Thinking Questions 273
6.4.1: Modern Racism: More Subtle, but Just
Self-Test273
as Harmful 225
6.5: Why Prejudice Is Not Inevitable: Techniques for
Countering Its Effects 228 8 Social Influence
6.5.1: On Learning Not to Hate 228 Changing Others’ Behavior 274
6.5.2: The Potential Benefits of Contact 228
6.5.3: Recategorization: Changing the Boundaries 229 8.1: Conformity: How Groups—and Norms—Influence
Our Behavior 276
6.5.4: The Benefits of Guilt for Prejudice Reduction 230
8.1.1: Social Pressure: The Irresistible Force? 277
6.5.5: Can We Learn to “Just Say No” to Stereotyping
and Biased Attributions? 231 8.1.2: How Social Norms Emerge 279
6.5.6: Social Influence as a Means of Reducing What Research Tells Us About… How Much
Prejudice 232 We Really Conform 280
Rapid Review 233 8.1.3: Factors Affecting Conformity 281
Critical Thinking Questions 235 8.1.4: Social Foundations of Conformity: Why
Self-Test236 We Often Choose to “Go Along” 284
8.1.5: The Downside of Conformity 285
8.1.6: Reasons for Nonconformity: Why We
7 Liking, Love, and Other Close Sometimes Choose “Not to Go Along” 287
Relationships237 8.1.7: Minority Influence: Does the Majority
Always Rule? 291
7.1: Internal Sources of Liking Others: The Role of
8.2: Compliance: To Ask—Sometimes—Is to Receive 293
Needs and Emotions 239
8.2.1: The Underlying Principles of Compliance 293
7.1.1: The Importance of Affiliation in Human
8.2.2: Tactics Based on Friendship or Liking 294
Existence: The Need to Belong 239
8.2.3: Tactics Based on Commitment or Consistency 294
7.1.2: The Role of Affect: Do Our Moods Play a Role
in Liking Others? 241 8.2.4: Tactics Based on Reciprocity 296

A01_BRAN8320_14_GE_FM.indd 8 27/05/2022 20:24

 Contents 9

8.2.5: Tactics Based on Scarcity

8.2.6: Do Compliance Tactics Work?
297
297
10 Aggression
What Research Tells Us About… Leadership Its Nature, Causes, and Control 339
and Follower Compliance 298
10.1: Perspectives on Aggression: In Search of the
8.3: Obedience to Authority: Would You Harm Someone Roots of Violence 342
If Ordered to Do So? 299 10.1.1: The Role of Biological Factors: Are We
8.3.1: Obedience in the Laboratory 299 Programmed for Violence? 342
8.3.2: Why Destructive Obedience Occurs 301 10.1.2: Drive Theories: The Motive to Harm Others 344
8.3.3: Resisting the Effects of Destructive Obedience 303 10.1.3: Modern Theories of Aggression 344
8.4: Unintentional Social Influence: How Others Change 10.2: Causes of Human Aggression: Social, Cultural,
Our Behavior Even When They Are Not Trying to Do So 303 Personal, and Situational 346
8.4.1: Emotional Contagion 304 10.2.1: Basic Sources of Aggression: Frustration
8.4.2: Symbolic Social Influence 305 and Provocation 347
8.4.3: Modeling: Learning from Observing Others 306 What Research Tells Us About… The Role of
Rapid Review 308 Emotions in Aggression 348
Critical Thinking Questions 309 10.2.2: Social Causes of Aggression 349
Self-Test309 10.2.3: Why Some People Are More Aggressive
Than Others 355
9 Prosocial Behavior 10.2.4: Gender and Aggression: Are Men More
Aggressive Than Women? 356
Helping Others 310 10.2.5: Situational Determinants of Aggression:
The Effects of Heat, Alcohol, and Gun Availability 357
9.1: Why People Help: Motives for Prosocial Behavior 312
9.1.1: Empathy-Altruism: It Feels Good 10.3: Aggression in the Classroom and Workplace 361
to Help Others 312 10.3.1: What Is Bullying? 362
9.1.2: Negative-State Relief: Helping Can Reduce 10.3.2: Cyberbullying: Electronic Means
Unpleasant Feelings 314 of Harm Doing 362
9.1.3: Empathic Joy: Feeling Good by Helping Others 314 10.3.3: Can Bullying Be Reduced? 363
9.1.4: Competitive Altruism: Why Nice People What Research Tells Us About… Workplace
Sometimes Finish First 315 Aggression 364
9.1.5: Kin Selection Theory 316 10.4: The Prevention and Control of Aggression:
9.1.6: Defensive Helping: Helping Outgroups Some Useful Techniques 365
to Reduce Their Threat to Our Ingroup 317 10.4.1: Punishment: Revenge or Deterrence? 365
9.2: Responding to an Emergency: 10.4.2: Self-Regulation: Internal Mechanisms for
Will Bystanders Help? 318 Restraining Aggression 367
9.2.1: Helping in Emergencies: Apathy—or Action? 318 10.4.3: Catharsis: Does “Blowing Off Steam”
9.2.2: Is There Safety in Numbers? Really Help? 368
Sometimes, but Not Always 318 10.4.4: Reducing Aggression by Thinking
9.2.3: Key Steps in Deciding to Help—Or Not 319 Nonaggressive Thoughts 369
Rapid Review 370
9.3: Factors That Increase or Decrease
the Tendency to Help 323 Critical Thinking Questions 372

9.3.1: Factors That Increase Prosocial Behavior 323 Self-Test372

What Research Tells Us About… Paying It Forward:

Helping Others Because We Have Been Helped
9.3.2: Factors That Reduce Helping
327
328
11 Groups and Individuals
What Research Tells Us About… How People The Consequences of Belonging 373
React to Being Helped 331
11.1: Groups: When We Join . . . and When We Leave 376
9.4: Crowdfunding: A New Type of Prosocial Behavior 331
11.1.1: Groups: Their Key Components 378
9.4.1: Emotion and Prosocial Behavior: Mood,
Feelings of Elevation, and Helping 332 11.1.2: The Benefits—and Costs—of Joining 382
9.4.2: Social Neuroscience of Helping 333 What Research Tells Us About… Dissent
and Criticism of Our Groups—“Because We Care” 386
9.5: Final Thoughts: Are Prosocial Behavior
and Aggression Opposites? 334 11.2: Effects of the Presence of Others: From Task
Rapid Review 336 Performance to Behavior in Crowds 387
Critical Thinking Questions 338 11.2.1: Social Facilitation: Performing in the Presence
of Others 387
Self-Test338

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 10 Contents

11.2.2: Social Loafing: Letting Others Do the Work 390 12.2.2: Social Identification as a Means for Managing
11.2.3: Effects of Being in a Crowd 391 Stress 422
11.3: Coordination in Groups: Cooperation or Conflict? 393 What Research Tells Us About… Reducing
11.3.1: Cooperation: Working with Others to Achieve Post-Traumatic Stress Among Veterans 423
Shared Goals 394 12.2.3: Accepting Ourselves 424
11.3.2: Responding to and Resolving Conflicts 396 12.3: Making the Legal System More Fair and Effective 426
11.4: Perceived Fairness in Groups: Its Nature 12.3.1: Social Influence in Policing and Legal Processes 426
and Effects 398 12.3.2: The Influence of Prejudice and Stereotypes
11.4.1: Rules for Judging Fairness: Distributive, in the Legal System 431
Procedural, and Transactional Justice 398 12.4: Fostering Happiness in Our Lives 434
What Research Tells Us About… The Importance 12.4.1: How Happy Are People, in General? 434
of Being Treated with Respect 399 12.4.2: Factors That Influence Happiness 435
11.5: Decision Making by Groups: How It Occurs 12.4.3: Does Monetary Wealth Create Happiness? 436
and the Pitfalls It Faces 401 12.4.4: Is Happiness Getting What You Want or
11.5.1: The Decision-Making Process: How Groups Enjoying What You Have? 437
Attain Consensus 401 12.4.5: Differences Between Happy and Unhappy
11.5.2: The Downside of Group Decision Making 402 People 438
11.6: The Role of Leadership in Group Settings 404 What Research Tells Us About… The Relationship
Rapid Review 407 Between Emotions and Life Satisfaction
Critical Thinking Questions 409 Within Different Cultures 439
Self-Test410 12.4.6: Benefits of Happiness 440
12.4.7: Is It Possible to Be Too Happy? 441
12.4.8: Increasing Happiness Levels 442
12 Dealing with Adversity and 12.4.9: Entrepreneurship as a Means of Seeking
Achieving a Happy Life 411 Happiness 444
Rapid Review 446
12.1: Social Sources of Stress and Their Effects Critical Thinking Questions 449
on Personal Well-Being 413 Self-Test449
12.1.1: The Impact of Social Relationships on
Health 413
References450
12.1.2: How Self-Views Affect Outcomes 417
12.1.3: The Struggle to “Belong” 419 Credits489
12.2: Social Tactics for Decreasing the Harmful Name Index 493
Effects of Stress 421
12.2.1: Using Social Groups to Improve Health 421 Subject Index 509

A01_BRAN8320_14_GE_FM.indd 10 27/05/2022 20:24

 Preface

Social Psychology in research, we believe the information in this book offers you
a valuable means of learning about yourself and the social
a Changing World world in which we live.
The social world, which is the primary focus of this
“One Child, one teacher, one pen and one book can change book, has changed tremendously in recent years, perhaps
the world.” more quickly and dramatically than at any time in the past.
That includes how we interact with each other, and a key
–Malala Yousafzai point we will emphasize throughout the book is this: These
changes have important implications for how we think
“I believe innovation is the most powerful force for change about ourselves and other people. Social psychology is the
in the world.” branch of psychology that studies all aspects of our behav-
ior with and toward others, our feelings and thoughts
–Bill Gates
about them, and the relationships we develop with them.
The central message for social psychology as a field, and
“Psychology cannot tell people how they ought to live their
for any book that seeks to represent it, is simple: Keep up
lives. It can, however, provide them with the means for
with these technological changes in terms of their implica-
effecting personal and social change.”
tions for social life, and this is precisely what we do with
–Albert Bandura this 15th Global Edition.
We are happy to report that social psychology pro-
The aims identified in these quotations are truly vides many important insights crucial to understanding the
impressive ones, and we most assuredly share their faith social changes we have described thus far and can provide
in the transformative power of education. We agree that you with the means of understanding how to create fur-
equipping people with new ways of understanding them- ther—and beneficial—social change. The field continues to
selves and interacting with the world has far-reaching con- be the vibrant and adaptable one it has always been and,
sequences. And—more importantly—we believe that social we predict, always will be. The scope of social psychologi-
psychology does provide powerful means of comprehend- cal research (and knowledge acquired) has expanded rap-
ing why people think, feel, and act as they do, and these idly in the past few years—in fact, much has been learned
ideas, in turn, illuminate how the social world shapes who since the publication of the previous edition of this book—
we are and the processes by which we can achieve change, and this new edition fully reflects the many changes now
in ourselves and the social world. As you know, the goal of occurring all over the world.
changing the world through technology, at least in terms of Our central goal for this new edition was to illustrate just
its implications for how we interact with other people and how well our field has—and does—adjust to and reflect the
access our accumulated knowledge, has in fact been met— changing social world. Technology is not simply changing
to “google” something has become a verb in everyday lan- the way we carry out certain tasks: It is also changing the way
guage, and Facebook and other social media have changed we live and—most important—how we interact with each
much about how we interact with each other. Just try to other. Although many basic principles of social life remain,
imagine life without the many forms of social media we use in essence, unchanged—for instance, the nature of love, hate,
practically every hour of every day. Probably you cannot and emotions in-between—the ways in which these prin-
because digital technology has become woven into the very ciples are expressed and experienced have changed drastically.
fabric of our lives so that we take them for granted and use So, how, precisely, did we set out to reflect these major
them as though they are extensions of ourselves. While the trends while fully and accurately describing the core of our
founders of Google and Facebook sought to change how field—the knowledge and insights that social psychologists
people interact with the world, social psychologists seek have gathered through decades of systematic research?
to illuminate the many “hidden processes” that shape how As the 2015 White House Social and Behavioral Sciences Team
people influence each other. By providing you with a com- ­R eport indicates, social psychological research consists
prehensive overview of social psychological theory and of an impressive body of knowledge about how people

11

A01_BRAN8320_14_GE_FM.indd 11 27/05/2022 20:24

 12 Preface

actually think, feel, and behave toward other people, and Chapter 4
the accumulated knowledge identifies how changing social • A section that addresses how trying to conceal our
conditions can influence those responses, often with an identity can inhibit social interaction and harm well-
eye to improving life for us all. Indeed, social psychologi- being.
cal r­ esearch has taught us much about the “human ani-
• Research addresses why introspection fails, and partic-
mal” that can and is being fruitfully applied in numerous
ularly why people apparently don’t know that spend-
domains. That is precisely what we aimed to do with this
ing their money on others can make them happier than
edition—­illustrate how understanding social p ­ sychological
spending it on themselves.
processes can help to improve many aspects of life. The
­f ollowing is a summary of the major steps we took to • A section on how migration affects self-esteem—both
­accomplish these important goals. international and domestic moves by students.

Chapter 5
• Research concerning the role of reactance in students’
Changes in Content ­responses to instructor behaviors in the classroom.
• Research addressing how attitudes can be conditioned
Changes in Content Within Each of nonconsciously.
the Chapters • Research examining when people’s behavior reflects
Continuing a long tradition in which each edition of this their abstract values and when it is based on their eco-
textbook has included literally dozens of new topics, this nomic self-interests.
15th Global Edition is indeed “new.” Across chapters, we
Chapter 6
present new lines of research, new findings, new theoretical
perspectives, and effects of Covid. Here is a partial list of the • Coverage of how racial group membership affects re-
topics included: sponses to issues concerning police treatment of citizens.
• Research concerning how groups maintain a favorable
Chapter 1 view of themselves, despite treating other groups in a
• Emphasis on the importance of social relationships for prejudicial fashion.
psychological well-being. • Research illustrating how stereotypes create gender-
• A section on the importance of meta-analysis in assess- based disparities in the workplace.
ing an existing body of knowledge on a topic.
Chapter 7
• Emphasis on how cultural factors shape our concep-
• A section on social skills—our ability to get along with
tions of the self and how that in turn affects individu-
others—and their importance in many aspects of social
als’ comfort and ability to navigate different social
life.
settings.
• A discussion of how even trivial similarities to others
Chapter 2 (e.g., sharing the same first names) can increase liking
for them.
• A section on heuristic use under conditions of eco-
nomic threat. • Information concerning the attributes that we look for
in romantic partners change over the course of our
• A section on the “portion size effect” and how eating
relationships with them.
can reflect inadequate adjustment from a high anchor.
• Research on belief in free will and its implications for Chapter 8
counterfactual thinking.
• A discussion of the potential benefits of refusing to “go
along,” or not yielding to social pressure.
Chapter 3
• Discussion of the effectiveness of various techniques
• A new section called Dark Personality and Person Per- (including several new ones) for gaining compliance
ception has been added. from others—for getting other people to say “yes” to
• A discussion of attributions and terrorism—how per- our requests.
petrators explain their actions. • An entire section focused on unintentional social influ-
• Research on how first impressions are revised over ence: How others influence us even when they are not
time. trying to do so.

A01_BRAN8320_14_GE_FM.indd 12 27/05/2022 20:24

 Preface 13

Chapter 9 capture students’ attention and excite their interest in new

• A discussion of “crowd-funding”—a form of ­online emerging topics in social psychology. Some examples are:
helping in which individuals donate money to entre­ • A new research insights section on “People’s Prefer-
preneurs without ever meeting them and without ence for the Status Quo.”
­expecting anything in return.
• A new research insights section on “How Today’s Deci-
• A discussion of the role of social class in pro-social sions Are Shaped by Regret for Tomorrow’s ­Outcomes.”
­behavior.
• A new research insights section on “The Role of Non-
• Findings concerning how feelings of anonymity (pro- verbal Cues in Job Interviews.”
duced by darkness) can reduce willingness to help • A new research insights section on “Why Some People
­others. Conclude They Are Superior to Others.”
• A new research insights section on “Prosocial Spending
Chapter 10
and Individual Happiness.”
• Research concerning the role of genes in combination
• A new research insights section on “The Importance of
with exposure to stress affects aggression in children.
Belonging and Group Ties.”
• A section on the effects of narcissism on aggression has
• A new research insights section on “Perceived Discrim-
been included.
ination and Self-Esteem.”
• A section on situational factors that encourage aggres-
• A new research insights section on “Social Modeling
sive behavior including gun availability.
and Fashion-related Attitude.”
Chapter 11 • A new research insights section on “Culture and Atti-
tude Processes.”
• Research concerning how groups create greater cohe-
sion among their members when their distinctiveness • A new research insights section on “Biases in Our Be-
is threatened. liefs About Inequality.”

• Research on how being part of a group helps people • A new research insights section on “The Role of Exis-
achieve a greater sense of control in their lives has been tential Threat in Prejudice.”
added. • A new research insights section on “Dramatic Differences
in Appearance Between Partners: Is Love Really Blind?”
• Research on distributive justice rules and how they
vary across cultures was added. • A new research insights section on “Two Factors That
Can Destroy Love: Jealousy and Infidelity.”
Chapter 12 • A new research insights section on “How Much We Re-
• This chapter offers a “social cure” perspective for man- ally Conform.”
aging the stresses in our lives and illustrates the critical • A new research insights section on “Leadership and
role of social relationships for health, well-being, and Follower Compliance.”
achieving a meaningful life in a changing world. • A new research insights section on “Paying it Forward:
• New discussion on biases in police arrests and Helping Others Because We Have Been Helped.”
­decision-making has been added. • A new research insights section on “How People React
• Why practicing self-forgiveness following mistakes can to Being Helped.”
help people change. • A new research insights section on “The Role of Emo-
tions in Aggression.”
• A new research insights section on “Workplace

Special Features with ­Aggression.”

• A new research insights section on “Dissent and Criti-
Research Insights on cism of Our Groups—“Because We Care.”
• A new research insights section on “The Importance of
Cutting-Edge Topics Being Treated With Respect.”
To fully reflect current trends in social psychological • A new research insights section on “Reducing Post-
research and the field’s responsiveness to social change, traumatic Stress Among Veterans.”
we now include two special sections in each chapter. • A new research insights section on “The Relationship
These sections, which are labeled “What Research Tells Between Emotions and Life Satisfaction Within
Us About…,” integrate important new research that will Different Cultures.”

A01_BRAN8320_14_GE_FM.indd 13 27/05/2022 20:24

 14 Preface

Student Aids 10. The critical role of sharing an identity with an audience
for effective communication in groups (Chapter 11)
Any textbook is valuable only to the extent that it is both 11. How Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, President of Liberia from
useful and interesting to the students using it. To make this 2006 to 2018, the first elected female head of state in
edition even better for students, we have included several ­Africa, and 2011 Nobel Peace Prize winner, overcame
student aids—features designed to enhance the book’s adversity to achieve a happy life (Chapter 12)
­appeal and usefulness. Included among these features are
End-of-Chapter Rapid Review: Each chapter ends with a
the following:
Rapid Review section that recaps the key points covered
Learning Objectives: The aims of each major chapter sec- under each learning objective.
tion are presented at the beginning of each chapter. With
Critical Thinking Questions: Each chapter includes Criti-
these, students should know what they will learn before
cal Thinking Questions at the end of the chapter that allow
they begin each chapter.
students to analyze, evaluate, and explain concepts they
Chapter Openings Linked to Important Trends and have learned.
Events in Society: All chapters begin with examples reflect-
Self-Test: Each chapter ends with Self-Test questions,
ing current trends in society or real-life events that illustrate
which are multiple-choice questions, that provide students
important principles of social life. Here are some examples:
an o
­ pportunity to check their understanding of concepts
1. How people must make judgments—from what col- learned.
lege to attend to what health insurance option to se-
Special Labels on All Graphs and Charts: To make these
lect—with incomplete information (Chapter 2)
easy to understand, we continue to use the “special labels”
2. How many famous people have deceived the pub- that are a unique feature of this book.
lic and why their deception was so difficult to detect
(Chapter 3)
3. Social media as a medium for presenting ourselves to
others (Chapter 4)
Supplementary Materials
All excellent texts are supported by a complete package of
4. How our beliefs about climate change are formed
supplementary material, for both the students and the in-
(Chapter 5)
structor. This text offers a full array of such aids including:
5. How protest movements such as “Black Lives Matter”
emerge and why there is a racial divide concerning • Instructor Manual: includes chapter outlines, lecture
­police treatment of citizens (Chapter 6) launchers, key terms, in-class, out-of-class activities, and
answers to critical thinking questions.
6. The powerful, practical advantages of being highly lik-
able (Chapter 7) • PowerPoint Presentation: provides a core template of
the content covered throughout the text. Can easily be
7. How swindlers who cheated investors out of billions
expanded for customization with your course.
use social influence for selfish purposes (Chapter 8)
8. How more than 1.5 billion people have been helped • Test Bank: includes questions in multiple-choice and
to lead better lives by being provided with more effi- fill-in-the blanks formats.
cient—and safer—cooking stoves (Chapter 9)
9. The goals of mass shooting perpetrators are compared
with those committing aggression as part of a group to
achieve political ends (Chapter 10)

A01_BRAN8320_14_GE_FM.indd 14 27/05/2022 20:24

Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
would restore loyalty, De Witt hove his topsails to the mast, and
formed line.
By four in the afternoon the English line was also formed and well
up, the only order issued from the Resolution being “to attack, but
hold their fire until close in with the enemy.” Then the whole of the
English van bore down upon the Dutch, who kept up an intermittent
and harmless fire as it approached. Just then the Dutch line tacked,
and the two fleets came into almost instant collision. They were so
close together that an unusual number of shots told, and the crash
of the first broadside was terrific; the roar of artillery continuing
incessantly for more than an hour.
After that the action became less furious, and there were pauses
in the storm of battle. The Dutch ships fell off to a greater distance,
and, as a breeze arose the clouds of powder smoke partially cleared
away. But, although the Dutch fell back, they fell back fighting, and
with their faces to the enemy; and, with their usual obstinate valor
they continued the battle until night fell upon the scene of slaughter.
The Dutch had lost most men, while the English had suffered most
severely in masts and rigging. It was thought by experienced
commanders, in both fleets, that De Witt would have been
completely defeated and broken had he not drawn off at nightfall.
Ruyter had, as usual, commanded his important division with
consummate skill and bravery. He lost a large proportion of the crew
of his own ship, and his masts and rigging were almost destroyed,
and the hull seriously shattered. De Witt himself, by his courage and
conduct during the battle, atoned in part for his rashness in fighting
such an enemy in the then condition of his fleet. But, in spite of their
efforts, the Dutch had the worst of it. Two of their ships foundered
in the first shock of battle; and two others were boarded and taken,
one of them being the Rear Admiral’s flag-ship. As has been seen,
the loss of life in the Dutch fleet was great, and this, in addition to
the general disaffection, caused about twenty of De Witt’s captains
to take advantage of the darkness, withdraw their ships from the
main fleet, and make for Zealand, where they carried the first news
of disaster.
 As many of the Dutch fleet remained in sight, and kept their lights
burning during the night, Blake naturally assumed that they would
fight again at daylight. Every one, therefore, on board the English
fleet was engaged in repairing damages, in securing prisoners,
caring for the wounded and burying the dead.
At daylight the whole fleet bore down for the Dutch position, and,
from the attitude of the latter, it seemed likely that the bloody work
of the previous day would begin again.
De Witt wished to fight; but a change of counsel took place before
the fleets got within cannon shot of each other. Evertz and De
Ruyter’s opinion prevailed, and it was decided to collect the
scattered ships, to gain one of their own ports, repair, refit, and re-
man the ships, and await the orders of the States General.
Blake, in his disabled state, could not prevent them from carrying
out this decision; and was obliged to content himself with petty raids
upon the Dutch coasts, such as Tromp had inflicted upon the English
in the preceding year.
The news of this action was received in London and throughout
England with great exultation. It was the first great naval action
fought by the English since the days of Elizabeth. England had come
off victorious against the best seamen and most experienced
admirals of the world. Tromp, Evertz, and Ruyter had been regarded
as invincible sea commanders; yet now a land officer, with but three
years’ experience of the sea, with soldiers and landsmen, had
successfully withstood the attacks of veteran sailors who had swept
the great navies of Spain from the face of the ocean.
Blake took his place at once among the highest of living Admirals.

Parliament wished at once to release the ships hired from the

merchant service, and to reduce the fortifications about Deal and
Sandown.
This Blake replied to by a demand for thirty new frigates, but such
was the momentary confidence and security felt that he did not
obtain them. Vendome’s renewed complaints were treated with
haughty indifference, and the Council dreamed of a “mare clausum,”
the dominion of the Narrow Seas, and the exclusion of the Dutch
from all the valuable fisheries.
They little understood the resources and determination of the
people with whom they had to deal.

1652-3.

And now we shall see how sturdy Van Tromp came to the fore
again.
De Witt’s return with his discomfited fleet was the signal for great
disorders in Holland. The enemies of the Orange party did not
hesitate to accuse him of rashness, cowardice and treason. The
sailors of the fleet, who had been almost mutinous before the battle,
really became so after it.
Even on board his own flag-ship De Witt was not entirely free from
danger. He had, before sailing, executed some seamen for mutiny,
and excited much silent rage thereby; but when he came back
unsuccessful, the popular passions were aroused, and he was
mobbed as soon as he landed, in Flushing; his proud heart being
almost broken by the insult from a people he had served so long and
well, he fell sick, and relinquished his command. Ruyter shared some
of his unpopularity, but was persuaded to continue in his command.
Having so often triumphed at sea, the Dutch could not understand
that their reverses were not the result of gross misconduct in their
sea generals; and they now remembered that, if Tromp’s success in
the early part of the war had not been very great, he had not, at
least, suffered defeat, and they felt that the elements, and not man,
had destroyed the powerful fleet which he had lost.
His reputation became once more the first in Holland, while
personal feeling and his past training peculiarly fitted him to meet
the English.
The States General were ready to reverse their decision when they
found him necessary, and this was confirmed when they found that
the King of Denmark, alarmed by the sudden growth of England’s
maritime power, was making interest with leading Dutch statesmen,
not only for a vigorous renewal of hostilities, but also for the
restoration of Tromp to his offices and honors.
The most eminent of his rivals in naval ability and in political
influence were, upon his restoration, appointed to serve under him
as Vice and Rear Admirals. These were De Witt, Ruyter, Evertz and
Floritz. De Witt, completely mortified and disgusted, excused himself
on the plea of ill health; and Ruyter joined the fleet as second in
command.
The Danish King now refused to allow the English ships, which
had been sent to the Baltic for the naval stores so necessary to the
fleet, to return through the Sound or the Belts, and thus proved a
new enemy for the Commonwealth to deal with.
As the term for which Blake had been appointed sole General and
Admiral of the fleet had expired, he requested the appointment of
two colleagues, as he considered the coast command of England
equally important with that of the cruising fleet.
Colonel Deane and General Monk were accordingly so
commissioned, both these officers being in the land service, and at
that time actively employed in Scotland.
Winter had now set in, and Blake distributed the fleet, some for
convoy duty, and some for repairs. The Dutch were hard at work in
their dock-yards, and Blake, with a reduced force, cruised from port
to port of the Channel, not expecting the enemy to appear at sea
before the return of fine weather. In this he had greatly mistaken the
energy and influence of Tromp, who, in an incredibly short time,
fitted out and manned a vast fleet; and while the English squadrons
were dispersed in various directions, suddenly appeared off the
Goodwins with more than one hundred sail of the line, frigates and
fire-ships. His plan was bold and well conceived. Coming suddenly
into the Downs with this large force, he intended to close up the
Thames, cut off reinforcements preparing there, and then to fall
upon Blake’s division, and either capture it or drive it westward out
of the Channel; then, with the coast at his mercy, he could dictate
terms to the Commonwealth. At that time a winter cruise or
campaign was hardly thought possible; but Tromp relied upon a
swift and daring blow to finish the war in a few days.
 Blake was then in the Triumph, and the first intimation he had of
Tromp’s being at sea was from his own look-out ships. On the 9th of
December the two fleets were in presence of each other, between
Calais and Dover; and the English Admiral then learned that Tromp
was in command, and accordingly prepared himself for serious work.
A council of war was held on board the Triumph. Blake declared
his intention to fight, even without his detached squadrons, rather
than leave the coast exposed to the incursions of the great and
uncrippled Dutch fleet.
All that December day the two Admirals worked for the weather
gage. The succeeding night was long, cold and stormy, and the ships
were unable to keep well together. At daylight of the 10th the
manœuvres for the weather gage were renewed, the two flag-ships,
the Brederode and the Triumph, both drawing toward the Nase, and
by three in the afternoon the fleets were quite near each other, off
that headland of Essex.
Tromp being most anxious to engage, made a sudden effort to get
alongside the English Admiral. The latter’s ship, however, by a skillful
evolution, passed under the Brederode’s bows to the weather gage.
In passing the two ships exchanged broadsides, and the battle
opened. Blake’s ship was closely followed by the Garland, and
missing the Triumph, Tromp ran afoul of this second ship, and
carried away her bowsprit and head. The Garland and the Brederode
then engaged, the English ship, though much lighter, fighting bravely
until joined by the Bonaventure, 30, when the two together rather
overmatched the Brederode. Tromp, by every possible appeal,
encouraged his men; but his position was becoming very precarious,
when Evertz, seeing him in such straits, attacked the Bonaventure,
placing that small ship between the two Dutch flag-ships. The four
ships were all grappled together, and it was more than an hour
before the weight of metal obliged the two English ships to yield.
After they had suffered great loss the Dutch boarded and captured
them. Of the other English ships the Triumph, the Vanguard and the
Victory bore the brunt of the action. In spite of being surrounded by
enemies, and suffering severely in men, hull, masts and rigging, they
all came out of the desperate encounter uncaptured. Night came
early at that season, and the fleets were about separating, when
Blake heard of the capture of the Garland and Bonaventure, and he
at once attempted their recapture. This brought on a more
destructive conflict than the previous one. Blake was surrounded by
the Dutch ships, and the Triumph was three times boarded, and the
assailants as often repulsed. She was reduced to a wreck, and with
difficulty kept afloat, and had it not been for the Sapphire and the
Vanguard, which stood by him with extraordinary courage and
devotion, the English Admiral must have succumbed. Thick fog and
darkness at last interposed and enabled Blake to draw off his ships
toward Dover Roads.
The next morning there was a dense fog, and the Dutch were not
to be seen. His disabled vessels required a shelter, and the English
Admiral, therefore, resolved to run into the Thames, and there repair
damages, ascertain the enemy’s intentions, and wait the recall and
concentration of his scattered squadrons.
In the action off the Nase the Dutch had had much the best of it,
but had lost many men, and one of their ships had blown up, every
soul on board of her perishing. Tromp’s and Ruyter’s ships were both
unfitted for further service, and many others were crippled; but they
were the victors, and once more masters of the Channel.
Blake offered to resign, but the Council would not hear of this, and
only seemed intent upon weeding out of the fleet those captains
who had not shown sufficient zeal and courage. Several were broken
after proper inquiry, among others, Blake’s own brother, who was
reported as guilty of neglect of duty.
More vessels were concentrated and placed under Blake’s orders,
and the effective force of the navy raised to 30,000 men.
While reforms, renovations and recruitments were being carried
on under Blake’s own eye, Tromp sailed up and down the Channel
with a broom at his masthead, typical of his having swept the
Narrow Seas; and the States General proclaimed a state of blockade
of the British Islands.
Caricatures and ballads were circulated in the Dutch cities, all
bearing upon the late naval event. The fear that Tromp would seize
the Channel islands, and the certainty that he had effectually cut off
commerce, hastened the preparations of the English for a second
winter campaign; and, on the 8th of February, 1653, Blake, still in
the Triumph, sailed, at the head of some sixty men-of-war and
frigates, having Monk and Deane with 1200 soldiers from the army
on board. Penn, the father of the Quaker proprietor of Pennsylvania,
was the vice admiral, and Lawson the rear admiral.
In the Straits of Dover he was joined by the Portsmouth squadron,
of twenty sail; and with this addition to his strength, Blake resolved
to seek the Dutch fleet, and once more give battle.
Tromp had gone to the southward, to meet a large fleet of Dutch
traders which had collected near Rochelle, with the intention of
convoying them home. Here intelligence reached him that the
English were about to quit the Thames with a large fleet, and he
hoped to be able to return in time to block it up in the river mouth,
and to keep the Portsmouth squadron from effecting a junction with
the main body. But Blake had stolen a march upon the Dutch
Admiral, and when the latter came up with Cape la Hogue, he was
surprised to find a force equal to his own prepared to dispute the
passage of the seas so lately swept by his broom. He, however,
accepted battle eagerly, for he was confident of victory.

THE BATTLE OFF PORTLAND.

Day was just breaking, on the morning of the 18th of February,

1653, when the Dutch van was made out from the masthead of the
Triumph. Blake was on deck at once, and a grand spectacle he must
have had, as the sun rose, showing the heaving wintry sea covered
with ships, their sails and pendants lighted up by the early rays.
There were seventy-three Dutch ships of war, convoying more than
three hundred merchant ships. Owing to the darkness the ships had
not seen each other until only three or four miles apart. The English
flag-ships happened to be all within hailing distance of each other,
but General Monk was some miles astern, in the Vanguard, and the
bulk of the English fleet about five miles astern of Admiral Blake
when the Dutchmen hove in sight.
 Tromp, with his seaman’s eye, saw his advantage, and at once
availed himself of it.
With the wind in his favor he might have forced his way by, and
carried his convoy to the Scheldt in safety, returning at his leisure to
give battle. But he chose to play a bolder game, and fancying that
his enemy’s vanguard of some twenty ships could not resist the
weight of his attack, he sent his fleet of traders to windward, out of
range, with orders to await there the issue of the engagement.
This great battle was fought under circumstances which lent it
thrilling interest. Both nations had had time to collect their best
fleets, and the largest and finest vessels they had were there
arrayed against each other, commanded by the most renowned
Admirals. Blake, Deane, Penn and Lawson were on one side; Tromp,
De Ruyter, Evertz, Swers, Floritz and De Wilde, all great names, on
the other.
The fleets were nearly equal in strength, and their relative merits
had to be determined on that day. Even the common seamen on
each side felt that this was the decisive battle.
At the outset the Dutch had the wind, and therefore, the
advantage of position. They were also well up together, and when
they opened on the English vanguard it seemed almost impossible
for only about twenty ships to withstand the crash of so many heavy
broadsides.
As usual, the Triumph was the first of the English to engage, and
the Brederode, ever in the van, was ready to meet her, reserving her
fire until within musket shot, when her broadside would have most
deadly effect. With a strong favoring breeze Tromp shot by the
Triumph, pouring a fearful broadside into her as he passed; and
then, tacking, gave her a second and more destructive one, leaving
her with decks strewed with killed and wounded, and torn canvas,
stranded rigging, and tottering masts. After this the two Admirals
parted for the day, for Penn came dashing up, in the Speaker,
followed by other vessels, to cover Blake from some part of the
circle of fire which threatened him with destruction.
As the other divisions of the English fleet came up the battle
became general. On both sides the wreck and destruction was awful.
In less than one hour after the first shot was fired almost every ship
engaged had received serious damage. At one moment an English
crew was to be seen boarding a Dutch man-of-war, and the next
they would be driven back, and their own vessel boarded in turn by
the doughty Hollanders. Here might be seen a ship completely
wrapped in flames; there one foundering, with all her men, their
cries for help unheeded by either friend or foe; perhaps elsewhere
occurred a fearful explosion, which sent ship and crew into the air
together, and added fresh volume to the lurid cloud which hung over
the scene.
Cotemporary writers say that the tremendous roar of artillery
could be heard along the shores of the Channel, from Boulogne on
the one side to Portland Bill on the other.
About midday Monk succeeded in arriving up with his division, and
the contest was now entirely upon equal terms. De Ruyter, as ever,
in the forefront of battle, added, if possible, to his already well
earned renown. Early in the day he singled out and engaged the
Prosperous, a hired ship of forty guns, commanded by a Captain
Barker. The English ship maintained so steady a fire, in response,
that De Ruyter, impatient, and wishing to finish her and pass on to
fresh combats, called away his boarders, ran his ship alongside the
Prosperous, and the Dutchmen gallantly boarded, leaping down on
her deck, sword and pistol in hand. But, to their surprise, they were
driven back again in a very few minutes. Not satisfied with forcing
back his assailants, Barker threatened De Ruyter in return; but the
brave old Dutchman, singing out, “Come lads! that was nothing! at
them again!” led them to a second and more successful boarding.
Barker and his officers were unable to resist this renewed assault,
and were soon prisoners. At this very moment Blake, with several
vessels, came up to their assistance. The prize was recovered, and
Ruyter himself was surrounded by the English. Vice Admiral Evertz
and Captains Swers and Krink hastened, in their turn, to relieve
Ruyter from his dangerous position, and the battle soon raged with
extraordinary violence around this new centre. Penn’s ship, the
Speaker, was so shattered as to be unfit for further service, and
when night put an end to the first day’s engagement he was
despatched to the Isle of Wight, for the ships left at that station.
The Dutch Captain Cruik, in the Ostrich, was very conspicuous in
this day’s engagement. Like a true sailor, he fought till he had not a
spar showing above his bulwarks, and his deck was literally covered
with the dead and wounded of his devoted crew. At last he was
boarded by the English; but, as the ship appeared to be sinking, and
her officers and crew were nearly all killed or wounded, the boarders
made hasty plunder of her valuables and left her to her fate. De
Wilde offered his aid to bring her off; but suddenly it fell calm, and
not having a particle of sail spread, the attempt to tow her off failed,
and she was again abandoned. Next morning Blake found her
floating about, without a living soul on board, and the unburied
corpses lying just as they had fallen; occasionally, under a more than
ordinarily heavy roll, showing a startling movement.
Captain Swers, afterward a most distinguished Dutch Admiral, was
taken prisoner. He had gone to the assistance of Captain De Port,
who was being roughly handled by two English frigates, and the four
ships were immediately locked together. De Port’s ship had several
shots between wind and water, and began to fill. He himself was
severely wounded by a large splinter; nevertheless, as he lay on his
back, in great agony, he waved his sword, and shouted words of
encouragement to his men, until ship and crew all went down into
the deep together.
The Dutch had always been noted for close fire, but on this
occasion the English fire proved quite as deadly and regular. Swer’s
ship foundered from shot holes, himself and those of the officers
and crew left being taken on board the frigates, and their lives thus
preserved.
Toward dusk of the second day Blake felt himself in a sufficiently
strong position to be able to send some of his best sailing ships with
orders to gain the wind, and if possible prevent the escape of the
vast fleet of rich traders which had remained hove to, awaiting the
issue of the action. Tromp saw the movement, and at once divined
the cause, so he fell back, with a great part of his fleet, to cover his
convoy. This movement put an end to that day’s action; for, seeing
their Admiral make sail and leave the enemy, some of the Dutch
Captains made sail, and, under the cover of night, were soon far
away. Blake remained on the scene of action, but with his men too
much exhausted, and his vessels too much damaged, to permit of a
chase in a mid-winter night.
Both sides had shown the most devoted valor and untiring zeal.
The Dutch had had eight large ships either taken or destroyed.
During the battle the Prosperous, the Oak, the Assistance, the
Sampson, and several other English ships had been boarded and
taken, although most of them were afterward recaptured. The
Sampson was so damaged that her Captain, Button, and his officers
and men, were taken out of her, and she was allowed to sink.
The flag-ship Triumph suffered most severely. Her Captain,
Andrew Ball, was killed, as was the Admiral’s secretary, Sparrow,
who was shot down at his side, and nearly half her crew were killed.
Blake himself was wounded in the thigh; and the same ball which
lamed him for life tore away a part of Deane’s buff coat.
The Dutch loss was never ascertained, but it was very heavy, for
some of their ships had nearly all the men killed or wounded; and
the appearance of their gun-decks, spattered with blood and brains,
shocked even the callous captors.
At night Blake sent many of his wounded on shore, where
preparations were made for them, all classes turning out to relieve
and succor them. Collections of money and clothing were made in all
the South and West of England, and the miserable provision made at
that day for the sick and wounded was supplemented by the
spontaneous gifts of the people.
Blake’s own wound, which was not really dangerous at first,
required repose and proper treatment, but he would not go on
shore.
At night the fleets lay close together, never losing sight of each
other’s lights during the whole of the long winter’s night. During
these dark hours all hands were employed in stopping leaks,
repairing sails, and getting gun tackle in readiness to renew the
contest in the morning.
 A dead calm had succeeded to the fresh breeze which was
blowing when the battle began; and if it continued the Dutch could
have no choice as to renewing the fight. But at daylight a light
breeze sprang up, and Tromp, anxious to take home his convoy in
safety, disposed his men of war in the form of a crescent, with the
traders in the centre, and crowding all sail, stood directly up
Channel. Blake followed in pursuit, with all his available ships. It was
noon, however, before the Triumph came within gunshot of the
rearmost Dutch ship, and it was two in the afternoon before the
main body came up with them, off Dungeness.
Seeing that he would be compelled to fight, Tromp ordered his
convoy to make the best of their way to the nearest Dutch port,
keeping close along Calais and Dunkirk, for protection; and then he
turned upon his pursuers, like a lion at bay.
The battle was renewed with great fury. De Ruyter again
performed miracles of courage and conduct, but the fortune of war
was against him. After some hours his own ship became
unmanageable, and would have fallen into the enemy’s hands but
for Tromp, who saw his danger, and sent a ship to extricate him.
With great difficulty this was accomplished. An hour or two later
Tromp began to haul off towards Boulogne, but it was not until night
fell again that the hostile fleets separated once more.
That night proved bitterly cold, but unusually clear, for winter, so
that the English fleet was enabled to keep the Dutch lights in sight.
On this day just closed Blake had captured or destroyed five of his
enemy’s ships, and, in consequence of the recent reforms, had not
had occasion to complain of the want of courage, steadiness or
promptness of a single commanding officer. In the Dutch fleet Tromp
had to contend against want of concert, party bitterness and
personal envy in many of his captains. At the close of this day’s
fighting several of the latter sent word on board the Brederode that
they were out of powder, and Tromp was compelled to send them
away in the night, so as to prevent cowardice and treason from
spreading to the other ships. To conceal his true motive he
pretended to give them orders to take a new position, to windward
of the convoy, to protect them from the light craft of the English,
which were hovering about.
But when day dawned Blake saw at a glance that the Dutch fleet
was considerably reduced in numbers, and inferred that a squadron
had been despatched during the night to cover the convoy; and he
at once sent a squadron of fleet sailers after them, while he himself
bore down once more on his reduced but unconquered enemy.
Tromp met him with undaunted courage, and, as usual, fought
desperately. But the most he could now hope for, with his reduced
fleet, was to occupy Blake until his richly laden convoy could reach a
friendly port. But even this seemed doubtful. After the first shock of
this day’s renewed fighting he felt that he would be able to afford
them but small protection; and he sent Captain Van Ness to the
merchant fleet, with orders to crowd all sail for Calais Road. As the
fight went on he again sent another officer to hurry them in, or else
the English frigates would soon be among them. But the wind was
blowing from the French coast, and Van Ness’ most energetic efforts
were insufficient to carry the confused mass of traders near enough
to the Roads to be out of danger. More than half the men-of-war and
frigates of the Dutch fleet had been scattered, taken, or sunk, by
this time, and many of the captains who were left had, contrary to
Tromp’s orders, retreated upon the flying convoy. Confusion now
reigned, and as the English came up, the merchantmen, in their
alarm, either ran foul of each other and knocked themselves to
pieces, or fell into the enemy’s hands.
Still engaged with the retreating Dutch men-of-war, Blake arrived
on the scene in the afternoon, and finding some of the merchant
ships actually throwing themselves into his way, he began to suspect
that it was done to lure him to make captures and give the
discomfited fleet time to rally. He accordingly gave strict orders that
every man-of-war still in condition to follow and fight should press
on after the main body of the enemy, leaving the traders to be either
picked up by the frigates detailed for the purpose, or driven where
they could be captured after the Dutch fleet was swept from the
Channel. At last darkness put an end to the chase. Tromp ran in and
anchored the remnant of his fleet under the French shore, about
four miles from Calais. They were in number about one-half what he
had sailed with; and all of them more or less damaged.
Blake’s pilots all agreed that Tromp could not, as the winds and
tides then were, come out to sea again, in order to get home. He,
therefore, anchored his fleet also, and set to repair damages. The
night was dark and a gale was blowing, and ships’ lights could not
be seen at any distance. At daylight the sea was clear where so
many ships had been at anchor at sunset. Tromp had slipped away
toward Dunkirk; and afterward succeeded in entering the various
ports of Zealand.
Blake felt that it would not be well for him to follow the enemy
into the flats and shallows of his own coast, and so he stood over for
England. The bad weather continuing, he carried his fleet and the
prizes into Stoke Bay, whence he reported his success to Parliament.
During these successive days of fighting there had been great loss
of life. Seven Dutch captains were killed, and three taken prisoners.
Three English captains were killed, and Blake himself, Rear-Admiral
Lawson, and many other distinguished officers wounded. The total
loss on each side was never published. A day of thanksgiving was
appointed in England, and provision made by public subscription, as
well as by the State, for the widows and children of those who had
fallen.
Blake took no rest, in spite of his wound, but refitted and
revictualed his ships, intending to strike a blow at the Brest
privateers.
But in April he received information that the equally indefatigable
Tromp was making great efforts to equip another fleet. He at once
proceeded off the Texel, with about one hundred sail. In the Texel
he saw many men-of-war, but Tromp himself had already gone out
to the Northward, to convoy in an expected fleet of traders from
Spain and the Levant. By good seamanship he brought them safe
home, but not by the Channel which he had formerly brushed down
with his broom.
Then came Cromwell’s assumption of supreme power; and political
events of magnitude usurped, in English minds, the Dutch war, and
all other matters.
 Blake’s opinions were known to be unfavorable to the extreme
practices of the Protector, and when the Dutch heard of the
revolution which had occurred in London, by means of the army,
they jumped to the conclusion that their redoubtable naval enemy
would no longer carry on the war with the same energy. But in this
they were deceived. Blake was loyal to his country and her welfare,
before all, and told his captains that “it was not for them to mind
affairs of State, but to keep foreigners from fooling us.” Though he
suspected Cromwell, and abhorred military rule, he had patriotism
enough not to deprive his country of such services as he could
render, because it had allowed itself to submit, in an irregular way,
to a power not of his choosing.
It was fortunate that he took this resolution promptly, for Tromp,
Evertz, Ruyter and De Witt, under the impression that the English
fleet was divided by political discord, sailed for Dover Road, with one
hundred and thirty ships, manned in haste, took some prizes, and
began firing upon the town.
The English fleet was then in three divisions. Deane and Monk,
sailing together, in the Resolution, had under their orders thirty-eight
sail, carrying 1440 guns, and about 6000 men; Penn had thirty-three
sail, with 1200 guns, and 5000 men; and Lawson had thirty-four
ships, with 1200 guns, and about 5000 men. The Dutch had a few
more ships than the English, but were about equal in guns and men.
When Tromp thus suddenly reappeared, Blake was at the North,
with a small fleet, but couriers rode overland, day and night, to
apprise him that the Dutch were again in the Channel, and had fired
upon Dover.
He made all sail for the South as soon as he heard this important
news, having a favoring breeze, and burning with anxiety to join the
main fleet before a battle took place.
But on the 2d of June, before he arrived, the hostile fleets sighted
each other near the Gable, and were soon in collision. Lawson was
in advance of the English fleet, and broke through the Dutch line
about midday, separating Ruyter’s division from the rest, and
engaging it heavily before the main body on either side could get up.
 In about an hour Tromp came to Ruyter’s relief, and the action
then became general. One of the first shots which struck the
Resolution killed General Deane, and Monk threw his cloak over the
mangled body, and called to his men to avenge his death. For some
hours the Dutch fought with reckless courage, and when night fell
both fleets had sustained great damage and loss, but nothing was
decided. All that night, while the hostile fleets lay to, near each
other, repairing damages, Blake was carrying every possible stitch of
sail, to reach the fleet. He was, of course, unaware of the day’s
events, of the death of his friend and comrade, Deane, and of the
doubtful position of the English fleet. The officers and men who had
been engaged on the English side watched anxiously for signs of the
coming of their great leader, but when the summer morning dawned
no trace of his sails could be seen on the northern horizon. Tromp
was unaware that Blake was expected that day, as he believed him
to be too far North to be recalled. He, therefore, spent the whole
morning in manœuvres for the weather gage. A calm put a stop to
this at about noon, and then the great guns opened again on both
sides, and the battle was renewed with great energy, but neither
side seemed to have any decided advantage. If there was any it was
upon the side of the Dutch. But early in the afternoon Blake
managed to draw near, with a light air, and his thundering
broadsides upon the flank and rear of the Hollanders put new life
into the harassed and flagging English. Young Blake was the first of
the English reinforcement to engage the enemy, and, as if to
announce the arrival of the great captain upon the scene, he broke
through the Dutch line, belching forth death from both batteries, and
greeted with tremendous cheers from the English ships.
By four o’clock the battle was over, and the retreat of the Dutch
began. Tromp fought with the energy of despair; but nothing could
withstand the onset of such a force, led by Blake himself.
The Brederode boarded Penn’s flag-ship, the James, but the attack
was repulsed by Penn’s crew, who, in turn, boarded the Brederode,
and would probably have captured that ship had not Tromp, resolved
not to fall into his enemy’s hands alive, thrown a match into the
magazine, and caused an explosion, which sent the upper deck and
the gallant boarders upon it into the air, the planks shivered into
splinters, and the men horribly scorched and mutilated.
Most strange to relate, Tromp himself was but little hurt; but a
report of his death spreading, many of his captains, thinking all was
lost, bore up and fled. De Ruyter and De Witt exerted themselves in
vain to stem the tide of disorder and defeat. Tromp, after his
marvelous escape, left the wrecked Brederode for a fast sailing
frigate, and passed through his fleet, encouraging those who stood
fast, and threatening the waverers, while he fired upon some who
fled the scene.
But it was too late. The day was lost, and the brave old man had
at last, reluctantly, to give the order for retreat.
Just then a fresh gale sprang up, but the English fleet pressed sail
after them, sank some ships, captured others, and were only made
to cease by darkness coming on.
Favored by the darkness, Tromp anchored in Ostend Road, and
next day escaped, with the remnant of his fleet, into Weilingen.
The news of this great defeat threw the United Provinces into a
dangerous ferment. The mob rose in many towns, and committed
great excesses. The Admirals offered to resign; and they all declared
that they would go to sea no more with such an organized fleet as
they then possessed. De Witt openly acknowledged that the English
were, for the present, masters of the sea.
The naval power of Holland was indeed, for the time, completely
broken; and the final battle of the war, hazarded and lost two
months later, was an expiring effort, made with crippled resources,
and under circumstances of the greatest discouragement.
The English fleet, though it kept the sea, was scarcely in better
condition than that of their enemy. Blake kept the Dutch coast
blockaded, nevertheless, while their commerce was intercepted and
their fisheries idle. In doing this his fleet suffered from bad and
scanty provisions, which brought on much sickness. Blake himself
fell ill, and had to be taken on shore, more dead than alive, leaving
to Monk, Penn and Lawson the carrying out of his plans.
One more blow, and all was over. In the temporary absence of the
English blockading fleet, the Dutch squadrons at Weilingen and the
Texel put to sea, and effected a junction. But their shattered fleet
was felt to be unfit to cope with their powerful opponents, and when
they met the English fleet, they endeavored to avoid a battle. But
Penn and Lawson pressed sail to come up with them, and some
fighting had already taken place, when night came on, and stopped
it.
Next day a heavy gale prevented a renewal of the action; but on
the next the fleets once more met.
During the close fighting which ensued the aged and able Van
Tromp received a musket ball through the heart, and fell upon his
own quarter-deck,—an appropriate death for the gallant but
unfortunate veteran.
At his death his fleet fled; the English pursuing without mercy, for
the ruthless Monk was now in command, and had ordered his
captains to give no quarter. They made no prisoners; and the end of
the engagement was rather a massacre than a battle.
Immediately after this the humbled States General sued for peace.
 IX.
FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. A.D.
1676.

n the latter part of 1674 Messina and a part of Sicily

revolted against the Spaniards, and Louis XIV
resolved to sustain the insurrection, in pursuance
of his political designs. In consequence, Duquesne,
who had just been named General of the Naval
Forces, sailed from Toulon, on January 29th, 1675,
with eight ships-of-war, bound for the Sicilian
coast.
Before we detail his operations there, it may be
of interest to give some sketch of this very
remarkable man.
Abraham, Marquis Duquesne, one of the greatest
seamen France ever produced, was born in Dieppe,
an important seaport in the north of France. He
entered the navy early, and soon rose to the command of a ship, in
which he joined in the recapture of some of the French islands from
the Spaniards, for which service he was reported most favorably to
the great Richelieu. During these operations he learned of the death
of his father, in action with the Spaniards, and Duquesne seems ever
after to have entertained the greatest dislike for this nation, causing
them to feel the effects of his resentment on numberless occasions.
In 1638 he, under circumstances of great difficulty and danger,
rescued from under the guns of St. Sebastian several French vessels
which had been stranded there. The same year, at the battle of
Gattari, Duquesne decided the victory by blowing up the Spanish
admiral’s flag-ship, by means of a fire-vessel.
 The next year he served on the Biscayan coast, and, at Santona,
was dangerously wounded in the jaw by a bullet, while boarding a
Spanish galleon.
During 1641 he served against Spain in the Mediterranean, was
constantly engaged, and again wounded. In succeeding years he
was actively employed, at Cape de Gatte, and at Carthagena, and
was again wounded.
Already a veteran, Duquesne was obliged, by the neglect into
which the French navy fell after Richelieu’s death, to take service
under the Swedes, then engaged in a naval war with Denmark.
Queen Christina, who knew his merit, received him cordially, and
made him a vice-admiral.
In this capacity he was engaged in the naval battle of 1644, under
Fleming and Torstensen, against the old king, Christian IV, of
Denmark. He also served in other naval battles, in the north, under
Admiral Wrangel.
Peace being concluded between Denmark and Sweden, Duquesne
left the service of the latter State, and returned to his own country;
and, in 1645, was again actively employed against Spain, and was
again wounded.
In 1647, being then a capitaine de vaisseau, he was sent to
Sweden to purchase four vessels of the line for the French navy.
After this he had command of Dunkirk, in French Flanders, for five
years.
In 1653 occurred the naval operations of the Duke de Vendome,
about the mouth of the Gironde, in consequence of the civil war of
the Fronde. The French navy had at this time so decreased that the
Duke, in summoning Duquesne from the North Sea to his assistance,
was obliged to ask the latter to man and equip some of the vessels
at his own expense.
On his way down the Channel to join the Duke, Duquesne met an
English squadron, which summoned him to lower his flag, a token of
submission at that time imposed upon all foreigners by the English,
if within Ushant or even Finisterre. To this demand Duquesne
returned a haughty refusal, whereupon a very close and murderous
engagement took place, which resulted in the English, although
quite equal in guns to the French, being put to flight.
On arriving off the Gironde a Spanish squadron, operating in
connection with the insurgents, attempted to bar his progress; but
he drove them off, and succeeded in joining the Duke, and greatly
assisted in the reduction of Bordeaux and all Guienne.
In recognition of his services Anne of Austria bestowed upon
Duquesne a chateau and estate in Brittany, with a promise of
reimbursement for his expenses in fitting out his squadron.
The peace of 1659 relegated Duquesne to civil life; but Colbert,
during this cessation of arms, had the wisdom to imitate Richelieu in
fostering and rebuilding the navy of France, so that, when war broke
out between France and Holland, in 1672, the former was able at
once to send to sea a formidable fleet
During this year Duquesne held a high command in the great
naval battles in the North Sea; particularly those off Southwood,
where Vice Admiral d’Estrées was opposed to the Dutch Admiral
Benkaërt; as well as the two battles where the combined French and
English fleets, under Prince Rupert, Admiral Spragge, and d’Estrées,
fought the Hollanders under Ruyter, Cornelis, Tromp and Benkaërt.
England suddenly made peace with Holland, but France continued
the war, with the alliance of Spain, Germany, and the two Sicilies;
and it is at this point that we take up Duquesne’s battles with the
Dutch fleet.
When he sailed from Toulon, in January, 1675, he had on board
the Duke de Vivonne, General of the Galleys of France, who had
been named Viceroy of Sicily. He had in charge a convoy, also, with
a great store of wheat and other provisions for Messina.
On February 11th, in sight of the Sicilian coast, Duquesne and
Vivonne were attacked by a Spanish fleet of twenty men-of-war and
seventeen galleys, commanded by Don Melchoir de la Cueva.
Duquesne sustained the attack of this large force with such vigor
and determination that he gave time for the Chevalier de Valbelle to
arrive from Messina with a considerable reinforcement, when, in his
turn taking the offensive, he drove off the Spanish fleet, pursued it
until it took refuge in Naples, and then triumphantly entered Messina
with his convoy.
He soon after, in concert with Vivonne, captured the town of
Agosta; after which Duquesne was sent back to France, with the
greater part of the fleet, to bring back to Sicily munitions of war and
reinforcements, then much needed at Messina.
On his arrival at Toulon, Duquesne learned that the great Dutch
naval commander, Ruyter, had entered the Mediterranean, to
operate in conjunction with the Spanish fleet. He was placed in
command of a very considerable fleet, to enable him to measure his
forces with those of the redoubtable Hollander who had been so
successful against the English and others. Duquesne was then sixty-
four years of age, and Ruyter was near seventy.
The Dutch Admiral had risen from the lowest origin to be the
Admiral of Holland. This was the result of his own great ability and
bravery; and he was so much the favorite of the Dutch government
and people that, although he begged to be excused from further
service, on account of age, nothing would satisfy them but that he
should make this one important campaign. Duquesne sailed again,
from Toulon, on the 17th of December, 1675, with a fleet of twenty
ships-of-the-line, and six fire-ships, bound for Messina.
As soon as the veteran Ruyter heard that he had put to sea, he
hastened to meet him. Some days before this an English trader had
met the illustrious Admiral of Holland off Melazzo, about twenty-five
miles from Messina. The Englishman inquired what he was doing in
those parts, and Ruyter replied that “he was waiting for the brave
Admiral Duquesne.”
The hostile fleets met on the 16th of January, 1676, off the Lipari
Islands, between Salino and Stromboli, under the very shadow of
the ever active volcano.
The whole day was passed in reconnoitring each other’s strength,
and in manœuvring; and during the whole succeeding night the
fleets were working for the weather gage. Each commander had a
true respect for the courage and ability of his opponent; and each
knew that he must expect an exceptionally vigorous attack.
 On the morning of the 8th, at daylight, Duquesne, who had
obtained the advantage of the wind, crowded sail down upon the
Dutch fleet, which lay about two leagues to leeward.
The French were in three divisions. Their van was commanded by
Preuilly d’Humières; the rear by Gabaret l’ainé, both excellent
officers; the centre was under the command of Duquesne himself,
who had his flag in the Saint Esprit, and was immediately supported
by the Chevalier de Valbelle, in the Pompeux, and that splendid
sailor, Tourville, in the Sceptre.
The Dutch fleet, which comprised twenty-four ships-of-the-line,
two flutes, and four fire-ships, was also divided into three. Their van
was commanded by Verschoor, their rear by De Haan, and the centre
by Ruyter himself.
The French came down in such a beautiful line that Ruyter himself
showed and expressed a sailor’s admiration for the skill and
discretion shown. The French van opened fire at about nine in the
morning, and both fleets immediately engaged. The battle, as may
be supposed from the character of the officers, was a most obstinate
and well contested one, and continued for seven hours, with very
varying fortunes. At the termination each side claimed a victory; but
the advantage was clearly with Duquesne, for the Dutch fleet, which
was there to bar his passage, was so much injured that Ruyter could
not prevent Duquesne from entering Messina with his fleet; which he
did, on the following day, without molestation from the Dutch.
In the course of the battle Ruyter’s flag-ship, the Concordia, and
Duquesne’s flag-ship, the Saint Esprit, had an encounter, which
lasted until the Concordia declined further battle, after so sharp and
murderous an engagement that Ruyter said it was the hottest fight
he had ever been in in his life; and no one was a better judge.
But this battle of the Lipari Islands was only the prelude to a still
more desperate and important one.
The active and enterprising Duquesne, having refitted at Messina,
sailed from that port again, with two objects in view. The first was to
protect important convoys of stores and provisions expected from
France; and the second to protect the town of Agosta from an
expected attack by the Dutch fleet.
 Ruyter, hearing that Duquesne was again at sea, went straight to
meet him, with his fleet reinforced by a Spanish squadron, under the
command of Don Francisco de la Cerda.
The rival Admirals made each other out on the 21st of April, and
the next day the fleets met off Agosta, which is some fifteen miles to
the northward of Syracuse.
Duquesne had now thirty sail-of-the-line, and eight fire-ships.
Ruyter had twenty-nine sail, nine galleys, and four fire-ships.
On this occasion the French Admiral had entrusted the command
of his van to Almeiras, his rear to Commodore Gabaret l’ainé, and
himself commanded the centre.
Ruyter, in this battle, preferred to command the van himself, and
not the centre, as was usual for the Commander-in-chief.
The Spanish ships he put in the centre of his line of battle, and
Vice-admiral de Haan in command of his rear division.
At about two in the afternoon Ruyter, with the van division,
attacked that of Almeiras, which sustained his vigorous assault with
great steadiness. Unfortunately, however, Almeiras was soon killed
by a cannon-ball, and wavering and indecision at once showed itself
in his division; but the Chevalier de Valbelle coming up, and
assuming command, the temporary confusion ceased, and the
division conducted itself well. Just then Duquesne came down to the
assistance of his van; and the battle became general all along the
line, the firing of the two well drilled and well appointed fleets being
described as unusually sharp and terrible.
The two Admirals’ ships, the Saint Esprit and the Concordia, met
once more, and a most obstinate and destructive fight ensued. For a
long time it was doubtful which would have the advantage. At last
the Concordia suddenly and unexpectedly slacked her fire; then it
ceased, and she wore ship, and made sail in retreat. Ruyter had
been badly wounded, his left foot being carried off, and his right leg
broken in two places, while, in falling, he had injured his head
severely.
Even after he fell he continued to exhort those about him to fight
courageously, but, disheartened by the strong resistance of the
French, and by the desperate wounds of their beloved Commander-
in-Chief, the Dutch van, from that moment, ceased their fire and ran
to leeward, leaving their centre and rear still heavily engaged.
Vice Admiral de Haan was true to his reputation as a superior sea
officer, and made desperate efforts to retrieve the fortunes of the
day, but the victory was with the French, and De Haan was glad to
be able to withdraw his fleet, at nightfall, and to take refuge in the
convenient port of Syracuse.
Duquesne remained off the port all night, his battle lanterns
burning, and the next day took every means to provoke the Dutch to
come out and renew the battle, but without effect.
This ended the naval battle of Ætna, or Mount Gibel.
Ruyter died seven days after the battle.
On the 28th of May Vivonne, the Viceroy of Sicily, came out of
Messina with Duquesne, in his flag-ship, the Saint Esprit, with the
intention of attacking the combined fleets of Holland and Spain,
which were then together, and lying in Palermo. They arrived off that
city on the 31st, and next day the Spanish and Dutch fleets came
out. But it was not until the second of June that a decisive battle
was fought. It was decided in a comparatively short time, for no less
than twelve of the Dutch and Spanish ships, set on fire by the fire-
ships of Duquesne, blew up, destroying, besides their officers and
crews, Admiral de Haan, Don Diégo d’Ibarra, Don Francisco de la
Cerda, Flores, and other admirals and principal officers.
The French loss in this last engagement was comparatively
insignificant.
Upon his return from this engagement Duquesne met the
“Concordia,” which had left Syracuse with the remains of Ruyter,
which she was carrying back to Holland. Giving the ship free
passage, he saluted the remains of the illustrious seaman in an
appropriate manner. Louis XIV, in learning of Ruyter’s death, ordered
all of his forts and batteries (in sight of which the Dutch ship passed
while bearing his remains) to salute. This was considered very
remarkable, for Ruyter was a Protestant, which, in that day, was
considered worse, in France, than being a political enemy.
Still more remarkable, Duquesne was a Protestant, and when it
came to recompensing him for his long and arduous and
distinguished services, Louis XIV required him to renounce the
Protestant faith, promising him a Marshal’s baton, and other honors.
Duquesne simply replied that, if he was a Protestant, his services
were Catholic. He received the domain of Du Bouchet, and
afterwards a Marquisate, but never was really in favor with Louis.
It may be of interest to some to continue the history of this great
French sailor.
He continued to serve at sea, though an old man; and among
some other exploits of his of this date, was the burning of some
Spanish vessels in the very port of Barcelona.
After the peace of Nimeguen he kept very quiet, and seldom went
to court, an unusual thing in those days, especially for those who
had such claims as Duquesne.
In 1682 he was sent with a fleet to Algiers, which city he
bombarded for several days, with great effect, but was compelled,
by bad weather, to return and winter at Toulon.
In June, 1683, he reappeared before Algiers, completely reducing
the place by his fire, so that the population rose up against the Dey.
All the French slaves were given up, but Mezzo Morto, who had
succeeded to the Dey, who had been put to death by the insurgents,
renewed the defence, when the bombardment was continued by
Duquesne, to such an extent that it rendered the Algerines harmless
for a long time, by destroying all their vessels and naval stores.
Two years after this Duquesne commanded the French fleet which
bombarded Genoa, and, at different times, inflicted so much damage
that the Doge and four Senators were obliged to come to Versailles,
to beg pardon, in person, from the King. It was on this occasion that
the Doge was asked what he found most surprising in Versailles, and
answered “that it was to find himself there.”
The Genoese expedition was Duquesne’s last service. He had been
sixty years in actual service, a time only rivaled by Doria. The
revocation of the Edict of Nantes distressed the veteran beyond
measure. He alone, of all the Protestants of France, was excepted
from proscription, and enabled to retain his rank and honors. But his
children and friends, his relatives and co-religionists, were banished
from their homes; and this had a most depressing effect upon the
Admiral, and, no doubt, hastened his death.
He died at Paris, on February 2, 1688, aged seventy-eight years.
With his last words he implored his eldest son not to serve against
his country, as many of the exiled Huguenots were then doing. So
great was the feeling at the time of his death, that his remains were
privately buried, his son’s request to have them sent to him in
Switzerland being refused; but he erected a tablet to his memory.
This was in great contrast with the splendid obsequies and the
tomb given by Holland to his adversary, Ruyter.
Louis XVI afterwards tried to make reparation for this treatment of
such a great French naval hero, by placing Duquesne’s portrait in the
royal apartments at Versailles. In 1844 the City of Dieppe erected a
bronze statue in his honor, and one of the large vessels of the
French navy is generally called “Duquesne.”
A CARAVEL OF THE TIME OF COLUMBUS.
 X.
BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. A. D. 1692.

a Hague, or La Hougue, is in the Department of the

Manche, in the north of France. It is to the
westward of Cherbourg and on the same
peninsula. It is often confounded with La Hogue,
another cape to the eastward of Cherbourg; and
the battle which took place off this point in 1692,
and which gave such a fatal blow to the naval
power of Louis XIV, is generally called, in the
histories, La Hogue.
Louis XIV, having seen the failure of the
expedition which he had prepared to attack
Ireland, with a view to the re-establishment of
James II, resolved, if possible, to strike a vital blow
at England in another manner. He, therefore, prepared an armament
which was to protect and take part in a descent upon the territory of
England, herself the hereditary enemy of France.
The French King reckoned not only upon the number and force of
his fleet, but also upon the revulsion in public opinion which seemed
to have taken place in England, in regard to King William. Many
eminent persons, among others the famous Duke of Marlborough,
were known to have opened secret relations with James II; and that
Prince had reason to count upon many adherents in the English
fleet, which he had for a long time commanded, previous to his
accession. Among others, he is said to have depended upon Admiral
Russel and Rear Admiral Carter.
Louis XIV, confident in the ultimate result of all his designs, laid
down the plan of a naval expedition, by which he would be enabled
to land a force of 30,000 men, fully equipped, upon the English
coast.
Tourville was ordered to the command of the French fleet. Aimé
Hilarion de Cottentin, Count de Tourville, was born at the Chateau of
Tourville, in Normandy, in 1642. He entered the Order of Malta while
still a boy, and at the age of eighteen began to serve in the galleys
of the Order, where he soon made a reputation, so much so that he
was called to court, and given the grade of Capitaine de Vaisseau.
He served under the Duke de Beaufort, at the relief of Candia, then
besieged by the Turks; and afterward distinguished himself in the
war with Holland; and still later, distinguished himself at the relief of
Messina, which had revolted against the Spanish rule.
The following year he took part in Duquesne’s brilliant expedition
against the Algerines and Tripolitans, when the Corsairs received the
most crushing blows which had ever been dealt to them, up to that
time.
In 1684 he participated in the bombardment of Genoa, and four
years after, in a successful cruise against the Dutch. In the same
year he inflicted a severe bombardment upon Algiers.
In 1689, being now an Admiral, he commanded a fleet which, in
connection with one under D’Estrées, was to support the cause of
James II. This combined fleet succeeded in landing some few men
and some munitions of war in Ireland, but, on the whole, the
operation was a failure. While in command of the French fleet, in the
year following, he had a battle with the Anglo-Dutch fleet, off the
Isle of Wight, which was a most inglorious affair for the English,
their Admiral, the Earl of Torrington, behaving with great want of
spirit. The result was that Tourville captured and burned many of the
English ships, not losing one himself. The sturdy Dutchmen made a
good fight, and came off much better than their English allies.
In 1692, as above stated, Tourville was ordered to the fleet fitted
for a descent on England; and now we shall take up the account of
the battle once more.
The bulk of Tourville’s fleet was in Brest, and as the spring opened
he received orders to sail from that port, enter the Channel, and
attack the English fleet, no matter in what force they might be