Transparency and Trust in Government Evidence From A Survey Experiment en en
Transparency and Trust in Government Evidence From A Survey Experiment en en
Transparency and Trust in Government Evidence From A Survey Experiment en en
Martin Alessandro
Bruno Cardinale Lagomarsino
Carlos Scartascini
Jerónimo Torrealday
February 2019
Transparency and Trust in Government:
Martin Alessandro*
Bruno Cardinale Lagomarsino**
Carlos Scartascini**
Jerónimo Torrealday*
February 2019
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Abstract
Does providing information improve citizens’ perception about government
transparency? Does all information matter the same for shaping perceptions
about the government? This paper addresses these questions in the context
of an online randomized survey experiment conducted in Argentina. Results
show that providing information to citizens matters for shaping perceptions
about transparency, and the content of the information matters for affecting
the evaluation people make about the government. Those who received a
“positive” treatment (showing that the government was over-performing on
its promises) increased their trust in the government more than those who
received a “negative” treatment (showing that the government was under-
performing). The evidence highlights that the channel between transparency
and trust may be mediated by the performance of the government.1
1
We thank Martin Ardanaz, Cecilia Guemes, Philip Keefer, Jorge Streb, Mariano Tommasi,
Razvan Vlaicu, discussants and participants at the LASA and AAEP annual meetings, and an
anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and discussions.
1
1 Introduction
In the last few decades, trust in governments has been in decline (OECD, 2018).
This is particularly true in Latin America, where corruption scandals and poor per-
formance of democracies have eroded public confidence in institutions for years.2
Interpersonal trust is also very low.3 Lack of trust has clear negative welfare conse-
quences (Levi and Stoker, 2000; Cahuc and Algan, 2013). Trust is necessary for key
economic activities, most notably finance, and for the success of government policies
that require and depend on cooperation and compliance of citizens (OECD, 2017).
Moreover, if citizens do not believe the government will fulfill its promises, or that
their fellow citizens will join them in voting against governments that default on
their promises, they will not demand policies that expand the provision of public
goods. If citizens do not trust that the government will follow through with those
policies that require upfront costs to reap large future benefits, they will not demand
long-term investments (Keefer et al., 2018).
Because part of the erosion of trust has been correlated with economic and
financial mismanagement, corruption scandals, and growing inequality, increasing
transparency in government has usually been touted as part of the solution. Trans-
parency, or “the disclosure of information by an organization that enables external
actors to monitor and assess the internal workings and performance” (Grimmelikhui-
jsen et al., 2013, p.3) has been pushed by international organizations, government,
and donors as standard practice.4 As such, increasing transparency and building
trust could go hand in hand (OECD, 2017). Trust is a psychological state involv-
ing positive confident expectations about the competence, benevolence, honesty and
predictablity of another person or organization, and the willingness to act on the
basis of these expectations (Welch et al., 2004; Adams, 2005; Ciborra, 2005; Tolbert
and Mossberger, 2006; Pina et al., 2007, 2010; Bertot et al., 2010; Grimmelikhuijsen,
2012b; Grimmelikhuijsen et al., 2013; Andrews and de Walle, 2013). More informa-
tion could provide citizens with evidence on government competence. It could also
provide a window from which to evaluate government values. The delivery and the
2
For example, historical data collected by Latinobarometer show that average confidence in
Congress has stagnated at around 30 percent and confidence in government around 40 percent for
the last 20 years. Data from the Americas Barometer Survey conducted by LAPOP in 2016/2017
shows that more than 50 percent of the population had very low trust in the president in Paraguay,
Mexico, Venezuela, and Brazil. Keefer et al. (2018) summarizes this evidence.
3
According to evidence from Latinobarometer, interpersonal trust has been hovering around 20
percent for the last 20 years.
4
Transparency plays a central role in the Paris Agreement signed in 2016. Organizations such as
Open Government Partnership or Transparency International are good examples: they share goals
and aim to secure concrete commitments from governments to promote transparency, empower
citizens, fight corruption, and harness new technologies to strengthen governance. There are
multiple definitions of transparency.
2
content of that information may matter too.
There is ample evidence that most people have limited time and do not follow
government actions closely because acquiring accurate information or processing
publicly available information is costly, and the probability of decisiveness in an
election or public matters tends to be negligible. Therefore, most people tend to
remain ignorant and do not pursue information, but they react rationally once they
receive information about the workings of government (Downs, 1957; Brennan and
Lomasky, 1997; Congleton, 2001; Martinelli, 2007; de Leon et al., 2014).5 As such,
while information matters in shaping public perceptions and voting choices, that
information cannot sit idle in a website but rather be delivered to citizens (Ferraz
and Finan, 2008; Mullainathan et al., 2010; Keefer and Khemani, 2012; Chong et al.,
2014; Cruz et al., 2016).
Because trust in institutions depends on competence and values, the informa-
tion provided to the public should allow citizens to update their beliefs about how
reliable, responsive to needs, and efficient the government is. It should also allow cit-
izens to evaluate the government’s integrity, openness and fairness (OECD, 2017).
Providing factual knowledge about government performance outcomes and about
the intentions of the government could be an important way of increasing citizen
trust in government (Grimmelikhuijsen, 2012b). Therefore, an important question
is whether any type of information matters, if information about results matters,
and whether subconscious and affective cues are also important (Grimmelikhuijsen,
2010, 2012b; Grimmelikhuijsen et al., 2013). Evidence is still scant of the strength
of the link between the content of the information (performance) and the framing
of the information, and the particular conditions under which transparency fosters
trust, particularly in the context of developing countries and young democracies.
The use of an experimental setting could help to yield more light into the existence
of the link and its determinants and generate usable knowledge for practitioners
(Levi and Stoker, 2000; Van de Walle and Bouckaert, 2014; Bouwman and Grimme-
likhuijsen, 2016; Cucciniello et al., 2017). Performing the experiment in a country
where overall levels of trust are very low expands the existing evidence and the
understanding of the phenomenon (Cucciniello et al., 2017).
In this paper, we test two hypotheses and two channels through which trans-
parency can affect citizens’ perception of the government. First, we evaluate whether
the provision/disclosure of information changes individuals perceptions about gov-
5
Gingerich and Scartascini (2018) show that because rationally ignorant individuals do not
validate the accuracy of any new information they (passively) receive they are not necessarily able
to separate the signal from the noise: their policy preferences are as likely to be driven by bad
information as by good. This state of affairs leaves them highly vulnerable to the machinations of
political entrepreneurs and other elites. In this perspective, voters act upon their beliefs in more
or less a rational way, but those beliefs are formed based on incomplete or biased information.
3
ernment’s transparency.6 Second, we evaluate different characteristics of that dis-
closure that could lead to more trust: i) whether the framing of the information
matters,7 and ii) whether the content of the information matters in terms of perfor-
mance. For testing these channels, we implemented a survey experiment on a sample
of 1,999 individuals living in the City of Buenos Aires, Argentina.8 First, partici-
pants were allocated at random with equal probability to receive information about
a series of commitments the government had made to the citizens of Buenos Aires.
The commitments are tracked, and results are publicly available on the webpage of
the city government. Second, participants were randomly allocated to a vignette
that highlighted the government pledge to efficiency and good management or to
a vignette that highlighted an empathetic message, where the government pledged
making life better for the inhabitants of the city. Additionally, individuals received
information showing either that the government was over-performing on its commit-
ments or that the government was under-performing. For evaluating perceptions of
transparency and trust we use a multidimensional approach that includes the many
components of trust: competence, benevolence, honesty, and confidence (Grimme-
likhuijsen, 2012b).
Results show that providing/disclosing information increases the perception about
how transparent the government is by about 8 percentage points, which implies an
increase of more than 10 percent. Does the framing or the content matter relatively
more for changing citizens perceptions about the government? Results show that
there are no relative differences in trust between an “efficiency-based” framing com-
pared to an “empathy-based” framing. However, differences in performance seem
to matter. The group that received information where the government was over-
performing on its goals increased trust significantly more than those who received
information that the government was under-performing on its goals. The difference
is equivalent to about 0.10 of a standard deviation.
These results have important implications. First, they highlight once more the
importance of actively providing information to citizens as a way to enhance trans-
parency. Second, they highlight that individuals may not care that much about
the framing of the message–they trust the government the same if the government
6
This could be seen as a tautology. However, the existence of more information and positive citi-
zen perceptions of government transparency do not necessarily go hand in hand (Grimmelikhuijsen,
2012b,a).
7
As will be clear later, we take a broad definition of “framing.”
8
A survey experiment is an intervention in which vignettes randomly vary by subject. Because
of random assignment, any variation on measures can be attributed to the vignettes (Nock and
Guterbock, 2010). The methodology has a long tradition in research but has gained popularity
recently because of decreasing costs (see Bouwman and Grimmelikhuijsen (2016) for some recent
examples.) In our case, we have tried to use a simple design that evaluated an actual policy setting,
but we have diversifed in terms of the context to provide evidence from a developing country setting
following the recommendations in Bouwman and Grimmelikhuijsen (2016).
4
makes explicit its desire to pursue efficiency or fairness–but they do care about the
content of the message, particularly about whether the government complies with
its promises or not. This result has important implications. On the one hand,
it should provide incentives to governments to exert extra effort to comply with
goals, given that it is going to be rewarded by the citizens. On the other, it could
generate incentives for politicians to report only good news. This behavior could
backfire in the long run as citizens learn about this deception and decide not to
trust government-provided information any longer.
The article proceeds as follows. Section 2 provides some background on Buenos
Aires and presents the survey experiment design. In Section 3 we describe our
sample, discuss our identification strategy, and show results. Section 4 concludes.
5
2.2 About the Survey
We designed an online questionnaire to elicit information about transparency, and
about perceptions of the competence, benevolence, and honesty of the government,
along with citizen confidence in the government.12 The questionnaire additionally
included questions for classification purposes. Data collection took place between
December 2017 and January 2018. The sample was stratified with quotas by gender,
age (18 years or older), socioeconomic status (NSE), and commune. Within strata,
individuals were selected at random until the desired sample sizes were achieved. A
total of 1,999 complete interviews were carried out by a company that specializes in
collecting online survey data.13
Participants were assigned to randomized treatments twice during the survey.
First, they were randomized between treatment and control. Those in the control
group were asked about their perceptions regarding transparency of the city gov-
ernment before they were shown the informational treatments about government
commitments. Those in the treatment group also received those questions, but only
after they were shown the informational treatments about the government com-
mitments. Then, all participants were assigned at random to three different infor-
mational treatments (vignettes) with the same structure. Each vignette describes
the policy commitments made by the government, gives specific examples of the
commitments, and shows how well the government has been doing in the implemen-
tation of the policy according to the benchmarks and objectives it had established
at the beginning of the mandate. Vignettes vary in two respects. First, the fram-
ing of the message is different. There is a framing that emphasizes the role of the
public commitments for improving efficiency and public management (“efficiency”
treatment) while the other emphasizes their role for improving lives of citizens in
the city (“empathy” treatment). Second, the government’s performance is different.
The government could be either under-performing or over-performing relative to the
benchmarks the mayor set for the administration. The vignette presents a short and
simple message to keep the attention of the participant but at the same time pro-
vides enough information for understanding the initiative. Because it would make
no sense to combine a message about efficiency with under-performance, instead of
working with a 2x2 design we ended up with three different treatments as described
in Table 4.14 The three treatments were the following: T1: empathy and positive
results, T2: efficiency and positive results, and T3: empathy and negative results.
In the empirical analysis, we evaluate the effect across comparable pairs: T1 and
12
We follow the framework of questions and concepts introduced by Grimmelikhuijsen (2012b).
Appendix B presents the survey module. The full questionnaire in Spanish is available upon
request.
13
For details about the company, see Appendix C.
14
See examples of vignettes in Figures 4, 5, and 6 in the Appendix.
6
T2 (performance is constant), and T1 and T3 (framing is constant).
In the survey, immediately after the module describing the commitments and
the assigned vignette, each participant was asked about their perceptions about the
government. This module consists of 11 questions designed to elicit information
about the components of trust and confidence in the government. Responses to
these questions are part of the set of dependent variables (questions are available in
Appendix B). The full description of the survey experiment -timeline- is presented
in Figure 1.
7
Y = α + T β + Xλ + (1)
where T is the vector of treatments (the pooled treatments in one case–information–
or the individual treatments in the other), and X a vector of control variables. The
set of control variables includes all observable characteristics available from the
survey, such as age, gender, education, labor status, socio-economic level, and com-
mune.
Regarding the dependent variables, we work with the individual responses to
the questions and summary indices constructed to aggregate the information across
related outcomes. The aggregation improves statistical power to detect effects that
are consistent across specific outcomes when these specific outcomes also have id-
iosyncratic variation. Focusing on the indices helps us to reduce the number of
statistical tests performed so as to reduce the chance of false positives, although
interpretation could be cumbersome. We report evidence from principal compo-
nent analysis (PCA henceforth) because the first component explains more than 80
percent of the variance regardless of the index, but results remains the same with
alternative index definitions (see Table 6 in the Appendix).15 In addition, we have
conducted exercises where we correct p-values with three different methods which
rely on different assumptions. Conclusions on statistical inference remains the same
with our preferred correction.16 We construct four intermediate indexes (Compe-
tence, Benevolence, Honesty, and Confidence) and one global index that summarizes
all questions on perception (Trust in Government).
8
there is a movement of mass to the right for the treatment group. More people in
the treatment group than in the control group believe that the government provides
information on plans and results. We evaluate distributional differences with a χ2
statistic, and we strongly reject the null hypothesis of equality in distributions (p-
value smaller than 1%).
Table 2 shows the first set of regression results, which suggests that information
increases the perception about government transparency. The dependent variable
is a binary variable indicating whether the participant thinks that the government
reports what it plans to do. Columns 1 and 2 present the results for the pooled
informative treatments without and with controls, respectively. Basically, an indi-
vidual that is presented with the information about the government commitments
is about 8 to 9 percentage points more likely to indicate that he believes that the
government reports what it plans to do than an individual in the control group.
This is an increase of more than 10 percent. Results are statistically different from
zero.
In columns 3 and 4 we look at the effect of each individual informative treatment
to evaluate whether the content of the information affects this perception, with and
without controls. Results in those columns show that the magnitude and the signif-
icance is the same for every informative treatment (we cannot reject the hypotheses
that the coefficients are the same). That is, citizens’ perceptions about transparency
increase regardless of the framing and content of the message.
Does the content of information matter for affecting trust in the government?
To answer this question we evaluate the differential effect of the treatments on the
standardized version of the indices of government perceptions. Figure 3 provides the
first approximation to this question. The Figure shows the average answers for each
treatment for the overall index, which has been standardized to have zero mean
and unitary standard deviation. The first and last bar are statistically different
to each other (we don’t compare the second and third because both components
are changing). The difference between the “positive” and “negative” treatments is
equivalent to 0.10 of a standard deviation. The statistical analysis for the composite
index (presented in the Figure) and the component indices are presented in Table 7
in the Appendix.
Table 3 shows the main regression results. Table 3 has 10 columns (2 for each
index) and 2 panels. Odds columns present regressions without covariates, and
even columns present regressions with covariates. Panel A compares the effect of
the vignettes that show differences in performance while holding constant the fram-
ing (empathy). Panel B compares the effect of the vignettes holding constant the
performance (positive) but changing the framing of the message (empathy versus
efficiency).
Results show some very consistent patterns across different attributes that eval-
uate trust in the government. First, those who were exposed to the treatment where
9
the government was over-performing on its goals think that the government is more
competent, more benevolent, and more honest. Individuals also have more con-
fidence in the government. Second, those who were presented with the empathy
framing seem to evaluate the government slightly better than those who received
the efficiency one, but the differences are not statistically significant. This is true
for every index. Again, the vignette showing a positive performance increases trust
in government by about 0.10 of a standard deviation more than than the vignette
showing negative performance.
Table 8 in the Appendix shows similar results using as dependent variable two
count variables indicating what we define as “good” and “bad” perception. In
columns 1 and 2, the dependent variable is number of times (out of 11) the partici-
pant chooses a score greater than 5 in perception questions.17 In columns 3 and 4,
the dependent variable is number of times (out of 11) the participant chooses a score
lower than 3 in perception questions. Columns 1 and 3 show results from Poisson
model estimates. Columns 2 and 4 show results from Zero Inflated Poisson (ZIP)
model estimates. Voung tests suggest ZIP is a better fit than Poisson estimates.
The interpretation of Table 8 leads us to the same conclusions as before: differences
in performance seem to matter to evaluate the government; this is not the case for
differences in the way the government frames the communication.
4 Conclusion
Results in this paper from a survey experiment conducted in the City of Buenos
Aires show that it may not be enough to have information available on a website.
More than 40 percent of respondents had never seen the website or heard about the
commitments. In order to improve citizens perceptions about transparency, gov-
ernments should bring the information to the citizens. Once citizens are shown the
information, there is a significant increase in how they evaluate the government’s
transparency. Results also indicate that citizens’ trust in the government is affected
the same by a message that frames the commitments in terms of efficiency or em-
pathy. However, the content of the information in terms of performance seems to
matter more for how much citizens update their priors: showing good performance
has a relatively larger effect than showing relative poor performance.
This evidence has important implications for the literature, as it highlights that
increasing transparency perceptions is more than providing information on a website
and that the channel between transparency and trust is mediated by several factors,
including the performance of the government. Future studies may wish to explore
this issue. In particular, to evaluate what is the optimal disclosure of information,
whether rules would work better than endogenous decisions about disclosure, and
17
For Confidence1 and Confidence2, we use 3 as threshold.
10
the contexts under which performance does and does not matter. The interaction
between disclosure and media reporting could be a fruitful area for research.
The evidence also has important implications for policymakers. Again, the re-
sults show that in order to increase trust it is not only necessary to provide infor-
mation, but also to show good performance. Of course, this does not mean that
manipulating the information presented to the public is a good idea. In the context
of verifiable reports, manipulating information would eventually reduce trust in the
government.
11
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15
Figure 1: Experiment ‘Timeline’
16
Figure 2: Information and Perceptions about Transparency
50
40
30
Percent
20
10
0
Doesn't inform Informs plans, no results Informs plans and results
No informa planes Informa planes, no resultados Informa planes y resultados
Control Treatment
Notes: The figure shows the distribution of answers for the control and treatment groups.
As can be observed in the Figure, there is a movement of mass to the right. More people in the
treatment believe that the government provides information on plans and results. The difference
in the distribution is statistically significant.
17
Figure 3: Information and Government Perceptions
0.02
0.01
0.00
-0.01
-0.02
-0.03
-0.04
-0.05
-0.06
Notes: The figure shows the average answers for each treatment for the overall index, which
has been standarized to zero mean and unitary standard deviation. The first and last bar are
statistically different from each other. The difference between the “positive” and “negative” treat-
ments is equivalent to 0.10 of a standard deviation. Regressions results are presented in Table 7,
first row.
18
Table 1: Descriptive and Balance
19
Table 2: Information and Perceptions about Transparency
Government Transparency
(1) (2) (3) (4)
20
Table 3: Effect of Performance and Framing on Governance Perception – Main results
Positive graphic 0.101* 0.107** 0.096* 0.099* 0.105* 0.112** 0.101* 0.110** 0.101* 0.110**
(0.0551) (0.0542) (0.0551) (0.0542) (0.0552) (0.0545) (0.0553) (0.0541) (0.0553) (0.0541)
Constant -0.063 -0.25*** -0.062 -0.233** -0.065 -0.245** -0.066 -0.281*** -0.066 -0.281***
(0.0404) (0.0980) (0.0402) (0.0985) (0.0407) (0.0986) (0.0403) (0.0983) (0.0403) (0.0983)
Observations 1,329 1,329 1,329 1,329 1,329 1,329 1,329 1,329 1,329 1,329
Controls No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes
Panel B: Effect of framing
Empathy vs Efficiency (performance constant)
Empathy message 0.016 0.038 0.012 0.032 0.019 0.040 0.009 0.029 0.009 0.029
(0.0537) (0.0535) (0.0538) (0.0536) (0.0534) (0.0532) (0.0537) (0.0536) (0.0537) (0.0536)
Constant 0.021 -0.149 0.023 -0.112 0.021 -0.146 0.026 -0.172* 0.026 -0.172*
(0.0384) (0.0939) (0.0384) (0.0948) (0.0383) (0.0936) (0.0381) (0.0948) (0.0381) (0.0948)
Observations 1,365 1,365 1,365 1,365 1,365 1,365 1,365 1,365 1,365 1,365
Controls No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes
Notes: Controls include age, gender, education, labor status, socio-economic level,
commune, and a factor variable that indicates if the participant knew about the
policy before the survey. The overall sample of 1,999 has zero mean and unitary
standard deviation for each index. Robust standard errors in parentheses. ***
p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
21
A Appendix: Tables and Figures
Information
Total
Control Treatment
Performance
Framing Total
Positive Negative
22
Table 5: Summary statistics
23
Table 6: PCA
Notes: Table shows eigenvalues from the principal component analysis (PCA) eigen de-
composition (column 1). The underlying eigenvectors are orthonormal (uncorrelated and
normalized). First eigenvalue is our index for each category because first component
explain more than 80% of the variance in each index (columns 2 and 4). Under PCA
assumptions, the first principal component is the best synthetic indicator (in the least
square sense) of the range of variability of variables considered. The index can be con-
sidered a sort of synthetic index that combines or condenses, in a single variable, the
consistent information originally dispersed over different measurements. Heteroskedastic
robust bootstrap confidence intervals are computed (columns 3 and 5).
24
Table 7: Effect of Performance and Framing on Perceptions about the Government –
Alternative
Notes: Columns (1), (2), and (3) show mean and standard deviation for
each sub-sample. The overall sample has zero mean and unitary stan-
dard deviation for each index. Columns (4) and (5) show p-values from
tests of equality of coefficients computed after a regression with each
index as dependent variable and a dummy variable for each vignette.
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Table 8: Count variables
Good Bad
perception perception
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Notes: In columns (1) and (2), the dependent variable is number of times (out
of 11) the participant chooses a score greater than 5 in perception questions.
In columns (3) and (4), the dependent variable is number of times (out of 11)
the participant chooses a score lower than 3 in perception questions. Controls
include age, gender, education, labor status, socio-economic level, commune,
and a factor variable that indicates if the participant knew about the policy
before the survey. Columns (1) and (3) show results from Poisson model
estimates. Columns (2) and (4) show results from Zero Inflated Poisson
(ZIP) model estimates. The zero value is inflated by treatment arms and
a variable scoring Government Management. Voung tests suggest ZIP is a
better fit than Poisson estimates. Robust standard errors in parentheses.
Base category is Empathy and Positive. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
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Figure 4: Treatment 1 – Empathy message and positive outcome
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Figure 5: Treatment 2 – Efficiency message and positive outcome
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Figure 6: Treatment 3 – Empathy message and negative outcome
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B Appendix: Survey Module
Transparency
Which of the following statements better represents the city government?
Perceptions
Items adapted from Grimmelikhuijsen (2012b).
Using a scale from 1 to 7, where 1 is “Completely disagree,” and 7 is “Completely
agree,” please show your level of agreement with the following statements about
the Government of the city of Buenos Aires.
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C Appendix: About the Company
Figure 7: Webpage
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Figure 8: Webpage
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