C O L L E C T I V I T Y V E R S U S I N D I V I D U A L I T Y:

BALTICA 8
T H E WA R R I O R I D E O L O G Y O F I R O N A G E
BURIAL RITES ON SAAREMAA

MARIKA MÄGI

ARCHAEOLOGIA
Abstract

The article presents an overview of burial customs on the Estonian island of Saaremaa from 1000BC up to Christianisation,
discussing the social organisation behind the archaeological material. Special attention is paid to collective attitudes displayed
in cemeteries where bones of different burials were completely mixed, and on transformation periods, which at times brought
individual burials or the custom to deposit weapons in graves.
Key words: social organisation, burial customs, segmentary society, warrior aristocracy.

The culture on Saaremaa, the biggest island in Estonia, rest of Estonia, is a phenomenon that has been pointed
frequently considered together with the island of Muhu out by several archaeologists, leaving alone medieval
and other smaller islands and islets around it, differs historians. This article tries to analyse the origin and
from that of the Estonian mainland in several respects. development of Saaremaa warrior society in a broader
From an archaeological perspective, it is essential to context.
observe coastal Estonia, that is the Estonian islands and
most of the coastal districts on the mainland, separately
Social organisation on Saaremaa from
from the inland parts of the country. The peculiarity
1000BC to 400AD
of Saaremaa is, however, obvious, even in the coastal
Estonian context.
Stone Age burials on Saaremaa were individual in-
The topographical situation on islands near a mainland humations (eg Jaanits et al. 1982, p.83ff. and p.99f.).
is inevitably a considerable factor in defining the local Stone graves appeared in the Bronze Age, about
cultural development. Saaremaa has often been com- 1000BC, contained the inhumed bones of several in- V
pared with Gotland, of which the area is approximately dividuals deposited without any anatomical order, THE ROLE
the same as that of Saaremaa, Muhu and surround- and few grave goods, at least during the first thousand OF WEAPONS
AND
ing smaller islands together, and where environmen- years. The number of artefacts in graves increased, W E A P O N RY
tal conditions can easily be compared with those on starting from the last century BC, but burials remained IN POLITICAL
AND
the Estonian islands. Prehistoric remains on Gotland undistinguishable up to the middle of the first millen- M I L I TA RY
demonstrate cultural influences from all directions, and nium AD. LEADERSHIP

the archaeological evidence of the island differs con-

Grave forms varied throughout the period from 1000BC
siderably from that of mainland Sweden. In the case
to 400AD, and some of them included constructions
of Saaremaa, impulses from the eastern coast of the
that at first glimpse should imply individual graves.
Baltic Sea prevail, although cultural communication
Stone cist graves dated to the Bronze Age and the first
with Gotland and other areas in the West should not be
half of the Pre-Roman Iron Age always had cists built
underestimated either, particularly during certain peri-
of stones in the middle of circular kerbs. Human bones
ods. The individual culture of Saaremaa took shape in
in these cists anyhow belonged to several individuals,
accordance with its intensive communication with all
if there were any bones at all. It suggests that, although
overseas surroundings (Fig. 1).
central cists inevitably possessed a special meaning for
The present article will concentrate on questions con- the people who were buried in the grave, the cist con-
cerning collective attitudes and individualism in pre- structions cannot necessarily be seen as presenting in-
historic society on Saaremaa, as indicated especially dividuality. The cists and their contents of human bones
by burial customs, but also by other archaeological evi- formed just a part of a communal burial ground, and
dence. The central postulate is the idea of close mutual were perhaps intended for emphasizing the members
connection between individuality and warrior ideology of a family or clan who were thriving more than aver-
in prehistory. The more pronounced “bellicose charac- age, had particular abilities, or had died in an unusual
ter” of Saaremaa prehistoric society, compared with the way. The same is valid for small rectangular or some-
263
 of bones, where the remains
Ideology of Iron Age Burial
of individuals were intention-
I n d i v i d u a l i t y : t h e Wa r r i o r

ally mixed disregarding age

and gender, characterised, to
C o l l e c t i v i t y Ve r s u s

Rites on Saaremaa

draw parallels with cultural-an-

thropological studies, primarily
segmentary societies with ex-
tensive agriculture. In known
societies where such burial rites
were (or continuously are) prac-
MARIKA MÄGI

tised, clan solidarity played an

essential role, and people were
often arranged in communal
houses. The concrete perception
of death and the afterlife can
vary a lot, but rituals emphasiz-
ing a connection with ancestors
normally hold a special signifi-
cance (for cultural-anthropolog-
ical parallels and the analysis of
rituals see eg Carr, Knüsel 1997,
p.167ff.; Metcalf, Huntington
1999, pp.79-161).
Segmentary societies usually
coincide with early agriculture,
Fig. 1. Map of areas mentioned in the text. and are often characterised by
low-intensity cultivation. The
times oval enclosures that characterised the graves property of arable lands tends to be collective, fam-
of the Pre-Roman Iron Age. Although archaeologists ily- or clan-based, and the descent system is frequently
have suggested earlier that the enclosures surrounded matrilineal. Somewhat paradoxically, several such
individual inhumation graves (eg Lang 1996, p.321), societies have demonstrated a considerably aggres-
later biological analyses have demonstrated that frag- sive militancy. There are formal leaders, “big men” or
ments of skeletons found in these enclosures belonged sometimes “big women”, called chiefs or at times even
to several individuals (Kalman 2003). A similar picture kings, who can supervise grandiose building projects,
appears in Roman Period tarand-graves or mortuary but their power base is actually weak and rests on per-
houses (Mägi 2005; 2006). sonal authority. Such societies are divided into ranks,
Biological analyses of inhumed bones have proven that mainly according to clan membership. Investigated
most individuals in Saaremaa stone graves were repre- cases of segmentary societies, however, make up a
sented only by parts of skeletons, which can hardly be very heterogeneous group (Fried 1967, pp.109-184;
explained only by surviving conditions. The osteologi- Keesing 1981, pp.177-300).
cal evidence in stone graves thus points to a custom of In European prehistory, European Megalithic Culture
secondary burial (eg Mägi-Lõugas 1997; Kalman 1999, is normally presented as an example of a segmentary
2000a, 2000c). Peter Metcalf and Richard Huntington society. Burials in megalithic graves were also inten-
have defined the custom of secondary burials as “the tionally mixed, especially in the northern area of the
regular and socially sanctioned removal of the relics culture (Andersen 2000). Still, collective graves of
of some or all deceased persons from a place of tem- Megalithic Culture were replaced by individual buri-
porary storage to a permanent resting place” (Metcalf, als, some of them abundantly equipped with weapons,
Huntington 1999, p.97). On Saaremaa, the secondary already in the late Neolithic Period (Bradley 1998;
treatment of bones was practised without considerable Guilaine, Zammit 2005, p.158ff.). The shift towards
changes throughout the Bronze Age and at least the individual graves marked the general transformation of
first half of the Iron Age. society towards an actually stratified social organisa-
In one way or another, burials reflect the society in tion that has often been called chiefdom. Kristian Kris-
which the dead belonged. The secondary treatment tiansen (1987) has associated the ultimate development
of segmentary tribal system with a strong emphasis on
264
the display of personal status. He suggested that the regardless of a corresponding social organisation, fam-

BALTICA 8
segmentary system in Scandinavia was replaced by ily system or mythology.
chiefdom structures from approximately 1600BC as a
Grave goods in burial grounds of Saaremaa in the first
result of settlement expansion and increased exploita-
half of the Metal Age, as well as in Estonia in general,
tion of the landscape. The transformation to chiefdoms
also demonstrate some peculiarities compared with
was advanced along with the distribution of bronze.
neighbouring areas. With a short exceptional period
The custom to mix human bones or to bury only parts around the beginning of our era, the first half of the

ARCHAEOLOGIA
of skeletons continued sporadically also together with Metal Age in Estonia was characterised by a lack of
individual burials, particularly in connection with weapons, while in the Roman Period, especially the
probable sacrifices. The custom of excarnation by ex- second half, there was a great variety of ornaments
posure lasted on the British Isles until the year zero, in graves. In the areas around the Baltic Sea, a lack
and in Poland and Sweden, graves with mixed burials of weapons also defined Wielbark Culture in Poland
are known even in rare cases as late as the Roman Iron (Kaliff 2001, pp.26-41; Pawleta 2003), while burial
Age (Kokowski 1992; Rasch 1994; Carr, Knüsel 1997; customs in these areas still manifested individuality.
Bradley 1998, p. 159ff.; Guilaine, Zammit 2005). Ex- On Saaremaa, as well as in mainland Estonia, orna-
ceptional were the areas inhabited by Baltic Finns, ments, as the only grave goods, seem only to support
where collective graves stayed in use much longer. the vision of society that was reflected by communal
burial grounds with mixed bones, a segmentary society
The physical anthropologist Jonathan Kalman, who
in which clan membership prevailed over any kind of
has analysed mixed burials in different stone graves,
warrior occupation. Although ornaments in Estonian
has pointed out that the dental caries prevalence rate
graves cannot be connected with individuals, due to
on teeth from Estonian graves dated to the first half of
the mixed character of the burials, most of them are
the Metal Age was considerably lower than was typi-
believed to have been nongendered artefacts, ie used
cal of populations in communities which intensively
by both men and women. The same is presumably true
practised agriculture, eg in Denmark during the same
for belt fittings and tools (predominantly knives) that
period. Since caries have been positively correlated
have been found in graves from these periods.
with subsistence farming, which caused more sugar-
containing plant material to become a larger source of Some types of ornaments might have been prestigious
food, the evidence suggests, according to Kalman, that artefacts that were available only to the members of a
even though farming played a substantial role in early ruling clan. The lack of weapons both in graves and
Metal Age Estonia, the community was only in part deposits indicates that social status was not expressed V
relying on the consumption of cultivated crops (2000a, through them, at least not in ritual behaviour. At the
THE ROLE
2000b). same time, it would be difficult to believe that weapons OF WEAPONS
were not used, nor that they may have functioned as AND
A similar correlation has been proposed by Deborah W E A P O N RY
some sort of rank or clan membership tokens in real IN POLITICAL
Shepherd, who has studied collective burial grounds in AND
life. In the areas neighbouring Estonia, Roman Iron
Finland in the second half of the Iron Age, stone ceme- M I L I TA RY
Age burial customs were characterised by clearly in- LEADERSHIP
teries with cremations (Shepherd 1999, pp.33-47). She
dividual graves, and tended to be abundantly equipped
sees a connection between collective burial customs
with weapons contrary to the collective graves and
and slash-and-burn cultivation that was widespread
their strong bias towards ornaments as nearly the only
in some areas of Finland until the 20th century. The
group of artefacts deposited there. The phenomenon
slash-and-burn cultivation was supported by a system
can be interpreted as a reflection of a society in which
of expanded families. Shepherd points to the conserva-
warriors did not form an independent stratum as seems
tive character of burial rites, and to the possibility that
to have happened in the neighbouring areas, and where
collective traits in burial customs could survive much
social prestige kept within a clan community was ex-
longer than both the form of subsistence and the social
pressed through “soft” attributes, ornaments, and prob-
organisation from which they had originated.
ably also the burial monument itself.
The Estonian archaeologist Tõnno Jonuks, who deals
The rest of the archaeological evidence on Saaremaa
with Estonian prehistoric beliefs, has explained the
is in a good correlation with the burial material: the
collective burial customs by the concept of “collective
first half of the Metal Ages was characterised here by
soul”, which was accompanied by the idea of “indi-
only single fortifications and by a complete absence of
vidual soul” since the fifth century AD (2005). The ex-
weapon deposits. Data on dwelling sites of this time
planation is acceptable, still it is hard to believe that the
is scarce, but the settlement pattern presumably stayed
concept of “collective soul” could emerge and develop
quite egalitarian throughout most of the period. Late

265
 Bronze Age fortified settlements, two of them known where exchange played an important role in the local
Ideology of Iron Age Burial
from southern Saaremaa, form the only exception. economy. In burial customs, it was primarily mirrored
I n d i v i d u a l i t y : t h e Wa r r i o r

These sites have been treated as centres of settlement in an abundance of weapons, placed in the burials, al-
and political power in Estonian archaeological lit- though with the number of ornaments at the same high
C o l l e c t i v i t y Ve r s u s

Rites on Saaremaa

erature (Ligi 1995; Lang 1996, pp.337-455), although level as before. As a new phenomenon, the custom of
their location on the sea shore, at the border of arable damaging grave goods intentionally began to spread:
fields, might better suggest a role within international thus about half of all the artefacts found in the mortu-
trade routes. ary houses of that period on Saaremaa are represented
only by fragments (Mägi 2006). In Finland, where the
The Late Bronze Age was a period of changes every-
custom of damaging grave goods took off during the
MARIKA MÄGI

where in Europe (eg Bradley 1998, pp.129-144). Pan-

Early Roman Period with the so-called Kärsämäki-
European impulses also reached the shores of Estonia,
type cemeteries, it has been taken as a sign of Swedish
where, in the second half of the Bronze Age, the first
influence (Salo 1984, p.208). The spread of the same
stone cist graves were erected, along with single forti-
custom in coastal Estonia some hundred years later
fied settlements and the establishment of the first Celtic
may be associated with cultural influences from the
field constructions. The period of certain fortified vil-
same direction.
lages and burial customs with some traits of individual-
ity, however, lasted no more than a few hundred years, Strong Scandinavian impulses can also be observed in
after which the fortified settlements were abandoned, the same period in other areas on the eastern and south-
and people began to bury the dead in stone graves, east shores of the Baltic Sea, where they were simul-
where the collective attitude was pronounced more taneous with the appearance of abundantly equipped
than ever before. It is difficult to accept the picture weapon burials, indicating the rise of a warrior aristoc-
presented by Priit Ligi and supported by Valter Lang racy. The sudden cultural reorientation and transforma-
(Ligi 1995; Lang 1995; 1996), according to which the tion of society characterised particularly coastal zones,
Late Bronze Age brought along such crucial changes in while in inland areas the changes in social organisation
Estonian prehistoric social organisation that from then might have remained quite modest, at least according
on we can talk of proper chiefdom structures. The al- to archaeological evidence (eg Žulkus 2000; Bitner-
ternative is to interpret society as a segmentary society Wróblewska 2001, p.121ff.).
including some organisation, more egalitarian than re-
The cultural impact from Scandinavia correlated with
ally characteristic of chiefdoms.
the increased importance of warriors in society. The
In the first half of the Metal Age in coastal Estonia, same correlation is obvious on Saaremaa and else-
especially on Saaremaa, there was also an era of about where in coastal Estonia, where the sudden abundance
150 years when some weapons, such as spears, sock- of military attributes in fifth to seventh-century graves
eted axes, and sometimes daggers, were deposited in formed a striking contrast with the lack of weapons in
graves. It happened around the year zero, in the final earlier periods. A stronger resistance to the new struc-
part of the Pre-Roman Iron Age. The same era was de- tures, compared with southern neighbouring areas, is
fined by the appearance of small fortifications; unlike indicated in the persistence of collective burials. The
the Bronze Age fortified villages, now presumably no manifestation of the warrior aristocracy remained less
more than fortified farms. These sites were abandoned intensive and shorter-lasting than among the neigh-
around 50AD, simultaneously with the re-disappear- bours of Estonia, perhaps because the re-arrangement
ance of weapons from graves, making space for the of social organisation took place in the frames of an
surplus of ornaments. The time around the year zero old, clan-based, segmentary society.
may be considered as the first attempt at creating a
The presentation of military attributes in graves, even
warrior society, without lasting success. It can anyhow
though it did not last long, can be interpreted as a sign
be treated as a prelude to what happened four hundred
of the formation of a pronounced stratification in soci-
years later.
ety. The definitions “segmentary society” and “chief-
dom” are, however, very vague, and they may, in real
Change in ideology: fifth to seventh life, take many different forms. The transformation
century from one type of organisation to another has never
been possible to observe, and therefore remains ob-
The fifth to the seventh century was everywhere in scure and difficult to define. Strong chieftains or (mili-
Europe a period of considerable transformations in tary) leaders can also appear in segmentary societies,
different spheres. These processes also touched Esto- but without having a solid ground for institutionalising
nia, first of all the coastal districts and islands, ie areas their power.

266
Social changes that characterised northern Europe in on Saaremaa in this period which could be defined

BALTICA 8
the fifth to the seventh century also shook the society as abundantly equipped with weapons. On the other
of Saaremaa, but were not able to change the local type hand, single-weapon deposits emerge now on Saare-
of organisation dramatically. Society, as it emerged in maa as well, and the first hill-forts were erected in the
the course of these centuries, can still hardly be de- eighth century (Lõugas, Mägi-Lõugas 1994). The ar-
fined as a chiefdom with a clearly manifested warrior chaeological evidence thus implies times of unrest and
aristocracy, as is known from the same period in Scan- strengthening social relations: these are developments
dinavia, or, for instance, from “Beowulf”. On the other that could improve the position of warriors.

ARCHAEOLOGIA
hand, the archaeological evidence on Saaremaa in the
In the areas inhabited by Finnic peoples, collective
following periods, especially at the end of the Iron
stone cemeteries with mixed cremations remained in
Age, leaves no doubt that social relations had strained
use on the Estonian mainland, in Finland and Karelia
and stratification increased.
(Selirand 1974, pp.178-210; Shepherd 1999, pp.21-32;
Uino 2003, pp.324-348), as well as in northern Curo-
S a a r e m a a Vi k i n g s ? nia, down to the River Venta in the south, where col-
lective burials in stone graves had been widespread
Starting from the eighth century AD, the dead on already since the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Vasks 2006).
Saaremaa were buried in individual stone circle graves. Communal stone graves with mixed cremations can
These were entirely cremations, where burnt bones thus be defined as a burial custom dominantly char-
and remains of artefacts were in most cases brought acteristic of areas inhabited by Finnic ethnic groups
to stone graves from a pyre somewhere else. Only few in the eighth to the tenth century. Individual stone cist
fragments of artefacts, as well as just a small part of the graves were rather exceptional in the Finnic cultural
human bones, ended up in the graves, thus following sphere, and were widespread only in coastal areas that
the old tradition of partial burials. These remains were altogether indicated intensive mutual communication
often surrounded with circular stone kerbs, and can be between each other and with eastern Scandinavia. In
clearly considered as individual burials. The stone cir- addition to Saaremaa, where stone cist graves became
cle graves formed big cemeteries, which can presum- a dominant grave form from the eighth to the tenth
ably be interpreted as family burial grounds. Similar century, individual graves surrounded by circular stone
graves surrounded by stone circles were, during the kerbs occurred together with other kind of cemeteries
same period of time, put into use on Gotland (eg Nylén also in northern Couronia (Šturms 1936, p.34ff.), in
1958), and mutual connections between these two big the areas of Votes and Isorians (Sedov 1987, p.39ff.),
islands in the Baltic Sea seem to have intensified in all and in Karelia (Kochkurkina 1981, p.13ff.; Uino 2003, V
spheres. p.335f.). THE ROLE
OF WEAPONS
The stone circle graves that prevailed in Saaremaa In the neighbouring areas of Estonia, which were in- AND
W E A P O N RY
burial customs up to the end of the tenth century were habited by ethnic Balts, the prevailing burial custom IN POLITICAL
characterised merely by scarce finds. Weapon graves AND
was the continuously individual grave, normally inhu- M I L I TA RY
known from the Migration Period and the seventh mation, often supplied with numerous grave goods, in- LEADERSHIP
century disappeared, although single weapons oc- cluding weapons (eg Atgāzis 1992; Vaškevičiūtė 1992;
curred sporadically in graves. Contrary to earlier burial Radiņš 1999; Šnē 2002). In these areas, archaeologists
grounds, the pre-Viking and Viking Age graves now have found sufficient grounds to talk of a developed
contained rather few ornaments, or any other items warrior aristocracy, whose status was manifested by
for that matter, thus referring to an abrupt ideological weapons. The same has been assumed for southern
change: it was apparently not considered important any Couronia, where the earlier prevailing custom of inhu-
more to supply the dead with artefacts for the other mations was gradually replaced by cremations in the
world. Even the few items that have been uncovered course of the tenth and 11th centuries. As a tradition
from graves of this period were only represented by since the Roman Period, these individual graves con-
small badly burnt fragments. tained great numbers of weapons, riding equipment
and ornaments, both in male and female graves up to
Trying to interpret the society behind these burial
the 12th or 13th century (see eg Stankus 1995; Žulkus
customs, the importance of clan membership seems
1991, p.11; 2000).
to have diminished: at least, it was not found as rel-
evant any more to manifest the clan community with Exceptionally in the Baltic cultural sphere, crema-
intentionally mixed bones. On the other hand, there is tions in large burial pits have been recorded starting
not enough proof to talk about a triumphant warrior from the tenth century in Couronia south of the River
society either. No individual burial has been recorded Venta. These pits were probably filled with several lay-

267
 ers of cremations, thus presenting collective attitudes The 11th-century cemeteries on Saaremaa seem to have
Ideology of Iron Age Burial
otherwise unfamiliar to Baltic burial rites (eg Balodis been characterised by a sudden increase in weapon
I n d i v i d u a l i t y : t h e Wa r r i o r

1940). Artefact material, as well as in certain periods’ burials. Up to 60% of all distinguishable burials now
burial forms in Couronia, has demonstrated some sort included weapons, and 25% of them included a sword
C o l l e c t i v i t y Ve r s u s

Rites on Saaremaa

of unity among Finnic peoples inhabiting other eastern as the primary token of high status (Mägi 2002, p.140).
coasts of the Baltic Sea throughout the whole of pre- The situation was thus similar to Gotland, where the
history, a phenomenon that undoubtedly indicates very proportion of weapon burials reached 58% in the 11th
intensive communication between close neighbours. century (Jakobsson 1992, p.139). The percentage
Can the large pits with several layers of cremations of weapon burials among all distinguishable graves
perhaps be considered as a reflection of the ideological stayed approximately the same during the 12th century
MARIKA MÄGI

impact from the north, adjusted to the local custom of as well, but fragments of swords were now recorded
individual cremation burials in pits? in more than half of them. Particularly the 12th-cen-
tury individual burials in such cemeteries were often
Collective burial grounds with mixed cremations, as
conspicuous by abundant and often luxurious grave
they were widespread among the ethnic Finnic groups
goods, which could hardly have been available for
in the second half of the Iron Age, were clearly a cul-
every person, or the family burying him or her (Mägi
tural phenomenon, reflecting an ideology different
2002, p.142). In those cases where the richly equipped
from neighbouring areas. These collective attitudes
individual burials were weapon graves, they frequently
in the ritual sphere were presumably rooted in a more
contained fragments of swords, pattern-welded spear-
egalitarian social organisation. To use terms of politi-
heads, silver-plated spurs, silver ornaments, and other
cal anthropology, we may probably still talk of a clan
items that could be interpreted as status symbols. The
or perhaps a lineage-based segmentary society, where
evidence thus suggests a clear link between the empha-
the position of chieftains was now remarkably strength-
sizing of individuality and that of high social status.
ened. In Estonia, the process had probably reached the
furthest on Saaremaa, where the burial custom of indi- The rest of the archaeological material also implies
vidual graves succeeded at manifesting itself and then strengthening tendencies towards more developed so-
to dominate the subsequent 400 to 600 years, at least cial stratification. On 11th and 12th-century Saaremaa,
as regards burials among the elite. Still, even on Saare- quite a number of new hill-forts were built, most of
maa, social status was not presented posthumously them functioning as political centres or trading centres.
through weapons, at least not through several weapons Archaeological evidence correlates with the data from
in graves. The situation changed dramatically in the written documents, telling us about the supremacy of
11th century. Saaremaa warships on sea, and about the plundering
raids of Saaremaa pirates to overseas areas. Everything
indicates that the society on 11th and 12th-century
Saaremaa before conversion
Saaremaa was warlike and stratified.
The 11th and 12th century was a period witnessing The sudden increase in richly equipped weapon burials
lots of weapons in graves. On Saaremaa, the 11th cen- presumably points to a transformation period. There is
tury brought along, in addition to abundant weapon no doubt that 11th and 12th-century society held war-
graves, changes in burial customs that literally contra- riors in high regard, and weapons had a significance
dicted former developments towards individuality: the as status symbols, both ritually and in real life. Social
stone circle graves were gradually replaced by stone organisation had developed towards increased stratifi-
cemeteries without formal structures, similar to those cation, and society was ruled by a warrior aristocracy.
widespread on mainland Estonia. Careful study of the In political-anthropological terms, 11th and 12th-cen-
documentation from earlier excavations at these sites tury society on Saaremaa can be described as a chief-
on Saaremaa has anyhow pointed to several individual dom, with all the characteristics belonging to it. In the
cremation burials inside these cemeteries, existing side new social organisation, the affiliation to the chieftain
by side with burial areas, where bones and artefacts started to prevail over other relationships; former clan
had been completely mixed (Mägi 2002, pp.75-124). It communities, or at least part of them, were probably
is possible that these burials, normally surrounded by replaced by lineage systems; power was consolidated
zones without finds, were somehow also marked above and was now held by single chieftains. Stratification
the surface, thus avoiding overlapping burials. In any processes brought along an increase in the frequency
case, the meanwhile lost or considerably diminished of armed conflict, which again led to an increase of
custom of collective burials reappeared on Saaremaa the importance of armed retainers and a need to erect
with the 11th century, while individuality was still re- fortifications (eg Fried 1967, pp.185-226; Earle 1997,
served for some persons. pp.1-16).
268
The former, clan-based organisation nevertheless did groups, and surprisingly long, right until Christianisa-

BALTICA 8
not disappear overnight, as it is, for instance, indicated tion. Behind this phenomenon can be seen a cultural
in the return of collective burial customs. A transfor- sphere, ideology, and mythology that are different
mation period in social organisation, especially when from the western and southern neighbours, which was
it is connected with the emergence of a new type of probably also reflected in a more egalitarian social or-
elite, may provoke the consolidation of former elite ganisation and perhaps different family patterns.
structures, whose reaction can be expressed through
Among other areas that were inhabited by Finnic
an intensified manifestation of power. Ian Hodder has

ARCHAEOLOGIA
groups, Saaremaa had a special position as a big island
demonstrated that ideology can also be used in a way
or even archipelago, where overseas communication
that denies the presence of conflict within society, ob-
had a stronger than average impact on local culture.
scuring the real locus of social contradictions (1982,
Pan-European social changes also shook the society of
p.152). The continuity in using collective burial grounds
Saaremaa, though for a long time without leaving per-
probably reflects an ideological need to emphasize the
manent traces. Only the fifth to seventh-century trans-
unity inside the clan, although the social organisation
formation period brought along weapons in graves,
had become more hierarchical and eventually grown
and the custom of individual burials, which started to
out of the frames of the old systems. The pre-Chris-
prevail on Saaremaa since the eighth century.
tian society of Saaremaa, with its long-surviving biases
towards more egalitarian social relations, which were Weapons however re-disappeared from graves nearly
obvious even as late as the 12th century, can probably completely at about the same time. Burial customs, as
best be compared with the society on Gotland before well as other archaeological evidence, suggest the rise
it was subordinated to the Swedish kings (Hyenstrand of a warrior aristocracy only in the 11th century, when
1989; Carlsson 1990). people began to deposit great numbers of weapons in
cemeteries, particularly in individual cremation buri-
The lasting traditions of a segmentary society can also
als. At the same time, collective burials re-appeared
be seen in the use of weapons as posthumous status
on the island, perhaps indicating a reaction against the
symbols. In the 11th and 12th century, when weap-
strengthening stratification in society. In 1227, when
ons only started to play an essential role in grave fur-
Saaremaa was officially Christianised, the society of
nishings, some were deposited also in female graves,
the island was probably hierarchical and dominated
a phenomenon that characterises all areas inhabited
by a warrior aristocracy, although biased by attitudes
by Baltic-Finnic groups (Mägi 2002, p.77ff.). Such
based on more egalitarian rank organisation among
weapons have been recorded only in graves that were
otherwise abundantly equipped with items typical of
powerful clans. V
women, predominantly ornaments, and can therefore THE ROLE
OF WEAPONS
be interpreted as symbols of social status, indicating Translated by the author AND
that some women could achieve a leading position in W E A P O N RY
IN POLITICAL
their society. More egalitarian relations between gen- AND
ders are normally attributed to societies where social References M I L I TA RY
LEADERSHIP
stratification is comparatively egalitarian, too (eg Kent
ANDERSEN, N.H., 2000. Kult og ritualer i den ældre bonde-
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57.
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��������������
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Baltic Sea Conference, Lund October 25-27, 1991. Lund, nių laidojimo papročių, yra paremta ir kita archeologi-
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ginklų. Toks reiškinys gali būti interpretuojamas kaip

ARCHAEOLOGIA
In: H. Valk, ed. Ethnicity and culture: studies in honour
of Silvia Laul (Muinasaja teadus, 18). Tartu: Greif, 99- visuomenės, kurioje kariai nesudarė atskiro sluoksnio,
110. atspindys. Kitaip atsitiko kaimyninėse srityse, kur so-
ŽULKUS, V., 1991. Die Prussen und ihre Nachbarn im 1. cialinis prestižas buvo išlaikomas giminės viduje ir
Jahrtausend nach Christi Geburt. In: �������������������
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ten die Entstehung der Kuren. Archaeologia Baltica, 4,
riodus, kuomet socialiniai ryšiai Saremos saloje buvo
89�����
-����
108.
intensyvesni ir visuomenės stratifikacija išaugdavo.
Received: 24 February 2007; Revised: 26 May 2007 Tokie tarpsniai sutampa su visoje Europoje vykusiais
procesais, kurie gerokai ryškesni Saremos saloje nei
kolektyviškumas prieš likusioje Estijos teritorijoje. Toks lemiamas laikotar-
pis buvo V–VII amžiai, kada pradedama mirusiuosius
individualum ą : karinė
laidoti su ginklais, nors kapai kaip ir anksčiau lieka iš-
ideologija S aremos salos maišyti (turima omenyje specialiai išmaišyti mirusiųjų
geležies amžiaus laidojimo kaulai – vert. past.). Tačiau laidojimo su ginklais pa-
papročiuose protys nesitęsia ilgai, VII a. pabaigoje kapuose įkapių
vėl sumažėja. Mirusiojo su ginklais laidojimas inter-
pretuojamas kaip visuomenės stratifikacijos proceso
Marika Mägi dalis. Stipresnis pasipriešinimas naujoms socialinėms
struktūroms, lyginant su kaimyninėmis pietinėmis te-
ritorijomis, šiaip ar taip buvo pažymėtas išlikusiu ko-
Santrauka
lektyviniu laidojimo papročiu. Visuomenė, kuri tuo
metu susiformavo Saremos saloje, vargiai ar gali būti V
Straipsnyje nagrinėjama priešistorės laikų Saremos
salos visuomenės kolektyvinio požiūrio į individua- prilyginta vadystei – su aiškiai apibrėžtu karinės aristo- THE ROLE
OF WEAPONS
lizmą problema. Šis požiūris atskleidžiamas laidojimo kratijos sluoksniu, kokį žinome buvus Skandinavijoje, AND
papročių ir kitame archeologiniame kontekste. Pagrin- pagal plg. „Beovulfą“, senovės germanų epą. Stiprių W E A P O N RY
IN POLITICAL
dinė straipsnyje diskutuojama idėja – tai prielaida apie vadų ar (karo) lyderių gali atsirasti ir segmentinėse AND

priešistorės laikais egzistavusius artimus karių ir indi- bendruomenėse, net ir neturint tvirto pagrindo savo M I L I TA RY
LEADERSHIP
vido abipusius ideologinius ryšius. valdžiai institucionalizuoti. Individualūs degintiniai
kapai akmenų vainikuose, kurie vyravo Saremos salo-
Pasibaigus akmens amžiui Saremos salos gyventojų je VIII–X a., taip pat gali būti vertinami kaip pokyčių,
laidosenai buvo būdingi iš akmenų sukrauti kapai su vykusių V–VII a., rezultatas. Jų atsiradimas sutampa
kelių mirusiųjų kaulais, palaidotais be jokios anato- su pradžia intensyvesnio salos gyventojų bendradar-
minės tvarkos. Daugiau ar mažiau panašūs laidojimo biavimo su Rytų Skandinavija, ypač Gotlandu, kur
papročiai tęsėsi iki pat I tūkstantmečio vidurio, per šį buvo praktikuojami panašūs laidojimo papročiai. Ta-
laikotarpį kapų formoms pasikeitus kelis kartus. Taigi čiau individualūs kapai akmenų vainikuose yra išimti-
osteologinė kapų medžiaga yra pagrindinis duomuo, nai reti finų kultūrų rate, kuriame vyravo kolektyviniai
leidžiantis apibūdinti antrinio palaidojimo paprotį ir iš akmenų krauti kapinynai su degintiniais sumaišytais
ieškoti paralelių kultūrinės antropologijos tyrinėjimuo- mirusiųjų kaulais. Bandant interpretuoti visuomenę,
se, visų pirma segmentinei visuomenei, besiverčiančiai palikusią Saremos saloje iš akmenų sukrautus kapus,
išplėtota žemdirbyste, aptarti. Saremos visuomenėje atrodo, kad giminių narių skaičius mažėjo, kol paga-
tokie laidojimo papročiai buvo praktikuojami net iki liau paprotys tyčia maišyti mirusiųjų kaulus, taip ro-
vėlyvojo geležies amžiaus, o giminės solidarumas juo- dant giminės svarbą, tapo nebesvarbus. Kita vertus,
se vaidino svarbiausią vaidmenį. nėra pakankamai duomenų karių visuomenės triumfui
Anksčiau buvo manyta, kad Estijoje socialinė visuo- pagrįsti.
menės organizacija jau vėlyvajame bronzos amžiuje
271
 Nors ginklų retkarčiais pasirodo kapuose su akmenų
Ideology of Iron Age Burial
vainikais, tačiau Saremoje to meto individualių kapų
I n d i v i d u a l i t y : t h e Wa r r i o r

nežinoma. Jei kapuose ginklų yra, tai jų negausu. Varto-

jant politinės antropologijos terminus, tokius kapus ga-
C o l l e c t i v i t y Ve r s u s

Rites on Saaremaa

lėtume manyti vis dar buvus giminių ar galbūt linijinės

segmentinės visuomenės dalimi, kurioje vadų pozicijos
nepaprastai sutvirtėjo. XI–XII a. buvo laikas, kuomet
kapų su ginklais atsirado daug. XI a. Saremos saloje,
be pagausėjimo kapų su ginklais, laidojimo papročių
raidoje vyko ir priešingų pokyčių: buvo tolstama nuo
MARIKA MÄGI

individualių kapų, t. y. kapai akmenų vainikuose pa-

mažu užleido vietą iš akmenų krautiems kapinynams,
nebeturintiems jokios taisyklingos struktūros. Tokie
kapai buvo panašūs į plačiai žinomus žemyninėje Esti-
jos dalyje. Išsami ankstesnių archeologinių tyrinėjimų
Saremos saloje analizė parodė, kad šiuose kapinynuose
šalia laidojimų vietų su sąmoningai sumaišytais degin-
tiniais mirusiųjų kaulais būdavo ir keletas individualių
degintinių kapų.
XI–XII a. Saremos kapinynuose staigiai daugėja kapų
su ginklais. Tai leidžia manyti, kad yra akivaizdus ryšys
tarp individualių kapų su ginklais ir aukšto socialinio
statuso. Likusi archeologinė medžiaga rodo akivaiz-
džią griežtesnės visuomenės stratifikacijos tendenciją.
Nėra abejonių, kad XI–XII a. visuomenė karius laikė
aukšto socialinio sluoksnio žmonėmis, o ginklai tuo-
met tapo šio socialinio statuso simboliu, tiek šiame
gyvenime, tiek pomirtiniame. Visuomenės socialinės
organizacijos raida vyko visuomenės stratifikacijos
link, visuomenė buvo valdoma karinės aristokratijos.
Politinės antropologijos terminais, XI–XII a. Saremos
salos visuomenė gali būti apibūdinta kaip turėjusi va-
dystės instituciją. Tuo pačiu metu saloje vėl atsirado
kolektyvinių kapų. Tai greičiausiai rodo visuomenės
socialinio susiskaidymo didėjimą. 1227 m. Saremos
salos visuomenė oficialiai priėmė krikščionybę, – ma-
tyt, salos visuomenėje dominavo ir jai vadovavo karinė
aristokratija, net jei ir buvo remiamasi šališkais egali-
tarinės visuomenės organizacijos požiūriais ir įtakin-
gomis giminėmis.

272