C H A p T E R

THE ORIGINS OF URBAN SOCIETY

In Search of Utopia

The p�si_c��[�£.145Jo,:_ the rise o[ civilizatjg_rJ in the Near East is the city.
But the urban phenomenon ·is so complex that its treatment by researchers
varies greatly, either because their perspectives differ or because their
reports have been written in response to the general intellectual
atmosphere of a given period.
Several alternate hypotheses for the formation of cities and states
have recently been put forward. Among the o�anization�l v�riables that
have been suggested as primary causes for their formation are such
factors as manag!!]al control of a hydraulic society, population pressure
or conflict, and exchange systems. These ideas are evaluated in this chapter
and aspects of e� a;e integrated into a multi/aceted approach to
determining how cities could have developed.
The archeological investigation of urban societies requires a
difft_:�J!I!!!'ach from that used to study small villages. In such
large-scale investigations, the complexity of material demands that
emphasis be_ on _ sampling an4 fl!E_(!.tional ,:1J1.alysis. In addition, urban societies
often leave 'lf'Jitl!!u!.£2,W that add new dimensions to the information
available for interpretation.
 Citits, Civilization, and the State 215

Of the three major transformations described in formed and their roles within the total civilizational
this book, the Urban Transformation is the most structure. Most Mesopota_mian cities could be de­
immediate in terms of contemporary society. scribed as large sprawling population centers that
The continuing importance of the organizational grew by acretion, without careful planning. They
changes that accompanied urbanization in the �ere densely populated and divided into districts.
fourth and third millennia is evident in many as­ In other regions of the world (e.g., Indus Valley
pects of our lives. Thus, understanding the nature and North China), early cities were regular in plan,
of urbanism and how it came into being are matters a result of greater planning and more rapid growth.
of widespread interest. In some early civilizations, such as in Egypt, not all

-------
--A result
--- ·-· ---of. fu� change in scale that accompanied cities were centers of large populations; there were
the Urban Transformation was the complexity of also communities in which there was a good deal of
socie_tal �rganization that it prompted. Quantitative monumental architecture but only a small number
growth in community size led to more than of inhabitants. These ceremonial centers were seats
quantitative changes in organizational mechanisms. of power in the Nile Valley, performing many of
--
Entirely new ·----- forms of integrating institutions
e�, establishing the Urban Transformation
the same integrating functions as the Mesopotam­
ian city. Similarly, most of the "palaces" of the
as a major development in human history. Cretan and Mycenean civilizations in the Aegean
were not major population centers but functioned
as secular centers that helped to integrate and or-
Cities, Civilization, and the State
ganize those societies.
Although the terms city and urbanism are used
Toward a Definition of Cities
somewhat interchangeably throughout this book,
Not only was the city the central entity in the rise it should be borne in mind that there is a distinc­
of early Near Eastern civilization, but in one form tion between the two. Urbanism implies the char­
or another it �as become the primary community acteristics that distinguish cities from simpler
type__throughout the world. Thus, a knowledge of community forms; it also refers to the organization
its earliest appearance is an aid to understanding of an entire urban society, which includes not only
the growth and functioning of contemporary so­ cities, but also towns and villages. A cliY, on the
ciety. An examination of cities in their pristine state other hand, is the physi_caj_center manifesting many
and a knowledge of the processes that led to their important characteristics of the urban condition.
formation should be sources of insight into both A prJ�ry . .characteristic in any definition of a
the achievements and the failures of our own cities. city is it4opulatiQn, in terms of both S�!ld
A good deal of anthropological and sociological de��i�. Cities are generally larger and denser than
literature addresses the question of what a city is, other types of settlements. It might be possible to
and whether one archeological site or another set a lower limit to the size of a city, but this would
should be considered a city. I do not want to dwell deny the special character of an urban complex. A
unnecessarily on the distinguishing characteristics lower limit of 5,000 people is a useful rule of thumb
of cities nor on whether Jericho and <;atal Hiiyiik for differentiating cities from towns, but it must be
should be considered cities or towns. Rather, my kept in mind that population aggregates of even
approach is to examine characteristics that dis­ larger size do exist without the integration charac­
tinguish cities from earlier settlement forms, to teristic of a city, whereas communities with fewer
emphasize the diverse forms that early citi�. as­ people might have all the other requisite urban cri­
sumed, and to o�tline the relevance of these forms teria. Hence, large size is diagnostic of cities, but
for �the rise of civilization. not a sufficient definition.
Early cities have assumed many different forms, The most important quality defining a city is
depending on the processes by which they were its complexity and form of integration. Cities
216 Cltaptrr 7 Tltt Origins of Urban Socitly

are made up not simply of large populations but

-------
works has functioning nodes. The differentiating
of la�e _diotrs� _po_p�l-�t_ions that account for the characteristic is that a city is a node within a civil-
- -- ·-· . - .. - -
-�conomic and organizational diversity and inter­ izational network serving as a center fo�.!�_!_��
dependence that distinguishes a city from simpler institutions and mechanisms that characterize
.- that -------
settlement forms. Archeologists and social his­ society as a civilization.
torians measure these factors in several ways. The Cities exist only within the context of a civiliza­
presence of monumental architecture is easily dis­ tion. Hence, to be able to understand and distin­
coverable evidence for organizational mechanisms guish a city, one must have an understanding of
that control large groups of people. It is also an civilization. Definitions of the two terms are closely
indication of the probable participation of crafts­ interrelated, as are the phenomena themselves. The
men. Manufactured goods suggest craft speci�li�­ terms city and cioilization ar� often loaded with con­
tion, and an uneven distributi�n of such goo�s notations of good and evil, deriving from our first­
implies a wealthy elite. To support the craftsmen hand experience of cities and civilization and from
and the elite-both of whom probably do not grow our knowledge of them through popular literature.
their own food-the agricultural base JJlUSt be effi­ The definitions given in the discussion that follows
cient so that farmers can produce more than they allow one to distinguish between cities and non­
need, and there must be mechanisms for collecting cities and between civilizations and nonciviliza­
and redistributing these surpluses. tions-distinctions that are prone to bias and the
Most cities have the following characteristics: subject of much controversy. For the present pur-
pose, whether a specific settlement was a city
l A large and dense population
is only of peripheral interest; more important is
2 Complextty
. and mter
. depend ence
·; . the functioning and systemic context in which it
3 · d 1. � r�ona1 orgamzatio
Fo��l all_ · �_
- -
4 Many n�magricultural activities cL. _. ,,. 7� :, 1--r-: xisted •
f.J'{.,XJ c Ci..
1
·):;
5 A diversity
.- - ---- -- ---- -
of- -central services both for its in- Historical Treatment of Civilization
habitants and for the smaller communities in the
To construct a working definition of civilization,
surrounding area
it is useful to review the previous treatment of
Each of these characteristics can be measured in the concept of civilization. The work of late­
a variety of ways, although absolute values have nineteenth-century evolutionists, such as Edward B.
little meaning except in a general sense. More ap­ Tyler and Lewis Henry Morgan, casts the develop­
propriate to an investigation of emerging urban­ ment of cultural forms into a series of stages that
ism are relative measures that reveal changes in all societies pass through. The first, or primordial,
these values through time and among different stage was saoagery, with little organization and a
contemporary settlements. Although it is possible hunting-and-gathering subsistence base. The next
to measure most of these characteristics in terms stage was barbarism, roughly equivalent to tribal
of the city alone, the very essence of an urban so­ organization and primitive agricultural subsistence.
ciety dictates that measurements take into account The third and highest "ethical period" conceived
the :elation of the city to the surr��ding _ r_e_g_i9n. by Morgan was ci-oilization, with � its distin­
Thus, the fifth characteristic defines- a
city as a guishing characteristic.
functio� n °.d!_in a broader civilizational net­ This three-part classificatory scheme was an
_
work. The importance of this criterion is that it attempt to categorize all of the ethnographically
can be evaluated only in terms of the system as a known cultures and to explain the rise of civiliza­
whole. A node is defin�d as. a junction in a network. tion in evolutionary terms. Like many other "world
In a complex society, there can be different kinds systems" that attempted to explain human develop­
and levels of interaction that create networks at ment in a simplified manner, this scheme fails in
different levels of organization. Each of these net- a number of ways. Besides problems with data and
 Cities. Civilization, tind the Sttitt 217

its interpretations, there are two basic shortcomings environmental determinist to the extent that he be­
in the Tyler-Morgan system. First, any classifica­ lieved that the characteristics of a civilization are
tory scheme in which diachronic (through time) closely related to its region. After a civilization has
relationships are assumed on the basis of syn­ realized its potentialities in terms of people, arts,
chronic (at one point in time) examples is on weak and sciences, it soon passes into a phase of senes­
ground. The study of different contemporary orga­ cence and then dies. Spengler's belief in the close
nizational forms of society does not support the connection between a civilization and its surround­
projection of one or more of these forms into the ings and his concentration on the changing stages
past as ancestral to other current societies. It is true in the growth of societies were important influ­
that the ethnographic record affords models to be ences on later theorists.
tested by actual archeological data, but it cannot Arnold Toynbee's work, A Study of History, is
function simultaneously as both model and test another massive attempt at explaining the course
case. The second shortcoming is the use of pejor­ of world history (1934). The concept of progress
ative terms to classify societal forms. Implicit in and a belief in the "upward movement" in history
the terms savagery, barbarism, and civilization is permeates his work. Toynbee saw the direct rela­
a value judgment; barbarism is better than savagery tionship between the form of the civilization and
and civilization is better than barbarism. One may its physical surroundings. The primary mechanism
also get the false idea from any unilinear evolu­ of societal growth and "progress" consisted of
tionary scheme that there are inherent forces guid­ society's meeting the challenge of the physical en­
ing the development of cultures that necessarily vironment with a response that not only answered
lead from one stage to another. Although peoples the particular challenge, but also exposed the so­
of many regions exhibit this general course of de­ ciety to a fresh challenge. Toynbee came to this
velopment, it is not the only route, and in certain conclusion by a somewhat superficial comparison
circumstances savagery can be more efficient for of pairs of societies that developed in different
survival than barbarism or even civilization. environments. In each pair, the stimulus toward
Twentieth-century historians such as Oswald civilization was stronger in proportion to the diffi­
Spengler and Arnold Toynbee also attempted com­ culty of the environment. Toynbee cited the even­
plete world histories. As universal syntheses based tual superiority of the New England settlers over
on very scanty data, except those drawn from the those of other more physically hospitable regions
western civilization model, these attempts were as an example of his "Challenge and Response"
inadequate. Nevertheless, both Spengler and hypothesis. He championed the idea that a com­
Toynbee developed important concepts that were bination of physical factors influenced the growth
to affect subsequent investigations of the rise of of civilization in particular regions. The mecha­
civilization. Spengler attempted to counteract the nisms initiating growth were largely psychological,
western centrists of his time, and his ideas were a but he did not carefully delineate them. Although
reflection of his general pessimism (1926-28). He the details of his hypothesis are given little cur­
suggested that progress and history are not equiv­ rency today, a major one that grew out of Toyn­
alent. In an attempt to reduce the humanist as­ bee's form of environmental determinism is
pect of his interpretations, he employed a biolog­ Wittfogel's hydraulic hypothesis, which is dis­
ical model of development. In addition to suggest­ cussed later in this chapter.
ing similarities between the structure and form of Several anthropologists have tried to define civil­
plants and animals on the one hand and civiliza­ ization from the perspective of both delineation
tions on the other, Spengler asserted that civiliza­ and explanation. Alfred L. Kroeber used the con­
tions pass through a life cycle. Each civilization cept of a civilization to divide all of human history
goes through the same developmental phases: into analytical units (1953). These units were de­
youth, maturity, and senescence. Spengler was an limited primarily by their values and their qualities
218 Tltt Origins of Urban Socitly

known as style. This ideational method of delineat­ civilizations. The five primary characteristics refer
ing civilizations is particularly useful in the inves­ to evidence of fundamental changes in the organi­
tigation of material remains, such as artwork or zation of society, whereas the five secondary
dress, but does little to explain the differences and characteristics refer to various forms of evidence
similarities between civilizations or their growth. documenting the presence of the five primary
Rather, it is a classificatory system based on a se­ characteristics.
lected set of attributes.
Another method for defining civilizations is to Primary Characteristics
distinguish them from their surroundings. Robert
1 Size and d�nsi.ty_Q.f_ci.ties: the great enlargeme!lt
Redfield characterized societies in terms of oppos­
of an organized population meant a much wider
ing ideal constructs: folk and urban, great and
level of social integration.
little traditions (1953). Unlike Kroeber's approach,
2 .full-ti.me_specialiutio11 of labor: specialization
which was primarily meant to delineate different
of production among workers was institutionalized,
civilizations, Redfield's perspective helps to illum­
as were systems of distribution and exchange.
inate the nature of functioning civilizations. It en­
3 Concentration '::)f syrp!�s: there were social
courages the researcher to look for patterns of
means for the collection and management of the
interaction between different social constituencies
surplus production of farmers and artisans.
that together formed the civilizational whole.
4 Q!ss structun�d ��i_�ty: a priviliged ruling class
Redfield's seminal contribution is the idea that
of religious, political, and military functionaries
great civilizational characteristics, as personified
organized and directed the society.
by the urban elite, cannot be fully understood
5 State organization: there was a well structured
Without reference to little civilizational traditions,
political organization with memb�r�hip based on
as practiced by the rural peasantry. These little
residence. This replaced political identification
civilizational traditions often have their roots in
6asecron kinship.
precivilizational folk societies. Although the
Redfield ideal types are too general for use in de­ Secondary· Characteristics
tailed analysis, the emphasis on the relational as­
6 Monumental public works: there w__e.re. .c.Q.Uec­
pects among constituents of a civilizational complex
�- in the form· of temples, palaces,
was of crucial importance for further study.
storehouses, and irrigation systems.
7 Lon_g:-dis�c.e ___trade: specialization and ex-
Trait-Complex
� Definition _oJ_civilii.atiQJl change were expanded beyond the city in the de­
velopment of trade.
Another approach to defining civilization is to
8 Stanc!_�4�eL m_Qn�ly
combine certain aspects of delineation with infor­
developed art forms gave expression to symbolic
mation on the nature of these societies by compil­
ide�and-�sthetic enjoyment.
ing lists of characteristics of different le\tels of
9 Writing: the art of writing facilitated the pro­
societal organization. Gordon Childe (1950) com­
cessesof organization and management.
piled a list of ten characteristics of cities that were
10 Arit;h___�etic, geometry, and astronomy: exact,
specifically chosen to be recognizable in the archeo­
predictive science and engineering were initiated.
logical record. Their concurrence at an ancien! site
signified an urban community that was part of a By separating and reordering these ten indices,
civilization. Childe used these characteristics to one can appreciate the depth of understanding and
delineate and recognize early forms of urbanism, insight that characterizes much of Childe's writing.
and he attempted to demonstrate how they func­ The primary characteristics relate to demographic,
tioned and how they were interrelated. However, econoimc, and orgariizatfonalcl\anges that were es­
it is not difficult to separate Childe's ten indices �ential aspects- of-early·civilization. Secondary
into primary and secondary characteristics of early characteristics document that certain primary char-
 Cities, Civilization, and the Stale 219

acteristics existed. For example, a community that the e�ergence of true law. The economic structure
was able to build monumental public works prob­ of states utilized both reciprocal and redistributive
ably had not only the craft specialists to work on exchange and was largely controlled by an elite
them, but also sufficient surplus to support the who . had preferential access to strategic goods
work. Long-distance trade on a large scale also was and services.
indicative of the existence of primary characteris­
tics. Craft specialization to create goods, the abil­
ity to concentrate surpluses, and sufficient political
organization to conduct trade are all implied by the Ecological-Systemic Consideration
presence of a large-scale trading network. Two of of Civilizations
Childe's characteristics have been the subject of
considerable criticism:. writing and standardized Whereas most of the approaches to a concept of
artwork. At first glance, such indices appear to be civilization heretofore presented have had as their
of very indirect importance, but they are in fact main purpose the delineation of civilizations both
indications of fundamental changes in societal from each other and from simpler forms of orga­
organization. Writing, especially in early Meso­ nization, use of the ecological-systemic approach
potamian civilizations, was used primarily for the encourages study of the growth and functioning of
keeping of accounts. Writing or some substitute for civilizations. Investigators
- --- ---
who
- -- follow
-
this ap-
the recording of complex transactions was neces­ proach seek to discover the regularities that were

.!fre"m a�rt.
sary for the - type of" la�ge-�cale ec��omic system shared" byilifferent civilizations; instead of merely
that Near Eastern civilization required. The utility theaefaffs that set lnterrelational as­
of standardized artwork is not so apparent as that pects that stimulated, regulated, and maintained
of writing, but the themes of early standardized art civilizations are the primary goals of study. From
seem to be of a nature that reaffirmed the social this perspective, questions of a society's adaptive
structure and codes of the early civilization. This is s�egl�?- and �latio.nships to its environment are
discussed in detail in Chapter 9. Writing, standard­ c�fial. A civilization is viewed as a functionally
ized artwork, and early civilizations that appeared interrelated system of basic components including
coincidentally were clearly related and were ele­ the e�viron-��nt, the technology, and the human
ments in a functioning process. participants and their social organization. Social
Another trait-system for delineating civilizations organization, value systems, and other cultural sub­
and states from other organizational forms has systems are analy_zed in terms of their adaptative
been proposed by Elman Service. On the basis of u.!!.llty, One of the goals of these studies, and my
worldwide ethnographic information, Service has goal in this chapter, is to suggest how external
formulated a series of theoretical levels of organi­ stimuli and internal interrelations functioned to
zation (1962). The simpler forms-band)tribes, and change the form and relationships of each of these
chiefdoms-have been described in Chapter 6. subsystems to culminate in the early civilizations.
Service uses the term state to avoid many of the Julian Steward was a pioneer in ecological studies
connotations of the word civilization. He considered of civilizations who formulated a useful conceptual
the state to be the highest form of sociopolitical framework (1949, 1955). He used an evolutionary
organization, characterized by a �!Y str_ong, .cen­ perspective that. related. environmental variables
�d_g��e!Jlment with a professional ruling class to cultural. deyelo.pm.ents in the rise of civilization
largelyruvorceci from the bonds of kinship. The (1949). His proposals are not based on simple uni­
state was highly stratified and extremely diversified linear evolution nor environmental determinism.
internally with res��ential patterns ofte� based on Rather he suggested that at the "core" of the Urban
occupational specialization rather than on blood or Transformation there was a changing, functionally
alfuial rel�tionships. The state attempted to main­ interrelated group of social institutions. This core
tain a monopoly of force and is characterized by was characterized by the structural relationships
220 Chapttr 7 Tht Origins of Urban Socitly

of interdependent institutions. Each society derives ate �ivilizations, except as sources of information
its distinctive set of social systems from its institu­ about the variability in the civilizational process.
tional core. Steward's framework for following the I do not accept a priori that social institutions were
rise of civilization was to investigate each society in the prime movers in the rise of civilization. Rather,
terms of its "level of socio-cultural complexity." my perspective is that stimuli and initial feedback
The contributions of his studies were fundamental. cycles involved diverse elements in the prehistoric
The rise of civilization was viewed as a series of Near Eastern cultures. Envir���ental factors, t���­
successive, major· organizational levels. Steward nological inn��atio!ls, and_�_c!al !l}Stituti_��re
conceived of cultural -evolution as a succession of crudal1n -the first _strides to�ard state socj�ty (see
adaptive patterns, thereby emphasizing the eco­ Figure 7-7 on page 230). After the process was
logical and economic arrangements as the primary underway, changes in social institutions played an
sources of change. increasing role in initiating changes in other realms
Robert McC. Adams broadened Steward's view­ of behavior, yet always with feedback.
point by considering the causation and structure Although in a general sense cities, states, and
of civilization from a multifaceted perspective. civilization appeared at approximately the same
Although he ac�owledged the importance of en­ time in the Near East, it is useful to regard them
vironmental and technological factors in the emer­ as three distinct entities and to examine the pro­
gence- of early dvmzations,- Adams �tated that the cesses by which they interacted. Cities are defined
evidence supports the position that "the transfor­ in terms of their s�e, complexity, and position
mation at the core of the Urban Revolution lay in within a societal matrix; states in terms of their
the r��of.��dal o��izati5W-.... For the most political organization, which are treated in Chapter
part, changes in social institutions precipitated 9; and-ovilization _� temi�oj its great comple�ity,
changes in technology, subsistence, and other as­ !nteracf:ion, _aild �c�9_mJilishmen!._Hence, civiliza­
pects of the wider cultural realm, rather than vice tion is a level of societal ,omplexity, citie�le­
versa." (Adams 1966a:12) To Adams, the Urban ments within a COill£le,c _ !iociety, and state� �
Revolution implies a focus on ordered, systematic .institutions based- on
.
a form of administration. in
processes of change that can be described in terms complex societies.
of a functionally related core of institutions that
interacted and evolved. In defining the end-product
The ctty- ----.
is -the dominant element
- . - -
in
·- -
the
-
settle-
ment system of a civiHz.ation. It is larger, denser,
of the Urban Revolution, Adams attempts to avoid and more internally diverse than other settle�ents
the term civilization, which he suggests refers to in the civilizational system. Because of its large size
the totality of the culture and, hence, reduces the and diverse inhabitants, a city is ab!e__�o__prQ..Yi_ge
possibility of making models for analytical com­ specialized, �e�to those living both in it and in
parison. Adams does this in an attempt to under­ areas nearby. In return, the city �e-��i�_w_ma­
stand the evolution that led to Near Eastern terials, foodstuffs, and periodic manpower. This
civilization by investigating the complex core of
',
symbioti� relationship b��e;;a city-�d its sur­
social institutions that interacted to form early rounding area is not limited to subsistence matters
state society. but is apparent in all aspects of society.
The approach to civilization used in this book
is an adaptation of the Steward-Adams perspec­
tive. Civilizations are best recognized and defined Alternate Hypotheses of the Origin
with reference to the complexity of their inter­ of ·urban Society
acting sets of social and political institutions. �I!}­
phasis shollld be _ 2.n __the rf::!f11l;uities_ JQ�,: · in In this section several hypotheses about the rise
�i�izations and the P.croc�sses_ _EY, w:ti.ich they of civilization are outlined and discussed. Each one
offers a slightly different perspective on the prob-
�- _s-__
emerged rathtr than Qn the features that differenti-. -· --·-
 Alternate Hypotheses of the Origin of Urban Society 221

Stage 4 Stage 5 Stage 6 Stage 7

Remain in
uplands

Rise in National
--------►
militarism states .

.. . .

Incorporation through trade and conquest

Figure 7-1
Development of dominant community forms during the emergence of
urbanism in lowland Mesopotamia.

lem and concentrates on one or more factors as after the process had begun. As the archeological
being most important. It is not a matter of whether record is now understood, the Nile Valley did not
one hypothesis is correct and the others false. pass through stage 6, but went almost directly from
Rather, each one is a source of insight into what in­ temple-towns to a unified national state (see Chap­
fluenced the rise of civilization, and each helps to ter 9). With these stages of development and al­
explain the course of events in the Near East. A ternative pathways in mind, we can turn to the
careful appraisal of the descriptions of early civil­ hypotheses for an explanation of these changes.
izations in Chapters 8 and 9 will enable the reader
to judge which hypothesis most completely (or
Hydraul!<:_ �ypothesis
adequately) explains the data.
To make a meaningful examination of each hy­ Karl Wittfogel (1957) and Julian Steward (1949)
pothesis of the origin of urbanism and state society, have pointed out the simultaneous occurrence of
it is useful to outline briefly the course of develop­ early civilizations in regions where large-scale
ments in the Near East (Figure 7-1). There were irrigation agriculture was practiced. Wittfogel pre­
three general stages in the Urban Transformation senteathi� ide; in a lengthy theoretical exposition
in lowland Mesopotamia that were characterized in which he attempted to explain the major political
by the emergence of temple-towns (5), city-states systems of the world (1957). The relevant aspects
(6), and national states (7). The path of develop­ of Wittfogel's hypothesis are his discussion of the
ment in each region of the Near East was somewhat importance of \_V�ter as a_ natural __E�s<:_>urc_e and the
different from those of other regions. For example, suggestion that large-scale irrigation required cen­
in the upland regions of the northern Near East, tralized c��rc!!11atiQ!) and direction(F.igure 7�2):
large urban centers did not develop early, but town Water was no more essential to agriculture than
and townships did Gawad 1965). In Egypt; the de­ several other basic factors, such as temperature,
velopments did not lead to cities as large popula­ fertility of the soil, and topography of the land.
tion centers, but rather to moderate population However, it was a crucial variable because it could
centers, each with far-reaching administrative and be �anipulated and agglomerated in bulk. W!_ter
religious responsibilities. The rate of development manage�ent was especially important in places
in Egypt was more rapid than that in Mesopotamia, where rainfall was insufficient, but water existed
222

Irrigation water that ____. Organization and ____. Monopoly of power

can be accumulated technology to use in a single-centered
in bulk irrigation water .,__ managerial elite
�
effectively

Figure 7-2
Interrelationships of variables in the hydraulic-managerial hypothesis of the
formation of a state. (After Wittfogel, 1957.)

nearby-for example, in semiarid river valleys. To hydraulic society was developed by its members,
make large water-deficient areas fertile, people had and this development was organizational and not
to create large-scale enterprises that were usually technological.
operated by a central government. Two major criticisms have been made of
Wittfogel describes the range of activities neces­ Wittfogel's hypothesis. First, available archeo­
sary in a society that relies on large-scale irrigation logical and historical data imply that large-scale ir­
works (his term "hydraulic society"): the pla_nning rigation works were not prevalent in Mesopotamia
and const£Uction of the irrigation works, the sched­ until long after the rise of the state. If this is true,
uling of water use, the maintena��_of canals, and hydraulic society should be viewed as a result of
the de�nse of canals from hostile neighbors. Al­ state formation rather than as a cause. Ho�e�er,
though these activities can be carried on by small it is possible that centralized administration and
groups on an informal basis, it is more efficient and large-scale irrigation works were present at an early
leads to greater growth if there is central manage­ date, but because their growth was incremental
m�nt. In return, the person who manages the water they only became obvious in the archeological and
resources has tremendous power over the farmers. textual records after they had reached major pro­
If one source of power is so much more important protions. The second criticism is based on studies
than all other:s, a monopoly develops within a so­ of several modem communities in Mesopotamia
ciety. Thus, a single-centered government arises where small-scale cooperative irrigation works
in the form Wittfogel has called "or�ntaJ desp.o­ without centralized external control are sufficient
tism." He contrasts this kind of development with for an adequate agricultural livelihood. Although
what happens in more temperate climates in which the possibility for this being accomplished weakens
rainfall agriculture prevails and alternate bases of Wittfogel's hypothesis, it does not deny that man­
power, such as the church, guilds, and propertied aged irrigation and overall agricultural planning
classes, arise to give a more balanced, or multi­ were effective, leading to greater success than in
centered, government. In Mesopotamia, where communities without them.
control of the water resources was very important, Wittfogel's hydraulic hypothesis is a more work­
the managers of water also became the primary able construct if the emphases are somewhat al­

--
managers of trade, industry, and property rights. tered (Mitchell 1973). It is unlikely that Wittfogel
This power was originally vested in the temple intended to imply that large-scale irrigation works
elite, but slowly the secular state organization preceded centralized government. Clearly, the in-
wrested it from the temple. There is a strong envi­ stitutions of �entral government �!l.9-. Jarg.e:-g<!le
ronmental element to Wittfogel's hypothesis, but irrigation would have grown incrementally, _side
it is far from deterministic. Wittfogel asserts that, by side. Small-scale irrigation would have required
although the environment supplied the setting, a certain amount of administration, which would
 Allfrnllle Hypotheses of the Orixin ,,f Urbun Souefy 223

Full-time Trade
Itinerant craft
specialists ► specialists settle
in cities

t Writing

----+
.,__
Ability to Ruling
Surplus ► concentrate surplus class

I
Science

Water
transport Art

Irrigation
\
Settlement Increase the power of
agglomeration

Wheeled
vehicles

Figure 7-3
Interrelationships of variables in the craft-specialization-and-irrigation
hypothesis for the growth of urbanism. (After Childe, 1950.)

have expanded the irrigation system, which in turn coordination resulted in greater political integra­
would then have required greater administration, tion, and this organization was then expanded be­
and so on. In this manner, a feedback relationship cause of its economic advantages (Mitchell 1973).
between increasing irrigation and growing author­
ity of the government would have been established,
Childe's Craft-Specialization-and-Irrigation
eventually leading to large-scale irrigation works
Hypothesis
and to a state political organization with a monop­
oly of power. Another factor that should be empha­ Childe (I 950) suggested a series of factors that
sized in addition to the necessity of centralized enabled the growth of cities (Figure 7-3). Full-time
control for the minimal functioning of irrigation craftsmen existed before the advent of cities but
works is the adaptive advantage of a centralized in order to earn their keep as metal workers, for
system. Perhaps in many situations the farmers did example, they would have had to travel from vil­
not allow centralized control to develop, but in lage to village. Childe suggested that the spe­
those in which it did develop the economy ex­ cialization of labor _be�an with itinerant experts.
panded, and then the managers could not be dis­ However, in the fourth millennium the develop­
placed. Hence, a useful restatement of Wittfogel's ment of effective irrigation agriculture combined
hypothesis is that it was not irrigation itself, but the with fishing and raising animals in the alluvial
centralized coordination of irrigation activities that valleys of Mesopotamia and Egypt afforded the
had important social consequences. Centralized surplus necessary to support a growing number of
224

1
Intensification of
subsistence technology ◄
•

Emergence of central
Population -Increased administrative group
growth production based on differential

L
wealth and power

Conquest of
other groups
r
Figure 7-4
Interrelationships of variables in the population-pressure-and-conflict
hypotheses of the formation of a state. (After Carneiro, 1970; Diakonoff,
1969; Smith and Young, 1972; Gibson, 1973.)

resident specialists. Two other aspects of irrigation are areas of circumscribed agricultural land. Each
agriculture also facilitated the growth of cities. area is bounded by mountains, seas, or deserts­
First, water transportation along with pack animals environmental features that sharply delimited the
and newly invented wheeled vehicles made it pos­ area that simple farming people could have occu­
sible to gather large quantities of foodstuffs at a pied. In circumscribed areas, an expanding popula­
few centers. Second, the use of irrigation restricted tion cannot accommodate itself by colonizing new
the areas that could be cultivated effectively; that lands; rather, it must intensify its production on
is, those near water courses and canals. Hence, lands already being used. A result of such intensi­
Childe's approach was to outline some of the tech­ fied land use is that military conflicts between
nological factors that enabled urbanism to develop, groups become more frequent, with the losers not
rather than suggesting factors that strongly stimu­ being able to flee to new farmlands. Thus, com­
lated or forced the development of cities. munities tend to enlarge as a defensive measure,
and the losers of a conflict may be assimilated into
the winner's society as a lower class. Successful
Population-Pressure-and-Conflict Hypotheses
militarists are rewarded by economic wealth, in­
Several hypotheses for the formation of a state creasing amounts of land, and a conquered class
include the view that the mechanisms of conflict or of workers. The adaptive advantages of organizing
warfare stimulate the growth of powerful admin­ and controlling a successful military operation
istrative organizations (Figure 7-4), and population quickly lead to its institutionalization in the form
pressure and economic factors are the most perva­ of an early state. The state grows in size as a result
sive conditions for causing conflicts. Robert Car­ of external conquests. Their internal structures
neiro formulated a broad hypothesis using South continue to be elaborated by increasing differences
American examples, but he applied it to the Near in wealth and status. Carneiro makes clear that
East as well (1961; 1970). Carneiro's hypothesis is population growth in itself is insufficient to en­
based on what he observes to be a general regu­ gender warfare, but population pressure does en­
larity about the environmental settings of early courage warfare if the expanding population is
civilizations throughout the world-that is, they constrained either by environmental barriers or by
 Alftrnaft Hypofhtsts of /ht Origin of Urban Society 225

competing social groups whose populations are so grow so large as to become a crisis. Socially ap­
dense as to preclude expansion. proved methods of regulating group size had been
Another hypothesis for the formation of the state used for millennia and could have been tightened
in southern Mesopotamia that relies on conflict is in face of subsistence stress (Birdsell 1958). How­
that of Igor A. Oiakonoff (1969). He posits that in­ ever, these groups did allow their populations to
creases in agriculture, in supplemental food pro­ continue to increase, and the manner in which this
duction, and in craft goods led to specialization growth stimulated organizational changes is at the
that created differentials in wealth, constituting the crux of the rise of civilization.
basis of socioeconomic class differentiation. Differ­
ences in economic status led to class conflict and
Interregional- and Intraregional-Exchange
ultimately to the formation of the state as the agent
Hypotheses
for the maintenance of ruling-class dominance.
Oiakonoff's approach is similar to that of Carneiro's Several theorists have suggested that the devel­
because in both conflict is seen to arise from differ­ opment of complex, large-scale trading networks
entiations in wealth in a situation of increasing stimulated the growth of urban society (Figure 7-5,
population. page 226). This hypothesis has been most care­
Philip Smith and Cuyler Young also have formu­ fully worked out for Mesoamerican civilizations
lated a hypothesis that rests directly on population (Sanders 1968; Flannery 1968; Rathje 1971), but
pressure as a major causal variable (1972). Increas­ it has also been examined with reference to the
ing population necessitated improvements in the Near East (Wright 1972; Wright and Johnson 1975).
subsistence activities of the Mesopotamian settlers. Southern Mesopotamia does not contain very
Agriculture was intensified, labor became more many raw materials, such as metal ores, large tim­
specialized, and mechanisms for controlling eco­ ber, building stone, or stone for tools. Thus, in
nomic institutions were developed. Further popula­ some cases, the inhabitants of Mesopotamia substi­
tio� growth encouraged these tendencies and gave tuted available resources, such as clay, for unavail­
rise to increased competition, which led to conflict, able materials. In addition, they traded for other
agglomeration into larger settlements, and, even­ materials on a large scale. The advent of large-scale
tually, state organization. trade necessitated an administrative organization
Another population-pressure hypothesis closely to control the procurement, production, and distri­
related to those just described is that of McGuire bution of goods. Such an organization would have
Gibson (1973). He suggests that the environment had access to a major source of wealth in the com­
of Mesopotamia created chronic problems of popu­ munity and, hence, its power might have been
_
la_tion movements and relative overpopulation. The extended to other aspects of society. To increase
major rivers-the-Tigris and Euphrates-meandered production further, and perhaps to supply a grow­
across southern Mesopotamia, periodically chang­ ing population, continued_ specialization and inten­
ing their courses. Most of the population was set­ sification would have been necessary. Larger set­
tled along the banks of these rivers and relied on tlements would have resulted from the competition,
them for irrigation water. Gibson suggests that, produced by a growing population, for agricultural
whenever the Euphrates River changed its course, land. This enlargement of settlements was adaptive
those living along its banks were subjected to pop­ because of the greater efficiency of production of
ulation pressure that necessitated organizational large population aggregates and the relative ease
changes. of controlling people in nucleated settlements.
The common shortcoming of the various popu­ It is certain that trade was important in early
lation-pressure hypotheses is that they do not ex­ Mesopotamian civilizations, but once again it is
plain why groups of people who had theretofore unclear whether it was a cause of the rise of civili­
kept their population within limits allowed it to zation or an effect of an administrative elite that
22t,

....... 7
. .......
••dzlvti•

-.. ..._
Jncreu{- __.... �
-..,.. lncnuedproclud:ivity
throuah tpedaUation
�,
developina markets
+-- and inlemifiation

·Plecuntmeat of raw
materials &om
Milhbodna regions
inexc:hanaefor
flil&shed.,_.
; "\h ,·< « s ,e "'�{
Figure 7-S
Interrelationships of variables in the interregional- and intraregional-exchange
hypotheses of urban development. (After Sanders, 1968; Rathje, 1971;
Flannery, 1968.)

already existed. Hence, although trade is a key var­ the first two led to urban centers that were con­
iable in the formation of urban society, it is not a trolled by a religious elite, and the third resulted in
sufficient explanation in itself for this development. the growth of secular state authority.
The first transformation consisted of cha�ges !n
subsistence strategies that had far-reaching ramifi­
Hypotheses on the Multiplicity of
·cations, according to Adams. Mesopotamian civili­
Factors Affecting Urbanization
zation relied on a well-developed system of food
In each of the foregoing hypotheses, the com­ production and procurement: while some people
plexity of the process of urbanization has been cultivated crops, others herded animals or fished
recognized, but each of the theorists has attempted for food. The combination of these somewhat inde­
to single out one or two major factors that contri­ pendent sources of food yielded a stable food base
buted the most toward its initiation. In contrast, that allowed the population to increase in size and
the work of Robert McC. Adams (1966a) and others density. The exchange and redistribution of the
has led to hypotheses that emphasize not only the food produced were managed by the members of
complexity of the process but also the multiplicity the temple community. The growth of this central­
of factors that triggered it (Figure 7-6). In addition, ized means of redistribution gave a group of peo­
Adams has taken the position that "primarily ple, the temple elite, the power to coer�e_ farmers
changes in social institutions . . . precipitated or herders into producing surpluses, something that
changes in technology, subsistence, and other as­ could not be done by simple exchange.
pects of the wider cultural realm, rather than vice The most important organizational changes re­
versa" (1966a:12). In The Evolution of Urban Society sutted from the intensification of subsistence pur­
(1966a), he describes three major transformations: suits. With a growing population and a means for
 A lta11alt' Hy1•vtlit'St'� of tl1t' Orig111 , 1/ Ur/nm S,,, 1t·ly 227

1
Specialized

1
production

► ► Organization and
Intensification Differential Economic redistribution by

rl l
of agriculture ► wealth classes ◄ religious elite

Procurement Increasing ► Secular state

of best land warfare organization
► ◄

Figure 7-6
Interrelationships of variables in the multiple-factor-and-organizational
hypothesis of the formation of a state. (After Adams, 1966a.)

redistribution, the trend in early Mesopotamian water, as the first step in the emergence of class
agriculture was to produce more food. Adams sug­ society.
gests that what limited food production was not The increasing craft specialization and differ­
land but the availability of water. Natural water ential wealth based on land holdings helped to
courses and small-scale irrigation works allowed stimulate the second major transformation Adams
only a part of the available land to be adequately has identified-a shift from kin-based to class­
irrigated. Even areas that were irrigated were not structured society. Kinship was the basis for or­
equally productive and, in years in which the water ganizational structure in early Mesopotamian
level of rivers was low, only the land closest to society and such ties were influential in early ad­
them would have had enough water for successful ministrative efforts. The economic division of
crops. Hence, with the increasing amount of land subsistence activities and craft production led to
put under cultivation and the intensification of specialization by family in one or more economic
agriculture on already farmed land, there emerged pursuits. The wealth accumulated by controlling
an important differential in the productivity of good land and by managing the distribution of its
different tracts of farmland. Those who controlled products resulted in the acquisition by a few fami­
the land close to the natural courses of a river were lies of great wealth and power. It is likely that these
able to produce more crops and to produce them families attempted to retain their wealth and power
even in years of low precipitation. This led to a by advocating an organizational structure that
major differentiation of wealth among farmers, institutionalized the differences that were emerg­
�n was compounded by their ability to buy ing-a structure largely based on economic activi­
additional irrigable land. Adams identifies differen­ ties connected with a person's lineage. The religious
tial access to the primary productive commodity, elite, who controlled production and redistribution,
 2l8 Chiipttr 7 Tht Origins of Urban Socitly

and the propertied elite who controlled the best ag­ keeps the system working within bounds that are
ricultural land, formed the upper strata of society. acceptable. If the apparatus fails, then another
The third transformation identified by Adams is mechanism must take over or the system will
the transfer of administrative power fro_In th�_ tem­ "devolve" to a lower level of organization. In most
ple to the state largely because of inc��a�_iog__mili­ complex systems, such as a civilization, there is a
tarism. This ·is treated in detail in Chapter 9. hierarchy of controlling mechanisms, with higher­
Adams's hypothesis has had several important order apparatus controlling lower-order apparatu�,
effects on the study of the rise of civilization. Most which in turn control the functioning subsystems.
significantly, he has shown that the evidence from There is relative stability in systems in which the
Mesopotamia does not strongly support any of the subsystems are relatively insulated from each other
simpler, single-factor explanations of urbanism. so that a problem in one does not immediately
He presents a convincing argument in favor of the affect the others. However, the hallmark in the evo­
complexity and interrelatedness of the process by lution of such complex systems as the state is the
discussing several important transformations and increasing centralization and interdependence of
the mutually amplifying relationship of certain the various subsystems. In such cases, there is a
variables. By emphasizing these feedback relation­ tendency for aberrations in one subsystem to affect
ships and how on a general level they can also be all other subsystems and to create instability. To
identified in Mesoamerica, Adams has encouraged offset this instability, powerful centralized manage­
the investigation of early civilizations within a ment often evolves at the top of the hierarchy.
systems-comparative framework. Control apparatus usually assumes the form of
Building largely on the work of Adams and on institutions of varying .kinds. Such an institution
his own research in Mesoamerica, Kent Flannery may have been created for a certain range of pur­
has modified Adams's hypothesis and put it into poses and, concomitant with the evolution of the
a more explicitly systems-oriented perspective general system, the institution may assume other
(Flannery 1972a). Flannery conceptualizes the rise purposes and increasingly direct its own destiny.
of the state as a process of increased segregation Among the most important institutions are those
and centralization within a society. Segregation is the that regulate the flow of information to constituent
internal differentiation and specialization of sub­ groups within a society (Flannery 1977a:411). As
systems of the society, and centralization is the link­ discussed in Chapter 6, a central development in
age between the subsystems and the highest-order the rise of civilization was the in��-a��� necessity
controlling apparatus in the society (Flannery for mechanisms with which- to- communicate
-- ...- ·-·- --infor-
-. ----
1972a:409). Flannery points out that an adequate mation. Societies for which the basis of organiza-
explanation of the rise of the state would carefully tion was kinship or religion could handle a con­
distinguish between: siderable amount of detailed information, but the
highly formalized institutions of early civilizations
f 21
1
The processes of segregation and centralization
The mechanisms by which they take place
carried information regulation and dissemination
much further than had theretofore been done and
I 3 The socioenvironmental stresses that select
enabled the scale of organization that developed
for those mechanisms
into the state.
Even if one accepts the assumption that the pro­ Flannery adopts two evolutionary mechanisms
cesses ,in the rise of civilization are the same in from systems theorists to explain many of the
different regions of the worl.d, the mechanisms may changes that took place during the rise of the state.
or may not be the same, and almost certainly the The first is promotion, by which a low-level special­
socioenvironmental stresses vary. purpose institution becomes a higher level institu­
The importance of this approach is that it em­ tion serving a more general purpose during a time
phasizes the various levels of control appartus that of stress.- A military coup in which the leader takes
maintain the ongoing system. A control apparatus control of the state government is an example of
 Alttmldt Hypotlams of tht Origin of Urban Society 229

promotion. The second mechanism is linearization, tional state. None of these feedback relationships
by which low-level controls are permanently by­ functioned for a long period in an administrative
passed by higher-level controls. The take-over of vacuum, with an administrative elite suddenly ap­
local irrigation management by the state govern­ pearing "full blown" to control the already devel­
ment is an example of linearization. Various fonns oped institutions. Rather, each institution started
of promotion and linearization led to increasing at a simple level and increased by small increments.
ce�f��ntrol during the formation of These processes deepened the growing divisions
the sr.rt.:� in)'1�$9potamia, but centralization can within society, which became institutionalized as.
progress too far in terms of the maximum stability economic strata within a hierarchical society.
of the total system. If a system of control becomes These feedback relationships also stimulated the
too centralized, then once again small stresses in growth of a class of administrators who increas­
any component of the system will have reverbera­ ingly controlled the productive resources of society
tions throughout the entire system. Examples of and who reinforced the emerging divisions in the
how this overcentralization led to the recurrent class structure.
demise of early Mesopotamian states during early The successive phases of urban development
historic times are described in the second half of diagrammed in Figure 7-1 were not followed by all
Chapter 9. the communities in Mesopotamia. Many towns and
villages continued to exist and function within
the emerging civilizational network. However, the
A Systems-Ecological Model
structure of Mesopotamian society was greatly
Using many of the ideas of Adams and other affected by the larger communities, which were the
theorists, one can design an investigatory frame­ centers of civilizational developments. Hence, al­
work for the rise of civilization that takes into ac­ though it is necessary to study both large and small
count many of the factors and their systemic rela­ settlements to understand an urban society, the
tionships that stimulated the growth of the state. systems model focuses on changes that led to the
Urbanism,
··-
. -----or- civilizatio!l
·-- - .
.1 . i$ viewed .as...a complex differentiation of community types.
�o�ial system with great internal differentiation The most important single variable by which to
organized along class-stratified lines and an ad­ measure the development of urbanism is the rela­
ministrative elite controlling the major organiza­ tive increase in formalized internal complexity as
tional mstitutions. evidenced by the emergence of stratifief-sociefy.
Urbanization was not a linear arrangement in The aspect of class-stratified society that is directly
which one factor caused a change in a second fac­ relevant to our study is the incr�sJl}g 1:�ntrol i!'1
tor, which then caused a change in a third, and so the hands of an administrative elite. Figure 7-7
on. Rather, the rise of civilization should be con­ shows the feedback relationships between elements
ceptualized as a series of interacting incremental of early Mesopotamian society that effected the
processes that were triggered by favorable ecologi­ growth of an administrative elite. The elements in
cal and cultural conditions and that continued to the diagram are not arranged chronologically from
develop through mutually reinforcing interactions. left to right; rather, the diagram is intended to show
The developmental process comprised five posi­ the interrelationships of the factors at work at all
tive-feedback interrelationships, three of which times throughout the process.
(A, 8, and C in Figure 7-7, page 230) were prompted A favorabl�_ecol<>gi�al s_ituation was instrumental
by the ecology and gave rise to institutions that in the formation of Mesopotamian civilization. At
characterized early Mesopotanian cities. The fourth about 5_500 B.c., an enormous and potentiajly-pro­
and fifth positive-feedback relationships (D and ductive area of Mesopotamia was unoccupied. The
E in Figure 7-7) were stimulated by early urban southern Mesopota'fuan Plain may have been
developments and helped transform the inde­ sparsely inhabited by seminomadic people, but it
pendent cities into members of a centralized na- was apparently void of farming communities. With
 Expansion in new regions and extension of water control systems ,...
B
S_eecialized --+ Redistribution
Ability to :::-

food
production ..._ of foodstuffs ► induce surplus
production ...
Taxation and corvfr

C
i '.
-+ Manufacturing
,- (
Need for fr. d .-_
foreign --+ Long-distance ► Full-time craft ·�
,

raw materials trade ◄ specializatioi +-- industries -..

t
L
I Newt I +
Potentially Colonization of
+ markets!
E
5·
·i
productive -+ Mesopotamia with Differentiations in wealth ►

r
unoccupied adequate technology due to limited access ◄ Control Class-stratified society
ecological niche (e.g. irrigation) to strategic resources and administrative elite

L
·-
Conquesf

A i:,oeuiatton --+ Intensification Increase in fY, ; ,,

-+
ti Warfare
j
increase
..._ of agriculture concentration'
of wealt h �1, (. �
,

L t i
Increase in
settlement size
Increase in need ----------­
for information Increasing distance between
(0¾��W)i administrators and population
-l-(', � ' . ' ' ' '
.,

Social tension in
large population -------------­
,,/, aggre,ll!_tes_..� .I.
Figure 7-7 'f{¼;J-<e':rtlUff
Interrelationships between cultural and environmental variables leading to \
the increasing stratification of class structure in Mesopotamian society.
 Alternate Hypotheses of the Origin of Urban Society 231

the appropriate technology, the agricultural poten­ advantageous short-range choices. Hence, it was
tial of land adjacent to the natural water courses the �nvironmental, !echnological, and social sys­
was immense. The limitations were insufficient tems that primarily directed the evolution of these
rainfall for dry farming and the inability of the societies. Although individual people and unique
upland plants and animals to tolerate the environ­ circumstances may have caused minor deviations
mental conditions of the lowland river valley. in the process of civilization, its general course
However, by 5000 n.c., important strides toward was charted in a seemingly irreversible manner,
forming the basis for Mesopotamian urbanism had given the aforementioned initial steps.
alr!:_ady been taken. Village farming communities Emmigration to adjacent valleys was probably a
had spread beyond the areas in which plants and common solution to the problem of a growing
animals had first been domesticated. Some of the population in early Mesopotamia. In the course of
new areas imposed environmental stresses on the seasonal migrations of the herding segment of
plants and livestock, stresses that encouraged sel_ec­ semisedentary villages, the early farmers of the
tion for more tolerant strains. At the same time, it uplands came to know parts of the lowland areas.
see.ms that some of the people who had moved to Whether people moved to new areas because of
the margins of the southern Mesopotamian low­ population growth or soil depletion or both, it is
lands, such as those of Tell es-Sawwan or Choga logical to suppose that in a two-thousand-year
Marni, were beginning to rely on simple forms of period (possibly eighty generations) people would
iiriga�on to supplement the meager rainfall. In have attempted to live at lower elevations among
addition, there is evidence that the members of other alternatives. Not every village established in
these communities developed I!lP!.�-c�!_llplex forms the lower, piedmont areas succeeded, but those that
Q_(_organizatiQn than had their early village prede­ used irrigation water and relied on hardy strains of
cessors. Ra�d society in Morton Fried's terms plants and animals were most successful. The pro­
and a chie(�om level of orianization in Elman Ser­ cess did not require foresight, nor the desire of
vice's model had emerged. Hence, four advances­ people to move into Mesopotamia, nor any con­
heat-tolerant animals, salinity-resistant plants, ception of the complex society that would develop
simple irrigation systems, and ranked, chiefdom there. Instead, it relied on the natural small-scale
organization-laid the groundwork for the rapid movements of human groups and on the existence
emergence of urbanism in lowland Mesopotamia. of requisite conditions for the survival of a com­
The habitation by advanced farming communi­ munity in the Mesopotamian lowlands.
ties of the Mesopotamian lowlands led to several The establishment of agricultural communities
major changes, creating three deviation-amplifying along the natural river courses of lower Mesopo­
relationships that-r) e:ve�tually resulted in class- tamia initiated three processes that set up crucial
_, \ I I '.
stratified society (A, B, and C in Figure 7-7). Al- positive-feedback relationships (Figure 7-7A-C):
though the movement to lower elevations by the
villagers of the sixth millennium and the later 1 Slow, but �ea�y population growth within a
movement onto the Mesopotamian Plain by ad­ circumscribed productive region
vanced villagers set in motion the growth of urban­ 2 Specialization in food production by different
ism, I am not suggesting that the participants units within a society
necessarily recognized the entire importance of the 3 Acquisition of foreign raw materials needed
changes that were taking place. Rather, this whole for utilitarian purposes
process of movements of peoples, colonization of
neW- regfons� and stimulation of important feed­ The increasing population of the Mesopotamian
back mechanisms can be understood in terms of Plain, resulting from internal growth and immigra­
naf:iirai� incremental processes that required people tion, initiated several crucial transitions. Unlike
only _to r�act to what they perceived as their most areas that have rainfall, where the prime determi-
 232 Clulpttr 7 Tltt Origins of Urban Socitty

nant of productive locations is the fertility of the There are several elements in this situation that
soil, the alluvial plain was agriculturally productive reinforce each other and lead to a complex positive­
only if water was available. This meant that the feedback relationship:
best land was close to the natural courses of the
1 The more people there are, the more land must
major rivers, where small-scale irrigation could be
be cultivated, or the more intensive must be the
employed. As the number of inhabitants increased,
cultivation of each field, or both. The more inten­
so did the amount of farmland utilized; it soon be­
sive the agriculture, the more food there is to sup­
came necessary to cultivate land without direct
port a growing population.
access to a river by obtaining water from canals
2 Another method for increasing agricultural
that ran through the land of other farmers. This
production for a growing population is through the
situation might have been workable so long as the
centralized planning and administration of agricul­
(\ \ \
I' , _ _ .
. ._, farmers remained amicable and there was sufficient
water for everyone. However, in dry years, a farmer
tural ic:bvibes. Among other things; this would in­
clude the construction, maintenance, and manage­
with direct access to a river might have used all the
��nt of irrigation.w.or.ks.
available water on his own fields. The problem
3 A growing population in a circumscribed pro­
would have been compounded as the population
ductive area is also forced to live close together.
grew, because all the desirable land would have
Settlements would increase in size, which would in
been in use; thus, less-desirable land would have
tum necessitate increasingly intensive agriculture,
had to be cultivated. The effects of the problem
especially in the vicinity of large settlements.
were twofold (Adams 1966a): (1) some land pro­
4 The outcome of this intensification of agricul­
duced more crops per work h(!ur �an did other
ture in Mesopotamia was cjifferentjal access to
land; and (2) some farmers found that they had
strategic resources-that is, irrigable farmland-and
power over·their neighbors. Consequently, irriga­
the basis for a growing administrative elite.
tion works were built that would water greater
areas. The growth of demogr�hic centers stimulated
The larger the population and the greater the the formation of several regulating institutions.
amount of land under cultivation, the more advan­ The concentration of large numbers of people in
tageous it became to control the land with direct nucleated settlements, with their stored food sup­
access to irrigation water. The wealth acgimµlated plies and tools, created concentrations of wealth
in amounts formerly unknown. The fact that only
by the farmers who··--·-
had -- -- - lan<i all.Qwed them
better . .

to acquire additional lang..By controlling the source a few families in these large settlements benefited
of irrigation water, an already wealthy farmer from such wealth accentuated its concentration.
would also have been the first to benefit from any ------
The concentration of wealth stimulated
- - - ·-- - - a
-- concern
further construction of canals that passed through for defense,and.professional armies for regulating
his land. Differential land values would have en­ and maintaining the growing divisions within soci­
couraged those who owned the most valuable land ety became an institution. Another need created by
to be in favor of the concept of private property the growth of large settlements was for improved
rather than communal ownership. The inheritance information How, requiring formalized rules and
---------
of property and wealth would have been a logical structure for conveying technical information con-
next step, prompting the recognition of ascribed cerning the productive economy. T� such as
status, which was a basic regulating mechanism in these seem to have been taken over by the tempi!,.
early civilizations. Henc�.- the community in _early_ M�ii4!1aj_c�-�ies,. with
--- social
-- - division
- .
be-
_____ ..
. .. . _
�een rich and poor began 61000 y�ars _aga. As wri�and standardized art work being the two
Adams has stated (1966a), the successive intensifi­ major m�chanisms used. Athird effect of large
cation of agriculture and the ensuing differential settlements was the social tensions ��the
access to strategic resources was a major cause for dens� masses of �Qple. New integrating mechan­
the emergence of class-stratified society. isms, closer regulation, and adjudication would
 Alternate Hypotheses of the Origin of Urban Society 233

have been necessary. In early cities, these institu­ qf_r�w_ materials_ from other regions (C in Figure
tions were administered by the temple elite and 7-7). Southern Mesopotamia did not have adequ�te
were- enforced-- through social sanctions or the building stone, timber, bitumen, metal, nor stone
newly created military establishment. for tools,. grinding slates, or vessels. Substitute
The agricultural potential of the Mesopotamian materials were used in some circumstances, such as
Plain and the intensification of food production baked clay instead of stone for tools and mud
through the widespread use of irrigation made it brick instead of stone masonry for buildings;
advantageous for production to become specialized. nevertheless, significant amounts of material had
It is possible to achieve greater production in a to be imported.
number of ways: {1) by utilizing more land; (2) by Trade can_ �s_sume a nl:l�b�_r ?f form�, depend­
producing more food per unit of land; or (3) by ing on a- �ociety's organization and its need for
increasing specialization and exchange. All three goods. For example, raw materials can be either
avenues were pursued in Mesopotamia. The__ speJ:­ procured directly from the people who manufac­
ialization of productive tasks meant that workers ture or mine them or obtained through intermedi­
became strictly fishermen, herders, or farmers. aries. Transactions can consist of the exchange of
Each worker could have been more effective in do­ goods of equal value, but frequently one side may
ing one of the jobs on a full-time basis than was give more than it receives, in an effort to maintain
possible if all three tasks had to be accomplished the trading relation or establish an alliance. Cere­
by a single family (cf. Lees and Bates 1974). Special­ monies can accompany the exchanges in which
ization created a need for a means of exchanging "gifts" are given and solidarity reaffirmed.
goods, and a system of collection and distribution To understand how trading networks affected
was organized by the temple elite. Thus, the temple societal organization, it is necessary to identify the
directly employed a large part of the settlement's persons or groups conducting the trade, how the
population in productive tasks (Gelb 1965). goods were distributed, and the local goods re­
The redistributive economy increased the effi­ ceived for payment. Although archeological evi­
ciency of food production, but more important than dence is inconclusive for the fifth and fourth
that for the emergence of urbanism it placed addi­ millennia, it is likely that long-distance trade was
tional power in the hands of the administrative conducted through the temple community. Trading
elite, especially those in the temple community parties may have been sent to regions in which the
(Polanyi, Arensberg, and Pearson 1957). A major sought-after goods were available. By the fourth
requirement of a complex society is that a surplus millennium, villages concentrating on the extrac­
of food must be accumulated from the productive tion and production of raw materials, such as
segment of society to support craftsmen, traders, copper and obsidian, probably existed in Iran and
and the elite. A redistributive system allows the Turkey. The Mesopotamian traders may have ex-
administrator to set the amount of food a farmer
must contribute to get a certain quantity of fish or
meat in return. In this manner, the temple elite
changed texti�es, pottery, foodsh1ffs, or craft gruids
::=:---.;_�-- /J 1, ('
for the raw mater.ial. As early as J emdet Nasr times, .___, ·
there may have been communities of Mesopotam-
>/
:J.
(
.--

could have e!'couraged the production of a surplus ian traders living in distant centers to carry on
by setting high requirements. It also gave the ad­ trade-for example, Godin Tepe in Iran and Tell
ministrators another weapon against deviants. Brak in northern Syria. The goods that were
Special�tion in food production, therefore, both brought back to Mesopotamia would have become
created the need for a managerial elite and vested part of the temple community inventory for manu­
in �eir_hands the means for supporting themselves facturing goods that was subsequently either dis-
and other specialists not engaged in the production tributed to the population or retained in the temple.
of food. The first trade may have been in utilitarian com­
""Tfu�-third major process that was initiated by the modities, but after a short time rare metals, semi­
movement into Mesopotamia was the acquisition precious stones, and other exotica also were traded,
 Alternate Hypotheses of the Origin of Urban Society 233

have been necessary. In early cities, these institu­ <?Lr;iw_ materials_ from other regions (C in Figure
tions were administered by the temple elite and 7-7). Southern Mesopotamia did not have adequ�te
were- enforced-· through social sanctions or the building stone, timber, bitumen, metal, nor stone
newly created military establishment. for tools,. grinding slates, or vessels. Substitute
The agricultural potential of the Mesopotamian materials were used in some circumstances, such as
Plain and the intensification of food production baked day instead of stone for tools and mud
through the widespread use of irrigation made it brick instead of stone masonry for buildings;
advantageous for production to become specialized. nevertheless, significant amounts of material had
It is possible to achieve greater production in a to be imported.
number of ways: (1) by utilizing more land; (2) by Trade can assume a number of forms, depend­
producing more food per unit of land; or (3) by ing on a- ��ciety's organ-i��ti�n- and it; need for
increasing specialization and exchange. All three goods. For example, raw materials can be either
avenues were pursued in Mesopotamia. The_ s_pe�­ procured directly from the people who manufac­
ialization of productive tasks meant that workers ture or mine them or obtained through intermedi­
became strictly fishermen, herders, or farmers. aries. Transactions can consist of the exchange of
Each worker could have been more effective in do­ goods of equal value, but frequently one side may
ing one of the jobs on a full-time basis than was give more than it receives, in an effort to maintain
possible if all three tasks had to be accomplished the trading relation or establish an alliance. Cere­
by a single family (cf. Lees and Bates 1974). Special­ monies can accompany the exchanges i� which
ization created a need for a means of exchanging "gifts" are given and solidarity reaffirmed.
goods, and a system of collection and distribution To understand how trading networks affected
was organized by the temple elite. Thus, the temple societal organization, it is necessary to identify the
directly employed a large part of the settlement's persons or groups conducting the trade, how the
population in productive tasks (Gelb 1965). goods were distributed, and the local goods re­
The redistributive economy increased the effi­ ceived for payment. Although archeological evi­
ciency of food productio-n, but more important than dence is inconclusive for the fifth and fourth
that for the emergence of urbanism it placed addi­ millennia, it is likely that long-distance trade was
tional power in the hands of the administrative conducted through the temple community. Trading
elite, especially those in the temple community parties may have been sent to regions in which the
(Polanyi, Arensberg, and Pearson 1957). A major sought-after goods were available. By the fourth
requirement of a complex society is that a surplus millennium, villages concentrating on the extrac­
of food must be accumulated from the productive tion and production of raw materials, such as
segment of society to support craftsmen, traders, copper and obsidian, probably existed in Iran and
and the elite. A redistributive system allows the Turkey. The Mesopotamian traders may have ex-
administrator to set the amount of food a farmer changed texti�es, pottery, foodsh1ffs, or craft gruids
�_:��··- /) !"'( '',(_ �
must contribute to get a certain quantity of fish or for the raw mater.ial. As early as Jemdet Nasr times,·___,·>� c,.
meat in return. In this manner, the temple elite there may have been communities of Mesopotam-
could have e!'couraged the production of a surplus ian traders living in distant centers to carry on
bysetting high requirements. It also gave the ad­ trade-for example, Godin Tepe in Iran and Tell
ministrators another weapon against deviants. Brak in northern Syria. The goods that were
Special�tion in food production, therefore, both brought back to Mesopotamia would have become
created the need for a managerial elite and vested part of the temple community inventory for manu­
in their hands the means for supporting themselves facturing goods that was subsequently either dis-
and other specialists not engaged in the production tributed to the population or retained in the temple.
of food. The first trade may have been in utilitarian com­
---nie third major process that was initiated by the modities, but after a short time rare metals, semi­
movement into Mesopotamia was the acquisition precious stones, and other exotica also were traded,
2Jt Cl111pltr 7 Tht Origins of Urban Socitly

because the e_mergence of a wealthy class vested disputes about land, protect trading routes, or loot
with authority stimulated the need for status goods goods from other communities. The greater the
that could be obtained only by trade. The increas­ threat by the armies of others, the greater the neces­
ing scale of trade had several important effects on sity for building an army of one's own. However,
Mesopotamian society: it required central adminis­ once a militia is formed, even for defensive pur­
tration to carry out long-distance trade efficiently poses, it is not economical to allow this potential
and agricultural surplus to support the full-time armed force to remain idle. Hence, it might have
traders. been sent out to earn its keep. The_ ��ciou� _ cy�le of __
The earliest traders are thought to have been plunderable wealth leading to militarism leading to
functionaries of the temple. Later, however, during greater wealth is one that has contin�;d -- to the
the second half of the early dynastic period, n:aders present day:·
acted for the temple, but they also worked on be­
half of the king and wealthy citizens, according to
--
The growth . - - of militarism
--- -
.
had important
-
O_!l the gr<!� _of�anis�. First, the army had to
effects
- - - - - - --

written evidence from that time. In addition, traders be· su.PP��e� by surplus�s accumulated by the
may have done business for their own benefit. administrative elite. In return, the army helped to
leading to a semi-independent class of traders who enforce the directives of �e elite. Second, in-times
conducted both official and private transactions ofinstabiiity, militarism encouraged the occupants
(Adams 1974a). of the countryside to move into defendable cities,
Mesopotamian administrators collected sWJ!lus which ����sh!_�es�__peasants under �o� direct
food from the agrarian population to support full­ cQ!!!!oJ of the urban elite than before. Third, mili­
time craftsmen who fabric�ted_ the pottery, agri­ tarism soon became a�- .independent force of its
-------=---=---
cultural tools, textiles, sculptur:e, and metal goods =--
own within the emerging civilizational hierarchy of
that were used to pay for raw materials. The crafts­ administrative groups. Whereas the elite of the
men became well organized, and there is good evi­ teinple community might have been able to exer­
dence that certain goods were mass produced at a cise power by informational, ritualistic, and eco­
very early date (e.g., potte ry by 3000 _B�c. __ and tex­ nomical means, the ai:_my could exact its authority
tiles by_ 2700 _B.c.). The manufacturing industries directl_y through the use of 1� This authority
required administration, and their control had to became e2Ctremely important after cities had been
be coordinated with the control of the trading net­ established and was instrumental in the formation
works because craft specialization and industrial­ of secular state governments.
ization placed new demands on trade. Thus, trade Besides the positive-feedback relationships that
and industry further increased the complexity that increased the complexity of Mesopotamian society,
characterized urban society. there were numerous negative-feedback relation­
A fourth feedback relationship (Din Figure 7-7) ships that had a regulating or inhibiting effect on
is partly due to the transformations caused by the the growth of the system. It is the articulation and
first three feedback mechanisms. The increasing relative importance of the positive versus negative
si.7.e of individual settlements and differential relationships that determine which systems grow,
wealth created major concentrations of such mate­ which remain static, and which diminish. No
rial as agricultural produce, portable equipment, society steadily continues to grow in size and
and status goods. Such valuable goods were a temp­ complexity without interruption. Mesopotamian
tation to raiders from outside the community .and civilization developed in stages, each one attaining
to the poorer classes with� it. In -either case, the a level of stability and then retrogressing in terms
wealthier classes and, to a certain extent, all mem­ ofsize and complexity. Negative-feedback relation­
bers of the society reg_uired some sort of milita� ships were crucial in determining the level of sta­
force to protect themselves. At the same time there bility achieved and the kinds of institutions that
was reason to use military forces in offensive cam­ emerged to regulate the changing society.
paigns. These armies might have been used to settle Many of the factors in Figure 7-7 have potential
 Alternate Hypothtsts of the Origin of Urb,m Society 235

negative interrelationsh!�; however, two of them struction allows for the importation of foodstuffs
are critical: pro�!J_C!iE�_of _agri��l-��al surpl� and with which to feed the inhabitants of large urban
increasing militarism. The production of agricul­ centers. However, the trends toward u�bart �!_o�th
tural surpl�s · �;; -�;ntral to the development of and p_otential agricultural production are inversely
Mesopotamian civilization. It enabled a redistribu­ related.
tive economy, crafts, trade, and industries. Agri­ 4 The increasing size and wealth of the admin­
cultural surplus was also used to support the grow­ istrative elite drained capital from the productive
ing administrative elite and other specialists that se_gments of society. Excessively large classes of
were at the core of early urbanism. However, administrators and bureaucrats consumed an in­
vari<:>_u.s_ processes .iILthe growth of urbanism had creasing proportion of the available agricultural
-;-�egative effect on _the production or utilization surplus. This trend was intensified by the desire of

-- --- -� -�
-of agrfcultural surplu�es: the elite for status goods and the periodic immobil­
ization of these goods in burials. Because of this
1 Short-term efforts at increasing production trend, less surplus would have been available for
led to overin��!.�cation that frequently resulted investment in improving agriculture, for support­
in long-term econo� _disaster. Decisions not to ing craft production, or for industry. Thus, the
allow sufficient fallow periods between crops or difference between rich and poor would have be­
to continuously irrigate without taking proper pre­ come greater, and this could have caused both
cautions increased the probability of the water internal strife and invasion by outsiders.
table rising and the farmland becoming s�linized
and unusable (Gibson 1974). Hence, administered The establishment of a standing army would
efforts to increase production might in time have have been a means to obtain wealth for the city
d!�inishe�. production, in some cases even leading through conquest and tribute. It also would have
to abandonment
----- of a region. helped to increase the city's population because
2 As is known from ethnographic studies, redis­ military activity in rural areas would have encour­
tribution can function as a mechanism to equalize aged their inhabitants to migrate to the city. How­
wealth. It is doubtful that it served as a leveling ever, mili!�Js!Jl also tiad s�veral negative effects:
mechanism in Mesopotamia because of ethical
considerations created by the productive situation. 1 Agricultural production decreased when farm­
Much of this is embodied in the shift from ranked ers moved to _the cities.
to stratified society in Fried's terminology. In 2 Long-distance trade became hazardous and
�a_nked �ociety, status is maintained through ac­ more costly to protect in areas of military activity.
complishments and redistribution of wealth,
--
3 The support of a standing army and an active
whereas, in a stratified
� -.-� ---
society, status ·-
is formalized,
-. �

n_Q_t r�q��g continual affirmation through distri-

.;
state of militarism funneled off large amounts of
potentially productive resources. The manpower
bution of we�lth. What caused this change in ethics and subsistence needs of the army itself reduced
in ·eariy Mesopotamia is difficult to determine, production capabilities that could have been chan­
but the unequal land values and need for imported neled elsewhere. The defensive constructions
utilitarian goods were probably important. around the city and the army equipment required
3 The conce�tration Q! population in cities re­ large quantities of labor and raw materials. Wa.due
duces the amount of potentially cultivable land. itself destroyed <::apital resources and already ac­
Probably- the ideal agricultural situation would be cumulated wealth.
an even distribution of people over the entire
agriculturally productive landscape. Concentrations Thus, the growth of ur},a_n.ism_sti!l)\d�ted by mili­
of people can be supported by intensifying agri­ �r:is� was iJl!t_ibi_ted by _neg�.fu'e_-.fttd],adu.elation:
culture in the vicinity of the city, but there are ships that acted to keep societies from developing
limits. Improved transportation due to canal con- into totally militaristic enterprises.
236 Tht Origins of Url,1111 Socitty

The increasing complexity, sociaLstratification, to be able to direct a society in courses initially at

and emergence of managerial institutions were odds with the necessities of the environment and
initially caused by a series of interrelated systemic its own societal system. Eventually, however, these
ecological factors stimulated by the colonizatio� nonadaptive decisions must fail. By examining
of the Mesopotamian Plain by agriculturalists. length of occupation and patterns of population
However, the elite they created were participants growth, it is possible to determine from archeo­
in the fifth ptlS_i�'-'.e-fee��ack relations!tjp; that is, logical evidence which societies were successful in
purposeful strategies of the elite to stimulate coping with complexity and which remained at a
further growth of the institutions that gave them lower level or disappe�d altogether.
their power and wealth (E in Figure 7-7). This elite
may have been either a single group or several Future Research and Evaluation
groups, each attempting to extend the scope of its of Hypotheses on Urbanism
authority. It is logical that the adminis!!atiy� �lite
General models of formation processes are
would have encouraged continued growth of man­
difficult to test with data from the archeological
agerial institutions to_ regulate the positive- and
record. The systems model depicted in Figures 7-1
negative-feedback relationships. By doing so, they
and �-7 is_an attempt at further specifying the inter­
would have increased the scope of their control,
relationships between variables that prompted the
making society more dependent on them. Each of
emergence of Mesopotamian civilization. It does
the regulating institutions was a source of economic
not pretend to offer simple answers nor to be a
and administrative power for its manager, and
total departure from earlier attempts (Figures 7-2,
various social codes and ethics were established to
7-3, 7-4, 7-5, and 7-6). Rather, it affords an intel­
maintain and extend that power. Priva�e orj�.Q,t;y­
lectual framwork within which research can pro­
tional prope_!lYL_ascribed__status., differential access
ceed and current results can be evaluated.
to productive resources, military force, elements
Three directions that further investigations might
ofreIIsion, myth�
, -
-�i. artistic worb�� c�trib-
.
take are:
uted · to societal divisio�.
Although the course of cultural change is deter­ 1 Terms and categories must be operationally de­
mined by diverse factors, an important element is fined as they relate to the development of urbanism
the cumulative decisions made by the participating in Mesopotamia. These include the nature of class
population. These decisions are made using the divisions, composition of an administrative elite,
information at hand, and those who participate in activities of ethnic groups, mechanisms of trade
making them do not always realize their true sig­ and industry, and power bases of early city rulers.
nificance. In an urban society, decisions made by It is necessary to develop relevant archeolog!cal
a small elite group influence the course of events yardsticks to me� -civiliutional .;ariablE:s_ � th�
for a large population. Even decisions made by the
._
afffieologiou record. Methods �i recognizing eco­
entire population are affected by the elite, who nomic cfasses,-��� clans, ethnic groups, mecha­
formulate courses of action for the populace to nisms of trade, and patterns of control are poorly
choose from and then influence those choices. This developed in archeology. A rigorous methodology
power of the elite might be especially evident in based on a quantitative approach and historical
time of crisis: strong individuals or groups may inferences is essential to future investigations.
gain power and be unwilling to relinquish it after
the crisis has passed. The growing influence of the
-·- ---
2 Comparative studies should _be made of the
. -- .___ - - · - . .
variables present in regions where urbanism de-
elite does not mean that other members of a com­ veloped _'!ith -!fi�se _p��l)-t -�-r�o�-���re i�d
plex society no longer react to environmental or not: Such studies could suggest the crucial vari-
economic exigencies; nevertheless, the elite are ables that were necessary for urbanism. An exam­
intermediaries who both interpret the situation and ination of why �tal Hiiyiik apparently did not
offer alternatives. They often have enough control evolve a centralized administrative elite is an ex-
 Jnoestigating Complex Socittits 237

ample of this type of study. <;atal Hiiyiik's early mentally important areas of inquiry confronting
growth was the result of villagers moving into an the archeologist. However, an understanding of the
unoccupied ecological niche and possibly becom­ processes that led to these phenomena is difficult
ing irrigation agriculturalists on the Konya Plain. to obtain from archeological materials. The re­
Although <;atal Huyiik became the largest known mainder of this chapter is an introduction to some
demographic center in its time, it lacked several of the me�odological considerations inherent in
_
key variables that were present in Mesopotamian a study of complex societies. One problem is that
civilization: instead of importing major raw mate­ the hypotheses presented to explain the origin of
rials, <;a�l Hiiyiik exported them to less-developed urbanism rely on many cultural variables, some of
tiaaing partners; the size of the Konya Plain was which are difficult to recognize in the archeological
small compared with southern Mesopotamia, and record. The evidence about certain cultural vari­
this did not encourage specialization of subsistence ables requires competence in specific subjects and
p�ts� and there were n�- ���peting centers of must be examined by scholars in allied disciplines.
population to threaten hostilities. Although major Philologists to read early economic texts, chemists
developments took place, the centr�lized.a.�l.tninis­ to determine the source areas of exotic raw mate­

---------------
trative structure necessary for urbanism did not
- -
emerge. Consequently, <;atal Hiiyiik was unable to
_r--.;c
rials, and statisticians to help with analytical tech­
niques are just a few of the specialists needed.
increase or even maintain its size and complexity. Another problem confronting the archeologist of
3 One of the most direct tests of a hypothesis complex societies is the scale of a civilization.
such as the one incorporating the systems ecologi­ Cities are by definition large in area, and to under­
cal model presented herein would be to investigate stand their relationships with-their own surround­
the societies directly preceding the forma,ti_��- of ings and with other cities, an investigator must
states and cities to see whether the institutions examine a h�ge a���- In addition to large physical
discussed were already at work before the total size, the hallmark of many civilizations has been
crystallization of the administrative elite. Support the ability to produce great quantities of material
for the interpretation summarized in Figure 7-7 objects, which means that there are e_!l2�o�s
would include good evidence for increasingly in­ numbers of artifacts to identify from even a single
tensive agriculture, a redistributive economy, dif­ site. A related problem is that, because the scale
ferenfia[ wealt_!l, small-scale warfare, and increasing of interaction of a civilization makes large areas
trade and manufacturing during the fifth and fourth part of a single example, there are few independent
miITenni�-in -- Mesopotamia. If these institutions examples of urbanism against which to test regular­
to�k on import��� after the formation of the state, ities. Because of the small number of examples of
then they were not essential elements in the forma­ pristine urbanism, the normal statistical methods
tion of a stratified society with an administrative for identifying covariants cannot be applied. Con­
elite. Oiapters 8 and 9 contain information on sequently, systems models and simulation analyses
Mesopotamian communities leading up to the se�m to be the most appropriate means of testing
earliest national state in the mid-third-millennium. hypotheses about the origin of urbanism.
This information is to be examined in light of the
Approach
diverse hypotheses that have been formulated to
explain the rise of civilization. The cultural units and processes of the origin
of village life are very different from those of the
origin of urbanism; hence it is necessary to adapt
Investigating Complex Societies
the scale of investigation, the techniques employed,
and the range of data collected to the nature of the
Difficulties
remains. The kinds of data to be collected are those
The problem of determining the origins of cities, that provide measures of the variables shown in
states, and complex societies is one of the funda- Figures 7-2 through 7-7. Among these variables
238 ChApttr 7 Tht Origins of UrbAn Socitti,

f ' \ • ·,' .l i.. ,

are demographic patterns, means of transmitting traditions are strong.influences on urban concepts
information, trade, industry, differential access to and practices.
strategic resources, social organization, warfar�, In conducting field research into complex socie­
stratification, and the nature of the administrative ties, the initial work should be on the central city
elite. Not only must these variables be identified, or the urban complex. The difficulties of archeo­
but their interrelationships must be delineated in logical investigations of large cities are many. The
successive periods of urban development. To iden­ deep cultural deposition on most Mesopotamian
tify relevant variables in the archeological record, mounds covers stratigraphic levels of immediate
one must rely on information from ethnographic interest to the origin of cities. Thus, it is difficult to
examples and the historical record. The difficulties unearth sufficient horizontal exposures and to con :­
of identifying sociocultural variables and the enor­ trol them properly. Compounding this difficulty is
mous scale of urban society should not be cause the fact that, because they are so complex, cities
for abandoning rigorous archeological investiga­ must be extensively sampled. In the investigation
tion; rather, they constitute a challenge to the re­ of a village it is possible to assume that, because the
sourcefulness of the archeologist. society was egalitarian and the basic economic unit
The greatest difference between investigating was the household, remains of houses in different
complex societies and investigating village societies parts of the village will be relatively uniform. This
lies in the �-ot _the unit under investigation. assumption cannot be made at an urban center,
Although it might be possible to understand the which by definition is an integrated series of differ­
origin of village life by studying the processes at entiated groups performing specialized activities.
individual sites or in small regions, this procedure Hence, with complex S(?cieties the sites are bigger,
is insufficient for the study of urban society. The the need for a representative sample more acute,
very definition of a city emphasizes its interdepen­ and the information sought more subtle than for
dence with surrounding communities. The ce!!l!'al villages. Because of these limitations, archeological
f\mctions and servic;es of a city develop in response excavations in Mesopotamia have thus far con­
to the needs of its own inhabitants and those of the tributed only certain kinds of information for the
region it serves. Hence, the unit of investigation for study of early urbanism. Most of the excavations
complex societies must be a region containing undertaken have been of temple buildings, with the
major centers, and not just the city itself. This in­ purpose of elucidating chronological sequences.
crease in the scope of investigations emphasizes More recently, archeologists have attempted to
the interrelatedness of the elements of the civiliza­ gather data on the variables necessary to the for­
tional system. The assumption that entities within mulation and testing of systems models, but much
an ongoing system are interrelated means that it is more must be gathered than has been so far.
not possible to understand an entity only in terms After th:_in!_��l _ investigation of th� ,ity Jts!!lf,
of its own characteristics. Rather, the study must !t�i:elation to_.ih�. .surwunding ar-ea-must b� E!�
include not only the characteristics of the entity s��ched. _Th�_ relatj9�hlR -�.Yr�4 _in terms_ of
itself, but also the characteristics that it derives de�?.U�Phi�p!_ttemu.._nd central services s�pplied
from its position within the functioning system. As by the city, services of a religious, economic, polit­
Robert Redfield suggested (page 220 herein; and I ical, or military· n:��;�-These services -�ay-hive
Redfield, 1953), it is not possible to unders�and been extendici-to the entire region, their organiza­
the great civilizational traits of any society without tion being centralized in the city. Investigations
understanding the small civilizational traits of the should include a search for evidence of the central
entire region. The unique character of most urban services supplied by the city, a quantitative mea­
societies, although manifested largely within the sure of the area served by the city, and the degree
bounds of the central cities, develops from a city's to which the city depended on the smaller commu­
interaction with the surrounding areas. Thus rural nities around it. Regional data can then be inte-
 Investigating Complex Societies 239

grated with the data derived from the study of (Whallon 1973; Dacey 1973). This type of study
the center itself. has helped in the functional identification of ex­
cavated areas. Studies of the distribution of specific
Sampling designs painted on pottery have allowed inferences
about social organization to be made (Hill 1970;
Confronted with the difficulties imposed by in­
Longacre 1970). Locational analysis of artifacts
creasing scale and new variables to be recorded,
promises to open new areas of archeological in­
archeologists have begun to adopt new methods of
quiry, and to support inferences made about ac­
investigation. Because of the immensity of the in­
tivities, residence patterns, and ancient social
vestigations that would have to be carried out to
organization.
study an entire civilization, sampling techniques
Another form of locational analysis that has
must be employed. Parts of regions to be surveyed
contributed directly to an understanding of the rise
intensively or s�ctions of sites to be excavated can
of civilization is the -·
be selected on the basis of probability so that �- study
-- -
of changing settlement

hum� biases are minimized. From the evidence

P� tt��s (Braidwood 1937; Adams 1965; Adams and
.
Nissen 1972; Johnson 1973b; 1977). Settlement­
o��ine�, p�tterns for the entire region or urban
pattern studies are a valuable source of data for
site can be inferred, within limits of probability.
testing a wide range of hypotheses. From succes­
There are diverse sampling strategies available to
sive configurations of communities, inferences can
archeologists, each designed to solve somewhat
different problems (Redman 1974a). The selection
be·- maae· -about. �:µlation,: subsistence, socio­
political · system·;,- trade, �n.d.warfare. The investi­
of appropriate sampling strategies depends on the
gatio�--of ·setilement. p�-tterns takes place on three
nature of the remains, the substantive questions
levels: the· first conceins t�hape of individual
being pursued, and the resources available. Com­
buildings; th� seco�e layout of communities;
bined strategies of excavations or surveys of small,
and the t�9.e spatial relationships of one com­
scattered areas and large, contiguous ones yield a
munity to another. The use of house plans and
diversity of information on questions concerning
village layouts for determining changing village
complex society (Binford 1964; Redman 1973b).
organizational mechanisms was discussed in
Chapter 6.
Locational Analyses
Information on the spatial arrangement of com­
The problem of measuring the increasing munities can be collected by surveying a region on
number of variables in an analysis of complex f��t,.��..R,. .Q!._b_y_�ir. Archeological sites can be
societies has been partly answered by careful study detected by, among other things, topographic �if­
of the location and spatial arrangement of archeo-: ferences and art_ifacts exposed by erosion. After a
logicaf remains. In addition to the formal properties stte·nas been discovered, its location, size, chron­
�fartifacts �-;d settlements, their distribution and ology, and other details are recorded. Questions are
context are extremely useful sources of informa­ answered on settlement size, distribution of settle­
tion, especially concerning questions of systemic ments according ·tosize, the number of_ CQIIUIWili­
relations. Spatial d��ive--- important clues to the ties in each period, and the spatial arrange�ent
�
be -
· · · - · · ·· .
way in which people liv�d. The placel!l�J!t_�f �rti- of sites for each period�-lt can expected that
_
facts, features, structures, and the--:a'rateologital changes in administrative structure, the amount of
sitesthems�lves is indicativ� �-(the kin:ds of deci­ warfare, or the routing of trading networks directly
sions ma�eby an.dent p�ople, the environmental affected the nature of the settlement p�!!gn at any
forces· present, and the organizatio�l s�cture of given time.
a community. Thus, archeologists are paying more The work of geographers is a valuable source of
attention than they formerly did to the hori�on_�l analytical techniques for understanding distribu­
placement of artifacts within excavated sites tional data about ancient settlement patterns. Like
 T1tt Origins of Urban Socittv

1969; Smith 1976; Hodder and Orton 1976). Sta­

• City tistically determined site distributions become
more relevant to the origin of cities if combined
O Town with data on settlement size. The variation in site..
0 • • e • • 0 o Village ;mall
�e�<! tit�. P!Pport_io[! of large sJtes to· -™­
are useful in developing models of com_munity
• Hamlet organization a�d ch�nge. In many developmental
processes, there were absolute changes in numbers
• 0 • • 0 • of people, whereas, in others, people simply moved
from one type of community to another. By cal­
culating community sizes, an archeologist can d�­
Figure 7-8 termine whether there is more than one mode to
Central place model of hexagonal settlement distribution. the distribution of size. H there is, then there may
have . �een a hierarchical system, such as village,
town, and city. The hierarchy of settlement sizes
archeologists, geographers are concerned with de­ may be the result of economic or political variables.
scription, comparison, and process, but their data Different approaches can be taken to explain these
are primarily from the present and historical settlement hierarchies and the distribution of com­
periods. Archeologists examine settlement data munities within a region. One hypothesis states
concerning the density, agglomeration, scatter, that most state-organized societies are character­
extent, orientation, shape, and topography of pre­ ized by a three-tiered hierarchy of settlement size,
historic communities. indicating different types of administrative and
Many settlement-pattern models used by geog­ productive units.
raphers have been applied productively to archeo­ An important geographic model formulated by
logical data and may soon be brought to bear on Wal�r and adapted by August Losch is
the problem concerning the rise of civilization. known as central place th� (Haggett 1965; Berry
One of these models-which has as its basis the 1967; King 1969). Its basic assumption is that only
principle of least cost-has been used to investigate a small number of cultural variables affect the
settlement patterns in the southwestern United location of settlements. The primary poc:tn)ate is
States (Fritz and Plog 1970; Plog 1974a; Gumerman tha!_!ar�r.-.fQ!!m)nniaes pre�serviees for the
1971). The basic assumption is that settlements surroU:'�!���nd should have
were located so as tom1nnnize-the--�fforteipended more ·extensive hinterlands than do smaller settle­
in dealing with the ·envi;�me�. Thus, suchneces­ ���ls:· The .. seco�dpostulate is that, in locating
sities as water, fuel; agricul�r,;i la�d,-or- collecting new settlements or in expanding older settlements,
territory-cottld nave been-prime· d�i�nnirumt!-of the inhabitants attempt to maximize the available
s1fe fucatio�, d�pending on their relative v;lue to resources. The most efficient use _of an agricultur­
tlie-ancient inhabitants. The distances of these re­ ally homogeneous plain is ma_de !! th!!J.irmin& set­
sources from each site in a given region during tfements on it are arranged �-��
successive occupations, the environmental zone, �__§jtiim.. This dis&ibution places each settle­
and the topography yield information concerning ment as far from all others as possible. If a larger
their relative importance in determining settle­ settlement is to supply central services, then its
ment location in the respective periods. most efficient location is in the center of hexagons
There are a �,w.ety-.of sta�cal methods that of small villages (Figure 7-8). If mountains limit
allow a researcher to determine whether_!he distri� the expanse of productive agricultural land or if
bution--orsettlements is nomand��y .patterned.
an.a, if so, whatine pattern is· (Haggett 1965; King
-- river courses and trading routes give a linearity to
productive locations, then a modified distribution
 lnDestigating Complex Societies 241

would be expected. By discovering the critical vari­ place theory to explain the location of sites in this
ables for settlement location and by knowing the early urban situation. He found that the general
environmental limitations and potentials, one can mode of distribution was in rhomboids rather than
construct a hypothetically optimum distribution of hexagons, possibly because of the parallel water­
villages, towns, and cities in a region. In reality, courses. Johnson examined the importance of least­
this distribution is modified by other factors, such cost considerations in determining site location.
as means of transportation, topography, local na­ Maximization of usable land (even spacing of
tural resources, external influen_ces, and the extent settlements) was found to be less important in
to which. tne. prehistoric inhabitants recognized determining settlement location than were con­
the potential of tnefr· surroundings. Actual settle­ siderations of transport networks. Settlements of
ment patterns discovered during a survey can be successively smaller size were located (nested)
compared with the derived ideal model and impor­ around larger settlements along routes of com­
f.mfancient organizing factors can be inferred from munication between the larger settlements (Figure
the comparison. The devi�_tions of the observed 7-9, page 242). The relative importance of towns
patterns from the ideal also yield valuable data on as centers of distribution and the various routes of
settlement interaction. By examining the changing communication could be tentatively assess.ed on
pa-ttems -of site distribution and related causal the basis of their distribution. Although no definite
factors, one can identify some of the major organi­ conclusions can be drawn from Johnson's prelimi­
zational changes that occurred during the rise of nary analysis, it does demonstrate how lo��g_nal
civilization. an
_ alysis and ce_�q�_Lpla.ce principles can be useful
Combining data on relative site size within a tools__ Ln _ �1'!1:! _f�qnulation of hypotheses on the
hierarchy with that on the location of the sites al­ orgaajzation of early urban centers.
lows the identification of some settlements as cen­
tral places. A medium-sized community can serve
Additional Sources of Data
as a central place that supplies a narrow range of
for Civilization Studies
services-Yo a relatively small surrounding area.
Several-of these medium-sized centr�i .places can The student of complex societies benefits not
exist in one region, with specific services being only from the development of new methods of
supplied by ·each one or with each of them supply­ investigation and analysis, but from new categories

--
ing all services. Large central places, on the other of data that are not available to those who study
hand, s_upply a wide range· of services fortarge simpler societies. The most important new source

--
--
of data for early civilizations in the Near East is
. .

areas. The services themselves can be identified

..--- -- -
!h� decipherable writtep_rec.ord..$. The art of writing be-
. .

archeolo�c�Hy by types of activities for which

there is evidence at a given site but no evidence for gan at approximately 3400 s.c. in southern Meso-
�u_rrounclfu_g smaller sites. The smaller sites being potamia. Most of the documents recovered from
served might be inferred from geographical prox­ deposits of the following thousand years are rec­
imity and stylistic similarity of artifacts. The inves­ ords of g��ds stored, taxes paid, land rented, and
tigation of protourban and urban development offerings to the temple. It is possible to reconstruct
depends directly on the discovery of these patterns. the general outlines of economic systems, property
An experimental study that includes detailed in­ rights, and some administrative and religious or­
vestigations of site functions, interrelations, and ganizations from a careful study of the documents.
central place services has been conducted by Greg­ At approximately 2500 s.c., �he wr!tten records
ory Johnson (1972) on the distribution of Early became more diverse� and historical. texts, mythol­
Dynastic I settlements in the Diyala Plain, a region ogies, and litei:ature became common. The tales of
surveyed by Robert Adams (1965). Johnson at­ ad�ture, parables of morals, and stori�s of every­
tempted to use some of the postulates of central day experiences included in these writings are
 Chapltr 7 Tht Origins of Urban Socitly

Eshnunna enclave

Large village level

Town level

Small village level

Figure 7-9
Distribution of Early Dynastic settlements in the vicinity of Tell Asmar
(Eshnunna). Their subsystem nesting is exhibited by each large settlement
being surrounded by evenly spaced smaller communities with even smaller
villages located along the routes of communication between them (black
circle is the same site in all four diagrams). (After Johnson, 1972.)

sources of insight into early Mesopotamian society, for conveying information, which archeologists
can use to enhance their understanding of the or­

---
especially that of the Early Dynastic period, which
was considered to be a Golden Age by later peoples ganizational structures of the period.
(see Otapter 9). Some scholars have interpreted To a greater extent than in earlier periods, the
the myths transcribed in 2000 s.c. to have as their
bases events that took place a thousand years ear­
·---
people of early cities buried their dead in cemeter-
ies and included �ave goods with the bodies.
lier but, until we have evidence to support such Careful study of th; �elet�gives information
interpretation, it remains speculative. Despite the on diet, disease, age profile, sex ratio, and some­
uncertainities, later writings do afford interesting times ethnic groups. An investigation of the nature
and testable models of orgeliliza,tion and change. and quantity o!_u�Y-��-'=an help in stuaies of
Representational art often can be of assistance in raiil< society �nd social stratification. - - - - -
und;;slan�the Iifeways of a period. Buildin» These�<>�; �f th� ��j�r-;ew sources of
are sometimes represented, as are productive and information available to archeologists studying
�li§tic a��!!_i�s. Art also served as a mechanism early civilizations in Mesopotamia. Some of these
 Investigating Compler Societies 243

sources hold more promise than accomplishment. tain negative aspects, the early urban centers must
Examples of information derived from each is dis­ have exerted a strong attractive force. The excite­
cussed in the remaining two chapters. ment of living with large conglomerations of peo­
Having examined hypotheses on the formation ple, the awesome monumental architecture, and
of cities and methods of investigating them, one the attitudes toward the newly formed elite are
should consider briefly the effect of these early difficult for archeologists to excavate. The question
cities on their inhabitants. The density and regi­ whether the early cities grew through force of arms
mentation necessitated by an urban community or through voluntary immigration is yet to be
effected a life style for these urban dwellers that determined. Irrespective of the cause for urban
must have contrasted sharply with that of their vil­ growth and whether people who lived in the fourth­
lage ancestors. The difference between an urban millennium Mesopotamian cities recognized what
lifestyle and a rural one in early Mesopotamia was happening, they were participants in one of
must in many ways have been as great or greater the most fundamental and far-reaching transfor­
than is found in the Near East today. Despite cer- mations in human history.
 C H A p T E R

FIRST STRIDES TOWARD URBANISM

The Emergent City

During the fifth and fourth millennia, the people of southern

Mesopotamia achieved most of the landmarks of an urban ciuilization. In
this chapter, the archeological information from this period is discussed
according to the seq_�e. JJf_ occupations, which are differentiated
largely on the basis of f.b�u_�g_ pottery s�les and stratigraphic swzerimposition
�1!,le buildi]!gs. Descriptions of characteristic items of the
archeological inuentory and building forms are included for each
occupation, as are data on settlement_p11tterns and the
accompanying demographk_danges.
Of great archeological interest are the subsistence wourc.es. used during
this period, the growth of organized industries, and the inuention of.1!!##11g.
These cultural achieuements, as well as the early deuelopment
of social institutions and the appearance of ciuilizational attributes,
are the subjects discussed in the last half of this chapter.
 Early Mesopotamian Chronology and Settlement 245

The formation of cities and of a civilizational tural information, and recent radiocarbon age
network on the Mesopotamian Plain was relatively determinations. The details of this chronological
r�id: only two thousand years after its earliest­ system are presented in Figure 8-1 (page 246). Al­
known__ occupation in the mid-sixth millennium though this sequence is commonly accepted, it is
cities emerged and writing and the other traits of by no means the only system of subdivision in use.
urbanism appeared. The innovations and ch�nges It should be understood that each system has ad­
in organiza�onal stru�re that produced complex vantages and disadvantages. However, the details
societies were constantly oc9,1rting in what was an of chronological ordering are less pertinent for the
almost unbroken sequence of development. Some present purpose than the use of this chronological
elements of ll!ban soci�ty _ appeared earlier. .than system as a tool for analysis and communication.
-
others, perhaps stimulating further growth. \'Yrit-
-
ing, �d�stry, religious elite, monumental public
- Poorly understood artifact inventories recovered
from partial exposures of selected sites cannot be
--
works, and representational art were all in the expected to yield sufficient information for subdi­
arcll_eofogi��I ·reco�d before the crystallization of viding protohistoric Mesopotamia. However, if we
st�t� se>ciety. were to wait for a system based on reliable dating,
During the fi!!h._�!ld Joµ.u:h millennia, many of it would not be possible to interpret the informa­
the technological inventions and organizational tion about the rise of civilization that is already
innovations essential to later civilizations appeared. available, nor would it be possible to plan effective
The first communities of sufficient size and com- future investigations.
plexity to be considered tru�...9.-ties also emerged. The seven chronological periods used in this
By 2900 s.c., when the events described in Chapter chapter are subdivisions of three major periods of
9 began, the people of southern Mesopotamia had time (Porada 1965; Adams and Nissen 1972): the
already taken giant strides toward the realization earliest is the 'Ubaid_yeriod _(c, 5300-3_600 s.c.),
of civilization. From then on, the process was self­ subdivided into 'Ubaid 1 through 4; the next is the
sustaining. The advances made during the fifth and y�__ pe�o� _ (c :.__3QQ0-J!QQ
.I!-<=.), subdivided into
f�':111h millennia were crucial to the development Early Uruk and Late Uruk; and the last is the
of cities. Je��t Na�[��rio4.{�__3J00-:2.�__s.c.). Like those
of earlier periods, cultures were usually named
after the archeological sites at which their dis­
tinguishing characteristics were first discovered.
Early Mesopotamian <;:hronol(!SY
'Ubaid and Jemdet Nasr are not the most important
and Settlement
sites for their respective periods, but Uruk (War:_½a)
is the primary source of information for the period
Chronological Sequence of Occupations
of that name.
The primary means for subdividing the fifth and During the 'Ubaid period, especially 'Ubaid 3
fourth mill�nnia _ into shorte-r -periods is by the and 4, the culture of the entire Mesopotamian Plain
changes in_pottery. The manufacturing techniques, and of the lands extending in all directions from it
the cfay used, the shapes of vessels, and the painted was generally uniform. The 'Ubaid culture prob­
designs changed with relative rapidity. By carefully ably began in southern Mesopotamia, where it had
studying the characteristics and the stratigraphic the greatest effect on subsequent developments.
relationships of the ceramic pieces found in exca­ To put these developments in perspective, it is
vated deposits, archeologists have been able to useful to look briefly at the cultural inventory un­
subdivide the two thousand years covered in this covered at Tepe Gawra in the north as well.
chapter. Other asp_ects of the _cultures were also There is little question that the cultures of the
incorporated into these su_p�ivisions, including south were in the forefront of development by the
artwork�r--than pottery, clay _tools, argmec- end of the 'Ubaid 4 period, and most of the infor-
 >-
<
2
-
<
2
w < < z
t- t­ <
o_
....J
....J t-
<� t-­ c...
--u
>-u Z-u
< 0 0- 01
<JI (J') �
N o
w 2
....J ,_ > ·;: (J)
I.JJ
t
.....
(J) ·-
1.JJ �
::l ·­
:r: �
2 E;
- <li
Z-9: ....J E; 2:§,
I.JJ <li
::,i:: E;
�----- - -- --,----.,-----------.....,...--------.--------t-------,
Lirly
"U
"U �
Dynastic Susa D
c::
,,:, 0c:: ·­
..... u -:;;
t <li c::,,:, Jemdet
3000 8.C. - u.. <JI ,€ - Nasr
Susa C
Late Uruk
- - ·---+-----�
::,
�
<JI
-
Early Uruk Susa B
..c
(.)I
�
c:: ..0
-�..... <li
..c 'Ubaid 4
,_
,,:, ,_
<JI Susa A
E <li
<li
< co ::,
"'O - -
4000 e.c.-,_____.
·c
'Ubaid 3

4500 8.C.- c:: - - -

,,:, C:
·;:: .� Susiana
� ..la( 'Ubaid 2 sites
"U ::,
� E,_
co '?

�
>-

5000 B.C.- - -
'Upaid 1

Figure 8-1
Archeological periods for each region of the Near East, including the dating
of early towns and cities in Mesopotamia.

mation on the next period, the Uruk period, has large-scale religious structures and the a_�tifacts
come from the extensive excavations in the temple that have been found in them and at smaller sites.
precincts of Warka (whose ancient name was Uruk, The Jemdet Nasr period is not well known ar­
referred to in the Old Testament as Erech). Conse­ cheologically. The painted temple at Tell 'Uqair
quently, the data on this period consist predomi­ and the temple complexes at Warka are perhaps its
nantly of architectural information concerning best examples of achievement.
 Early Mesopotamian Clironology and Setlleme11I 247

'Ubaid Occupations of the South Tepe Garo,a

• F-
Mosul..
�
Although the 'Ubaid period received its name Hassuna. �\
from a small site, Tell Al 'Ubaid, in the vicinity of U mm• �CJS
Ur, it is best known from the larger site of Eri,mi Dabaghiyah -:,
�
(see Figure 8-2). Eridu and other 'Ubaid-period
site�f so'-::lthem Mesopotamia were founded on
•Bagbouz
e.VJ>�
�
�
Ii_ · •Tell es-Sawwan
virgin s�il. Hence, 'Ubaid l (also referred to as the
_ � q8h
�-s- ct.,<i Khafajah
:._:.:; -==-
= seems to be the time of initial colon- Ii. • � �,, •Choga Mami
\)�
iz�tion of southern Mesopotamia by sedenta ry AKKAD •.Jemdet Nasr
agriculturists. Whether there were earlier nomadic ••
� Babylon Kisli
•Nippur
groups or settlements that have not yet been dis-
Umma•
ark a •
•Lagash (Girsw)
covered remains to be seen. The evidence that
Uru k •
would establish the details of the 'Ubaid 1 subsis­
'Ub a,.d • ••Ur SU M ER Susa
tence systems is not yet available, but it is clear E ridu
that the agriculture of this period relied on irri a­ Basra
tion. Eridu was in the extreme south of Mesopo­ Persian
tamia on the edge of the Arabian desert and had Gulf
insufficient rainfall for d ry farming. It is likely that
the first inhabitants of this region were able to farm Figure 8-2
Fifth- and fourth-millennia sites in Mesopotamia and
on the banks of the E_uphrates River and on the
Khuzistan.
margins of the swamps, where access to water
would have been relatively easy.
.,. ' though the earliest deposits at Eridu of the ducing a metallic luster. The patterns were close
)0 0
:> 'Ub�id 1 period did not cover so large an area as together, creating dark zones on the light buff clay
did later deposits, it is likely that some of the background. Common shapes for these two periods
'Ubaid-period sites were larger than most early include shallow, wide bowls, jars with narrow
villages in the upland regions. From the 'Ubaid 2 mouths, and tall beakers Figure 8-3, page 248).
period (also known as the Hajji Muhammad phase), The 'Ubaid 3 assemblage found in large areas of
sites as large as 4 hectares are known (Adams Greater Mesopotamia has several distinctive ele­
and Nissen 1972). By 'Ubaid 4, the site of Eridu ments. Tools made from hard-fired clay were used.

--
may have been as large as 10 hectares. Sites of Sickles, hammers, axes, and bent nails were com­
this size cannot be considered villages. Eridu mon (Figure 8-4, page 249). Clay was used for ob­
probably housed from 2,000 to 4,000 people at its jects normally made of stone, evidence both of
maxim�. The size of this community has organi­ the abs�ce of stone in southern Mesopotamia and
zation�plications, which are considered later of the inventiveness of the people. The painted
in this chapter. designs on the potte ry of 'Ubaid 3 were simpler
The artifacts that have been used to distinguish than those of 'Ubaid 2, with less painting but bolder
'Ubaid-period occupations and to subdivide the designs. This trend toward simplification continued
general period are diverse (Porada 1965). The into the 'Ubaid 4 period. Most 'Ubaid potte ry was
characteristic pottery of 'Ubaid 1 was a fine mono­ ·made on a slowly turning wheel (turnette) and was
chrome ware, with small rectilinea_tpatterns painted a major means of artistic expression. However,
in a chocolat!_. color. These pattern�are similar to after the 'Ubaid period, the fast wheel was intro­
those on Samarran vessels and include grids, tri­ duced, as were other means of artistic expression,
angles and zig-zags. 'Ubaid 2 potte ry had dark and painted potte ry declined in importance and
purplish-black paint, often thickly applied, pro- eventually disappeared completely.
248 Cl111ptrr 8 first Stridrs TD1Dt1rd Urbt1nism

·
'.\?�Irr
G

\�_::·
_ ..
}f}
;t�
_::: .. ,;;
K

.·.·
· =· · . ·•,..
:.. : Q

·.'·.·.:·.·

Figure �J
Pottery profiles for diagnostic Mesopotamian types from the 'Ubaid (A-G),
Uruk (H-O), and Jemdet Nasr (P and Q) periods. (After Adams and Nissen,
1972.)
 Early Mesopotamian ho,wl_ogy and Sdtlm1e11/ 249

Figure 8-4
Clay objects characteristic of
'Ubaid-period sites: (A) beaker
from Susa (Musee du Louvre);
(8-0) ceramics from a small site
near Nippur; (E and F) clay tools;
(G) clay sickle; (H) obsidian
blade; (I and J) flint blades.
D

H
I
Distinctive clay figurines have been discovered tery was relegated to a largely utilitarian status. As
in deposits of both the 'Ubaid and the Uruk periods with other nonsymbolic artifacts in the cultural
(Figure 8-5, page 250). They are made from the inventory, tendencies toward specialization were
same type of clay as the pottery, but have a green­ strong. The variety of shapes and the modifications
ish color. The figurines are fairly large (from 14 to of vessels indicate that tasks were becoming more
17 centimeters high). The heads are almost reptil­ specialized.
ian in character with long oblique gashes to rep­ The evidence for changing forms of architecture
resent eyes. They were all in standing positions is of as much interest as the artifactual inventory
and both sexes are represented. of the people of southern Mesopotamia during the
Despite the fact that painting declined in impor­ 'Ubaid period. Little is known about the construc­
tance during the 'Ubaid period, there was a greater tion of houses, but it is commonly assumed that
variety of pottery shapes than ever before. Spouts most domestic buildings were made of a combina­
and handles became common appendages to aid tion of reeds and mud brick. The best information
in the utilization of the vessels. It seems that pot- about the architecture and the religion of this pe-
250 /tap/er Fir,/ Irides Toward Urbanism

Figure 8-5
Clay figurines typical of 'Ubaid
and Uruk periods. (Courtesy of
the Director General of
Antiquities, Baghdad, Iraq.)

1 8
Centimeters.

riod comes from several temples at Eridu. Thirteen signs of burning, which probably means that it
superimposed foundatio_n7"arincreasingly larger was an offering table. The building was constructed
structures were uncovered by Seton Lloyd and of long, prismatic mud bricks.
Fuad Safar at Eridu (Safar 1950). What is remark­ Subsequent buildings in this sequence were a
able about these buildings is that they contained all good deal larger; their floor plans were more com­
of the �ents of later Sumerian temp�s. The . --
plex, and they had regular buttresses. The temples
earliest complete temple in the Eridu sequence were built on raised platforIJlS. The dominant ele-
_
(level 16) was a thin-walled square building with ment of each building was a large rectangular room,
a deep recess in which a small pedestal probably later known as a c;_ella with an alta.L.a e end.
served as an altar (Figure 8-6A). On a second, simi­ Behind the cella were two small rooms, which
lar pedestal in the center of the building there are served as a passageway and a side chamber, respec-
 Early Mesopotamian Chronology and Settlement 251

tively. The last temple in this sequence had a

definite tripartite plan, which was characteristic of
subsequent Sumerian construction. The area of
the high platform on which it sat was 20 by 10
A
meters. The building contained a large central room
(cella) with smaller rooms on either side (Figure
8-6B). A stairway led from the ground level to the
I I I I I
platform and then to the temple entrance.
Meters
Each building in this sequence is separated from
the others by deposits of debris containing bones
of small animals and fish that might have been part

,------
of the offerings made inside the temple. It has been Temple terrace
suggested on the basis of the fishbones that the
deity worshipped in these temples was Enki, the
1
I
god of water, who is known to have been the city­ I
god of Eridu in historic times. The identification of
the patron deiJy of these protohistoric people and Sacrificial
altar-II
t

1i
---
t� s�i,!y_ in architectural design with subse­
quent temp_les_is..,strong evidence for the continuity
of tra�ition_ and _population in southern Mesopo-
ta�i�_fr.5>f!l_Jhe first settlers to early historic times.
B

'Ubaid Occupations Adjacent to

Southern Mesopotamia
0
Meters
To understand the origin of the 'Ubaid culture
in the south and the growing civilizational network Figure S-6
Plans of temples at Eridu: (A) levels 16 and 15;
during this period, one should be familiar with
(B) level 8.
available evidence from other 'Ubaid settlements.
Assemblages resembling the 'Ubaid materials of
the south have been found in numerous sites of clay tools that were common in the south. Some
the north. The best-known sequence of 'Ubaid "ben�ails" of clay have been found at Gawra,
occupations in the north is at T�p�-- Ga\4{ra (Figure reinforcing the similarity observed in the pottery
8-2). The earliest 'Ubaid deposits at Gawra, and of the north and south. Stamp seals were more
most other northern sites, overlie a series of earlier common and more developed in the north than in
occupations. Halafian material precedes the 'Ubaid the south. Nearly six hundred stamp seals and im­
deposits at ���r�. Although sorne�vi4ence poi_nts pressions were found at Gawra, most of which
to a continuity between the Halafian and 'Ubaid were made of stone although some were made of
m tl\� n�itlj, it is likely that many aspects of the other materials. Most designs were engraved and
'Ubaid culture were influenced by the south. The not drilled, among which geometric designs pre­
'Ubaid economy was of predominantly rainfall dominated, with only a few animal representations.
agriculture and the villages were from small to The remains of what have been interpreted to
moderate in size. Culti_vation did not require irriga­ have been a series of templ�s were uncovered at
ti�in most locations and goats, sheep, and cattle Ga�a. There· -was
great�� diversity in the design
were herded. Because there were sources of stone of the Gawra temples, but many of the elements
in the north, there was little need for the baked are similar to those in the temples of Eridu. In the
 252 Cl11ipttr 8 First Strides Toward Urbanism

south were forced to �organize their activities"

Neither irrigation nor great quantities of traded
raw materials were needed in the north. Agriculture
N and economic pursuits could be successfully car-

/
ried out in small groups, and so the stimulation for
growth . � _s��ement ��e_ -�d__J!Organization of
- - ---
stiuctui-e was_ !argelr abs�t.
Another region of important settlement during
the 'Ubaid period was in Khuzistan, Iran, east
of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers (Figure 8-2).
0 5 Khuzistan, like the north, had been occupied long
before the 'Ubaid period. The economic necessities
Meters
of Khuzistan lay somewhere between those of
Figure �7 northern and southern Mesopotamia. Areas of
Plan of temple of level 13 at Tepe Gawra ('Ubaid 4 Khuzistan could support agriculture without irriga­
period).
tion, but the heartland of Susiana (refer to Figure
2-1 on page 20) could be effectively farmed only
with the aid of irrigation. Tepe Sabz was a late­
main sequence of superimposed temples at Gawra, sixth-millennium and early-fifth-millennium vil­
there was a circular building referred to as a tholos, lage in the Deh Luran Valley of Khuzistan (Hole,
the same term used for earlier, Halafian buildings. Flannery, and Neely 19�). It was a small village of
I�the-mrtp�O'f'leD.QNEJ..G t18118 � agriculturalists who used irrigation and herded
�i:IM!.,,...-H11taifi1H,_....,�1difttll&... Its presence in the cattle, sheep, and goats. Although these people
temple sequence has been interpreted as confirma­ were simple farmers, they had the plants, animals,
tion that the larger Halafian tholoi were religious and skills to live on the alluvial plain. About forty
structures rather than domestic ones (Perkins sites of this general time range are known in
1949:65). The foundations of several large buildings Khuzistan, which means that the area was densely
arranged around an open plaza have been found in populated by agriculturalists who successfully
the last 'Ubaid levels at Gawra. These buildings adapted to the piedmont zone and the edges of the
exhibited many of the characteristics of southern alluvial plain.
Mesopotamian temples and their superimposition During the fifth and the first half of the fourth
over earlier temples is reminiscent of a "te�ple millennia Khuzistan continued to be densely popu­
precinct." The northe_g:µemple was the best fre­ lated. Larger settlements developed, with the pri­
served and most,�o_s�ly_pa@llels the tem� mary community being Susa (Figure 8-8).
� (Figure 8-7). The period in Khuzistan referred to as Susa A
These remains of the 'Ubaid 4 period are the was roughly contemporary with 'Ubaid 3 and 4 in
most monumental of Gawra; they are indication of southern Mesopotamia (LeBreton 1975). The settle­
a turning point in the history of northern Mesopo­ ments of the Susa A period in Khuzistan indicate
tamia. During_tl.,._e_ ggy.elop.mem_of agricu)hlre -mg that ttie population density and perhaps other as­
__t�e establishmen� of yillage l.ik._n� pects of their culture peaked. There were large
tamia was in the forefr9.r.,t. Hqwevu. startiog with numbers of villages in the Susiana Plain and neigh­
the 'Ubald-perlod, the situ�tion reversed. Th�_��­ boring areas of Khuzistan. In addition, there were
tiers in the south were subjected to new f.Qr�e_s not several intermediate-sized communities as much as
present in the north. Although the people in the 10 hectares in area in the adjacent valleys (Nissen
north continued to subsist in a fashion similar to and Redman 1971). The largest Susa A community
that of previous millennia, the communities of the was at Susa itself, covering from 25 to 30 hectares
 Early Mesopotamian Chronology and Settltmmt 253

Figure 8-8
Aerial view of the site of Susa
and the surrounding Susiana
Plain in Khuzistan. (Photograph
from Aerofilms Ltd. Copyright
reserved.)

with a "high terrace." The complex system of set­ the de�e_l_opment of urban �enters was assured. The
tlements of varying sizes in Khuzistan is currently chronologi�ai sequence ·and material inventory of
being studied by archeologists on several expedi­ this period are best known from the excavations
tions and promises to yield information about an at Warka (see Figure 8-2). However, the artifactual
early, large-scale development leading to urbani­ as;��6rage identified as Uruk, and the cuitural
zation (Wright, Neely, Johnson, and Speth 1975). system it represents, was widespread, appearing
The people of Khuzistan were certainly in con­ throughout the M�sopotamian Plain and beyond.
tact with those of southern Mesopotamia, but to a The 4istinguishing feature of the Uruk artifact as­
large extent the developments in the two areas semblage was that pa��ted poijery was being re­
seem to have followed separate paths. The increase placed by unpainted or light-colored pottery. Much
in population and settlement size in Khuzistan was of this pottery was made on a !"heel and decorated
earlier than it was in Mesopotamia, but it did not with incised patterns. Handle1. and spouts were
continue after the end of the fourth millennium. common, and there was great� variation in shape
Rather, the city of Susa continued to grow in popu­ and rim treatment than there had been in earlier
lation and power, seemingly at the cost of develop­ ceramics. Because of the absence of painted de­
ments in the remainder of Khuzistan. As more signs, archeologists must rely on other changing
becomes known about developments in this region, characteristics to differentiate within the Uruk
there will be an example of early civilization that period. This is a difficult task and is only now pro­
will complement and contrast with that of southern ducing the detailed chronological picture required
Mesopotamia. for analysis. Changes in the shape and other fea­
tures of the pottery, as well as the absence of dec­
Uruk Occupations in Sou�hern_ Mesopo_t��ja
orative
-- - · motifs,
- -
are- -e�idence of different p�rj_ods.
.. - ·-- · - . . - - -
By 3600 a.c., when the period identified as Uruk Major technological innovations and institutional
began, the primacy of southern Mesopotamia in developments also are being used more and more
254

Figure 8-9
Uruk or Jemdet Nasr cylinder seal: modern impression of cattle of a sacred
herd emerging from a reed structure. (Photograph from The Oriental
Institute, The University of Chicago.)

to define the chronological periods starting with changes, and major architectural achievements. The
the Uruk period. The introduction of wheel-made most striking addition to the material inventory
pottery is the hallmark of the Uruk period; the ap­ during the Late Uruk period is the abundance of
pearance of certain mass-produced types of pot­ bevel-rimmed bowls (see Figure 8-3H). These
tery indicates the beginning of the Late Uruk crudely made, chaff-tempered vessels are distin­
and the end of the Uruk period is signaled by the guished by their obliquely cut rims. They were
first evidence of writing. The major chronological manufactured in large numbers with little attention
dividers for periods subsequent to the Uruk are paid to finishing. It has been suggested that they
architectural changes, glyptics, and historically were mass produced by pressing sheets of clay
known dynasties. into a mold, and that their abundance and wide­
The Early Uruk period is characterized by the spread appearance might be related to a role they
introduction of plain gray and red slipped pottery played as a standard measuring vessel for the in­
and the sharp decrease in painted wares. This pe­ creasingly ce.ntralii:ed redistributive economy
riod is roughly equivalent to the stratigraphic levels (Johnson 19736). If this were the case, bevel­
14 to 7 of the Eanna precinct at Warka. Overfiring rimmed bowls are the earliest strong evidence for
or possibly different clay resulted in a greenish a managed economy. Other recognizable changes
color during the 'Ubaid period, but this was less in the ceramic inventory during the Late Uruk in­
frequent during the Early Uruk period. The archi­ clude applique, finger impressions, incision (Figure
tecture of the Early Uruk period is not so well 8-3M}, and twisted "rope" handles (Figure 8-30).
known as that of the Late Uruk period, but the Seals have been found in large numbers, both
'Ubaid-period temple series at Eridu continued into stamp and cylinder types. In addition to geometric
the Early Uruk period, with new structures being designs, naturalistic motifs of animals and people
built on top of the earlier temple platform. Al­ became more prevalent (Figure 8-9).
though there were changes, the general picture is Among the most impressive material achieve­
one of continuity between 'Ubaid 4 and Early Uruk ments of the Uruk period are the monumental
periods. buildings uncovered at Warka, a community estab­
The Late Uruk period (c. 3400-3100 s.c.) is char­ lished during the 'Ubaid period on the banks of the
acterized by technological innovations, design Euphrates River about 65 kilometers northeast of
 E11rly Mesopol11mian Chronology 11nd Settlement 25S

. North gate

·.•

::" .
·• E:arlyDynastic dwellingho1.1ses . "·!�$
,·---�{:
\
;· . .-:
-� .. .. .
I

/2-
City . '·
. . .
w
� ,.: I ·.; .

'\\ . _;..;(�
r
·\...\}·
... ;·"
/ ✓.>: ··-..

·. ··..,.

'\\ 0 500
Meters

'•·-.........
Ur gate

Figure 8-10
Plan of the site of Warka (ancient Uruk) showing the excavated areas of the
Anu ziggurat, the Eanna precinct, and the city walls.

Ur (see Figure 8-2). The fluctuating size and density

of occupation is not well documented for the settle­
investigated by archeologists underlie the Anu
�iggurat and the Eanna precinct of the historical
---
ment at Warka, but it is clear that during the Uruk period (Figure 8-10). These areas of the city were
period this community attained urban status. It is the si!es of temples during the early historic pe­
possible that the city covered as much as 80 hect­ riods, and they are assumed to have been temple
ares and had a l'.�P.':'lat_i�n of _10,000. The two areas precincts during the Uruk period. Other parts of
within the city of Uruk that have been intensively the city have not been thoroughly explored, and
256 First Stridts Ttn0ard Urbanism

1 (
�- I ,._
0
Meters
15

Terrace

Figure 8-11
Plan of the Anu ziggurat with
the White Temple at Wark.a.

��♦- !:pie "\�

�II / \
Ramp

-.cu,uru.,-,.,

Existing
------- Probably existing, not yet excavated
---·--·--·- Destroyed

large areas of domestic architecture, craft quarters, at all phases of the Uruk period and at 'Ubaid
and nonreligious civic buildings have yet to be dis­ times. The best-preserved building, known as the
covered and excavated. Hence, what is known of White Temple because of its color, was built on a
the early history of Warka, as well as of Eridu and high platform, creating a visual effect of monumen­
other Mesopotamian cities, is from temples. This tality. The ascent to the platform was a combina­
has given archeologists a wealth of information tion of ramps and steps. The construction of the
about ceremony and religion but almost none about platform was of complex brickwork, and included
the mundane aspects of early society. The degree to foundation deposits in the east comer. A hollow
which this situation changes depends on whether space was left in the lowest course of bricks and in
archeologists expand the scope of future excava­ it were laid the skeletons of two carnivores: a leop­
tions to include the utilitarian along with the exotic, ard and probably a young lion (Perkins 1949:111).
the domestic along with the religious. The White Temple itself measured 17.5 by 22.3
-
The
..�--earliest-known
·· . m'onumental architecture
- · - - -· · · • - -- ·
•· · • ·
at
-- - . --··
meters and had a tripartite plan (Figure 8-11). It
Warka is the series of building levels collectively contained a long, central room with two rows of
refe_�d to· as the Anu zi�a!:Ihe_ Sin!Ctw'��_!h_ere smaller rooms, a p� simllar to_tbit gf the Jina}
reached their maximum size and. t,e�t:-12���,;yed 'Ubaid tel_!!ltl��.aLErid..Jt.Jn the central room, or
form immediately ��! ,the e11d of f!,.�_ ()ruk eeriod, g:lla, were two features that were probably used
but below this level were similar structures dated in the rituals taking place in this building: one was
 Early Mesopotamian Chronology and Settlement 257

··I·
Hall of Pillars /
c'.);:l� c�� Limestone Temple
Temple on the
north-south terrace---
H
�b��
0 10
L-..1
Meters

Figure 8-12
Plan of the Limestone Temple, the Mosaic Court, and the Hall of Pillars at
Warka.

a free-standing rectangular pedestal with a semi­ skill in planning and execution, and the repeated
circular step that shows evidence of burning, per­ rebuildings imply an ins!itu�ionalized_ hierar<:�
haps of offerings; the other was a high platform at with access to large economic resources, p��l� _Qf
one end ofthe cella with steps leading up to it, labo.rers, and skilled craftsmen.
perhaps the base for a monumental sculpture. The A fact that supports the inferences about central­
temple interior contained many niches, and the ex­ ized control made on the basis of the Anu complex
terior was regularly bu!_t��s�ed. The size, layout, is that it was one of several other contemporary
and features of this temple were vey much in keep­ temple complexes at Warka. The most monumen­
ing with later historic Sumerian temples and can be tal of all the excavated ruins at Warka is the series
assumed to b� ���e-;�al -to them. The inference that of superimposed a�d--c�n-t;�porary temples un­
this temple and platform complex was for the wor­ covered in the Eanna precinct. This area, in the
ship of Anu is based on the temple's proximity to center of Warka, was dedicated to the worship of
later historical temples dedicated to the sky-god Inanna during early historic times. lnanna was
Anu, who was a primary god in the Sumerian Warka's most prominent patron deity. Inanna in
p"ailtheon. the semetic form, Ishtar, was considered to be the
The pre_sens�-of_ the Anu platform and White goddess of love �nd war represented by the planet

__
Temple a� of major significance in terms of the
cha�g��:
,
�!l _soci�!Y .thaJ they manifest. Whereas the
earlier Eridu temples were indicative of a religious
Venus (Saggs 1962). The earliest reconstructable
temple in the Eanna precinct is known as the
Limes!��e Temple because it was erected on a
elite with well-defined canons of architecture and base of limestone blocks brought from the escarp­
a modest control over the populace, the_�nu com­ ment of the Arabian plateau about 60 kilometers
plex giv.§_..evidence of an elite. with tremendous away to protect it from rain and moisture (Figure
control over a highly organized labor force. It is 8-12). The temple itself was enon:nous, measuring
estimated that it required 7,500 man-years of phys­ at least 76 by 30 meters. Its plan was tripartite, but
ical labor to construct this monumental edifice the central room was T-shaped and there were sev­
(Mallowan 1965). The size of the labor force, the eral entrances to the building. The symmetry of the
258 Clu,pttr 8 First Stridts Toward Urbanism

�41-....

��'�,
,��(' � "
���

"
�

Figure 8-13
Plans of temples C and D
at Warka.

�e"v
�
�e�

0 20
Meters

architectural design and the intricate,!y_iµched in­ Jars were 2.6 meters in diameter and are the earliest
terior and buttressed exterior are testimonies to the free-standing columns known in Mesopotamia. To
sophistication of the planners and craftsmen of form the columns, the mud bricks were laid radially
fourth-millennium W arka. and thickly plastered with clay. Thousands of clay
Located near the Limestone Temple and prob­ cones were stuck into this plaster while it was still
ably overlapping it in time was a building referred wet (Perkins 1949:122). The visible ends of the
to as the �!!�r TemJ?le (Figure 8-12). This structure cones were colored red, white, and black; all three
was built on a complex of terraces that also were colors appear in most of the mosaic fields. The geo­
to serve as the foundation for later temple com­ metric designs made by these cones were com­
plexes. The distinguishing features of the Pillar posed of zigzags, lozenges, triangles, and diagonal
Temple were its free-standing columns, clay cone bands. It has been suggested that the model for
mosaic decoration, and unu�ual design-instead of these mosaic designs came from the reed matting
being a single building, it consisted of several. A used as wall coverings.
moderate-sized, tripartite temple adjoined a large Eventually the Pilla�mple was covered over
court whose entrance was through an area in which and served as the foundatio!!.:!_or two lar_ger tem_ples
there were two rows of decorated pillars. The pil- of the tradi�� plan. The central cham-
 Early Mesopotamian Chronology and Settlement 259

ber of each of these temples was T-shaped, and

the side chambers were further elaborated (Figure
8-13). The larger temple (Temple D) was about 80
by 60 meters, with extremely elaborate buttressing
around its exterior.
In general, the religio�s �r�_hitecture during the
Uruk-period -
----- - - - - at Warka is strong evidence for a
.

�owe�� �Jj_te. Temples in different sectors of the

site were uniform in design, which remained con­
servative for a long time. Whatever physical differ­
ences there were between temples were probably
due to a difference in beliefs and the rituals per­
formed for specific deities or to the members of the ·'
:I
\i
elite responsible for their construction. In the
temples of the Anu ziggurat, there is clear evidence
for altars and burnt-offering pedestals. In those of j
the Eanna precinct, there is a complex design of in­
terior niches that may have served both decorative
and ritualistic functions, although this is not the
case in other temples nearby. The scale of both the
buildings themselves and the precincts at Warka
was enormous; the Eanna precinct alone covered
about 9 hectares.
Chronologically, little is known of Warka before
the Uruk period, but it is assumed that by the
'Ubaid period the settlement was growing and
temples were being built. By the end of the Uruk
period there were several elaborate and monumen­
tal temples at Warka, demonstrating both the
strength and the diversity of the religious elite.
Many of these temple areas continued to be used
�'!ring subsequent periods. From what archeolo­ Figure 8-14
gists have discovered so far of the Uruk period, Stone vase from Warka with registers depicting
\JYarka was _the !argest and most impressive site in different activities. (Courtesy of the Director of
Antiquities, Baghdad, Iraq.)
Mesopotamia. Although there is no archeological
evidence that suggests that the inhabitants of
Warka controlled more than their immediate vicin­ period deposits. The most impressive stone vessel
ity, it seems that for the 400 or 500 years follow­ is a pedestaled vase about 1 meter high from Warka
ing the construction of these large temples (c. 3200- (Figure 8-14). The exterior of the vase is decorated
2800 e.c.) Warka was the supreme example of with three registers of scenes from domestic and
Sumerian �mplishlJl_ent. religious life: the lowest register portrays rows of
In a-d-dition to the pottery that identifies the Uruk plants and animals; the middle one is a procession
period and the architecture that is its monumental of nude males with shaven heads carrying offerings
feature, there are other important aspects of the of food and wine; and the upper one is a complex
material inventory. Stone vessel� o_f a variety of scene, probably depicting a ritual in which a god­
s��pes and raw materials were found in Uruk- dess (Inanna?) is presented with offerings of food
 260 Cltipttr B first Stritlts Towirtl UrbHism

round and is a precursor of a major artistic tradi­

tion developed by the Sumerians.

Jemdet Nasr Occupations � / �; - :;H/ :� \ :..;._(._

The time span following the Uruk period is
known as the Jemdet Nasr period (c. 3100-2900
B.c.). Many importanfii:mo""vati��that may have
first been developed during the Uruk period were
discovered in deposits of the Jemdet Nasr period.
These inn�ns were consolidate_g�_n� !!Jlproved
to the point at which they coalesced to form a new
society. The mass-produced pottery that first ap­
peared with the crude bevel-rimmed bowls of the
Uruk period were expanded to include a variety of
conical cups made on a po�. �rk
exemplified���.and the sculptured
tieacfwasTound inlE�y�!� of theJemd�!_Nasr period.
The ia�ge-- tempJ�_s,...of the_-.w� .IIcuk period at
Warka w..!_re rebuilt during the Jemdet Na_lf period.
Most important ofall, the few early attempts at
�g in Uruk-period levels were multiplied and
im__proved during the Jemdet Nasr period. It was
during this period that the early Mesopotamian

- -
ci!)' stabilized its organizational foundations. The
temple was its center both architecturally and orga­
�-- --
Figure �IS _ nizationally, and the�e elite probably ran both
Marble head from Warka; the eyes and eyebrows !��.:���Qmic;s a_�d the poliijq;__of the city. Because
were of inlaid material. (Courtesy of the Director of of the absence of fortification, it does not seem
Antiquities, Baghdad, Iraq.)
likely that warfare was a significant force during
the Jemdet Nasr period. The number of important
centers in southern Mesopotamia was under a
(Mallowan 1965:58). The Warka vase is a fine ex­ dozen, and some of these may have been only large
ample of the artistic skill of craftsmen of the period, towns.
and may represent the artist's rendition of both the The Je�et Nasr period is best known froll!. the
social order at Warka and one of its important excavations at Warkal but it is also well docu­
rituals. meiiteaat s��aT�the�- major Mesopotamian sites.

,,
·. ,
----· -- -------
A superb example of sculpture, an art form that
.......-- - ... ---•- -· -� .
\) : ·, '· / . · also emerged at the final stage of the Uruk period,
.-
Levels of the Jemdet Nasr period have been found
in sites in central Mesopotamia, such as Khafaje
,., \ 0
°
is a white marble head from Warka (Figure 8-15). and Tell 'Uqair, and in the extreme north at Tell
J . • - . . · -- -•••r-- • •--

The heia was-probably part of a composite statue Brak in Syria. The similarity of the temple archi­
.

with a wooden body and inlaid eyes and eyebrows. tecture, including cone mosaics at Brak, with build­
It is almost life-size and the sensitive, naturalistic ings in the south is strong evidence of the close
treatment of its facial features was unequalled for contact between the two areas during this period.
some time. This head, which may be of a woman, The connection between Brak and the cities of the
is the earliest-known monumental sculpture in the south may be an indication of the growing impor-
 Demographic Patterns in Early Mesopotamia 261

tance of trade. An inc�E!_ase in thE! n�I!'_ber oJ copper mainly from central Mesopotamia and consists of
and silver vess��found at southern Mesopotamian seals that are small. The designs are of schematized
sites also gives evi�!'�� _of increasing trade. Brak animals and the workmanship is c�de. The fourth
may have served as a trading post where raw class is also most common outside of southern
copper and silver were brought from Anatolia Mesopotamia; it is made up of seals having deeply
down into the Mesopotamian lowlands. Another incised abstract designs.
traded item that was prevalent during the Jemdet The cylinder seal of later periods was a sign of
Nasr period is the flin� _ blade: d�nti�ulated__ flint individual ownership. It is difficult to assign a func­
sickle b�....re...common at many sites; th�ve­ tion to the early seals, but it is likely that those with
placed the clay sickles that were no longer used. naturalistic designs had certain standard meanings,
'pJffi-ougfi-ceramics remained relatively unimpor­ whether or not of ownership. A small number of
tant artistically, there was a r:_�vival of_painted w_are subjects and arrangements were used on Mesopo­
in the form of polychrome jars. The distribution tamian seals, each having its own variations. In this
of these vessels was limited, with the site of Jemdet way the seal not only stood for a particular owner,
Nasr itself being one of the primary sources. but also the owner could choose a specific glyph to
Stone vases remained common with the impor­ portray his name. It is logical that at the time
tant innovation of irtlaid-de�oration on a few ex­ that glyptic art was maturing and becoming more
amples. Most of the inlays found are of colored complex, early attempts at writing were also being
stone or mother of pearl and are set in bitumen. made.
The designs were either geometric or floral rep­ The JeQJdet Nasr perio_d's conJinuity with both
..�
resentations. the preceding and following periods is well docu-
Glyptography, an art form that existed during mented· artifactual!y and archite�_turally. Whereas
.
the Uruk period increased in importance in the the organizational forms of the Jemdet Nasr period
Jemdet Nasr period, and later became a funda­ were similar to, but more efficient than, those of
mental part of early Sumerian society (Porada and the h:t; 4�k period, these forms changed signifi­
Buchanan 1948). Whereas stamp seals had been cantly during the subsequent Early Dynastic pe­
more common than cylind�--,:&eals, during the riod. The developments that characterized this
Jemdet Nasr period this trend was reversed. Cyl- transition are described in Chapter 9.
inder seals were in the majority throughout the

--
remainder of early Mesopotamian history. Four
different classes of cylinder seals can be identified ---·
DemoN.�Phic Patterns
- ---�
in Early Mesopotamia
.

from the Jemdet Nasr period (Falkenstein 1967:34).

The first class consisted mostly of larger seals on Rapid growth in the population of certain settle­
which extensive naturalistic scenes were carved in ments is a major criterion of the Urban Transfor­
intaglio. The effect is similar to that of such early mation. In addition to being a method of marking
sculpture as the Warka vase. Commonly found the progress of urbanization, the study_Q{_ �­
were scenes of worship, religious processions, grap_!!!� _pa_tt�ms js.�m>w co_�.$i_�_ered an important
battles, hunting, and animals. Often an important key to und�rstaruling the causes for the urbaniza­
figure, such as a ruler or a deity, was distinguished tionproZe�s. Shifts in population, arrangement of
by costume and by being larger than other figures. settlements, and general increases in population
The second class of seals was decorated with "her­ density reveal the nature of growth of early civil­
aldic" compositions, often featuring paired animals ization.
facing one another. These first two classes were the
Origin of 'Ubaid-Period Settlements
beginning of major traditions in artistic expression
that were to continue during the subsequent mil­ The first substantial communities on the
lenia in Mesopotamia. The third class is known Mesopotamian Plain were established during the
262 Chapltr 8 First Stridts Toward Urbanism

'Ubaid period. At first there were spa�sely_ scat­ Further, recent dating shows that the earliest
tered villages of modest size. Eventually a few of painted pottery cultures of Khuzistan are no earlier
the settlements grew into f.irge population aggre­ than 'Ubaid 1 in Mesopotamia, if they are even as
gates. By the end of the 'Ubaid period, and even· early (Hole, Flannery, and Neely 1969). This fact,
earlier in certain places, the artificial hallmarks of combined with the judgment based on stylistic
a 'Ubaidlike culture had spread throughout Meso­ grounds that the two traditions were distinct and
potamia and into Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the north­ developed indigenously (Oates 1973), leads to the
ern Levant. The people of that time took the initial conclusion that Khuzistan culture was not the
steps toward urbanism and may in fact have been source of 'Ubaid culture, although it was contem­
direct ancestors of the Sumerians, who completed poraneously related to it.
the· journey toward urban life. Two questions of Another region that has recently been suggested
great archeological interest are: What was the origin as the homeland of the 'Ubaid culture is the Ara­
of the culture known as 'Ubaid and where was the bian shore of the Persian Gulf. Preliminary research
homeland of the people who developed it in south­ has revealed major 'Ubaidlike occupations there
ern Mesopotamia? The earliest 'Ubaid occupations (Bibby 1969; al-Masry 1973). The local environ­
('Ubaid I) were e�lished_ �Jr��tly o� -�irg�_�oil ment was probably more suitable for settlement
at several sites in southern Mesopotamia, and are then than it is today. Trade may have been an im­
dated at approximately 5000 s.c. or somewhat portant factor in the settlement of this region, as it
earlier. was in early historic times. So far, it is not possible
In north�i:!l Mesopotamia, 'Ubaid-period levels to determine whether the Persian Gulf settlements
are dire�_y _ .on -top_ �f__o��p�tjQ!l_�.!iz..�ns_of were ancestors, contemporaries, or descendants of
�- materj�!, which suggests that the the 'Ubaid-period settlements of southern Meso­
--
'Ub�d-developed-Qµt------
of - Halafian
--- - --- sulture. The
problem with this explanation is that the earliest
potamia. The likelihood is that this area developed
contemporaneously with southern Mesopotamia
evidence of the 'Ubaid period in the north is 'Ubaid as one large interacting region.
3, which is dated later than its initial appearance in
the south. In Iran, both in lowland Khuzistan and
-�-
The Samarran culture of the Mesopotamian
fringes had the stron� ties to 'Ubaid 1. The
in the highland regions, cultures similar to 'Ubaid
existed (e.g., Susa A) that came directly after earlier
------
painted pottery
- - -- known as post-Samarran transition
.

ware from__ 9'oga M�--ffi c;losely

- - - -- - ·- -
. . ---- Earallel to the
sequences of occupation. The development of the 'Ubaid 1 material (Oates 1973:172). This relation-
Iranian cultures of the 'Ubaid period seems to be ship is also de:m;nstrated in the clay figurines from
indigenous, which supports the possibility that the the two regions. The a�ltj_�re known from
Mesopotamian expression of the 'Ubaid came from
Iran. Despite their physical proximity, however,
- �-------
Choga Mami and Sawwan also seems to have been
ancestral to_ later building techniques and design
early civilizations in Khuzistan followed distinctly at Eridu. The situation is �ot complet�ly convinc­
different paths from those in southern Mesopo­ ing, because the earliest 'Ubaid material from
tamia, although their developments were similar southern Mesopotamia may predate the similar
in many ways. Also, the earliest 'Ubaid-period assemblages from Choga Marni. The alternative
cultures of Mesopotamia were near the Euphrates that may be the answer, but is extremely difficult to
River in the extreme southwest of the Mesopotam­ investigate, is the possibility of earlier settlements
ian Plain. If the people from Khuzistan moved in southern Mesopotamia. Such pre-'Ubaid sites
westward to influence early 'Ubaid-period settle­ might be covered by deep layers of silt and can be
ment, then it would be logical to expect to find a discovered only accidentally through trenching that
string of settlements from the Susiana Plain to the might be done for a construction project, although
Tigris River and then over to the Euphrates (see close surface examination might reveal a scatter
Figure 8-2). Few such settlements have been found. of artifacts (e.g., Ras al' Amiya: Stronach 1961).
 Demographic Patterns in Early Mesopotamia 263

flood deposits at Ur
At several different trenches in the excavations of Ur in southern Mesopotamia, Sir Leonard
Woolley uncovered thick deposits of clean, water-laid sand. Close examination suggested that
these deposits were a result of violent flooding of the Euphrates River (Mallowan 1967:29). The
stratum of sand was more than 3 meters thick and overlay 'Ubaid-period remains. The sand layer
is dated at about 3500 e.c. at the transition between the 'Ubaid and Uruk periods. The importance
of these deposits is their correlation, by Woolley and others, with the catastrophic flood described
in later Sumerian tablets. This account probably supplied the model for the later flood episode of
the Old Testament. Ur was the city of Abraham's birth, and it seems logical for the flood to be
documented there if it occurred. The suggestion that these deposits were caused by the flood of
the Sumerian legend led to immediate criticism, mainly on two grounds. First, historians pointed
out that the legend recorded on Sumerian tablets referred to a flood during the reign of King
Ziusudra of Shuruppak, who supposedly reigned at about 2900 e.c., not at 3500 e.c., the time of
the Ur deposits. Second, if this had been a pan-Mesopotamian flood, one would expect to find
evidence at nearby Eridu. This is absent, but does not disprove the hypothesis. Floods leave a
thick deposit only under certain conditions-for example, where flood waters are impeded by an
obstacle. The weight of evidence, however, is against Woolley's tantalizing interpretation. Al­
though other archeologists have made arguments that specific sand or clay strata are evidence of
the biblical flood, it is not likely that, in a land in which floods are frequent and the major rivers
often change course, a particular flood could be definitely identified. Rather, the Sumerian flood
myth was probably more a generic story than a recounting of a specific event, and hence searching
for its remains is futile.

Given the current state of archeological knowl­ Urbanization in the Warka ��gion
edge, a reasonable explanation for the origin of the
'Ubai_� I culture is that the strong�s� influence came Owing to the fine work done by Robert McC.
from the Samarran cultures to the north. The evi­ Adams and Hans J. Nissen in the vicinity of Warka,
de�e for this link is that the two have sin:til<! r p�t­
------
detailed information is available on the changing
tery and figurines£ paraH�l - a�cilitectural
-- - - .
forlllSr and settlement patterns there during the period of ini­
e�el_Qpmeol �f irriga�on agricultu_re. The use tial urban growth (1972). The demographic patterns
of irrigation would have been a prerequisite to the near Warka are especially important because of the
agricultural settlement of southern Mesopotamia, primacy of this site. Current archeological evidence
and its indigenous development at locations such indicates that \-Ya�k_a. was the largest early city in
as Choga Marni was crucial. After initial settle­ souther� _Mesopotamia, and it achieved true urban
ments had become established in southern Meso­ sta.his before other Sumerian centers. The �exll.!al
potamia, a period of interaction with Khuzistan, evidence
.-- .- does not contradict this inference. Hence,
and with early settlers on the Persian Gulf and the if one is seeking to describe the earliest city in the
communities of northern Mesopotamia followed. earliest civilization, then Warka is the logical
Hence, the flourishing of the 'Ubaid period by choice.
4000 e.c. was influenced from many directions, The general outline of population growth within
but the iflitial impetus seems to have come from the center of Warka is limited by a lack of excava­
the Samarrans. tions or intensive surface investigation over much
264 Chapttr 8 First Stridts Tc,ward Urbanism

• .r
\ r,
I \
.,
I
.
I
! \•
\.
/. \.
,' p

OLarsa
0

0 0
Kilometers Kilometers

figure 8-16 Figure 8-17

Jemdet Nasr settlements and watercourses discovered Late Early Dynastic settlements, watercourses, and
by surveying the surface and by examining aerial probable zones of cultivation suggested on the basis of
photographs taken in the vicinity of Warka. (After surveying the surface and examining aerial photo­
Adams and Nissen, 1972.) graphs. (After Adams and Nissen, 1972.)

of the site. Warka seems to have been established

...... - Complementing the growth of the urban center

--
during the 'Ubaid period and to have attained a of Warka were the settle�attems of th!_pop­
modest size by the end of this period. The Late
U..x:ul< and the Jem¥-Nasr periods were times of
.·------ --
ulation that lived in the Warka vicinity (Adams and
Nissen 1972T,71ielnitial occupation of the Warka
-
rapid growth for tbe city of Warka. Its population
had probably reached IQ&OO by the Jemdet Nasr
vicinity was during the early part of the 'Ubaid
period. Settlement was in derate-sized villa es
period. Warka grew to its maximum by the middle evenly scattered oughout the countryside. The

-
of the Early Dynastic period (c. 2700 s.c.). At that
time, the great defensive walls were built, enclos-
ing 400 hectares and a population that may have
average area of th;�ted to
have been 4 hectares, which is larger than the aver­
age area of communities of subsequent periods.
numbered SO�. Following this peak in relative Individual 'Ubaid 2 and 'Ubaid 4 sites of 4 and 10
power and population, Warka's supremacy was hectares, respectively, were not simple fanning
c�lJenged by other early cities, and it diminished villages, but complex communities. An explanation
in relative and absolute importance during the for this phenomenon may be that a larger economic
succeeding periods. unit, possibly with a comple�rganization, was
 Dernograplric Pa/ferns in Early Mesopotamia 265

0 Ill Ar a (hectare )
o ...
• Cl)
0.1 or O.Sor 1 or 2 or 4 r 6 or lO or lSor 25or SO or
Z·in less less less less le s less less less less less so+
20 ----------------------==------=----:--::-:--:-:-:-::---
Early Dynastic II/Ill
15 --------------------�--------
10----------------------------- 3
5 ---------------------------

20---------------------,---,---------
Early-
15 -----------------------�- Dynastic
�---�-- I
10- -------- 36
5 ----- --- -

20----------------------.--.---;--;----
15 --------- Jemdet
- Nasr
10-- ---- - 64
5 ----

25 ---------
20------ Late Uruk
15 ------ 23
10----
5----

Figure S-18
Classification of early sites in the vicinity of Warka by period and area.
(After Adams and Nissen, 1972.)

requ· ed for the initial colonization of southern from other territories or nomads who had been liv­
Mesopotamia. After agricultural techniques were ing in the Warka vicinity.
established, it was more efficient for small commu­ Urbanization in the Warka region from the
nities to break off, forming settlements along the Jemdet Nasr through the Early Dynastic periods is
natura ��o-urses. The initial colonization of an shown in Figures 8-16 and 8-17. A measure of the
area by a few large communities that subdivide development can be obtained by comparing aver­
into many smaller communities that later develop age settlement sizes: in the Late Uruk period, it
into larger ones is a pattern that is strikingly similar was from 1 to 2 hectares; in the late Early Dynastic
to the model of plant-community development of­ period, it was from 6 to 10 hectares. Whereas the
fered by plant ecologists (Greig-Smith 1964). distribution of settlement size in the Late Uruk
During the Uruk eriod, the tendency was for period seems to be largely unimodal, that in the
t�e _growing population to live in small clusters of Early Dynastic period is bi- or even trimodal (Fig­
commuajties instead of the scattered settlements ure 8-18). This documents the increased complex­
of the preceding period. In the area that has been ity and integration of the settlement system in
surveyed, there are only 21 known Early Uruk large areas (Berry 1967).
sites, whereas 123 sites have been identified as Late Between approximately 3100 and 2700 s .. , there
Uruk. Such population growth can be accounted for were two major trends that were crucial to the de­
partly by fertility, but it probably also resulted velopment of urbanism (Adams and issen 1972:
from an influx of people who had not theretofore 11-12). The first trend was the redistribution of
lived in settled communities in the area. The in­ popul�tion in the Warka region: the number of
coming people could have been either immigrants rural communities reached a peak in the Late Uruk
 266 Chapttr 8 first Stridts Towud Urbanism

and Jemdet Nasr periods, and then declined sharply 15 kilometers; its construction would not have
as the urban centers at Wark.a and elsewhere gre�. been a tremendous undertaking, but it was signifi­
It can be inferred that the growth of these centers cant nevertheless. The discovery of this cooperative
was due less to an internal increase than to mi­ system raises the question of the importance of
gration from scattered rural communities. The water control in initiating early urban growth and
motivation to migrate was probably warfare, for state formation. Although a single example that
large-scale warfare is documented by the construc­ is moderate in scale does not prove or disprove
tion of defensive walls around the major urban· any position, it should prompt a reexamination of
centers during the Early Dynastic period. Unable
to defend themselves, rur�I villagers undoubtedly
.
--
the evidence. Irrigation was_de�-a factor_in
the rise of civilization and probably affected the
sought refuge in the cities, where they were prob­ course of events in several crucial ways: namely,
ably welcomed as an additional source of economic in determining which crops could be grown and
and military power. which techniques could be used, in creating differ­
The second trend was a reduction in the number ential access to strategic resources, and in stimulat­
of water courses i:itilized for settlement. The natu.ral ing cooperative planning, construction, and �ol
regime of the area was a network of small streams of water w�� ·-· · ·
that were useful for short-range irrigation of small Tne-frend toward urbanism in the Wark.a region
areas. To cultivate larger areas and maintain large reached its first peak by the middle of the Early Dy­
permanent settlements and fields, the inhabitants nastic period. The city itself contained about 50,000
had to turn the major stream courses into canals inhabitants, and one other major city (Umma) and
and drain much of the adjacent land. This compre­ a half-dozen secondary urban centers had devel­
hensive plan was necessary for the vicinity of oped in the general vicinity (Figure 8-17). Almost
Warka perhaps as early as the Jemdet Nasr period no small communities remained, indicating a gen-
---· --• .
and certainly by the second half of the Early Dy­ eral depopulatio� of th":_�ountryside (Figure 8-18).
nastic period. The evidence gathered by Adams Depopulation of the countryside by urban cen­
and Nissen shows a clear linearity of settlements ters would have been greatest in periods of warfare
by the middle of the Early Dynastic period (c. 2700 and general unrest, and would have been reversed
B.c.); s�s, most of which were relatively large, in periods in which a strong centralized power was
were located along major streams, which had able to keep the peace throughout an entire region.
·--- - ..

probably been kept in straight courses by levee This is exemplified by the settlement pattern of
construction. the Old Babylonian Empire period in the Wark.a
A discovery relevant to new forms of water- vicinity (Adams and Nissen 1972:36), when there
. control technology is the arrangement of communi­ were large cities, towns, and rural communities.
ties in an area about 35 kilometers northeast of Order was maintained by the centralized authority,
Wark.a (Adams and Nissen 1972:12). The area was and agriculture was most effectively carried out by
not occupied until the Jemdet Nasr period, when scattered settlements.
several relatively large communities were founded.
The�e settlements were arranged in a linear fashion
Urbanization in Other Areas of Mesopotamia
along what must have been a canalized stream
course. Subsequently, by the end of the Early Dy­ Archeological surveys made in various parts of
nastic period, these settlements had been absorbed the Mesopotamian Plain, although varied in inten­
by nearby growing urban <;enters. This may be sity, make it possible to draw certain general con­
the earliest known evidence of a major water­ clusions about the similarities and differences
control system that would have required the coop­ between them (Adams 1969; 1972; Adams and
eration of several communities, perhaps in some Nissen 1972). To the southwest of Uruk, the vicin­
federated form. The length of the canal was at least ity of the early cities of Eridu and Ur was surveyed
 Dtmographic Patttrns in Early Mesopotamia 267

by Henry Wright (1969). Like Warka, Eridu and Ur changes in the growing center of Susa. Adams
had moderate-sized villages scattered throughout suggests that the Khuzistan evidence should be
the surrounding area during the 'Ubaid period. considered a relatively independent example of ur­
Some of these settlements were more than villages, banization under environmental and demographic
with temples and large populations. Eridu grew to conditions different from those of southern Meso­
the status of a large town during the late 'Ubaid and potamia (Adams 1972).
Early Uruk periods. Ur had become a major city­ Adams summarizes the evidence from these
state by the middle of the Early Dynastic period. diverse areas and suggests that, although there is
Accompanying the growth of Ur was a slight reduc­ no single pattern of development, three general
tion in the number of rural settlements, but no dra­ stages can be identified (Adams and Nissen 1972:
matic depopulation like that of the Warka region. 90-91): (1) in all of the areas studied, the initial
The drainage of the Diyala River near the north­ population was in scattered agricultural v�llages of
ern limits of the Mesopotamian Plain was surveyed moderate size; (2) the population increased rapidly
by Robert McC. Adams (1965). The initial 'Ubaid­ during subsequent periods,· shifting from the scat­
period occupation of this region also was in the tered distribution to a more clustered pattern of,
form of scattered villages. The population grew on the average, smaller settlements; (3) then large
rapidly during the Jemdet Nasr period, producing populations concentrated in major centers either as
clusters of small settlements and the emergence of part of a general population growth or by drawing
several large towns with temples. Contrary to the in the surrounding rural communities.
pattern near Warka, population growth in the The important effect of the second stage is that
Diyala region continued, with an increasing num­ increasing population would have led to a scarcity
ber of settlements of all sizes along with an increase of lane ·acc·essible to ir�i_gatlon waJ�r. This type of
in the size of the centers. There is no evidence for po·pulahon-_p����Y.��- would engender differences
rural depopulation. The population centers of the in wea_!!.l! between the initial inhabitants and any
Diyala region did not assume the full size of south­ newcomers. These diff��ences _evidently widened
ern Mesopotamian cities, and so are better con­ in the growth of stratified society and eventually
sidered townships (Jawad 1965). initiated widespread conflict. Identifying the causes
Other areas of central Mesopotamia that have of stage three, urban concentration, is not simple.
been surveyed, with varying results, are Kish (Gib­ It is likely that both force and persuasion played
son forthcoming), Akkad (Adams 1969), and Nip­ roles. The security and economic potential of urban
pur (Adams 1972). In each case, evidence showed life must have convinced many rural inhabitants
a rapid growth of the number of settlements during to move into the growing cities. The �_!«:rs of these
the Uruk or Jemdet Nasr periods followed by a newly founded cities must also have used all of the
relative decrease in rural popu_!ation, �ccompanied power at their command to st(mulate the immigra­
by a growth of urban centers. The exact timing of tion that added to the number of their dependents,
the growth, consolidation, and degree of depopula­ and, hence, to their power.
tion varies in each instance. Although these three stages are painted in rather
The evidence of demographic patterns in early broad strokes, they are important generalizations
Khuzistan offers another example of early growth of the known archeological evidence. Until the
in number of settlements followed by decline in beginning of the Early Dynastic period, urbaniza­
rural communities (Johnson 1973b; Wright 1970; tion produced only a small number of temple­
Wright and Johnson 1975). The striking aspect of centered cities varying in population from 5,000 to
the Khuzistan example is its temporal priority over 50,000. Their populations must have been strati_fied,
similar developments in southern Mesopotamia. specialized, and led by an adminis!rative_ elite.
There is no evidence so far that the depopulation Although the temple-centered city was the earliest
of rural Khuzistan led to major organizational urban form and many of its achievements were not
268 Chapltr B First Slridts TOfDard Urbanism

quickly surpassed, it was not to remain the domi­ the early civiliutions qf the south. Paradoxically,
nant element of the sociopolitical scene. the prevention of salinization of a field during a
specific season was aided by overirrigating, which
washed the salt out. However, practices such as this
Cultural Accomplishments
inEariyMesopotamia hastened the long-term process of salinization.
Hence, annual decisions by independent farmers
probably were in favor of short-term productivity
Subsistence
- - - - . - - ...
. . . -·
Pursuits
- - .-
at the cost of the long-term fertility of the land. It
Although the earliest communities in southern was only through comprehensive land planning by
Mesopotamia may have relied on hunting, gather­ a centralized authority that major efforts at stem.­
ing, and fishing, agriculture soon becam�_ the dom­ ming salinization could be carried out.
inant source of food. Several- major ledm�ical The zone of swamps and marshes offered possi­
innovations helped to make cultivation possible bilities for fanning along their edges, the hunting
in the arid lowlands. Small-scale irrigation tech­ of water fowl, and the gathering of reeds to be used
niques had been pioneered on the edge of the in Mesopotamian buildings. The steppe zone and
alluvium by the sixth-millennium Samarran settle­ the swamps that dried up in the summer offered
ments. According to interpretations of Late Uruk ample land for seminomadic herders. It is impor­
tablets, it is believed that the pjo!'V w_as first intro­ tant to note that the land necessary for herding did
duced during__ the fourth_ �ium. This tool not diminish the land for agriculture {lees - ana­
aided in-the preparation of the h�d-.tlluvial clays Bates 1974); These two pursuits were complemen­
of lowland Mesopotamia. Also, the first documen­ tary and often pursued by the same economic
---
tation of the invention of the wheel comes from group. Herding offered a hedge against the vagaries
remains of fourth-millennium culture. The wheel of the ag��!e -with-its- -frequenr lean
was used in pottery manufacture during the Uruk years. Farmers who were not favored with land
period, and is depicted later in artistic works. The on major stream courses probably kept herds in
invention of wheeled carts would have significantly addition to farming. Consequently, in years when
improved transportation networks, which would they did not receive adequate irrigation water,
have enhanced the redistributive economy. they could move with their herds arid survive the
These inventions were important factors in early drought. This produced an unstable population in
Mesopotamian subsistence, but the effects of the that people might have been living in settled com­
environmental setti,lg on early agriculture had munities one year and moving about the next.
other influences on the rise of civilization. In a A second means of hedging against lean years
general sense, three environments can be identified would have been to band together in communal
in southern Mesopotamia (refer to Figure 2-20 on efforts. Often, when the water in one channel was
page 42): the cultivable land, on or near the natural insufficient, it was adequate in another. Thus,
water courses; the depressions that were periodi­ some farmers harvested plentiful yields, while
cally covered by swamps or marshes; and the vast others were without crops._5ontributions � to
areas that were not well watered, similar to dry a central storehouse were insurance against th_ose
steppe. The important factor was that, during early 1eaf"t years. Because of the insecurity of the har­

r·
Mesopotamian times, land in general was not in vestth� need for a redistributive economy was � �
short supply. Only land for which there was a�s strengthened_ - , r .. r � • J\ \ ,�
to irrigation -water ·- -------
was es_pecially valuable. Other
--· - - - - -- - -
farmlands were extensive, which made it possible
�
Di.etary Changes
�1.,,
!
·• I
_
� -tO'r...,,,-;;,·�
w\,,eo;.\ a$,
;
�j__
1,,_t V-�.-½l (,:,
!l, 55 1111.v--', d, P'\_1
· I\,. ,U t , t/ IJ.
()/"/I
to let the fields lie fallow in alternate years. This The Mesopotamian environment and technology
allowed the land to recover some of its nutrients,
and it slowed the salinization of the fields. Salini-

--
zation was rapidly becoming a crucial problem for
- affected the range of plants and animals consumed.
The major crops were emmer wheat, breadwheat,
b_arley, and flax_. Barley ;as more salt-tolerant than
 Cult1mil Accomplishmtnls in Early Mtsopotamia 1.69

wheat, and so as salinization became a problem Although evidence for fifth- and fourth-millennia
there was a gradual shift toward the cultivation of animal husbandry in Mesopotamia is scant, there
more barley. About 3500 e.c., before salinization is enough to suggest the general pattern of animal
had become a problem, the amounts of wh�at and exploitation (Flannery and Wright 1966). She_!p
barley grown were about equal. Records show that and goats were the prima ry animals of the upland
one thousand years later, during the Early Dynastic villages, as they were in the communities on the
period, only one-sixth as much wheat as barley was edge_of_!_he allu�iu�,_such as Choga Marni (Oates
grown 0acobsen and Adams 1958). In later historic 1973). However, through time the proportion of
times, wheat almost disappeared, and the overall sheep to goats increased significantly. O�
fertility of southern Mesopotamia diminished. Mesopotamian Plain itself, cattle far outnumbered
A new form of cultivation introduced some time sheep and goats lnthe'Ub�icl�pe-;iod samples fro�
before 3000 e.c. was the £l��th1.g_9.f m:dlatd�;__dates Eridu and Ras al' Amiya (Flannery and Wright
in Mesopotamia, figs in the uplands, and olives in 1966). Cattle contin!!_eg !9. be the �P�!�.ant animal
the Levant. The date palm is an efficient plant for herded in Mesopotamia, with sheep playing a sec­
southern Mesopotamia but requires a long period ondary role. Cattle were very efficient to raise,
before bearing fruit, and the cultivator must expend largely becaus�- of their seconda·ry P.!_oducts. Not
a reasonable amount of labor per unit of produc­ only did they produce milk, but they were �uital?le
tion. However, date palms are rich sources of carbo­ as beasts of burde!:\..._ Moreover, they rapidly be­
hydrates, require very little land, and are relatively carn"i �-�climated-;o the hot plains. Sheep also
salt tolerant. Once again, the spread of date palm remained im�ortant, partly for their secondary
groves would have been stimulated by comprehen­ products. Sheep's w_£?1 was one of the major raw
sive long-range planning and a stability in the water materials needed by early Mesopotamian cities for
regime that canalization would have aided. Hence, their textile industries. Wool.and fl.ax. for weaving
the increasing use of dates may indicate the grow­ were two of the feY' raw materials.that did not have
ing power of the city during the Jemdet Nasr pe­ t<;> be impo_rt�� into_ Meso12Q!amja.
riod, for which dates are first documented. The increasing
------- effectiveness
- ---- of Near Eastern
Adequate levels of the three basic food catego­ food production had direct effects_ C>J:l social devel-
ries-proteins, fats, and carbohydrates-as well as op�s- The ability to produce and collect surplus
specific vitamins and minerals are necessary to
maintain the nutritional status of a human popula­
----
food_ is the cornerstone of a complex society,
which a large segment of the population is not
. . of

tion. A group may rely more heavily on one or engaged in food production. lmprov��_p!a_�ts and
another of these categories as prescribed by cul­ animals, new tec!m9Jogies, and the efficiency and
tural norms to conduct its daily activities. Near cont;oi of the ·;edis�ibutiv� ec��omy alrcontrib­
Eastern villagers derived diverse nutritive elements uted to· ilie ayailable surplus. A more significant
from their plant foods: cereal grains, such as wheat figure than the absolute amount of food produced
and barley, were rich sources of carbohydrates; is the balance between the calories produced and
tree nuts, such as pistachios and almonds, supplied the calories expended on producing the food. Im­
fats and protein; and a mixture of legumes growing proved technology, sp��!�l�tion, exchange, and a
in the fields not only was a source of protein for more sedentary lifestyle enabled the Mesopo­
' the diet, but also enriched the soil by increasing tamian settlers to expend less energy_. �n · the
its nitrogen content. However, the inhabitants of amount produced, thus leaving a surplus.
southern Mesopotamia relied less on legumes and -Of far-reaching-but hard to assess-significance
tree nuts than on other plants such as flax (linseed) is the effect of a more abundant_ and reliable diet
for fats, on domestic animals for protein and fats, on birth rates, a key element in population growth.
and on river fish for protein. Sedentism facilitated
- - - - --- -- shorter
. ---·- p�r� _ l?etween
--
Effective use of domestic animals was essential bfrths, and improved nutrition may ·have increased
to the success of early Mesopotamian civilization. tl-ie number of years during which a woman could
270 Chapttr 8 first Stridts Toward Urb11nism

reproduce. It is hypothesized (Frisch 1975) that the and tin ores were sought by the growing metallur­
onset and maintenance of menstruation is related gical industry. Lapid�rie� were already making
to attaining a critical body weight and a sufficiently beads and pendants- of carnelian, turquoise, ame­
high proportion of body fat (about 20 percent). thyst, lapis lazuli, agate, quartz, jadeite, beryl,
Effective food production and the stability of a diorite, hematite, steatite, serpentine, ivory, and
redistributive economy may have sufficiently im­ shell. These materials would have had to have
proved nutrition so that fertility in women was been sought from many different localities. Their
achieved earlier and maintained more consistently. procurement, transport, and distrib.u.tioA-...was__in­
Furthermore, cereal grains may have been used to creasingly controlled- by the
- -----��ntra.l tnstitutions that
-

make pabulum for infants, supplementing mother's were developing in the e�rly_g!i�s.
milk at an earlier age than previously possible and In return for raw materials imported, the people
hence allowing the period between births to be of southern Mesopotamia m� hav�. !r��eg_ �a.�u­
shortened. factured goods or foodstuffs. As mentioned at the
begi�ng of this chapter, it was during the second
I , , 1: ·� . -·
I
,,/;
ic ( half of the 'Ubaid that characteristics of a single
!1!�����1 a�� Economic Developments
-_ - _.2otte!Y style were found across the Near East. It
Craft specialization, industry, and trade are all is likely that the expanding trading network for the
characteristics of civilization. In addition, they procurement of raw materials also functioned to
stimulate civilization's further growth. There is spread these "'Ubaidian" characteristics. People of
ample evidence for their increase during the early high status in the peripheral towns and villages
occupation of Mesopotamia. The diversity of ves­ may have adopted the stylistic motifs and symbols
sels and implements, as well as their st��-��giza­ of highly ranked members of the more organiza­
tion, implies their production by specialists. The
s�illfuLp_la�ng,_ construction, and decoration _of
------ tionally advanced 'Ubaidian group?('� this way,
the M��potaIIliaI}_people. wer.e. tr_;1ding ilab•f for
the monumental buildings of the early cities i� �'l.'_«;n the goods of th��r l!ss:-:d.�vgl_QP-ed,__but.raw-roaterial­
m�re direct evidence for a growing number of spe­ rich, neighbors� A similar relationship has been
cialists. Stone vessels, metal .. pieces, clay cones, suggested for areas of Mesoamerica (Flannery 1968;
and lapidary works imply full-t!��_specialists. Rathje 1971).
C:Oncoinitaril wiHi the increase in specialists was
the growth of industries that _qr�_ed and em­
ployed them. Althc>�
ther;-is no direct archeo­
Invention of Writing

logi�al·;�d�nce for it, industries producing textiles Probably the single greatest Mesopotamian in­
may have already developed. The production of vention is writing; The concepts and techniques
bevel-rimmed bowls during the Uruk period and of writing were developed over a long period,
conical cups during the Jemdet Nasr period attests some of them as major innovations, others as
to the specialized industry that was emerging for minor alterations. Systems of recordin__g_ may have
the mass-produc:;tion _QJ�t!fil:Y. been used.as-long ago as the Pleistocene (Marshack
The trading ne___twork
-=--· grew in importance as it 1972). Marks on bone or stone may have been used
supplied raw materials for industry and other as- for calendars and other records but only locally
pects of daily life. Utilitarian materials such as and probably not with the intention of the record

---
bitumen from the middle Euphrates, flint from
..... ,
Arabia or the Zagros, li��_stone from Arabia, and
�--- being used by other people. Geometrically shaped
clay and stone pieces may have served as weights
timbers and basalt from the highlands were im- and notations at least as early as the be�
- - - � .
of the 'Ubaid period. However, there is abundant
· - . ..... .. . .

ported in quantity (Figure 8-19). In addition,

Mesopotamia imported a variety of goods for the and easily recognizable evidence that, toward
production of status objects. Gold, silver, copper,
--------- the end of the Uruk period, writing appeared for
- 3 I � (u{ -------
 11//11ral Accomplishmerits i11 Early Mt'sopolamia 271

BLA K SEA

TURKEY USSR
Obsidian Obsidian
Copper

Aleppo
MEDITERRANEAN
SEA SYRIA % O
Q'
• Teheran Turquoise

Kermanshah.
Bitumen
Baghdad IRAN
ISRAEL
Bitumen IRAQ Bitumen Copper
Cairo • Copp�r \ JORDAN
/
Turquoise\�
UNITED ARAB
REPUBLIC
(EGYPT)
Steatite SAUDI ARABIA

• Riyadh TRUCIAL
OMAN

Figure S-19
General location of well-known sources of important raw materials.

the first time anywhere in the world. Small clay it efficient. Obviously, those who were using the
tablets with incised markings were used as early writing system were striving for a means of com­
as3500 s.c. and were widely distributed through munication that could be put into daily use. This
southern Mesopotamia by 3000 s.c. (Jemdet Nasr was unlike the situation in Egypt, where the devel­
period). The earliest written signs were simple opment of hieroglyphic writing led to increasingly
pictures of objects that were common in everyday difficult-to-execute symbols. Writing in Egypt
life-(Figures 8-20 and 8-21, pages 272 and 273). served a small number of purposes and its use
Symbols for cattle, sheep, grain, tools, fish, and was not extended to most strata of society, as
other entities looked very much like the objects it eventually was in Mesopotamia. To simplify
they represented. A common action might have Mesopotamian writing, the Sumerian scribes sub­
been represented by an element in that action-for stituted wedge-shaped marks for pictorial symbols,
example, a human foot meaning the act of walking giving rise to the name cuneiform for subsequent
or a human head meaning the act of eating. The Mesopotamian scripts (Figure 8-22, page 274).
symbols were inscribed with a cut reed in wet clay, Structurally, early Mesopotamian writing is
which was then dried to form a relatively perma­ logographic; that is, it is a word script in which
nent record of the message. each sign or group of signs corresponds to a single
A crucial aspect of Mesopotamian writing was word (Falkenstein 1967). Initially, the number of
the effort expended to simplify its use and to make signs was about 2,000, but for the sake of efficiency
272 hapttr First Stridts Toward Urbanism

t.
; I
.-·, fl (. / I I
,r
.
II
II I ,(
' II
I
( I
I

Figure S-20
Early pictographic script on obverse and reverse sides of Bau monuments
that deal with various professions. (Photographs © The Trustees of the
British Museum.)

this number was soon reduced. By eliminating re­ which writing was more syllabic than logographic
dundancies and by using the same sign for similar that it could be used to express anything that could
sounds, the number of signs in use at the end of be expressed in language. This "phoneticization"
the Early Dynastic period (c. 2400 B.c.) was reduced had been accomplished by the end of the Early
to about 600. Dynastic period, and after that time writing was
A major innovation that was incorporated early used for a wide range of functions Gacobsen 1945).
in Mesopotamian writing was the so-called r us During the Uruk, Jemdet Nasr, and first half of
principle. Instead of drawing the idea to be con­ the Early Dynastic periods, almost all tablets were
veyed, a scribe drew pictures of other things that used for accounting_purposes. Writing was used to
when read aloud suggested the word to express ta �co�d ;ansactions that were negotiated
that idea. For example, this principle can be ap­
plied to expressing the concept "belief" in English
- --
by the temple elit� Lists o rations, donors, pro-
ductivity, and sales were the basic su_?ject matter.
by drawing a bee and a leaf. The implications of Eventually, wri_!.!ng_�s � er adminis­
this improvement were enormous: the range of trative and legal tasks. Of all the clay tablets re-:
,,,--:--.---
concepts that could be expressed was vastly en­ covered from Sumer, more than 90 percent are
larged, the act of writing was simplified, and the records of QOVemmental affairs (Kramer 1957). It
ambiguity of the symbols was reduced. With in­
Q_; - ---------
was only in the last part of the Early Dynastic
creasing use of the rebus principle, the emphasis period and in subsequent periods that writing was
in writing shifted from representing the idea itself used as a medium for recording historic events and
to representing the phonetics of the spoken word
for the idea (Figure 8-21). Writing slowly developed
---
lists of rulers, for written co�nicatioh, and for
the transcription of a large body of oral literature.
in the direction of a system of phonemes; it was With these important additions to the repertory of
only after this development progressed to a stage at the scribes, writing assumed its full role.
 Cultural Accomplishmtnts in Early Mtsopotamia 273

Earl iest Denotation Pictographs Cuneiform B as1c

pictographs of signs ca. logographic values
in rotated
(3000 B.C.) pictographs position 1900 B.C. Reading Meaning

Head and
body of a - lu Man
·�
,',., man
�
�

Head with
mouth ka Mouth
�
indicated � �

t3 tr>
Bowl Food,
of food ]Il ninda
bread

\J,;g �r
Mouth
+ ku To eat
food �

Stream
(( Tf a Water

�,
� of water

Mouth
+ nag To drink
water �
�

�
Fish
�
r� kua Fish

cf Bird
'1 # musen Bird

r"',02
A1
Head of
an ass
�w anse Ass

,�
�

f
Ear of
barley * se Barley

Figure S..21
The development of Sumerian writing from a pictographic script to a
cuneiform script to a phonetic system. The diacritical marks and subscripts
on the transliteration of cuneiform signs are used to distinguish between signs
having the same pronunciation but different meanings. (After The Sumerians
by S. N. Kramer. Copyright© 1957 by Scientific American, Inc. All rights
reserved.)
274 Chap/tr Fi I tridts Toward Urbanism

Figure 8-22
Well-developed cuneiform tablet (obverse and reverse sides) that is a ledger
dated at the 38th year of the king, Shulgi of Ur. It is an official account
treating the disposal of dead cattle turned in by the shepherds. (Photo­
graphs from The Oriental Institute. The University of Chicago.)

The invention of writing has had countless ram­ society. The written word facilitated the continuity
ifications throughout human history, but its imme­ and tradition that became characteristic of Meso­
diate effects on early civilization were related to potamian civilization.
problems of space, time, and complexity (Jacobsen The most significant contribution of writing, and
1946). Writing facilitated interaction between probably the major stimulus for its invention, is its
groups separated by great distances. The standardi­ -
ability to facilitate the flow of information in an
'---
zation of early Mesopotamian writing is attested increasingly complex society. Although the first
to by the discovery of tablets containing word lists use of writing was for the keeping of records, a re­
used in the training of scribes, and identical word distributive economy in which hundreds or thou­
lists have been uncovered fro·m widely separated sands of people participated was too massive for
settlements, suggesting efforts to effect uniformity any simple form of recordkeeping. By facilitating

------
in the written word to facilitate interaction.
- administrative activities, writing enabled the further
The use of writing also _precludes the inaccura- growth and centralization of Mesopotamian cities.
cies of recollection. Inscriptions on clay tablets Writing contributed to the maintenance of large
or stone monuments were durable records that re­ economic and political units that could not have
tained their message for as long as they could be persisted if the only form of communication had
read. This led to formalization of economic trans­ been face-to-face.
actions, legal administration, and other aspects of Writing was also an effective means for accumu-
 Org,mizlltional Drotlopments in Early Mtsopolamill 275

lating information: agricultural techniques, mathe­ their status. Anu was worshipped in many Sumer­
matics, and predictive sciences were improved with ian cities, but his principal shrine was in Uruk
writing as the means of transmission, both over (see Figure 8-10). Anu's consort, Inanna, Lady of
long distances and through time. Heaven, was also revered in Uruk, her cult center­
ing in the major temple complex of Eanna (Figure
Organizational Developments 8-10). It is difficult to determine whether gods or
inEariy Mesopotamia-. 5oddesses were more important in the early stages
of Sumerian religion, but it seems that at the end
Temple-<.;:��.es (Stage 5)
of the third millennium the worship of Inanna in
Rituals and�_crecfJ,eli�Js were a means of main- Uruk was of greater importance than that of Anu.
taining order as e!rJy as the first permanent settle- Many of the early artistic representations of the
ments i� the Near Ea.st. With the growth in size and Sumerian gods and goddesses during the Uruk and
complexity -�i �ommunities during the 'Ubaid pe­ Jemdet Nasr periods were symbolic in form. For
riod, there was a concomitant need for greater example, Anu was portrayed by a horned cap and
mechanisms of integration. A religious order cen­ Inanna by a bundle of reeds (Figure 8-23, page 276).
tered in temple structures assumed much of the Beginning in the Early Dynastic period, portrayal
burden of structuring the growing societies. Early of the deities became increasingly anthropomor­
Mesopotamian religion, like that of later societies, phic, often with distinguishing headdresses.
supplied its adherents with a simplified model of Enlil and Enki with Anu made up the triad of
the acceptable social structure and rituals designed prominent Sumerian gods (Saggs 1962). Enlil was
to mitigate the effects of natural forces (Frankfort King of the Earth, just as Anu was King of Heaven.
et al. 1949). A moral framework and modes of in­ Enlil was considered the national god of Sumer,
terrelationships were set forth in the theological with his cult centered in Nippur. Enlil's association
teachings of the religious elite. According to third­ with Nippur gave that city a special pan-Sumerian
millennium texts, Sumerian religion was based on religious significance. Enki was considered to be
a fatalistic theology. The gods established laws that king of water and the subterranean and was be­
were unchanging. People did not have free will but lieved to be sympathetic toward the plight of hu­
were governed by the decisions both of the major mankind. The city of Eridu, considered in Sumerian
gods and of their own personal intermediary gods. myths to be the oldest city, was the home of the
The gods were lords of the temple estates and the cult of Enki.
cities. Human beings had been created specifically A group of deities second in importance to Anu,
to relieve the gods of the tedium of doing work. Enlil, and Enki consisted of Utu, god of the sun
The gods appointed human representatives to di­ (Shamash in Semitic), Nanna, god of the moon (Sin
rect day-to-day activities. They were the priests of in Semitic), and lnanna, goddess of the planet
the deity's temple, usually headed by a person Venus (Ishtar in Semitic). Of the three, the moon
holding the title of En (Saggs 1962). god was most prominent and his cult was centered
Because of the instability and central importance at the city of Ur. Being controller of the night and
of Mesopotamian agriculture, it is logical to sup­ the lunar calendar, Nanna was deemed responsible
pose that the earliest deities would have been for creating many omens. Utu, god of the sun,
-
involved with fertility
- .
and
- "
naturaJ
·--- - _ fo_;:�s. The
.

Sumerian gods were related to life-giving powers

was considered to be god of justice. Inanna's sig­
nificance increased rapidly with the ascendency of
- -
in nature, such as water, earth, and air.· The role Semites in Mesopotamia. Under the name Ishtar,
arutrelative importance of each deity varied she was virtually the only female deity, assimi­
through time and between cities. T� h_ead of the lating the personality and functions of other god­
{
pantheon was the god An�,. l(ing £ 1-Ie�en. His desses (Saggs 1962). She became goddess both of
main characteristic was royalty, and it was from war and of sexual love, revealed to mankind as
him that most individual human rulers received Venus, the morning and evening star.
276 Chap/tr Firs/ Stridt Toward Urbanism

Figure 8-23
Uruk-period cylinder seal
(modem impression) showing a
boat being poled and a bundle of
reeds (symbol for lnanna) being
carried by animal. (Photograph
from The Oriental Institute. The
University of Chicago.)

Daily libations and sacrifices of animals, fish, or

plant material were offered to the city's patron
--
temple becoming the center for the redistributive
econom . By banding together in this type of com-
deity at the temple. The priest of the temple was munal production and storage system, individual
the deity's steward on earth, seeing to the god's farmers were hedging against lean agricultural
needs and interpreting his omens. Periodic feasts years. The temple was a logical place to center a
or celebrations, many of which were attended by redistributive economy, with all of its ritu�n­

-
the general public, were carried out by the temple cerning regeneration and it_s credos £o crder-and
functionaries. We know from later periods that the fairness. Temple administrators soon did more--
most important religious ceremony was to ask for tha�ollE:_ct and distribaje. They advised �rmers
the annual regeneration of vegetation. The origin about agricultural schedules, arranged for 3ater
of this ceremony may be as early as the fouth mil­ control, initiated corp�rate ventures of larger
lennium. The ew Year festival was a series of groups, and rewarded co-operative individuals. The
rituals in honor of the "sacred marriage" between temple elite soon became mana ers of la_rge se ors

-
the city ruler and the goddess lnanna (or her repre­ of the productive economy of the early cities.
sentative). After the connubial activities, the god­ --
Temples owned land and employed workers di-
dess fixed the destiny of the king and his city for rectly. Because the temple elite controlled lar e
the next year. q�antities offoodstuffs, they were able to su ort
Many elements of the structure and content of full-time craft specialists, such as scribe�_potters,
Sumerian religion became a part of subsequent masons, and textile wor�rs. The temple also con­
religions. The construction of temples manned by trolled the lon_g-distance trad.:__required to �ing
full-time religious functionaries is a pattern that in raw materials for these specialists ':..nd received
has continued in most major religions. The Sumer­ in return the status goods that helped to reinforce
ian creation myth, flood epic, and assorted parables its position. Because the temple administrators con­
are preserved in slightly modified form in Judeo­
Christian scriptures. Of equal importance, the
Sumerian religion created a creed of behavior and
-
trolled the collection of large quantities of agri­
cultural produce, they accumulated reserves for
lean years. The same methods that were used to
ideals of humaneness that strongly influenced all encourage production of these reserves were em­
subsequent religious thinking. ployed to accumulate surpluses for craft activities,
The meteoric rise in importance of the temple temple buildings, and status goods.
community during the fourth millennium cannot Because of its having the central role in the re­
be explained fully by the ability of religion to help distributive economy, the temple became the
order society or to allay fears about regeneration. domina�t architectural £.ea�re in the city; its ad­
The growth of the temple and of the early Meso­ ministrators were economically and olitically
potamian cities around them was closely linked to powerful;7nd it was the center for organizational
the economic activities in which they engaged, the and technological innovation.
 Organiztitiontil Dtvtlopmtnls in Etirly Mtsopoltimia 277

The 'Ubaid-period temples of Eridu were small some general way their quantity should be a rough
compared with the Uruk period's Anu ziggurat at indicator of the wealth of the person buried. Of the
Warka, which in tum was dwarfed by the later more than 200 graves of the late 'Ubaid period e�­
Eanna precinct buildings at Warka. It is likely that cavated at Eridu, there is little evidenc�_ f,Q� great
the economic and political power of the temple differe-ntiation in goods (Adams 1966:95). Normal
elite grew with the size of its buildings. As it gained grave goods include one or more vessels of pottery
power, the temple community set itself apart from or, infrequently, of stone, occasionally supple­
the remainder of the city. Platforms and ziggurats mented by a clay figurine or a few strands of beads.
elevat�� t!'�
�emples above other buildings during By the Jemdet Nasr period, there was greater vari­
the Uruk and Jemdet Nasr periods. By the Early ation in the grave goods. About one-third of the 25
Dyn-astic period, temples and houses for the func­ graves oeneadi-the. fl�ors of private houses of the
tionaries were enclosed by high walls that served Jemdet Nasr period at the northern site of Khafaje
to differentiate them from other classes of people contained stone bowls, and two contained some­
and to protect the increasing concentration of what larger accumulations, including a few well­
wealth within the temple precinct. made vessels of copper, lead, and stone (Adams
The extent of political control exerted by the 1966:96). Sixty-one of 340 graves from about the
early temple elite is not known, but it unquestion­ same period at Ur contained one or two metal cups,
ably was the single greatest economic power in and two graves had substantial concentrations of
early Mesopotamian cities. This practical consider­ material wealth. The general pattern, especially
a�combin�-� �th the m_<>ral �uthority of the re­ when compared with subsequent de�elopments of
ligion probably put the reins of command of the the Early Dynastic period (Chapter 9), implies a
city in the hands of the En. Whether this control society with only..JJlod_e_s!_�!!�tifi£�_!jon_ and_ no sharp
extended beyond the boundaries of the city is dif­ dirferenti�tions in wealth.
_ __.,._ ....
ficult to assess. A city as large as Warka of the Unfortunately, the limited scope of written docu­
Jemdet Nasr period must have exercised a strong ments from the Uruk and Jemdet Nasr periods
influence over towns within a certain radius. How restricts to a few sources the possibility of discov­
strong the control of the temple leaders was over ering strong evidence for social stratification before
the city or the surrounding country�ide remains a the Early Dynastic period when the written record
covers a wid�; ·-range
matter for further investigation, but their primacy --- -- - --- - - . - · of topi_�s.
- . . ..
in early Mesopotamian cities was unchallenged. Very few excavations of domestic architecture,
which might. yield information on differentiations
in wealth, have been made. The work that has been
Social Stratific�tie>n �nd Emerging_ <:;:la�_Sgciety done on sites earlier than the Early Dynastic period
has been limited to temple buildings. However,
���cia! �tratification is probably th.e excavators have uncovered tracts of buildings of
single most i�,EQga�t �hara�eristic _of civiliza�ion., the Early Dynastic period that did not serve a reli­
it is d.!ffi_g,llUo.....do.cWilellt its development during gious purpose that do indicate the existence of
the fifth and fourth millennia. In the absence of stratification. Before accepting the assumption that
co�prehensive written_d_o_�umgrrts or archeologic;i social stratification did not exist during the fourth
excavations that uncover broad areas of the early millennium, one must evaluate the evidence for
.---
cities, one is limited to certain inferen.ces about
class society.
the em·ergence of social stratification during the
Early Dynastic period: Is it indicative of the pat­
One form of archeological evidence does exist, terns that existed, or does it derive merely from
but its interpretation as a measure of differential the nature of earlier investigations?
wealth remains open to question. Gr��.gp_Qds were Insofar as the functionaries and administrators
buried with a body for a variety of reasons, but in of the temple shared in the obvious wealth at the
278 Cluipttr B first Striilts Toward Urbanism

temple's disposal, sharp differentiations must have dependent families or groups who had bstantial
�
been present as early as the Uruk period. The large wealth derived from agricultural and iri'd;,.�trial
quantities of status goods produced from exotic enterprises. The degree to which these wealthy
raw materials and characterized by fine artistic families worked in concert with the temple admin­
workmanship imply a class of people who were of istrators is still a matter for investigation. In some
high status. If these goods had been distributed cities there may have been an active conflict be­
solely within the temple, they would not imply a tween private power groups and the temple, but
high status class so much as a powerful institution. during the fourth millennium the temple admin­
l:!o�ever,_ �e����-����tus _gogd�-wer� rulLr.�­ istrators seem to have been in the ascendancy.
stricted to the temple precincts, altho�h_ t!u�_y-�e Few inferences can be accepted with certainty
c�ncentratecf-there, their ·distribution implies a about the social stratification during the crucial
stratification in ·s�ciety some�hat_ independ�-�t� early phase of urbanization. Scanty archeological
the temple. evidence combined with inferences based on later
�ite classes dig_ exW iodepengen!ly__ .oL.tbe organizational structures do not supply enough
temple, then it is necessary t<? i�entjfy �h�ir_SQ.Urf_e information for one to determine what was hap­
of wealth and power. Although the evidence is pening during the fourth millennium. The unfortu­
slight, it is likely that individual families or groups nate aspect of this situation is that it was during
of families rose to positions of wealth and power this first phase of urbanization, emergence of tem­
on the basis of success in agriculture. If land was ple-cities, that the die was cast for so much of
owned or leasedby-inQivicfuaT farmers, as well as subsequent society. The lack of definitive infor­
by the temple, then some landowners might have mation cannot be taken as a reason for delaying
been in better positions than others to control irri­ further interpretations. Rather, the inadequacy re­
gation according to the model for urban growth quires that the scholar examine the available infor­
posited in Figure 7-7 (on page 230). This would mation intensively to determine what additional
have led to differentiation in wealth and power categories of data are required. Although scholars
among the landowners that would have increased have pondered about the beginnings of civilization
if properly managed. It is likely that during the as long as there has been a concern for history, in
fourth millennium, along with the growing wealth terms of empirical information and results, this
and power of the temple community, there were in- study is still in its infancy.
C H A p T E R

THE RISE OF POLITICS

AND STATE SOCIETY
King of the Four Quarters

The Sumerians and Akkadians brought new heights of creativity

and complexity to Mesopotamian civilization during the third millennium.
Political organization advanced with the formation of city-states, of
confederacies of cities, and for a time, of nation states under powerful military
rulers. While these developments were taking place, a state society
was being formed in the Nile Valley that was to interact
closely with Mesopotamian civilization, but maintain a form and
content very much its own.
The bulk of archeological information about the Sumerian
occupation of southern Mesopotamia is drawn from architectural changes
and items of material culture. Recently, extensive field surveys
have yielded data on successive settlement patterns. Objects of art and written
records take on greater weight in the interpretation of
Sumerian society and, consequently, the emphasis in this chapter
changes from matters of technology and subsistence to those of politics, kings,
religious pantheons, and economic administration.
During the second half of the third millennium, Mesopotamia
was dominated by two powerful state governments. The Akkadians, a group
of Semites under a leader named Sargon, formed what is considered
to have been the first empire in Near Eastern history. This
amalgamation was short lived and replaced by a resurgence of Sumerian
authority in the form of the Ur III state. Under both types of rule, there were
advances in administration, law, trade, and military organization.
280 Cluipttr 9 Tlit Rist of Politics and Statt Socitty

The culmination of the rise of civilization in the 3 Hierarchical and differential access to basic
ancient Near East was the emergence of an urban resources
society with city and state administrative organi­ · 4 Monopoly of force
zations. Although many important innovations
were to be introduced in later periods, the social Gregory Johnson suggests a definition of the
institutions that characterize complex society had state that builds on earlier ideas: a state is defined
already evolved. While the Sumerian and Akkadian as a society that is "primarily regulated through a
civilizations flourished during the third millennium differentiated and internally specialized decision­
in Mesopotamia, temt>le cities were transformed making organization which is structured in mini­
into politically autonomous city-states. Secular mally three hierarchical levels, with institutionaJ­
�ower emerged as the dominant force in early ized provision for the operation and maintenance
cities, which were eventually united to form loose of this organization and implementation of its
confederacies that periodically were welded into decisions" Oohnson 1973b:2).
national states. Many aspects of complex society Decisions are usually made and communicated
matured during the first half of the third millen­ to the populace through a complex set of adminis­
nium through the genius of the Sumerians, includ­ trators and bureaucrats. These decisions are often
ing foreign trade, mass-production, metallurgy, formalized into codes of laws that are supported
animal-drawn carts, irrigation works, decora�ve by religious, cultural, and personal attitudes. Their
arts, jewelry, law, and warfare. The _��ba�__c;!evel_op­ enforcement is accomplished through the state's
�ent that had begun during earlier mill�_@i� _ in monopoly on the use of force. However, the strong­
the highland areas reached maturity in_so_utheUt est states do not find it necessary to utilize their
Mesopota�ia. In many respects the early civiliza­ ultimate persuasive techniques. Periods of strong
tion of the Sumerians was not to be surpassed by state governments in Mesopotamia were often
later generations. Only one major development those of relative stability, which enabled trade,
eluded the Sumerians, political unification: the final industry, literature, and the arts to flourish.
stage of the rise of civilization, the formation of na­ The use of the term state in this book to describe
tional states, was accomplished by another group, the nature of some third-millennium Mesopota­
the Semites. mian societies has as its basis the similarities of
The emergence of the national state with its those societies with current national states. How­
characteristic form of government is an achieve­ ever, it is not implied that Mesopotamian states
ment of long-range significance. The poli�c_a\ _his­ share all characteristics with modem states. Me­
tory of the Near East from the third millennium chanisms of organization of human societies have
until the spread oflslarii1n·th;;e;enth �;�htry-A�o. experienced a long and complex sequence of devel­
has alternated betwe�n - segmentation into small opment, but the evolution of urbanism, stratified
warring city-s�tes and unification under a_ strong class society, and law codes are the basis of ancient
dynastic a�!hority. The omnipresent tendency civilizations as they are of our own. The "empires"
toward separatism and competition in Mesopo­ of the Akkadian and Ur III Dynasties seem loosely
tamia was overcome only periodically by integra­ structured in terms of subsequent administrations,
tive mechanisms that temporarily welded the but compared with their predecessors they were
feuding constituencies into a unified state. major innovations that contained many elements.
Many scholars have attempted to define the state of future administrative developments.
(Service 1962; Adams 19�a; Fried 1967; Wright Several overall trends are apparent in the rise of
1970; Flannery 1972a). Generally the emphasis is state administrations: (1) an increase in organized
on the following factors: military power; (2) the emerg�nce of rulers whose
1 Concentration of economic and political power primary base of support is in the secular realm,
2 Organization along political and territorial lines although frequently reaffirmed by the religious
 Early Chronology of the Egyptian Civilization 281

sector; (3) a rapid growth in the size and complexity ments are subjects of considerable controversy and
of government functionaries, the bureaucracy; and investigation. In Mesopotamia, there was a long
(4) the growing economic networks put a premium and seemingly continuous development of social
on centralized control of distant and local economic i!'stitutions and technology. Most scholars agree
systems. These interrelated developments were a that the earliest examples of most civilizational
continued response to the same factors that led to traits are found there and that Mesopotamia strong­
urbanism in the fourth millennium (see Chapter 7); ly influenced the development of its neighbors.
in addition, they were affected by the broader scope In contrast to the development of Mesopotamia,
of interactions and greater productive capabilities where it took 4,000 years to get from early agricul­
that had been realized with the advent of urbanism. ture to early cities (with identifiable antecedents
The heads of early Mesopotamian states were for most developments), the rise of civilization in
.---·- · · ···
often secula_r �ers who directly controlled the Egy_pt w'!:s. achie_ve� more rapidly. From the intro-
military establishment, but they were not the only cl.uction of agriculture to the establishment of the
powerful elements in society. The relig_i_ous �lite, state in Egypt took about 2,500 years. The Phara­
although often appointed by the king, maintained onic state was then maintained with relative stabil­
considerable power and sometimes challenged the ity for 2,500 years. The reasons for this ab.errant
supremecy of the secular authorities. Wealthy development, though often sought in foreign influ­
fami_l�s whose source of wealth may have been ences, can be fully understood only in relation to
agricultural land or commerce may also have the ecological setting and the social milieu that
wielded power independently of the king. It is developed in Egypt.
clear that these alternative power bases-the mili­
tary, religion, and wealth-sometimes came to­
Early Chronology of the
gether in creating a powerful dynasty, but at other
Egyptian Civilization
times they led to separate, competing power groups
within a particular society. Each group may have
Neolithic
had its own means of influencing the course of
events and selecting future rulers, but it was, the Early farming villages in Egy pt are known only
�ontrol_ (?f force, especially through the promulga­ in scattered locations and are dated relatively late
tion of laws and the support of the standing army, in comparison with others in Southwest Asia. The
that gave the secular ruler primary authority. Dif­ sites in the F�)'UUill Depr:_ession that have been
ferent groups were alternately weak and strong, categorized as Fayuum A and B cultures manifest
as was the overall power of central government, an est��ished viUage eco_n.C>my (Figure 9-1). The
but the general trend that is discernible was of Fayuum Depression was the site of a lake fed by
greater control in the hands of the central govern­ the Nile River that enabled the villagers to take
ment. This trend was disrupted by interludes of advantage of aquat�� r_ :_esources as well as to use
segmentation or weak central governments, but the water for agriculture. Her�ing was practiced,
each time another state emerged to take control. and hun!ing supplemented the diet. The houses
Although this book is an attempt to explain the were small, some of them semisubterranean oval
rise of civilization in greater Mesopotamia, em­ huts with mud walls. Although investigations of
phasis on developments there is not meant to deny the Neolithic period of the Nile Valley are far from
the importance of events in other regions of the exhaustive, current evidence reveals that agij_�ul­
Near East. Each major region-Mesopotamia, the ture was introduced in about 5500 e.c. or later.
Nile Valley, Anatolia, highland Iran, and the Le­ This is far later than equivalent developments in
vant-developed in partial isolation, but there were the uplands of greater Mesopotamia and has led
important interactions between them. The nature scholars to infer that the concept and technology
of the relationships and the priority of develop- of agriculture came to Egypt from Southwest Asia.
282 Chapttr 9 Tht Rist of Politics and St It Socitty

out Egyptian prehistory and history, the culture

EDITERRA EA E of the two regions , ere different from one another
to a degree. Yet the success of the political adminis­
tration of the Egyptian state can be measured by
the degree of cohesion between the people of the
two regions.

L \ er Egypt
Badarian
.Cairo
Su hra • • Mtm his
p The progression of predynastic cultures is be·st
Fiiyuu • known from pper Egypt because of less siltation
and more intensive archeological investigation
there. The first of three stages of the predynastic
period in Upper Egypt is referred to as the Badarian
culture from its early identification at the site of El
Badari (Figure 9-1). The people of this culture did
not live significantly differently from their eo­
lithic predecessors. They were simple farmers and
gatherers, living in small mud huts. Their pottery
as often burnished red with polished smudged
• El Badari
• black interior and exterior rims. Increasing atten­
tion was being paid to the burial of the dead, a
custom that continued throughout Egyptian history.
any Badarian burials were in small ooden
Thin is. tombs, in which foo� and utensils were placed.
Abydos 0 0 El A m ra Metalwork was being done in Egypt at this time
agadeh • but in small quantities and consisting of only the
Upper hammering of copper. Beads covered with a colored
Egypt glaze are the earliest evidence for the production
H ierakonpolis • of a vitrified enamel ancestral to glass. Cosmetic
palettes were carved out of schist, a practice that
continued, with elaboration, for the next thousand
Figure 9-1
Early sites in the ile alley. years. Badarian re ains include other artwork as
well, such as combs, handles, and figu rines carved
from ivory, and molded clay statuettes. These ob­
The early villages of the ile alley soon de­ jects have been discovered largely as part of the
veloped into large settlements with a substantial burial offerings in the tombs of this period.
cultural inventory. Even during the eolithic pe­
riod, there was a pronounced difference between
Amratian
materials in the north and those in the south. (As
described in Chapter 2, the ile alley is composed The second stage of development in predynastic
of two distinct regions: the Upper ile (south) is a Egypt is referred to as Amratian, after the site of
narrow valley with rock escarpments close to the El Amra, near Abydos (Figure 9-1). Amratian re­
river leaving a narrow cultivable plain; the lower mains have been found directly superimposed on
ile (north) widens out into a broad plain and Badarian deposits_, which suggests continuity be­
eventually into the triangular ile Delta.) Through- tween the two periods. The people of the Amratian
 Early Chronology of tht Egyptian Civilization 283

period continued to use the black-smudged, red­ would decorate the vessel. Stone maceheads were
burnished ware first employed during Badarian also found in Gerzean deposits. Pear-shaped jew­
times, but they developed other pottery types as elry, metallurgy, and the importation of exotic raw
well, including plain monchrome vessels and two­ materials increased in importance. More precious
colored ones. The first decorated pottery in Egypt stones and gold were put in burials of the Gerzean
was evidently produced during the Amratian pe­ period than had ever been before. Their presence
riod. Geometric designs or naturalistic figures were there indicates that not only were trading networks
painted on pots in dull white on a red-brown back­ within the Near East increasing in size, but Egypt's
ground; a fevlpieces had elaborate decorations in participation in them was becoming greater. Al­
white on a black background incised on them though it is difficult to determine from current
(Vercoutter 1965). There is evidence that the Egyp­ evidence, the exotic materials and the increasing
tians used green or gray eye make-up during this richness of some tombs probably indicate that
period. The make-up had a mineral base (mala­ craft specialization was increasing and society was
chite or galenaj,_ and_ its ingredients were ground becoming stratified. By late Gerzean times, the
together on stone palettes. Flint and other stones agricultural economy was highly developed and
were used in the manufacture of tools more than had probably produced a wealthy class of people.
was copper. A macehead in the form of a truncated The agricultural elite may have been the core of the
cone was a common form of weapon. Although growing religious elite in Egypt, or the two groups
there are many sites with Amratian materials, the may have been independent of one another.
Amratian culture is known to have covered only a
small part of the Nile Valley, the middle section
Unification of Egypt
of Upper Egypt.
From what later, written sources say about this
early period, it is possible to infer a hypothetical
Gerzean
course of events. In early Gerzean times, there may
After the relatively short lived Amratian period have been several competing towns, each with its
came a long period referred to as the Gerzean. own patron deity. It is recorded that at some time
Gerzean remains are widespread, being found in during this predynastic period the towns of the
both Upper and Lower Egypt, and signify the cry­ north gained ascendancy over those of the south.
stallization of predy!l_a��c Egypt. Among these re­ This may account for the archeologically recogniz­
mains, evidence can be found for the first steps able distribution of Gerzean cultural items from
toward the national state that was to develop. The the north to the south. Subsequently, the south
artifacts, burials, and settlements were given new adopted many of the innovations of the north to
forms. Gerzean pottery derived its distinctive color become the leader in developments. At this time,
from the use of specific clay sources. On the char­ each area may have become united in a loose con­
acteristic light gray to buff background color, nat­ federation under the ruler of the most powerful
uralistic designs were painted in dark red. The town or cult. Inscriptions on later monuments de­
representations were stylized but were meant to be scribe these confederations as "kingdoms" and
ibexes, flamingoes, mountains, and boats. These their leaders as "kings," but this may be a projec­
designs, as well as examples of human figures, were tion of later institutions backward in time. It was
in many respects ancestral to common artistic and during this period of rivalry and confederations
ritualistic works of later historic periods. Gerzean that much of the groundwork and trappings of the
craftsmen were accomplished at the fabrication later Pharaonic state must have developed.
of stone bowls. The vessels were made from ex­ The final political developments that led to the
tremely hard stone, such as basalt, diorite, or brec­ formation of the First Thinite Dynasty can be hy­
cia, specifically chosen so that the natural venation pothesized on the basis of several pieces of repre-
28' Cl111pttr 9 Tltt Rist of Politics 11nll St11tt Socitty

sentational artwork. All the palettes and maceheads sequent lists of kings are not completely preserved,
that portray this event in protohistoric times have and even those compilations made during Greek
been found in the earliest temple at Hieraconpolis, and Roman times are not available in their original
which was probably the last capital of the south form. The most complete record is an inscription
before unification of the country (Vercoutter 1965). on the Palermo Stone, which was made in about
On one of the maceheads is the representation of 2500 a.c. and which includes the name of each
the king who had just vanquished an army in the Pharoah and the exact length of his reign. Using
north, wearing the crown of Upper Egypt. Because this record and the recopied work of a third-century
his name is written with an unreadable hiero­ a.c. Egyptian priest called Manetho, who com­
glyphic symbol that includes a scorpion, he has piled a master king list, it is possible to reconstruct
been called the "Scorpion King." Another impor­ with some precision the names of the early rulers
tant item is a huge and magnificent schist palette of the Egyptian state and the lengths of their reigns.
with reliefs carved on both surfaces. On the one The First Dynasty is dated at about the same time
side of the palette the king, who is identified as as the beginning of the Early Dynastic period in
Narmer by a readable hieroglyphic, is shown wear­ Mesopotamia. The identity of the first king of the
ing the crown of Lower Egypt, striking Northern First Dynasty remains uncertain: the Narmer pal­
enemies dead, and inspecting their decapitated ette implies that the first king was Narmer, whereas
corpses. Manetho's list gives King Menes as the first ruler.
On the basis of these sources of information and It is possible that the two names were among sev­
others, it is thought that the towns of the north and eral used by a single king.
south were in conflict for a long period, perhaps There is also some question of the location of
for several generations. It is likely that each side the capital of the First Dynasty. Manetho referred
banded together to form temporary confederations to the First and Second Dynasties as Thinite, after
headed by mili_tary leaders, who probably assumed a city near Abydos in Upper Egypt. Although major
more responsibility than before. When the ultimate royal tombs of the First Dynasty have been dis­
victory was won by the army of the south, its leader covered in the cemetery at Abydos, much larger
made the confederation permanent and put it di­ tombs have been uncovered at Sakkara, near
rectly under his own control. Hence, the unification Memphis (Figure 9-2). The ruling family of the
of Egypt and the early Pharaonic state seems to First Dynasty came from the south, and Thinis was
have been born out of military unrest. The increas­ probably its home. By the beginning of the Second
ing power of the military ruler would have been a Dynasty, the capital of Egypt was definitely at
natural result of the long period of warfare. It Memphis, near the angle in the Nile Delta. It would
would have been to the religious elite's advantage have been a strategic move in terms of uniting the
to side with this new power base by giving religious feuding factions of the country to relocate the capi­
sanction to the position of the Pharoah. tal on the boundary between Upper and Lower
Egypt. It is likely that soon after unification, during
the First Dynasty, Memphis was made the main
First and Second Dynasties
capital. However, because the ruling family came
With th� establish_m�nt _e>f the... �entralized gov­ from the south, and the south was victorious in the
emme�t _ o� . t!i:_ �irst_ Dynasty� Egypt entex:e�_ the war with the north, it is reasonable to assume that
histori� p�riod_(c�31QO_!�J. Inscriptions and mon­ royal residences, or at least major monuments,
uments of the rulers of the_ early dynasties have would have been built in the homeland of the
been discovered and identified. Later Pharoahs had Pharoahs.
their scribes compile lists of all their predecessors, The unification of Egypt probably took many
leaving a record of the succession to the throne generations to stabilize and make permanent.
starting with the first Pharoah. Unfortunately, sub- Three techniques were used to foster national
 Early Chronology of tht Egyptian Civilization 28S

. ... ----·
- . .�
----
-._........___ -•• · .,, .,.,._ ••_.__ -· ,;.�: : -. .· .• ��1;-t:�?!.ltl.

Figure 9-2
First Dynasty tomb at Sakkara. (After Walter B. Emery.)

unity: the transfer of the capital to an intermediary brought in from the Levant, metal ore from Nubia,
city, armed .forces, and intermarriage. The use of and ivory from farther south in Africa. The admin­
force is attested to by several artifa�ts that portray istration of long-distance trade and the increasing
warfare, such as the Narmer palette. The practice use of substantial irrigation works was controlled
of intermarriage is inferred from the names of the by the <::er:itralized authority at Memphis. During
queens of the First Dynasty, revealing that the the first two dynasties, the offices and bureaucracy
kings from the south often took brides from the that were to characterize Egyptian government for
north. The success of these efforts at unification is 3,000 years first emerged: provincial rulers, census
unquestioned. The unity and relative internal peace officials, and the grand vizier-all had early coun­
is even more significant when compared with si­ terparts during this period. The king-later called
multaneous events in the fragmented Mesopotam­ the Pharoah-was the center of the administration,
ian Plain. The relative lack of internal dissention a· position he maintained in the religion, artwork,
allowed the early kings of Egypt to concentrate on and writing of Egypt. The monarchy itself estab­
external menaces. There were campaigns to the lished its special ideology of kingship; enthrone­
south into Nubia and northwest against the Libyan ment ceremonies became fixed. A festival closely
desert dwellers. linked to the ideology of royal power took place
Internation�l trade also was fostered by the regularly, and a cult came into being centered on
Early Dynastic rulers. Wood and rare stones were the person of the king. The Pharoah himself, repre-
286 Cluipltr 9 Th, Rist of Politics and.Stat, Socit�

sentative and descendant of the god Horus, fre­ rather different lines from those_followed by the
quently was spoken of as a god (Vercoutter 1965). Mesopotam_i�r:t civilization. The late-beginning
With the establishment of the united monarchy
in Egypt, writing and science flourished. Hiero­
agricultural
. . ,. .

a successful a�cultu.r�!.,b���- Trade a11<Urrigation_

--
-- villages gave.way quickly to- -t�wns and
glyphic writing was already known during late played important roles from the beginning. Unlike
Gerzean times, but with the First Dynasty it became what happened in Mesopotamia, the pe!_i_�� of
more common. Unlike the Mesopotamian picto­ riYal _citie�. did n_ot co�t���� f9� long,_,I)_O_r. �_i<! _����e
graphic script that soon developed into an ab­ riv�ry C_(?���e after the establishment of the first
stracted and simplified symbol system, Egyptian national state government. Cities d�veloped in
writing maintained its p�ec_ise_ icl_�.9grams. For the E�-�-<?t on the �!:'��ou_s ��_ale.9f_�or
most part, ideograms were used to represent their Nip�. _!'ower was veste<!,§:-th�_�a�d not in_
facsimilies or related concepts. The rebus_etj...ru;iple jus_�!Y. The Pharoahs soon established shrines-and
was adopted slowly, allowing for the communica­ teII}ples throughout the country, which enhanced
tion of subtle concepts by means of similar sound­ the maintenance of internal stability and unifica­
ing symbols. The major disadvantages of the tion; however, at certain times when central author­
Egyptian system of writing were the enormous ity was weak, the provinces exhibited significant
number of symbols, the difficulty of executing autonomy.
these symbols, and the lack of any indication of Urban development in Egypt had some of the
whether a symbol was to be read as a word-sign characteristics of that in Mesopotamia, but they
(ideogram) or a sound-sign (phoneme). were different in duration and scale (refer to Figure
Mathematics was already highly developed dur­ 7-1 on page 221). In the Egyptian sequence of de­
ing the early dynasties, but largely in a nontheo­ velopment, the phases of temple-cities (Stage 5 of
retical, pragmatic manner. As was to be the case Mesopotamian development) and warring city­
later, scientific developments were in the direction states (Mesopotamian Stage 6) were combined into
of precision of measurement. Astron�I.n)' was well one short phase. Hence, although early advances
established at this time. Originally, a lunar calendar in technology and organization of a farming econ­
was employed, but it was supplemented by a more omy probably did not originate in the Nile Valley,
accurate �::-�onth solar calen?ar. The_locatior;,t� of after they had been effectively adopted a national
buildings and their orie,n�!i9.I!_w�re_. determin�d state developed with great speed.
by the astrono��rs.
Although there is little direct evidence for it, it
is likely that during the first two dynasties the reli­ Chronological Sequences of Major .J. -½ , -4-
gion of Egypt with its characteristic pantheon was Mesopotamian City"".States n f\ ·r:J_ (_o,L e--
{JY'-C\:' '-: . _v 4,1,m ,·,
1
..:.

already established. Only one religious sanctuary

',. -
o., ;µI)
of this period has been found, at Abydos. However, The sixth general stage of community· growth
inscriptions on the Palermo Stone mention the was introduced by the emergence of numerous
building and rebuilding of many temples by the city-states in southern Mesopotamia {refer to Fig­
kings of the first two dynasties. ure-7-i�·pag�-2ii)��-developmental stage
By the end of the Second Dynasty, at about is thought by archeologists to have occurred at
--
2600 B.C., the molcl of what��� to heco:ine Egyptian
civilization had been formed .. The legacy of the
roughly the period referred to as Early Dynastic I,
II, and III. � from this period are
first rulers included an administral:io�--�th_the more comprehensive than earlier ones and are the
Pharoah at its center; a religi�, with each city hav­ most important source of information. C_i��s_ �
inga - patron deity and a temple complex; and a C�!!',�_ larg_er and the number of Sumerian centers
sys_te_m of writing and art that were to remain grew to about one dozen. Sources of e�ce of
largely unchan�l:_d: _�gypt -had devel�p;l·-�long organized warfare are both the written records----
and
--=------
 Chronological Stqutnus of Major Mtsopolomion City-Stolts UJ1

the --·
-· massive defensive walls built around the im-
·· - -

portant cities. Social�tr�t_!(i<2_�ti_on_ is amply attested

changed; rather its arrangement was modified. The
major figures of the design, such as goats or cattle,
to, especially in the royal burials at Ur. The tem..EJe were carved in a row, and the remainder of the
remained the center of economic, religious, and -ad- · --· surface was ornamented with fishes, stars, crosses,
------·· .
ministrative affai.rs. However, during the Early lozenges, or other small motifs. These cylinder
Dynastic period, a secular autho�ity devel(?pe_d that seals ��ul_d be used to produce an unbroken frieze
eventually separated itself from the teq1ple, as evi­ of _a!!YJ�_gth_. __
denced by the palace build_i_ng_s at several Mesopo­ Many of the cylinder seals found at southern
tamian cities. Mesopotamian cities carry designs in which the
The city-states of the Early Dynastic period were cuneiform script is a major element (Porada 1965).
the culmination of the urbanization of the preced­ Combinations of cuneiform signs and representa­
ing 'Ubaid, 'Uruk, and Jemdet Nasr periods. Al­ tional forms are common. The cuneiform signs
though each city often attempted to extend its do­ served both as decorative motifs and as signs hav­
minion over neighboring cities, the basic unit of ing meaning, such as a name or an incantation.
integration remained the city and its surroundings.
Growth of the socioeconomic unit beyond the
Architecture
bounds of individual cities did not occur until the
seventh phase of urbanization, the nation-state. The beginning of the Early Dynastic period is
Besides being a period of rapid political evolu�ion, characterized at many sites by the introduction of
the Early Dynastic period was a time of ��a_! artis­ the piano-convex brick. These cushion-shaped
tic achievement. Quantities of �xotic raw materials bricks were flat on one side and curved on the
were employed in d_iyerse forms of artistic expres­ other. On the curved side finger marks have often
sion, from the minute _g!yp!k designs on cylinder been preserved from when the mud had been
seals to monumen�l_b_!.1ildings and stonework. pressed into the mold by hand. Almost all major
architecture in southern Mesopotamia and much
of that in the rest of Mesopotamia was constructed
Artifacts
of �la_�o -.conv�x !>r!ck during the Early Dynastic
The Early Dynastic period was not as distinctly period.
set apart from its predecessors artifactually as ar­ Foundations of the larger buildings were con­
cheologists would like. Technology developed and structed of rough, untrimmed blocks of stone at
improved but did not change radically. Much of the sites where stone was locally available, such as
pottery of the Early Dynastic period is indistin­ Mari and Al 'Ubaid. At Ur, stone blocks were used
guishable from that of the Jemdet Nasr period. to erect corbelled vaults over tomb chambers built
There are some additions to the ceramic inventory, underground. The use of the vault in above-ground
such as the solid-footed goblet, fruit stands, heavy buildings of this period has not yet been dis­
cylindrical beaker, and small cups with everted covered. However, arches made of piano-convex
rims (Figure 9-3, page 288). mud-bricks have been found over the doorways of
Whereas rapid changes in technology and style the houses (Frankfort 1954).
are not evidenced by Early Dynastic pottery, other The architectural design of major buildings
parts of the material inventory indicate that crea­ shows a continuity with that of preceding periods.
tive changes were taking place. Representations on The layouts of temples constructed during earlier
cylinder seals changed from solid figures to flat, periods were maintained with minor modifications
overall patterns (Figure 9-4, page 289). Henri in rebuilding during the Early Dynastic period.
Frankfort has identified a "brocade style" among Nevertheless, there were important innovations in
the seals from the Diyala region (1939; 1954). The architecture other than the use of piano-convex
subject matter of these seals was not substantively bricks. As evidenced from the remains of several
288 Cluipttr 9 The Rist of Politics anti Stalt Socitty

C
B

n ° M� tt\\•"
0

-��btl��\'t
0 O
D

Figure 9-3
Profiles of Early Dynastic pottery types: (A-E) Early Dynastic I; (F-H) Early
Dynastic II and m. (After Adams and Nissen, 1972.)

buildings, increased attention was paid to the mon­ plexe� preserved from the Early Dynastic period
umentality of major entrances. Towers or pJll�rs is the Temple (?val at I<hafaje_in the Diyal�_Valley
embellished entrances of certain buildings at Kish, (Figures 9-5 and 9-6). The Temple Oval was a
Mari, and Khafaje (Frankfort 1954). The construc­ walled-in sacred precinct that was self-sufficient
tion of large oval compounds around major temples in many respects. The massive perimeter wall en­
at Khafaje and Al 'Ubaid were unique to this pe­ closed an area of more than 3 hectares, including
riod. Large architectural complexes from the second a huge courtyard, workshops, magazines, a priest's
half of the Early Dynastic period at Mari, Kish, house, a second enclosure wall, and a temple­
and Eridu were identified as palac�� maJ!ifes.!_ing sanctuary •on top of a platform (Mallowan 1968).
------
the growth- -- of _a -�ew-----
.
element in the administrati..Q!l..
-----------· ------ The three rebuildings of the Temple Oval belong
of the ear!_y cities. to Early Dynastic II and ID; they are indications
One of the great monumental
-----· · - -· .
building com-
·-----
of the power in- -the --
. . . .
hands
----- ---...
of the temple elite and
 Chronological Sequences of Major Mesopotamian Cit-y-Slales 289

Figure 9-4
Early Dynastic cylinder seals i.11 the brocade style. (Photograph
from The Oriental Institute. The University of Chicago.)

Figure 9-5
Aerial view of the excavations at the site of Khafaje, centering on the Early
Dynastic Temple Oval and adjacent domestic buildings. (Photograph from
The Oriental Institute. The University of Chicago.)

the scope of the activities in their control during manifestation of the growing power of the temple
these periods. Within the Temple Oval compound elite. Evidence that both economic and religious
was a sculptor's workshop, and numerous pieces activities took place within the same compound,
of human sculpture were found in various loca­ separate from the remainder of the community,
tions within the compound, including copper fig­ is physical documentation of the developing social
ures of nude males. These are among the earliest order. The Temple Oval was the center of many
known objects fabricated by the lost-wax casting important economic and cult activities at Khafaje.
technique. Access was probably limited to certain persons or
Another Temple Oval similar to the one at to specific times of the year.
Khafaje was uncovered in the Early Dynastic levels The sequence of Sin Temples at Khafaje docu­
of Al 'Ubaid. Large temples in the midst of oval­ ments the continuity of architectural design from
shaped, walled compounds are an architectural the Jemdet asr period through the end of the
290 hupltr 9 Tht Ris of Politics and Stult Socitty

Figure 9-6
Isometric reconstruction of the
probable appearance of the
Temple Oval of Khafaje and
surrounding buildings and walls.
(Photograph from The Oriental
Institute. The University of
Chicago.)

Early Dynastic period, while evidencing important eluded the use of a large mud column in the middle
changes. The first five rebuildings of the Sin of an entrance from the courtyard to one of the
Temple were undertaken during the Jemdet Nasr large chambers, niches in the facade, and a stepped
period, and the sixth through the tenth were done entrance to the building flanked by towers.
during the Early Dynastic period. The Sin Temple These three architectural features of Sin Temple
series was composed of relatively large buildings, VIU at Khafaje bear a striking resemblance to fea­
but of importance to archeologists are its conti­ tures of a larger architectural complex unearthed
nuity of development and certain features of con­ at the city of Kish to the south. According to later
struction and design. written records, Kish was acknowledged as one
The first of the Early Dynastic Sin Temples (VI) of the most important cities of Sumer during the
was built directly on its predecessor, but the walls Early Dynastic period, and at one time may have
were for the first time built of piano-convex bricks. dominated the entire region. The best-preserved
The main sanctuary of this structure was similar Early Dynastic architectural complex at Kish is the
to earlier ones: an oblong room, approximately 12 great Palace A (Figure 9-9; Mackay 1929). This
by 4 meters with a large mud-brick box-podium complex shares various characteristics with Sin
at one end. It is assumed that, because of the single Temple VIII at Khafaje. This massive building with
entrance to the sanctuary from the courtyard, ac­ many rooms was divided into two parts. The en­
cess to the sanctuary was limited to priests and trance was flanked by fortified�' and the pe­
rulers, whereas the public could enter only the rimeter wa o one of the parts was especially
spacious courtyard to deposit offerings for the thick, perhaps for. defensive purposes. Although
cult (Mallowan 1968:12). this building shares features with the religious
Sin Temple VIII (Early Dynastic II) was larger architecture at Khafaje, it is thought t_o have been
than earlier temples but included several changes the palace of a secular ruler. During Early Dynastic
in layout (Figures 9-7 and 9-8). For the first time an II and III, architectural complexes were built that
open-air altar, or podium, was built in the court­ for the first time rivaled the temple compounds in
yard, which may mean that larger numbers of size and sophistication.
people participated in the ceremonies than there The presence of palaces in addition to temple
was room for in the sanctuary. Other additions in- compounds is an indication that authority and
 Chronological Sequtnm of Major Mesopotamian City-Sta/ts 291

Figure 9-7
Plan of Sin Temple VI at Khafaje, showing open
courtyard, bent-axis approach, and monumental
entrance. (After Delougaz and Lloyd, 1942.}

0 20
Meters

Figure 9-8
The Sin Temple at Khafaje during
excavation. (Photograph from
The Oriental lnstitute. The
University of Chicago.)

0 15 Meters

Figure 9-9
Plan of what has been interpreted to have been a
palace complex at the ancient site of Kish. Note the
thick (def nsive7) wall enclosing the upper half of
the complex.
 292 Cluipltr 9 Tht Rist of PolitiC5 and Stalt Socitly

power was not solely in the hands of the temple depended on numerous factors. Access to irrigation
elite within third-millennium society. Eri.9u, in water was the primary determinant of site location
southern Mesopotamia, and f'v!_ari, on the middle and long-term economic success. Several of the
Euphrates River, also had large architectural com­ Early Dynastic-period cities were located along
plexes similar to the Kish i,�}ace and roughly t.QD­ the major courses of the Euphrates. The Euphrates
temporaneous with it. These buildings are as River offered a more constant and manageable
impressive in scale as the temple buildings exca­ supply of water for simple, small-scale irrigation
vated at those sites. It can be inferred from the systems did the Tigris. Although location along a
architectural evidence that a separate and probably major river bed was crucial, the arrangement of
greate_r power base had developed. in most Early large sites was not particularly linear. Each of th�
Dynastic Sumerian cities to rival the authority major rivers split into several large streams, and so
of the temple. the locations of cities formed a geometric pattern:
Another building form that was developed in The basic pattern of settlement was of enclaves
Early Dynastic times was related to the rise in sec­ of communities spread out across the irrigable
ular power and accompanying warfare. The� parts of the Mesopotamian Plain (see Figure 8-17
massive defensive walls surrounding s_om.e-of. the on page 264). Each enclave was dominated by one
Sumerian cities . seem to ·ha;� - -b�en c�nstr.ucted- or more large centers. Smaller sites were located
dunng the second half of the Early �sti�_pe­ at short distances from the major centers and
riod. The best-known example of these early for- often in linear patterns, following the major stream
- tifications is the wall surrounding the city of course that the city controlled. Some of the en­
•
1
�V-
,·, \.. . , Warka.
� This massive construction is made of claves were far enough apart that there would
· . - . (. ,: '- · piano-convex bricks and is 9 kilometers long, en­ have been unfarmed land between them; others
L--' closing an area of 400 hectares. The erection of were side-by-side, in which case disputes over land
this wall was credited to Warka's �!:_ry king, and water were almost certain to have occurred.
Gilgamesh, in an epic poem about him. Gilgamesh The proportion of the population that lived in rural
seemed to personify many of the ac�_c>:rnplisbroeots communities, rather than urban centers, varied
--
and- c:hange·
pages 305-306).
s in - the-&rly Dyna�tic_period (see
--- - . ------·-
&om region to region. In the Diyala region, the
rural population grew along with the urban popula­
tion during the Early Dynastic period, but the cen­
ters never attained the large size of those in the
Settlement Patterns in Early south. In the south near Warka, th�f_oun_!!yside
Dynastic Mesopotamia \-Y
was largely depopiiiatea whe1t ¥��ew�ts
maximum size during the second half of the Early
The second half of the Early Dynastic period Dynastic period:__Titis litte�;.-: �---hldicative. of a
marked the onset of the historical age and, in many strong, centralized authority and of significant mili­
respects, the crystallization of urban society. In tary strife·..
A l�rge p� ofth�opulation ofW_�rka
southern Mesopotamia, especially in the environs engaged' in agricuitural activiti�J��-biy f;rming
of Warka, there was a distinctive shift from a pat­ tile area im�diat;ly;�ding the city.
tern of rural occupation with small cities and towns Tfiere were certain-similarities in the layouts
to an abandonment of rural settlements and the of Early Dynastic cities. Central temple complexes,
growth of a few large urban centers. Archeological large-scale palace buildings, and massive defensive
survey data can be supplemented by the use of the walls are documented at several of the excavated
early cuneiform documents. By 2700 B.c., there sites. The infrequent archeological exposure of
were approximately a dozen major Sumerian cities, third-millennium domestic quarters suggests a den­
and several times that number of secondary cen­ sity of buildings not unlike the older sections of
ters. The locations of the major and minor centers modem Near Eastern cities such as Damascus,
 Stttlnntnt Patttrns in Early Dynastic Mtsopotamia 293

Syria, or Erbil, Iraq (refer to Figure 1-4 on page 6). interregional trading networks that brought in raw
Two-story architecture was probably the rule, with materials, agricultural and manufacturing activities
houses arranged around small interior courtyards. were centered in single cities. �ach city grew out
The excavations of the Diyala sites £evealed do­
mestic quarters arranged in large "blocks" set off
of- its surrounding
--- - - . -- -
rural area, and control of that
an�_a�as "!_�i!._l!___�ined. Small villages and moderate­
by roadways (see Figure 9-18 on page 30i). Small sized town� wer�. a part of each city-state. Thus, the
alleyways twisted among the crowded houses. A city and its i_!!lm�{iiate surroundings constituted the
large house of a rich family covered more than 200 basic _pQlitiw...unit. aLthe Early Dynastic period.
square meters, whereas the house of a "middle The relationship between the central city and its
class" family covered only 50 square meters and dependencies was symbiotic. The smaller commu­
may have lacked an interior courtyard. Various nities supplied the city with agricultural products
estimates have been made for the average density and manual labor and received manufactured
of population in early cities: from what is known goods, protection in times of warfare, and religious
about the average house size, the average number and agricultural information in return. Although
of people in a family, and populations of analogous confederations of city-states have been ascribed
modem cities, it can be inferred that from 100 to to the Early Dynastic period, all were rather
400 persons occupied 1 hectare (Frankfort 1950; transitory.
Adams 1965; Adams and Nissen 1972). Although Community development in Early Dynastic
population density seems to have been generally Mesopotamia can be classified as Stage 6 (refer to
constant over long periods, it did vary from com­ Figure 7-1 on page 221). In the lowland areas, inde­
munity to community and from region to region. pendent city-states had developed and they fought
Even within a walled city, the entire enclosed area with one another for supremacy. In northern Meso­
was not covered with buildings. It is believed that potamia, and in certain areas outside Mesopotamia,
the largest cities, such as Uruk and Ur, did not large towns developed in ways analogous to the
consist totally of built-up areas but included open development of city-states Oawad, 1965), but they
areas, orchards, and gardens. In addition, the cannot be considered city-states because of their
temple precincts would have housed only a few small size and a lack of emphasis on central instr­
people in large areas. tutions and specialized activities. Throughout the
From general population estimates and calcula­ Levant, Anatolia, and highland Iran were scattered
tions of available agricultural land, it is thought large sites of from 5 to SO hectares whose form was
that the maximum Early Dynastic population of characteristic of the urban sites in the upland rain­
Warka was 50,000 (Adams and Nissen 1972). fall regions. During the third millenium, large cities
Warka was one of the two or three largest Sumer­ developed only in extensive lowland areas where
ian cities. Most Sumerian cities had populations irrigation agriculture was necessary. Writing was
ranging between about 20,000 and 25,000. Allow­ unknown in most upland regions, and massive
ing for the rural population, the total population architectural structures characteristic of centralized
estimated for the Mesopotamian Plain during the control were not common.
third millennium is between one-half million and Although the political pattern in lowland Meso­
one million (Adams 1966a:71}. Although this pop­ potamia, as well as in upland regions, seems to be
ulation far exceeded those of earlier periods, it was that of independent entities, there is_ evidence of
small in comparison with fifteenth-century A.D. cooperation and specialization. Each city had its
Mesoamerican civilization, which may have been OWil patron deity o� dei!i�s Insofar as the Sumerian
:
ten times as large. pantheon was a reflection of the structure of society
The evidence from early written sources implies as seen by its participants, each city must have
that Early Dy�stic_citi�s--��-r� for the most part been distinguished by certain traits or activities.
independent po��!ties. Although there were Nippur was the city of Enlil, the god of the earth.
2M Tht Rist of Politics and State Socit,V

Being located midway between the cities of north­ Crafts and industry were also growing in scale.
ern and southern Sumer, �p_µ.r served as_ a_ r_�li­ M�ss-produ�potte!i continued to be used· -for
gious center for all Sumerian cities._ Its function as food preparation and storage. The weaving of tex­
a-;:eiigious center, however, did not make Nippur ti��� out of �ool and flax gi:ew into an enonno�
a political center, which implies a nonmilitary, industry. It is during the Early Dynastic period that
nonpolitical form of cooperation between cities. slaves �e firs� .�ocumented. They were �ork�� in
Other cooperative aspects of the diverse Sumerian the burgeoning weaving industry. Metallurgy was
-----
city-states are manifested in the wide distribution
----- -
of identical tablets for teaching scribes the �U:rn�,;_-
being improved and beca�- �n inc�e�s�g source
of implements, containers, and artwork. Although
ian language, as well as standa!:_�i��� measurem_e_nt hot hammering of copper and open stone molds
_
and numerical systems. The struggle between cities remained important, the new process of lost-wax
may not have been as constant nor as pervasi_ve as casting is documented by several Early Dynastic
the ubiquitous references in early historical docu­ pieces. The lost-wax technique consists of molding
ments imply. The confederation did not constitute in wax the object to be cast, building a clay mold
a politically unified nation, but they may have co­ around it, and melting the wax out, leaving the
��rated culturally and economically in ways that cavity to be filled with molten metal. The advan­
led to the dispersal and standardization of Sumer­ tages of this process are that it allows for variation
ian culture. in the shapes being cast and that the molds are
relatively simple to manufacture. Many of the im­
portant pieces of artwork from the Early Dynastic
Material Culture of Early period and later times were made by lost-wax cast­
Dynastic Mesopotamia ing (Figure 9-10).
Accompanying the growth of crafts and industry
The size and importance of the larger Sumerian were increases in the volume and extent of the
cities attests to widespread prosperity during the trading network. Whereas the temple community
Early Dynastic period. Material culture flourished was probably responsible for the procurement and
and the artwork exhibited an excellence theretofore distribution of imported goods during the fourth
unattain�B�hi�d_ �is -�ple�d�;-��� �f�H&tiW" j millennium, the palace assumed a share of this
syste;;J/that·- �rod�_ced _ the agi;iculbu:al responsibility in the Early Dynastic period. Most
§'oii\"� of the intercity and interregional trade was con­
surplus �o sµpport full-time craftsmen. and .long­
distanc�_ trade. lrriga!_i�n-works must-hav.e....gro.wn ducted by a class of merchant agents (dam-gar) who
�-size �d -distribution. lJ1�tralized acted on the king's behalf (G. Wright 1974). �
power of the temples ;�d ----------------
then of the kings led to received staples, such as cloth, garments, barley,
.- . - . . --- -----· · · - ------ ·- .
better organizatio� �A pl��ing !?!!�_g��ater oil,m! 1lour, -from the ro�L sto�_l!�use -��d�
control, allocation1 AAd l�� use than b��!e. The ��-�!!1 for�reign go�s. The dam-gars acted
salinization of the irrigated farmland was only be­ as part of the administrative hierarchy of the early
ginning to be felt, and the populatio�/was not large cities, but they probablysupplemented those duties
enough to have occupied all potentially farmable with pri-!,ate en�ri�e (Adams 1974a). Thus, al­
land. Hence, with fertile l��'-high-y��ld!ng grain1 though trade in early Mesopotamian cities was
cattle!.�<l -�l:i�-- the __ �'!��riaJ!_ �m,.g .was..ex­ largely administered by those in authority, ele­

------ -
tremely successful. Also by this time the secondary
-- ...___,,
product�e..E._�!l_<!�attle-:-wo.mADd milk=w�te
ments of private enterprise encroached on that
territory, leading to the growth of private capital
fullyutj_liz£.d, A fishing industry had grown to take as a power base that competed with the establlshea
advantage of the river
date palms were probably producing an important
---
--- resourc;,es, and orchards of t���ytoimded-kingshi2.
. The in�;.;singimportance of trade to �i:!ers�
dietary supplement. ex22rters, and those who transferred the goods
 Mattrial C11lt11rt of Early Dynastic Mtsopotamia 295

colonies in Anatolia. Whereas the archeological

evidence from Tell Brak supports the notion of
southern Mesopotamian traders in northern Syria,
there is little support for trading colonies in the
Indus, nor of Indus traders in Mesopotamian cities,
with the possible exception of Tell Asmar. The
scant available evidence from Early Dynastic times
implies that trade was conducted by functionaries
of the major urban institutions and that this grow­
ing class of traders ventured to nearby regions for
-- - - intermediaries
raw materials and dealt through for
----- -- - - -
more distant
-
supplies.
�--- -

Royal Cemetery at Ur

Figure 9-to The most vivid testimony to the diversity and

Chariot cast in copper, from the site of Tell Agrab in wealth of materials during the second half of the
the Diyala region. The chariot is drawn by four Early Dynastic period comes from the excavation
onagers. (Photograph from The Oriental Institute. The
of the B,..9�1 Cell}etery at Ur. More than 2,500
University of Chicago.)
graves, many of them of important personages,
were excavated under the direction of Sir Leonard
stimulated the rise of communities that speci�li?:�cl Woolley. The cemetery was in an open area of the
in trade. A pheno���;-r�cognized in later history city that had been a domestic sector during the
'--- -·· .
and probably present by Early Dynastic times Jemdet Nasr period and was subsequently covered
is the "port of trade" (Polanyi, Arensberg, and with layers of debris. Most of the important burials
Pearson 1957). Ports of trade allowed for neutral in this cemetery are dated at Early Dynastic III.
meeting places for traders from potentially hostile This cemetery was used for a long time, with many
states that nevertheless carried on long-distance graves being dug through earlier ones or overlying
trade with each other. These towns might function them. This general disorder made the excavation
as independent states, fixing prices and regulating and dating of the graves difficult, but it also allowed
the conduct of trade. They were often located on for the preservation of many of the tombs: a stra­
the coast, engaging in sea-going trade (e.g., Ugarit tum of rich graves for which there is evidence for
and Tyre), or near the boundary between two plunder probably protected the graves below.
major empires. It has been suggested that Tepe The two best-known graves are vaulted cham­
Yahya, a town in southcentral Iran, and the Persian bers situated at the bottom of deep shafts. One
Gulf Island of Bahrein may have functioned as tomb is presumed to have contained the remains
ports of trade for the Mesopotamian-Indus Valley. of a king whose body was never identified because
The excavator of Tepe Yahya interprets the evi­ the grave had been entered through the roof and
dence differently, viewing Yahya as a central place partly plundered. Adjacent to it was the vault of a
that procured and processed a raw material (green queen, Shub-ad (also called Pu-abi), who was lying
chlorite) and then traded it (Lamberg-Karlovsky on her back upon a bed, accompanied by female
1971; 1972). An alternative to ports of trade was attendants. Two wagons drawn by oxen and at­
the establishment of foreign colonies of traders in tended by male servants had been backed down the
regions that produced raw materials. This mecha­ steep entry ramp, where fifty-nine bodies were on
nism has been amply documented for the second the ground near the tomb chambers. Most of the
millennium, during which there were trading bodies were female. The few males seem to have
2 l,ap/er 9 Tht Rist of Politi and Stale Society

mpo ur of th bodi s, a willing, nonvi I nt

d ath n be assumed. After the tomb had been
cov red with dirt, another ceremony and a ritual­
istic m al took place.
In additi n t preserving hundreds of magnifi­
cent pieces of Sumerian craftsmanship, the Royal
Cemet ry is a source of insight into the customs
and beliefs of the protohistoric period. Inscriptions
found with some of the burials document that the
larger tombs held kings of the First Dynasty of Ur
and members of their families. Although the en­
tombment of servants and animals with the de­
ceased is attested to in the archeological record at
Ur, to a far lesser extent at an Early Dynastic ceme­
tery at Kish, and at contemporary Egyptian ceme­
teries of Abydos and Saqqara, there is no explicit
reference to this custom in the written records
(Mallowan 1968:42-43). There is one possible ref­
erence in the Epic of Gilgamesh to a hero being ac­
companied to the grave by his retainers. There is
little archeological evidence of the origin of this
custom, except for the increasing practice of animal
and material offerings in the temples of the Uruk
and Jemdet Nasr periods, especially at Warka. Even
more surprising than the unprecedented appear­
Figure 9-11
Bull-headed lyre of wood (reconstructed), gold, lapis ance of this cult of human sacrific� is its rapid
lazuli, and other inlaid material from the Royal disappearance. By the end of Early Dynastic III, the
Cemetery at Ur. (Photograph © The Trustees of the custom of human sacrific had been discontinued,
British Museum.) not to be revived again in Mesopotamia.·
Two competing hypotheses have been suggested
been soldiers. All of the attendants had lavish at­ to explain the occurrence of the royal burials. Ac­
tire, including large quantities of gold, silver, car­ cording to Sir Leonard Woolley, the main person­
nelian, and lapis lazuli jewelry. There were many ages were the early rulers of the city of Ur. These
metal vessels and implements. Probably the most rulers, having been considered part divine, were
spectacular pieces from these graves were muscial accompanied into the afterlife by their courtiers
instruments and decorative pieces made of gold, and material possessions. An alternative expla­
lapis lazuli, and delicately inlaid wood (Figures nation was offered by the German scholar A.
9-11 and 9-12). Moortgat. He suggested that the tombs were not
Woolley believed that all the people and animals the remains of the funeral rites of royal personages
buried at the time of Queen Shub-ad's funeral had but of a primitive fertility cult (1949). The chief
descended into the pits alive. After a ceremony male and female participants were religious per­
during which the queen's body and goods were sonnel who were put to death after representing
placed in the vault, the animals were slaughtered the god and goddess in the sacred marriage cere­
by their attendants and the men and women prob­ mony upon which the fertility of the land was
ably took poison from little bowls that were ready thought to depend. Literary and archeological
for them in the shafts. From the arrangement and arguments have been made in favor of both hy-
 Matmal Culturt of Early Dynastic Mtsopolam,a 297

potheses, without either being conclusi ely ac­

cepted.
Even if it can be documented that religious cere­
monies were related to the appearance and dis­
appearance of large-scale human (and material)
sacrifice during the second half of the Early Dy­
nastic period, such documentation does not ade­
quately explain why ,the phenomenon occurred.
Rather, an explanation for these opulent graves
may be related to organizational changes. During
the first half of the Early Dynastic period, as well
as during the preceding Je�det asr period, the
temple elite seem to have held most of the power
in the early city. During the second half, massive
palace structures were built that are attributed to
an emerging secular elite. The architectural evi­
dence combined with the written record implies
that power chan ed hands; it went from the temple
to the palace (Adams 1966a). hen this change
was taking place-that is, when the religious and
secular elite were competing for power, the elabor­
ate r burials occurred. The burial "goods" (hu­
man, animal, and artifactual) were forms of wealth.
A significant proportion of a person's wealth was
buried with the body, perhaps for use in an after­
life. There were few reasons that would compel
the heirs to this wealth to bury it instead of retain­
ing it for their own use. Customs of ritually de­
stroying large quantities of goods are known ethno­
graphically from several societies. In such cases,
the destruction of wealth is often done so that the
survivors maintain their status in society. Those
who destroy the wealth implicitly receive recogni­
tion in return. Something similar may have been
taking place at r. When a city ruler died, the po­
sition of authority had to be transferred: it may
have been the custom that the new ruler (hereditary
or not) could assume the reins of authority by re­
nouncing (15urying) the wealth of the former ruler.
The underlying meaning of this custom may not
have been explicitly understood by the practition­
ers, for early practices of exchanging goods for Figure 9-U
Detail from the front of the sound box of a bull-headed
status may long have been a part of normal reli­
harp like the one in Figure 9-11. The depiction of
gious ritual. animals engaged in human activities may be a
The special significance of the royal burials is portrayal of an important myth. (Photograph from the
the possibility that these opulent burials may have University Museum, Philadelphia.)
298 c1ui,trr 9 Tu Rist of Politics an,l Stalt Socitfr

been one of the instruments in the emergence of Mesopotamian civilization, one must examine
secular power. The kings were powerful enough three interrelated ways of interpretating art (Con­
to accumulate great quantities of wealth during key n. d. ): as a means of classifying human experi­
their reigns, but the institution was not so power­ ences; as a regulating mechanism between human
ful and regularized that it could maintain itself. beings and their environment; and as an aspect of
Rituals were still needed to maintain the authority ritualistic behavior that transmits information
of the king during periods of succession. As the about nature, society, and a world view. Art had
position of the king became more firmly estab­ been used by earlier societies as more than an out­
lished during the second half of the Early Dynastic let for creativity, and the Sumerians carried this
period, there was less necessity for this wasteful trend further. Works of art were symbols of wealth
form of ritualistic reaffirmation. The last kings of and status, being manufactured for, possessed by,
the Early Dynastic period and those of the subse­ and buried with the rising administrative elite, who
quent Akkadian Dynasty probably decided that were able to marshall the resourc�s and craftsmen
there were better uses for the human and mate­ necessary for the production of major artwork.
rial wealth. Not only were the · objects symbols of status, but
The short period of human sacrifice also demon­ many of them were representations of stratified
strates the power and wealth of the new ruling roles among the members of Sumerian society.
class and the lengths to which it would go to main­ With the adven� of cities, the balance between
tain power. What had started as a small-scale prac­ symbolic and representational art shifted toward
tice-the ritualistic offering of wealth in exchange a greater frequency of representational pieces. It
for recognized status-was elaborated until it as­ is interesting to note that representational art and
sumed major importance. The succession of kings writing emerged and developed together in Meso­
seemed to be assured but at great cost in economic potamia. Writing could be considered the most
and human terms. explicit form of representational art. The earliest
. examples of both these phenomena, which flour­
ished during the Early Dynastic period, are from
Ancient Art as a Medium of Communication
the Uruk period. By 2000 s.c., both art and writing
By the end of the Uruk period, about 3100 a.c., had been standardized in the forms of cuneiform
all of the traits of civilization (Childe's character­ script and the great art styles of the ruling dynas­
istics of cities discussed in Chapter 7) had been ties. If writing and art are considered to be means
developed at least in embryonic form. However, it of communication, then it is useful to examine the
was during the Early Dynastic period that many range of information conveyed by each and those
of these characteristics developed to their fullest segments of the population for which they were
extent. Government, trade, crafts, and writing had designed.
all attained mature status by 2500 a.c. Probably the Throughout the Early Dynastic period, �
_
most spectacular achievement of the people of was the means of economic and administrative
Sumer during the Early Dynastic period, at least record§&__with a good deal less attention given
from the point of view of archeologists, was their to historical and literary efforts. Literacy was re­
artwork. Early Dynastic art included sculpture in stricted to only a few members of society, and of
the round, relief, inlay, glyptics, and metal work, those many were scribes. It is difficult to determine
both cast and hammered. As is vividly documented which segments of the population were exposed to
in the grave goods at the R:oyal Cemetery of Ur, the finer pieces of Sumerian artwork, but large
several arts had reached a level of creativity and sculptures and wall reliefs must have been accessi­
sophistication not surpassed for millennia. ble to the general public during major festivals
To understand the function of art in the context when rituals were performed in the temple com­
of the emerging organizational institutions of plexes. Several different art forms would have
 Ma/trial Culture of Early Dynastic Mtsopolamia 299

Figure 9-13
Hoard of Early Dynastic statues from Tell Asmar in the Diyala region.
(Photograph from The Oriental institute. The University of Chicago.)

been displayed during such festivals. The archi­ cyclopedia of information about the proper ac­
tectural details of the temples themselves, such as tivities of residents of Sumerian cities (Figure
raised platforms, niches, and wall coverings, would 9-15, page 301). The standard portrays the activities
have been specifically designed to set them apart of the king and his court during peace and war.
from other large structures. Gods, kings, and myth­ It is in the form of a box of which one side relates
ical characters were the subjects of large sculptural domestic activities, food production, transport,
works (Figures 9-13 and 9-14). Smaller pieces of and feasting. The reverse side contains chariots,
artwork carried specific information on such mat­ foot soldiers, and fallen enemies. In a community
ters as proper behavior. For example, the Warka where the vast majority of the population could
vase (refer to Figure 8-14 on page 259) explicitly not read, the Ur Standard would have been an ef­
communicates the appropriate categories of activi­ fective means of communicating socially approved
ties in a hierarchical society and the necessity of modes of behavior. Because the inhabitants of a
bringing offerings to the temple. The Ur Standard, Sumerian city w re a large and diverse body of
found in one of the royal tombs, is a veritable en- people who had not developed widely recognized
300 hap/ r 9 The Rist of Politics and Stalt Society

u h w rks, the primary purpose was to id ntify

th own r, and s th xact content was not im­
p rtant. In others, th representation may have
b en of a mythi al them , a religious belief, or a
totem identification. One fine example of r presen­
tational art that is not immediately interpretabl
is the inlaid design on one of the harps from the
Royal Cemetery at Ur (Figure 9-12), in which ani­
mals are shown playing musical instruments and
feasting. Whether these are the episodes of a myth
or symbolic representations of human activities is
difficult to determine, but the sophistication of the
artist is unquestionable.
Other forms of craftsmanship and art, such as the
production of metal vessels and finely fashioned
implements, did not have direct representational
meanings, but were symbols of wealth. Some of
the more valuable vessels of gold were inscribed
with the names of the kings they belonged to and
were among their most prized possessions. This is
attested to in the burial of Mes-kalam-shar at Ur,
who was buried holding a gold bowl inscribed with
his name. Many of the vessels were hammered
from a single piece of metal, which was gently
fluted and required skilled workmanship. Possibly
the single most spectacular piece of metalwork
Figure 9-14
from the Royal Cemetery at Ur is a gold dagger
Profile of one of the statues of the Early Dynastic
hoard from Tell Asmar. (Photograph from The with a lapis lazuli hilt and a fantastically intricate
Orienta.I Institute. The University of Chicago.) gold sheath (Figure 9-17, page 302). One side of the
sheath is decorated with rich filigree and exquis­
itely granulated gold work. The lapis lazuli hilt is
forms of stylistic communication, the artwork was decorated with gold studs. Thus, the repertoire of
less ambiguous than that of later periods. The Ur metalsmiths already included hot-hammering, lost­
Standard and the Warka vase, as well as many wax casting, filigree, and granulated work. The
other pieces of artwork, were means of communi­ quality of this piece was not surpassed for many
cating and reinforcing the social order prescribed generations.
by the rulers (Figure 9-16). Perhaps only a small
segment of the population had frequent contact
Organizational Changes in
with these works of art, but that segment adminis­
Early Dynastic Mesopotamia
tered the organization of the entire community.
Activities that served the elite and the structural
Stratification
importance of the elite were recurrent themes of
early art. There is definitive evidence that the first sharply
Other examples of representational art are not defined social stratification within society occurred
so readily understandable. The scenes portrayed in during the Early Dynastic period. Stratification ex­
glyptic art include geometrics and scenes of nature isted in earlier times within the context of the early
that are not immediately recognizable. In many temple-cities, but it became the primary structuring
 Organizational Changts in Early Dynastic Mrsopotamia 301

Figure 9-15
5 en s from an inlaid box
found in the Royal Cemetery at
Ur and known as the Ur
Standard: (top) three registers
depicting activities of a domestic
and perhaps ceremonial nature;
(bottom) three registers
depicting the conduct of war.
(Photographs D The Trustees of
the British Museum.)

of society during the Early Dynastic period. The

most convincing evidence of increasing stratifica­
tion is from the Early Dynastic cemeteries, espe­
cially from the Royal Cemetery at Ur: the royal
graves, of which there are only a few, contain enor­
mous quantities of goods; num rous graves contain
modest amounts of material; and a great many
graves at r contain little material wealth. Classi­
fying the excavated graves according to the quan­
tity of goods they contain is an oversimplification
because it neglects quality, but the grave goods do
reveal distinct stratification within the society.
The first adequate ex avations of domestic archi­
tecture for indicating whether wealth differentials
documented in the burials were paralleled by the
sizes of houses were made in the Early Dynastic
levels at Khafaje and Tell Asmar. The average
hous siz was appro imately 200 square meters,
Figure 9-16 with many structures being only 50 square meters
A stone plaque from Khafaje with a piece (lower left)
(Figur 9-18, page 302). Thus, the variation in house
from Ur showing both a feast in the upper register
size probably related to whether the occupants
and a solid wheeled war chariot in the lower register.
(Photograph from The Oriental Institute. The University wer craftsmen, merchants, or peasants. The larger
of Chicago.) hous s wer arranged around central courtyards
302 hap/tr 9 The Rise of Politics and Stale Society

Figure 9-17
old daggar and sheath from the
Royal Cemetery at Ur. (Photo­
graph © The Trustees of the
British Museum.)

1 10
Centimeters

0 20

Meters

Figure 9-18
Plans of domestic architecture from the Early Dynastic levels at Tell Asmar.
(After Delougaz, Hill, and Lloyd, 1967.)
 Organizational Changts in Early Dynastic Mtsopotamia 303

and had direct access to the major thoroughfares and artwork, but also in terms of the changing
of the city. The smal_ler houses were without court­ dynasties indicated in the lists of ancient kings
yards and were located on the narrow twisting (Table 9-1, page 304). There is sufficient informa­
alleyways that led off of the major streets (Frank­ tion to indicate some of the kings of certain cities
fort 1950). but not enough for a complete record. Conse­
Several other categories of evidence imply the quently, the division of the Early Dynastic period
existence of a society stratified according to class into three phases is primarily according to its
at least as early as the Early Dynastic. Although architecture and glyptics and only secondarily
slavery probably existed in Sumerian cities, the according to its rulers. However, with the end of
maintenance of an entire community never de­ the Early Dynastic period and the beginning of the
pended on slaves. Their numbers seem to have succeeding Akkadian period, classification of all
been small, consisting largely of prisoners of war. _xnaterial is in terms of the dynastic rulers.
The written symbol for a female slave was basic­ [ ihe nature of early city-state rule has been in­
ally "woman of the mountain," indicating that ferred from examining the titles of the rulers and
m�s_!_s!aves were procured through raids in the hill the mythical accounts of their origin Oacobsen
country. Historic records at the end of the third 1943; 1945; 1957). Everyday public affairs are
millennium describe situations in which free citi­ thought to have been handled by a c�uncil of elders
zens became slaves either because of indebtedness in the sovereign communities constituting a city
or because they had been sold by their families. and its surrounding land. Crucial issues were de­
It seems that it was possible for such slaves to buy cided by a general assembly of all the citizens. In
back their freedom. Most slaves seem to have been times of crisis-for example, when there was threat
female. They were employed mainly in the work­ of war-this assembly could confer supreme au­
shops run by the temple for the spinning and weav­ t�_�!i_ty on one of its members, proclaiming him
ing of textiles. Hence, slavery during the Early king. Such kingship presumably was held only for
Dynastic was probably an additional incentive for a limited period; the powers granted him were
offensive military campaigns because it was a resumed by the assembly when the emergency
source of supplementary labor for the growing had passed.
mass-production industries of the Sumerian cities. -The titles used by city rulers of the Early
However, it does not seem to have affected political Dynastic period and for some time later reveal that
develoQ__���ts of the period. the origin of kingship was greatly diversified.
There were cities in which the ruler was called
lugal, or king, a title that suggests that the office was
Political Evolution
origi�ally that of a warlord elected by the general
Among the most significant developments of the assembly. Other cities had rulers known as sangu,
Early Dynastic period in Mesopotamia was the or accountant. This was a term for the chief admin­
emergence of a secular-based political authority. istrator of a temple, and it suggests that the office
Archeologists have found information on this new of ruler in that city-state originated as an ex\ension
elite by excavating palaces at Kish, Mari, and of the powers of the chief administrator of the
Eridu, as well as the royal cemeteries of Ur and main temple. Another link to the temple elite is
Kish. However, their detailed interpretations and implied by the very common title t!!_si; the defini­
hypotheses have as their bases the decipherment tion of ensi is unclear, but the word was related to
of written documents of the period and the ex­ an earlier term, en, which indicated the human
trapolation of somewhat later ones. Many Early spouse of the city goddess. Hence, the ensi seems
Dynastic writings chronicled past events. Thus, to have originally been a member of the temple
cultural development can be traced not only in elite, perhaps the protagonist in festival rituals,
terms of changing pottery styles, architecture, who assumed broader authority, perhaps on the
30& Chapter 9 Tht Rist of Politics and Statt SocitfV

Table 9-1
Partial list of kings of major Sumerian cities during the Early Dynastic period.

e.c. Ur Umma Lagash Uruk Kish

2700 Gilgamesh Mebaragesi
75 Aka
so
25
2600
75 Enl].engal (Mesalim)
so
25
2500 Ush* Ur-Nanshe c. 2520t
75 Mesanepada Enakale Akurgal c. 2490
so Meskiangnuna Eanatum c. 2470
25 Balulu Urlummll Entemena c. 2430 Luglllkin-
2400 Enanatum II c. 2400 geneshdudu
75 Lugalanda c. 2370
so Lugtllzagesi Urukagina c. 2355 Lugalzagesi
25 Ur-zababa

Source: After Mallowan, 1968.

*Names in italics are those of rulers known from. contemporary inscriptions.
tNames with dates preceded by "c." are only ro�ghly dated, by synchronism with known rulers or by conjecture.

basis of his religious powers. A somewhat later By the end of the Early Dynastic period, city-state

-
example comes from the trading center of Assur in rulers and the subsequent national-state rulers
northern Mesopotamia where the ruler was occa­ controlled the populace through a monopoly on
sionally called ugula, or foreman. The importance the use of force, and soon thereafter the other sec-
of manufacturing and trade in this city may have tors of the city were subservient to him. Religion
been responsible for the ascendancy of persons was often used to sanctify the king, the king being
from the industrial sector of the community. the protagonist in the most important festivals.
Whether the origin of secular authority was in A ,plausible hypothesis, for the origin of secular
the elected officials of an assembly of citizens, the city rulers has been made by Thorkild Jacobsen
economic administrator of a temple, the major (1943; 1957). Jacobsen used written records, myths,
actor in religious festivals, or the merchants of the and later historical documents to infer the events
city cannot be determined with certainty. It is likely of the Early Dynastic period. He views the emer­
that rulers emerged in different cities under vary­ gence of kingship within the context of an already
ing circumstances, and that changes in early dy­ existing form of local government, Tl.rimi!j�
nasties may have been due to changes in the power racy. Jacobsen refers to democracy in its classical
base. Although the earliest city rulers merely repre­ sense, that is:
sented extensions of the power of one or another
of the competing power bases in Sumerian society, a form of government in which internal sovereignty resides
each ruler soon established his own power base. in a large proportion of the governed, namely in all free,
 Org1miu�tion1d Changts in Early Dynastic Mtsopotamia 305

adult, male citizens without distinction of fortune or soon have been reached when the position of war
class. . . . Major decisions such as to undertake war leader became a full-time job at the head of a
are made with their consent, that these citizens constitute standing army. After the position had been created
the supreme judicial authority in the state, and that rulers and the power base of a standing army had been
and magistrates obtain the positions with, and ultimately formed, it was not difficult for a war leader to usurp
derive their power from, that same consent. (1943:1591 complete authority. When this had been accom­
plished, other segments of the society would soon
Early references to town assemblies and their have acknowledged his suzerainty.
appointed rulers come from a Sumerian epic poem Increasing warfare was not the only factor that
about Gilgamesh. In this earliest record of intercity demanded leadership. The growing system of irri­
conflict in Mesopotamia, the ruler refrained from gation and water control benefited from centralized
taking action until he obtained the consent of the government. Long-distance trade and participating
town assembly. The story relates that King Aka industries were facilitated by integrated manage­
of the city of Kish sent a messenger to Uruk de­ ment and military protection. Hence, the origin of
manding its surrender. Gilgamesh, ensi of Uruk, the king may not have been in all cases a war leader
was determined to resist the seige, but he had to but may in certain cities have been a peace leader.
obtain approval for his plan. He first went to the By 2500 e.c., the Mesopotamian Plain was com­
council of elders and presented the reasons for his posed of a scattered mosaic of small, relatively
plan to take up arms against the soldiers of Kish. self-sufficient, politically autonomous city-states.
The council of elders considered the plan and In each state there was a principal ruler who united
approved it, but before it could be carried out the in his position the chief political powers: legisla­
assembly of the entire male population had to be tive, judiciary, and executive (Jacobsen 1943:160).
consulted. Gilgamesh did this and won their ap­ Only he could promulgate and carry into effect new
proval. Gilgamesh and his armed contingent were laws; he alone was personally responsible by con­
successful, the_.army of the King of Kish was de­ tract with the city-god for upholding justice; as the
feated, and the siege was lifted. Gilgamesh's auth­ supreme commander of all armed forces, he led
ority grew with time and became more indepen­ the state in battle; and as administrator of the main
dent of the councils. temple complex, he controlled the most powerful
It is difficult to determine whether this is a re­ single economic unit within the city-state.
counting of actual events, or an a posteriori story Although Early Dynastic city-states were polit­
to help support an already existing kingship. Gil­ ically autonomous, intercity conflicts led to the
gamesh's reign was supposedly in the middle of temporary ascendency of certain city-states over
the Early Dynastic period; however he is not men­ others. For example, Lugalzagesi, ruler of the city
tioned on any monuments discovered from that of Umma, conquered several other cities, assuming
time. Nevertheless, his feats were appropriate for the kingship of Uruk and the title of king of the
the period, especially his construction of the city land. He asserted that he ruled a confederation of
wall of Warka, which in fact is dated at this period. fifty city-states, and he embarked on campaigns
The broad pattern that emerges from this and of foreign conquest. Whatever the truth of these
other hypotheses is that the office and power base claims, Lugalzagesi was the first of a series of
of early kings originated from the need for efficient, leaders who created soldier-kingdoms loosely held
full-time rulers to settle the problems of increas­ together by military might.
ingly complex societies. The most plausible source
Early Kings of Mesopotamia
of problems that demanded a strong leader was the
increasing warfare. A war leader would have been The most important document for reconstructing
called upon with greater frequency as intercity the sequence of early rulers of Mesopotamian city­
conflict became more common. The point would states is a king list that was formalized in about
306 Th Rist of Politics tind Statt Socitly

1800 a.c. (Gadd 1964). The information supplied Kish during his campaigns of conquest. According
is uniform, but scanty in terms of what social his­ to written evidence, he fought Ur, Warka, Kish,
torians would like to know. Lists of rulers and Mari, and even with neighboring Elam. Many of
years of reign were compiled for the half-dozen these conflicts were rooted in controversies over
greatest cities of early Mesopotamia. Occasionally water rights and boundaries. Supposedly Eanatum
a short note was added relating some incident or was successful in his encounters and became over­
detail for which a king was celebrated, but this lord to many of the Sumerian city-states (see Table
was done all too infrequently. Hence, what philolo­ 9-1). In this position, he was called upon to mediate
gists are given to work with is a somewaht inflated disputes between neighboring cities who had com­
chronological listing of competing and successive mon borders. On the basis of brief historical a�
dyna sties that must be intercorrelated with other counts, Eanatum seems to have split his time
inscriptions, archeological deposits, and accounts between military ventures, both offensive and de­
from later periods. fensive, and periods of construction, largely of
The earliest dynasties that began after the Su­ canals and water works. These activities may be
merian flood were based in the three most impor­ symbolic of the two realms of authority that con­
tant cities of the time-Kish, Warka, and Ur. Kish cerned early kings and that brought them to power:
seems to have been the earliest power center, with war and water.
the title "King of Kish" conveying special meaning The last king of Lagash during the Early Dynastic
for rulers of other cities. By assuming this title, a period had a short but important reign. His name
ruler of another city asserted that in fact he was was Urukagina and he was better known for his
ruling the entire land as a primary overlord with social and ethical deeds than his military exploits.
local city rulers under him. The early rulers of Kish Early in his reign, Urukagina promulgated legal
were accorded the building of monuments in the reforms that are preserved in inscriptions on build­
holy city of Nippur, and one of them, Aka, came ings of his time. The reforms claimed to be at­
in conflict with the then ruler of Warka, Gilgamesh. tempts to "return to the good old days," when the
In the struggle for supremacy among these three temple was supreme and the rights of the people
city-states, power was passed from Kish to Warka were protected. The motivation for these reforms
under Gilgamesh and his immediate successors. may have been to strengthen Urukagina's position
The rulers of Warka were also credited with tem­ as king. Whatever the cause, these reforms mark
ple construction in Nippur. By that time, the rulers a milestone in political history. These codes are
of Ur also had become more powerful and were the earliest-known formalized effort at promulgat­
competing for supremacy. Supposedly, it was dur­ ing a legal system that explicitly established rights,
ing this First Dynasty of Ur that the Royal Ceme­ authority, and punishments. Urukagina claimed
tery was used. However, the names of the kings of that he had a convenant with the city-god of La­
Ur given on the king list do not coincide with those gash, Ningirsu, so that "he would not deliver up
of the royal personages in the tombs. This some­ the weak and the widowed to the powerful man."
what enigmatic situation could cast doubt on the The intent was to lighten the burdens imposed on
precision of the king list or on the royal nature of the general population by governors and priests.
the burials, but more likely it is evidence that early Working-class people were freed from certain
Mesopotamian kings had more than one name, taxes and from supervision by an overexpanded
like their counterparts in Egypt. officialdom. Protection against usurpation of prop­
By 2500 a.c., Lagash emerged as one of the major erty and unfair business transactions also benefited
competing city-states. Eanatum was one of the the ordinary population. Social injustices involving
best-known early rulers of Lagash. Eanatum was marriage, divorce, and personal property were
ensi of Lagash, but assumed the title of king of corrected. To placate the priests, who had been
 Chronology of £Arly NAtion StAtts in MtsopotAmiA 31,11

attacked in this code, Urukagina reestablished the state. Rather, his success was transitory. A pro­
authority of the temple over certain aspects of phetic description has been uncovered at Lagash,
society. the site of Lugalzagesi's early triumph. It reads that
The promulgation of Urukagina's code is an Lugalzagesi by destroying Lagash had committed
interesting commentary on the course of Early a sin against its patron god, Ningirsu. The hand
Dynastic developments. By this time, c. 2350 e.c., that was laid upon Ningirsu should be cut off.
government bureaucracy had already grown out of Lugalzagesi's own patron goddess should make
proportion, the wealthy were cheating poorer peo­ him carry his sin upon his neck. The prayer was
ple, the tax system had to be revised, and social soon answered. A new military king from the north,
customs had to be reviewed. The subject matter Sargon of Agade, defeated Lugalzagesi and brought
and intent of this early code was duplicated by him before the temple of Enlil in Nippur, his neck
many later legal documents and created an attitude in a yoke.
that many subseqeunt rulers were to adopt toward The defeat of Lugalzagesi marked a major point
the malpractices in society. Close examination of change in Mesopotamian history. Sargon of
shows that this reform acted to protect the working Agade and his successors molded the city-states of
class and abolished many of their debts, but in Mesopotamia into a national state and estab.lished
such a way as to strengthen the central authority the supremacy of the Semites over the Sumerians.
of the king and the temple that he directly con­
trolled. The group of people who were the recip­
ients of the most condemnation and restrictions Chronology of Early Nation States
were the independent wealthy families, who most in Mesopotamia
likely were the king's major competition. It is im­
portant to note that within a short time after the Our information about the second half of the
emergence of the institution of kingship a legal third millennium is derived almost exclusively
code was promulgated. The legal code and the from the written records of southern Mesopotamia
Jililitary power to enforce it were among the pri­ (Table 9-2, page 308). The excavation of sites in
mary resources at the disposal of Mesopotamian this area and other regions is expanding and soon
kings. archeological sources will supply much-needed
The last great ruler during the Early Dynastic information about material goods and develop­
period in Mesopotamia was Lugalzagesi, from the ments in peripheral areas. Certain characteristics
city of Umma. During his twenty-year reign, Lugal­ have been identified, such as cylinder seals, art
zagesi spent much of his time on military cam­ styles, and pottery. Building sequences of dis­
paigns. He soon subdued Urukagina, who ruled tinctive architecture in regions such as the Diyala
the city of Lagash. He then conquered Warka and are known and recently the detailed plan of the
assumed the titles King of Uruk (Warka) and King town of Tell Taya in central Mesopotamia was
of the Land of Sumer. With these achievements, reconstructed on the basis of visible surface re­
Lugalzagesi was supreme ruler of all of Sumer, mains and limited excavation (Reade 1973). The
and a new political era was beginning to emerge. most important discovery of this decade concern­
He claimed to be the head of a confederation of ing the second half of the third millennium has
city-states. The bounds of his political unit were been the texts recovered in excavations of Tell
no longer those of the individual city-state, but Mardikh in northern Syria (Matthiae 1977). Never­
those of the entire region. It is unlikely that Lugal­ theles!>, the primary source of chronological infor­
zagesi had the time or inclination to develop an mation is the king lists. Even so, there are major
administrative network that would have united uncertainties in the dating. Some kings are known
his newly conquered territories into a national from dated monuments, but others are known only
Table 9-2
Partial king list for major centers in southern Mesopotamia during the second half of the third millennium.

Agade Gutium Uruk Lagash Elam

Sargon:* Lu��ishan:
2340-2284 c. 2300
Rimush: Ki-KU-id:
2284-2275 c. 2280
Manishtushu: Engilsa:
2275-2260 C. 2270
Naram-Sin: Ur-a: Hita:
2260-2223 c. 2250 C. 2220
Shar-kali-sharri: Lugalushumgal: Kulik-
2223-2198 (Erridupizir) (Umigin) C.2215 lnshushinak:
(lmta') (Urgigir) (Puzur-Mama) c. 2200
(lnkishush) (Kudda) (Ur-Utu)
Sarlagab: (Puzurili)
c. 2210
(Shulme') (Lugalmelam?) (Ur-Mama)
lgigi
Nanum
2198-2195
lmi (Lu-Baba)
Elulu Elulumesh (Ur-Utu) (Lu-Gula)
Dudu: (lnimabakesh) (Kaku)
2195-2174
Shu-DUR UL: (lgeshaush) Ur-Baba:
2174-2159 C. 2164-2144
(Iarlagab)
(Ibate)
(larlangab)
(Kurum) Gudea:
(tlabilkin?) c. 2164-2144
(La'erabum) Ur
(lrarum) Ur-Ningirsu: Ur-Nammu
(lbranum) c. 2124-2119 c. 2111-2094
Shulgi
(ljablum) Pirigme:
c. 2093-2046
c. 2119-2117
Amar-su'ena
(Puzur-Sin) Ur-GAR:
C. 2045-2037
(Iarlaganda) Utu�engal: C. 2117-2113
Shu-Sin
2116-2110
C. 2036-2028
(Si'um)
lbbi-Sin
Tiriqan: Namma�ani:
c. 2027-2003
21i6 c. 2113-2109

Sources: After Gadd, 1964, and Edzard, 1967.

*Names in italics are those of rulers known from contemporary inscriptions; names in parentheses, those of rulers who cannot be dated.
Names with dates preceded by "c." are only roughly dated, by synchronism with known rulers or by conjecture.
 Chronology of Ellrly Nlltion Stllfts in Mesopolllmill 309

from later sources or undateable contexts. Hence, extended as far as the Indus Valley, both overland
certain entries in the king lists are reliable in cross (Lamberg-Karlovsky 1972) and by sea (Bibby
dating and relative order, but others are less cer­ 1969). The Akkadian period is not well known
tain and correlation with absolute dates is weak from archeological remains, partly because of its
for those reigning before the middle of the third short duration and because its capital city, Agade,
millennium. has not been identified. However, there is evidence
The history of Mesopotamia in the second half from written records, cylinder seals, and excava­
of the third millennium can be divided into three tions in provincial towns that gives a general pic­
periods: Akkadian, Gutian, and Ur III (Neo­ ture of the lifeways and history of this era.
Sumerian). These divisions correspond to the More than any dynasty that preceded it, the rise
dominant political forces in southern Mesopota­ of the Akkadian state is attributed to a single man,
mia, although competing centers existed and often Sargon. Because he came from humble beginnings,
information from provincial sites is clearer than little is known of his early life. The name Sargon
that from the political centers. means "true king," and it represented the ideal
The Akkadian empire was centered at the still military monarch to later people. In recounting
unlocated city of Agade and ruled by a single dy­ Sargon's rise to power, the scribes had to create
nasty of five kings from about 2340 s.c. to 2200 s.c. much of his biography. This "origin myth" may
This was followed by a short period in which reveal some of the circumstances of Sargon's early
groups from the Zagros Mountains, known as life, but it probably incorporated themes common
Gutians, disrupted the empire of the Akkadians to the folklore of the period.
and took over political control of much of the Sargon's father was one of the nonsedentary
lowlands. These groups were quickly assimilated people of Sumer, living in the regions between the
and soon overthrown by groups that claimed to be cities (Bottero 1967). His mother was a temple vo­
Sumerian. Ur-Nammu was the founder of the sec­ tary in one of the city sanctuaries. She cast the
ond major Mesopotamian state, that of the Ur III infant Sargon adrift on the river in a basket of
dynasty. This dynasty lasted for approximately rushes and a peasant found him and adopted him.
100 years and centered in several of the southern The parallel between this story and accounts of the
Mesopotamian cities. The Ur III dynasty is fre­ obscure early lives of other famous persons is
quently considered to have been Neo-Sumerian striking. What seems to have happened is that
because there was a revival in the language, cus­ Sargon was raised among the semisedentary peo­
toms, and art forms that had been developed by ples of southern Mesopotamia and then moved to
the Sumerians during the Early Dynastic period. Kish in the north where he was a cup-bearer of one
of the last kings of Kish, Ur-Zababa. Sargon assem­
bled a band of followers and led a revolt against
The Akkadian State
Ur-Zababa after the king had lost a war. Sargon
Although the Akkadian empire seems to have was successful and able to carve out a small domain
been largely a conglomeration of different groups in the north of Sumer, establishing a capital named
under a military power, important achievements Agade. From this base he soon extended his con­
in the political evolution of state administration trol over all of Mesopotamia.
are evident. A new language was used for official Written documents report that Sargon was fa­
business and it eventually became the language of vored by good luck and attribute this to the fond­
international affairs in the ancient Near East. A ness that the goddess Ishtar had for him. There, of
system of governors with military garrisons in the course, were more fundamental events taking
various provinces was created. Trade was con­ place. Probably throughout Sumerian history the
ducted by means of a more integrated system than population of Mesopotamia was a mixture of eth­
had existed before. There is evidence that this trade nic, and perhaps religious, groups. The language
310 hap/tr 9 The Rise of Politics and Stale Society

Figure 9-19
Modem impression made with a greenstone Akkadian cylinder seal with
the inscription "Lugallam the scribe." (Photograph from The Oriental
Institute. The University of Chicago.)

gon's formation of the Akkadian state is considered

to be the first major acomplishment of the Semitic
peoples and was emulated throughout Mesopo­
tamian history. The Akkadian language replaced
Sumerian as the official language and eventually
became the medium of international communica­
tion. In artwork, bearded faces and long hair re­
placed the shaven Sumerian heads on reliefs and
in sculpture (see Figures 9-19, 9-20, and 9-21).
For hundreds of years, large numbers of upland,
Figure 9-20 seminomadic peoples entered the alluvium, as they
Modem impression made with an Akkadian cylinder
had since its earliest occupation. Among these
seal. The inscription states the name and profession of
the owner. The various symbols may represent were Semitic groups, some of whom maintained a
deities. (Photograph from The Oriental Institute. The seminomadic lifestyle and others of whom adopted
University of Chicago.) urban lifeways in whole or part. After a period, this
element of society was powerful enough to have
members in the ruling class and eventually to take
and names of towns suggest that there may have complete authority. It is logical that this would
been an indigenous population in Mesopotamia have occurred in the north first, where the greatest
before the entry of the Sumerian speakers (Jones proportion of Semites lh(ed. The term Semite is
1969). Names of individual persons and rulers im­ used rather loosely in this context and may have
ply that people other than the Sumerians were included other linguistic groups who lived at the
already in positions of power during the Early Dy­ edges of urban zones with the Semites.
nastic. This tendency was especially true in the Hence, Sargon's conquests were not all as an
northern sector of Lowland Mesopotamia in a re­ invader; in some cases he may have been liberating
gion later known as Babylonia (a term that subse­ a city &om Sumerian overlords. His first conquest
quently was used to refer to the entire south). On was the city of Kish, which was populated predom­
the basis of linguistic similarities, many of these inently by Semites and therefore may have ac­
people have been identified as Semites, the descen­ cepted him without substantial resistence. With
dants of whom inhabit the Near East today. Sar- control of Kish, Sargon was master of all of north-
 Chronology of Early Nation Slates in Mesopotamia 311

Figure 9-21
Modem impression made with an Akkadian cylinder seal made of shell and
found at Tell Asmar. The scene is interpreted to be of the sun god in a boat, at
the prow of which a long-haired, crowned figure holds a punting pole; at the
stem is a snake's head. A human-headed lion in the boat is tied to the prow;
above it are a plow, a vase, and two unrecognizable objects. Outside the boat the
goddess of fertility, characterized by grain growing from her shoulders and her
side, holds a flowering branch. (Photograph from The Oriental Institute. The
University of Chicago.)

em Babylonia and addressed his attentions to Sargon's empire stretched from the lower sea
Sumer to the south. Sumer was controlled by a (Persian Gulf) to the upper sea (Mediterranean), a
league of "fifty governors" headed by Lugalzagesi span of 1500 kilometers. Some records of a later
of Uruk. From the written evidence it seems that date, and not totally reliable, report conquests in
it took Sargon three campaigns and thirty-four Anatolia, Cyprus, and Crete. Sargon also con­
battles to completely defeat Lugalzagesi. ducted campaigns against Elam to the southeast
After his successful conquest of Sumer, Sargon and against settlements in northern Mesopotamia.
added to his titles those of "King of Agade," "King The extent of Sargon's empire and the enormity
of Kish," "King of the Land." At this point he mili­ of his military successes were without precedent.
tarily controlled all of the Sumerian heartland, but The scribes of his period and those of later times
urbanized society extended far beyond the south­ were to extol the Akkadian state and hold it up as
ern Mesopotamian alluvium. Two great military a model for later generations. However, Sargon's
campaigns to the northwest were conducted: the empire was not an efficient administrative organi­
first was midway up the Euphrates River to the zation. The--;ate was a;se�bled by military power
cities of Mari and Hit (a major source of bitumen), and was held together by local garrisons and long­
and the second was even more ambitious, bringing distance campaigns to suppress revolts. Hence, th
him all the way to the Mediterranean and the Tau­ Akkadian state was abl to exist by force of arms
rus Mountains of Anatolia. With these conquests, for about 150 years, but it eventually succumbed
312 liapler Tlie Rise of Politics a,1d Stale Society

t nd d b y nd th old boundaries of the Akkadian

st t . H th r fore adopt d a title additional to
thos of his grandfath r, "King of the Four uar­
ters." Despite these military conquests, ther is
evid nc that the Akkadian state was weakening
under Naram-Sin, heralding its collapse during th
reign of his successor. Naram-Sin was forced to
spend an enormous amount of time in maintaining
equilibrium by suppressing revolts and even found
it advantageous to make treaties. The most omi...
nous instability was in the northeast where groups
of people known as the Gutians who lived in the
Zagros were a serious threat.
Although many factors may have been motiva­
tion for assembling the first nation-state in the
Near East, probably the overriding consideration
was economic. The assembly of wealth acquired
both directly through looting and tribute and in­
directly through a state monopoly on trade was a
crucial factor. Sargon and his descendants never
seemed to attempt to create a true political empire;
perhaps it was not necessary for their economic
goals. Rather, Sargon installed local rulers or agents
to oversee his interests. The appointed officials
were supported by a small army that lived in a
garrison within a conquered city (e.g., the Akka­
dian fortress at Tell Brak in northern Syria). In
addition to the booty collected through the initial
conquest, periodic tribute was collected. Related
to such tribute and of long-range significance was
the control that the Akkadians gained over the
Figure 9-22 sources of raw materials that they needed. Wood
Victory stele of Naram-Sin erected during one of his was imported from Lebanon, the Taurus moun­
campaigns into the Zagros Mountains. (Photograph tains, and the Zagros mountains. Metal (copper)
from the National Museums of France.) was secured in Anatolia or Iran. Bitumen was ob­
tained from the middle Euphrates and stone from
surrounding upland areas.
to the forces of local independence and external The king and his court became the center of
pressures. economic activity under the Akkadians. A certain
Of the four subsequent rulers of the Akkadian amount of the administrative authority of the tern-
dynasty only Sargon's grandson, Naram-Sin, stands pie was preempted by Sargon and his successors.
out as a great militarist (Figure 9-22). Written Naram-Sin went so far as to take the title of "God
sources indicate that Naram-Sin's exploits were of Agade." Adoption of divine qualities by Akka­
largely military campaigns to put down revolts in dian rulers i� an indication of their increasing con­
various parts of the kingdom, retracing Sargon's tr�f th�li io� hierarchy and the assumption
original conquests. Naram-Sin's conquests ex-
--
by the palace of many temple-related actLvi�,
 Chronology of Early Nation States in Mesopotamia 313

such as legal jurisdiction, administrative authority, ary and artistic forms attributed to southern Meso­
and trade. Although the religious elite periodically potamia may have originated at Ebia or elsewhere
exerted independent authority, in subsequent in Syria. These discoveries enhance our under­
Mesopotamian history the supremacy of secular standing of the internationalism of the third mil­
authority under the king was firmly established. lennium and the diverse centers that participated
It is during the Akkadian period that private owner­ in the development of early state society.
ship of land is documented. Most property re­ Without efficient mechanisms of integration to
mained under the control of the palace or temple, hold the diverse region together, the Akkadian
but some tracts were sold or given in return for empire began to disintegrate as soon as the mili­
services rendered to the king. tary might of its rulers slackened. After Naram­
To carry out the administration of tribute, trade, Sin's reign, this process accelerated, with separate
and militarism in the newly assembled empire, states being established or at least partial indepen­
Sargon supported an enormous administrative dence being gained by several cities. Under Shar­
eersonnel as part of the palace community. He kali-sharri, the last effective ruler of the Akkadian
boasted of feeding 5,400 men at his table every day. dynasty, Uruk established itself as a power in the
The scale of society and administration, even in the south and held sway over a considerable part of
loose Akkadian fashion, required a large and grow­ Sumer. The mountain group from Zagros, the Gu­
ing bureaucracy. Functionaries of various kinds in­ tians, mentioned as a menace during Naram-Sin's
crea�ed in riumber, which affected the course of reign, became the major disequilibrating factor in
development of Mesopotamian civilization. the empire. Although the exact sequence of events
Other important cities and states existed in the is not clear, there was a gradual dismemberment
Near East in contact with Akkad but not directly of the empire that culminated in the sack of Agade
under its control. One of these, Tell Mardikh, iden­ at about 2159 s.c. (Bottero 1967).
tified as ancient E�l�, for a long period was a major What followed was a period in which separate
center on the trade route from the Euphrates to the city-states regained autonomy. Rulers with Gutian
Mediterranean (refer to Figure 8-1 on page 246). names controlled several city-states in the north,
Although there remain some problems with dating, but their effect is difficult to discern. There is little
early indications from the excavated remains and that can be identified as Gutian-influenced art or
preliminary examination of more than 16,000 tab­ architecture. Most certainly, the Gutians were pro­
lets recovered suggest that Ebia was the center of a foundly changed by their subjects rather than the
Semitic state that flourished at roughly the same reverse. As it was for other seminomadic invaders
time as Akkad (Matthiae 1977). Excavators have of Mesopotamia, the momentum of civilization
uncovered parts of a massive palace of this period was too great to overcome or too desirable to inter­
that is believed to have been destroyed by Naram­ fere with. Assimilation into the ongoing system
Sin. This palace contained an enormous library of with minor modifications was the result. Central­
commercial, administrative, financial, economic, ized authority was already breaking down, owing
lexical, historical, and literary texts. The texts largely to the Gutian disturbances. The Gutians
are written in a northwestern Semitic language did not introduce new mechanisms for integrating
(Eblaite), which has affinities to Ugaritic and Phoe­ the pieces of the old Akkadian state.
nician, but which was transcribed in Sumerian While various Gutian rulers maintained su­
cuneiform. Of particular interest in the archives premacy over the north, local Sumerian rulers
are copies of trading agreements and international established themselves as ensis in southern cities.
treaties with neighboring cities in Syria, northern In addition to Uruk, the city of Lagash reasserted
Mesopotamia, and Anatolia. Further study is nec­ its independence and became very powerful. Under
essary, but there is the suggestion in this material Ur-Baba's leadership, and thereafter, (c. 2164-2144
that many of the administrative and perhaps liter- e.c.) the rulers of Lagash extended their power to
314 hapttr 9 Th Ri t of Politic and 51 le ociety

Th archit ctur I and artistic creations of the

rul rs of Lagash manif st Akkadian influ n e, but
they n be better understo d as a revival of Sum-
rian id as and authority. Long inscriptions in
Sum rian, sculpture resembling earlier Sumerian
works, and literary pieces like those of earlier
times document the revival. From what is pre­
served in the form of artwork and written mate­
rials, the Second Dynasty of Lagash seems to have
been a period of great prosperity in which the arts
flourished.

Third Dynasty of Ur

The expulsion of the Gutians from the cities of

the north is claimed by a ruler of Uruk named
Utuhengal. As part of his consolidation of power,
Utuhengal appointed a military governor for Ur,
Ur-Nammu, who soon proved to be an effective
military leader and ruler, overthrowing his former
master. Ur-Nammu founded a dynasty at Ur
(c. 2111-2094 s.c.) that was soon to control all
of Mesopotamia. Economics were a major mo­
tivation in the formation of this empire and at­
tempts at improving the administration of the
Akkadian state were made. Ur-Nammu assumed
Figure 9-23
the title of King of Sumer and Akkad, expressing
Stone sculpture of Gudea of Lagash. (Photograph ©
The Trustees of the British Museum.) the dual nature of southern Mesopotamia. Al­
though Akkadians had for some time lived in both
regions, the south was still populated by pre­
dominantly Sumerian-speaking people. The or­
rule a large part of Sumer (Bottero 1967). This was ganization of the affairs of state seem to have been
not the reemergence of a powerful military state, conducted in a more exact manner, with clear
but the growfh of an economic empire. The goals definitions of authority and conduct, as evidenced
of the rulers of Lagash paralleled those of the by the Code of Ur-Nammu, another state in the
Akkadian dynasty, but the means for achieving development of legal codes. The avowed purpose
them were different. The rulers of Lagash attempted was to establish justice in the land, the code being
to monopolize--1! 2de in certain commodities, but composed of a long preamble and a series of "if­
this time without a massive military commitment. then" statements. The promulgation of such a code
Commercial techniques were perfected and the · could be considered a testimony to Ur-Nammu's
agen� of the ensi traveled. throughout the Near concern for the rule of law or, more likely, an effort ·
East, securing supplies and raw materials. The to establish the dominance of his governmental
prosperity of these rulers is amply documented in apparatus and the support of the populace.
the number of buildings and works of art that were A second document that illuminates the admin­
made during this period (Figures 9-23 and 9-24). istrative practices of the Ur III era is a text found
 Chronology of Early Nation Stales in Mesopotamia 315

Figure 9-24
Head of udea of Lagash.
(Courtesy Museum of Fine Arts,
Boston.)

on a boundary marker. This text precisely outlines shrine. Its design was perfected by Ur III architects
the jurisdictions of respective city rulers. and it remains the diagnostic building of ancient
A measure of the resourcefulness and energy of Mesopotamian civilization.
Ur-Nammu and his successors is the impressive The rulers of the Ur III dynasty were absolute
building program they carried out (Figures 9-25 monarchs of what for Mesopotamia was a highly
and 9-26, page 316). The canal system was ex­ entralized state. The king was the supreme au­
tended both to increase the amount of irrigable thority over every branch of governm nt. Several
farmland and to improve intercity water transport. of the rulers, including Shulgi, son of Ur-Nammu,
Temples were repaired and new ones erected. The assumed the title of a deity, albeit a minor guardian
greatest intensity of building was at Ur, Uruk, and deity. Shrines wer erected to th king and h was
Nippur. The ziggurat of the moon god Nanna at Ur in full control of theocratic affair . It is not c rtain,
was given its final form by Ur-Nammu (Edzard but probably by this tim th king was playing th
19676). What had originally been conceived as a role of Dumuzi (Tammuz), th divine lover of
platform for a temple in Uruk and Je;ndet Nasr Inanna (Ishtar) during th annual sa red rna{Tiag
times was transformed into a monument consisting ceremony (Figure 9-27, page 317).
of sumperimposed platforms surmounted by a ther persons may hav held consid rabl
316 Chapltr 9 Tht Rist of Politics and Str.1tt Socitty

Palace
Figure 9-25
Layout of the city of Ur, Temple
including major buildings
within the Tenemos, or
holy, precinct of Ur. (After
Woolley, 1955.)

Harbor

0
Meters
Figure 9-1.6
Plan of small, excavated section of the residential areas of the city of Ur
during its third dynasty. (After Woolley, 1955.)
 Chronology of Eflrly Nfllion 5tfl/es in Mesopo/flmifl 317

Figure 9-27
Modern impression made with
an Akkadian cylinder seal found
at T II Asmar that depicts the
annual fertility ceremony of thP.
sacred marriage. (Ph tograph
fr m Th riental In titute. The
University of hicago.)

power but could be denied it by the king. The ensis their empire through royal marriages. It has been
of each city were given jurisdiction over their own record d that some of the daughters of Ur Ill kings
affairs, but political decisions or major construction married foreign princes. This mechanism for main­
programs had to be initiated by the king. The king taining peace met with varied sue ess, but became
also employed many advisors in his court. Before a common practice in later history.
making major decisions, the king usually consulted The exact extent of the Ur lil domain or that of
with the gods. Such consultation often required the any other early Mesopotamian state is difficult to
services of priests skilled in reading omens in the delineate with certainty. It is likely that most, if not
liversof sacrificed sheep. These diviners were con­ all, of the Mesopotamian Plain and some of the
sulted about a wide variety of decisions, and a uplands to the north were controlled by the rulers
skillf�l_practitioner might have had consid rable of Ur.
power over the king. Another person who may For as long as the dynasty lasted, the royal resi­
have had considerable influence over the rulers of dence was at Ur, but Uruk and Nippur were im­
the Ur III dynasty was the grand vizier (sukkal­ portant cities, too. Nippur was the sacred city of
Mah) (Edzard 19676). the Sumerians and horn of Enlil, chief deity of
Although numerous military campaigns are the Sumerian pantheon. The ensis of Nippur re­
recorded against foreign adversaries and border ceived preferential treatment and suprem religious
provinces, it seems as if there was general stability prestige centered in the temple of Enlil.
within the empire. Unlike their Akkadian prede­ The territories ruled by the Ur III dynasty were
cessors, the rulers of the Ur III dynasty were not divided into approximately forty administrative
preoccupied with holding their empire together. districts. Each district was ruled by an ensi who
More efficient organization, stronger economic ties, conducted local business but was responsible to
and general material prosperity seem to have been the king. Certain important or troublesome dis­
strong unifying agents. This internal peace is es­ tricts were run by military governors, or shagins.
pecially well documented from the second half of Ascendancy to the throne was h reditary, and the
the reign of Shulgi (total reign c. 2093-2046 B.• ). kings of Ur Ill took precautions to make certain
Historians refer to the Ur III period as a golden age that local ensis did not establish hereditary succes­
of peace with a flourishing of arts, architecture, and sion. Ensis were transferred to districts wh re they
literature. Nevertheless, the empire was periodical­ had not lived and even who! populations are
ly threatened by the neighboring groups, specially known to have been relo ated by th rulers of
the Hurrians to the northwest and the mountain Ur III. These early attempts at r du ing the poten­
groups of the Zagros. Military campaigns were tial power of local authoriti s and groups in order
conducted against these insurgents to keep th to maintain the strong c ntraliz d government w r
trade routes to vital raw materials open. In addition followed with greater frequen y in subsequent
to using arms, the Ur III rulers attempted to unit dynasties.
318 Tht Rist of Politics 11n,I Staft Socitfy

The two major centers of administrative _activity ship or exchange of land holdings. �yen__ !_�ves
in each city were the palace and temples. These �ts under the l�w and were able to sue in
largely autonomous communities field f�nd, car­ court. Native-born slaves who became indentured
ried on trade, and manufactured goods. The palace because of insolvency had most of the rights ac­
of the king was the primary administrative author­ corded to free people, but slaves who were foreign
ity, but other productive communities existed, captives had few rights in the eyes of the law.
although they frequently took orders &om the Several factors were responsible for the ultimate
central authority. As far as can be inferred from downfall of the Third Dynasty of Ur. Although the
available documents, land was not held privately, Sumerian and Akkadian elements of the popula­
but only by temples and palaces, with tracts being tion seem to have intermixed successfully, new
temporarily rented
.....__ ___or _given
. --- ... ·--
. ----
to people for their own
use. It was not until the following Old Babylonian
semisedentary groups appeared within the empire.
These groups were of different backgrounds but
period that the concept of private ownership of were often referred to as the Martu, coming &om
property became fully developed. the north and northeast. Some settled near the
The administrati_ye ..a..c�ts kept by palace and cities and became part of the urban society, but
temple functionaries were incr1:�bly__ _d.ctailed. many of them remained mobile, doing some kind
Daily records of goods brought in by in4,ividuals of labor in some years and moving about in others.
and balanc�-_sh�et: tallfes-of i-eceip� and disburse­ This type of group would present a periodic threat
ments were kept by- te-mple, palace, and city offi­ whenever subsistence was difficult or other unsta­
cials. Agricultural production w.as also recorded in bilizing events took place.
detail. Although much of the exchange conducted Internal problems also plagued the last Ur III
at that time was for other materials, sily� ruler, Ibbi-Sin (c. 2027-2003 1.c.). Various city­
used ct$ a ��dard �f ���ap,ge. One mina of sil­ states were declaring their autonomy and some
ver equalled 60 shekels. Dry measures of volume local authorities seem to have gained significant
were used, especially for allocating grain. One gur independent power. This trend culminated in what
equalled 300 sila. The value of goods remained seems, according to written evidence, to have been
constant during most of Ur III period. the betrayal of Ibbi-Sin by one of his military com­
One mechanism for overcoming the great dis­ manders, Ishbi-Erra (Edzard 1967b). Ishbi-Erra
tances within the Ur III realm and to keep it closely noted the incursions of the nomadic elements of
------
tied together was a well-organized .-·-- -transportation
system. Water tra!_lSWf.t by river and canal was
- ---
.
the Martu peoples and demanded appointment as
commandant of the city of Isin. He gained the
highly devefo�d and tightiy-���d -�d re- upper hand by gathering surplus grain in the store­
corded by administrators. Communications ·be­ houses of Isin during a period of general famine
tween officials in different cities were transmitted in Sumer. The price of grain skyrocketed in Ur
by messe�! who traveled on foot or by donkey. either because of crop failure or because incursions
The lega! system was another mechanism by by the nomads disrupted agricultural work. The
which the disparate elements in Ur III society were king in Ur no longer had the power to control his
held together. Legal codes such as the one promul­ regional officials and was unable to challenge Ishbi­
gated by Ur-Nammu set �t:-IDdards of behavi....or and Erra, who eventually established what he consid­
generally upheld the_!Wt�_ �f ��_pQ!>��asses. ered to be a rival dynasty in the city of lsin and in
C��- _were establish_ed_tQ_ !i_eci4� _p_!t___dis_puted fact soon gained control over much of southern
matters. Several judges wo�d hear a single case Mesopotamia. Ibbi-Sin maintained his throne at
--------=-
and hand down a decision. Matters of family law,
such as marriage, inheritance, and divorce were
Ur for a number of years until the region of Elam
rose in revolt and invaded southern Mesopotamia.
common. Ajudication of disputed land sales is not Ur was sacked. The greatest Sumerian empire, the
known, the absence of evidence being further in­ model state for later ages1 came to a tragic end.
dication that there was little or no private owner- Hence, it was not the invasion of a nomadic group
 Gtntral Promsts in tht Rist of Civilization 319

or the revolt of city-states alone that brought inhabitants of the city. The amount of surrounding
down the Ur III dynasty. Rather, it was the combi­ area varied with the power of the city itself and
nation of the disequilibrating influences of semi­ the competition from neighbors. Early city-states
nomadic peoples, rebellious territories, and weak probably directly controlled only the land within
central control that eroded the administrative and 5 or 10 kilometers of the city. When the number of
military capabilities of the state. city-states grew and their respective territorial
ambitions increased, the boundaries of different
General Processes in the Rise city-states began to impinge upon one another.
of Civili7.ation This may have set off the earliest round of orga­
nized militarism and urban population agglomera­
At the core of the rise of civilization in the Near tion, such as that during the Early Dynastic period
East, from its earliest settlements to the first urban­ in the vicinity of Uruk.
ized state societies, were two major transforma­ The ethnic group that peopled these first cities
tions: the introduction of agriculture and the growth is known to us through its language, Sumerian.
of cities. These developments have had an effect Although the contributions made by the Sumerians
on all subsequent societies. The culmination of the to the developments of later generations was piv­
process was the establishment of a food-producing, otal, it seems from linguistic evidence that they
urban civilization that was periodically united had no direct successors. The wonderful confluence
under a state form of government. The Mesopo­ of productivity and creativity in the Sumerians of
tamian cities were the nuclei of the civilizational the fourth and third millennia can only be wit­
network, being centers of intellectual achievement, nessed through discoveries in the archeological
artistic creation, and organizational development. record. Although the artistic and linguistic evidence
In general terms, the Mesopotamian city can be for a uniform Sumerian culture throughout lowland
described as a densely populated center serving Mesopotamia is strong, it is not evidenced in their
many purposes. There is little evidence of overall political history. City-states were the pervasive
planning in the early cities, yet certain areas, such political units that were only temporarily unified
as the holy precincts, were set apart for central into larger national states. The causes for these pe­
functions. The city was the center of political ad­ riods of unification and centralized authority are
ministration, religious cults, and economic activi­ diverse, but economic factors seem to be a recur­
ties. The diversity of people and tasks performed rent theme. Lowland Mesopotamia is devoid of
within its boundaries was the key to its importance. some of the most basic raw materials that it needed
It is this complexity that required new means of for its economy. The importation of these goods
holding it together and keeping it functioning. may have been crucial in the emergence of urban­
Writing, laws, representational art, elaborate rit­ ism in Mesopotamia, and control of this trade was
uals, secular rulers, and bureaucracies are all re­ a primary goal of subsequent city rulers. A monop­
sponses to the need for regulation. oly over the trade of certain basic items, such as
Early cities of Mesopotamia were not especially copper or wood, could have meant power and
large compared with subsequent urbanism in wealth. Two major forces were called upon to forge
other parts of the world. Populations of third­ nation-states out of the heterogeneous Mesopo­
millennium centers ranged between 10,000 and tamian cities: militarism and complex administra­
50,000. Although they were tightly nucleated and tion. These two factors were the primary unifying
frequently surrounded by a defensive wall, the elements, although in differing proportions, in all
cities themselves were not the true economic and Mesopotamian state governments and in subse­
political units. The modal unit of the Mesopotam­ quent ones.
ian countryside was the city-state, which com­ l;!_��h�"-8!.s, especially population
prised the urban center and the surrounding area growth, were basic factors in the emerging civil­
directly under its control, much of it farmed by izational patterns. Although it remains difficult
31.0 Chapltr 9 Tht Rist of Politics and Stalt Socitty

to document archeologically, there was clearly promoted differentiation in wealth and control of
a progressive general increase in population in productive resources. This was one factor in the
Post-Pleistocene times. Some theorists have sug­ growth of stratified society. The potential gains of
gested that this population growth acted as an in­ irrigation and other planned means of intensifying
dependent variable, promoting cultural innovation agriculture led to the adaptive strategy of central­
to keep abreast of growing subsistence needs. ized control of agricultural production. Commu­
Whether this position can be accepted or not, large nities could survive without centralized administra­
population units formed a necessary background tion, but those communities that organized fared
for the hierarchical complex organization of early better. This was a second factor that favored class­
civilizations. The questions remain, Under what stratified society and centralized administration..
conditions does population pressure work as a Trade in raw materials, which is best known from
stimulation to change? and What agents does it the distribution of Anatolian obsidian, was prac­
work through? ticed in the Near East from the time of the earliest
Food-producing technology is the basic resource farming villages and may have been important in
upon which any civilization is built. The effective the development and spread of early farming tech­
domestication of plants and animals allows for nology. Trade was of fundamental importance for
greater control over food resources. The early vil­ the early Mesopotamian communities that were
lagers of the Near East did not necessarily have an not self-sufficient in basic raw materials. It had to
easier life than that of their hunting and gathering be organized so that large quantities of goods from
predecessors, but they were able to structure that diverse regions could be brought in continually.
life differently. Agriculture and storage allowed for This favored the growth of an administrative class
(and necessitated) the establishment of year-round, to orchestrate the procurement, payment, and dis­
permanent communities. The schedule of activities tribution of goods, and of a class of functionaries
also changed from that of a constant, although not to carry out the trading missions. The scale of trad­
all-consuming, pursuit of food sources to that of ing activity also engendered the development of
periodic, intensive effort. Farmers had to work hard manufacturing industries to produce goods to pay
for short periods, but this was compensated during for imports and probably a class of private ven­
those periods in the agricultural cycle that do not turers who sought to profit from trading across
require intensive labor. At first, farmers used the boundaries of differential accessibility.
time to continue their collection of wild resources, _'tf!!.rfa!!-of some sort has been practiced from the
but soon they spent it for craft and construction time of early villages to the present. It seems as if
activities. The quantity of material goods increased there was sufficient threat of warfare to stimulate
dramatically with food production and this invest­ the investment in massive defensive constructions
ment in capital goods led to greater productivity as early as the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A community
and even more goods. at Jericho. Warfare during early-village times was
The f�od-producing strategies themselves were probably not highly organized. At that time, com­
also subject-�aiige. -New -b�;�ds of animals and munities may have raided their neighbors if those
new varieties of plants allowed for greater produc­ neighbors possessed commodities, but it wasn't
tivity and enabled farming in regions where it had until the establishment of sedentary communities
not theretofore been possible. Productivity and the capable of producing enough food to support the
extent of arable land were also increased with the manufacture of material goods that large-scale in­
introduction of simple irrigation techniques. Early vestment in defensive works became necessary.
irrigation efforts allowed farming in regions where Eighth-millennium Jericho and sixth-millennium
rainfall was insufficient in some years to support Tell es-Sawwan are examples of communities that
farming. When irrigation techniques had been had accumulated large amounts of material goods
improved, their effect was more fundamental. Ir­ compared with their neighbors Such towns were
rigation and other means of intensifying agriculture worthwhile targets for raiding and, consequently,
 General Processes in the Rise of Civilization 321

they had to protect themselves by building defen­

sive walls and eventually maintaining armies. This
process reached maturity during the second half of
the Early Dynastic period for which there is wide­
spread evidence for organized warfare and an elite
whose primary purpose was to conduct armed
campaigns. Archeological and written evidence in­
di ates that militarism played a major role in the
formation of early cities and states. The king lists
show a preoccupation with war, many of the im­
portant monuments of the Early Dynastic period
being portrayals of military campaigns.
The form and equipment of a city's army are
best illustrated by the Royal Standard of Ur (Figure
9-15), and the Stele of the Vultures (Figure 9-28)
erected by Eanatum of Lagash. The weapons,
equipment, and organization of Sumerian military Figure 9-28
forces depicted in these two works imply a highly Detail of the Vulture Stele, showing military equipment
and organization during Early Dynastic times.
developed war machine. The discipline and tactics
(Photograph from the ational Museums of France.)
used were not those of a tumultuous, disorganized
band. The Sumerian war machine had evolved a
sophistication that was indicative of its role in pre­
cipitating major cultural developments. food-processing responsibilities of women, activi­
The effect of organized militarism cannot be ties that were largely restricted to the immediate
overestimated: it produced demographic changes environs of the home; and (3) men played the
that resulted in nucleated, defendable units, which major role in the growing systems of exchanging
were themselves very attractive to a potential ag­ goods and communicating knowledge (including
gressor. The creation of a standing army with its rituals and symbolic communication). Hence, both
own administrators shifted the primary base of the change in economic activities and the physical
power in early cities from the religious leaders layout of houses promoted a growing discrep­
to the commander of the army. This transition ancy in the roles that men and women had in the
in political history has never been completely productive and administrative aspects of society.
reversed. With the intensification of agriculture and the
The status of women seems to have changed sub­ growth of urbanism, these divisions were institu­
stantial y with tne emergence of complex society. tionalized through a variety of beliefs, customs,
Although archeological evidence has only recently and even laws.
contributed to our understanding, inferences can Specialization of activities and distribution of wealth
be drawn from a variety of ethnographic studies. It are difficult processes to understand completely
has been hypothesized that the advent of agricul­ but are at the core of civilizational developments.
ture and sedentary village life initiated a series of It can be assumed that most preagricultural so­
changes that led to an increased inequality of status cieties were largely egalitarian with little speciali­
between men and women. Three interrelated fac­ zation except for that determined by age and sex.
tors are cited as the basic causes for this change Urban societies, on the other hand, are developed
in status (Conkey 1977; Quinn 1977): (1) the estab­ through intense specialization of tasks and great
lishment of sedentary villages facilitated the parti­ inegua!i_ti�s in_!_he distribution. 0£ wealth. Funda­
tioning of living and working areas; (2) the devel­ mental for these two processes was the availability
opment of agriculture led to an expansion of the of surplu§ wealth that could be invested in spe-
322 Chapttr 9 Tht Rist of Politics anti Statt Socitly

cialized activiti�s and that supported wealthier as it was developing. The final stage in formalizing
classes. To-accu�ulate such surpluses, agricultural­ the new order was achieved by the early s�cular
ists had to be induced to produce sizeable sur­ rulers in two ways: (1) to secure their authority,
------ -
pluses; a central �rity had to oversee thejr
....._.
accumulatjQtli and community norms had to be
especially at times of succession of power, they
appealed to religious deities for affirmation; and
altered so that the redistribution of surpluses did (2) they ins¥!\ifea1eg�des. The�e c�des not only
not result in egalitarianism. From what-can-b� i�­ protected the rights of the weak and poor, which
ferred from the archeological and written records, enabled the secular rulers to gain popular support,
the temple hierarchy was largely responsible for but also limited the rights of competing power
accomplishing these changes through the formula­ groups, which enabled those rulers to retain control
tion of ��J!ef s_ystem�e�n�QJ _ of information,. �nd over most aspects of society.
� redistributive ecOAOillY. None of these processes took place in isolation,
For a complex society to continue, specializa­ nor were their effects identical in every situation.
tion of activities and differentiation in wealth The overall trend in the ancient Near East was that
must become institutionalized. Gvilizations thrive of a fluctuating but growing level of complexity of
on stability and order. Thus, cla"ss°differences and organization and an increasing network of inter­
�ed economi�s have to be formalized. The action. Although there were temporary setbacks,
religious administrators in the Near East contrib­ the discemable trend has been toward more intense
uted toward this through mythical justification and interaction and interdependence in prehistory,
ritualistic reaffirmation of the civilizational order early history, and today.