Foreigners in the Service of Despot Đurađ Branković on Serbian territory

Miloš Ivanović

Key words: Despot Đurađ, Byzantines, Ragusans, service, court.

Abstract: During the reign of Despot Đurađ Branković (1427–1456) were increased influence of foreigners in
Serbian state. After fall of Thessaloniki under Ottoman rule in 1430 many prominent Byzantines decided to come in
Serbia. Among them were relatives of Irene Kantakouzen wife of Despot Đurađ. By the end of the fourth decade of
15th century her brother Thomas Kantakouzenos became the most powerful person on Despot’s court in Smederevo.
The Ragusans in the service of Despot Đurađ performed for him mainly diplomatic tasks. Their activities were
sometimes limited by decisions of the authorities of Ragusa. The only foreigner who was heaving a Serbian title was
Ragusan Paskoje Sorkočević as steward of ruler finance. Latin chancellor of Despot Đurađ was Nicolo Arhilupis
from Kotor (Cattaro). Finally, Ottoman Ibrahim was courtier of Despot Đurađ. The foreigners had important role
because of specific political position of Serbian state during its existence in the 15th century. Some of them had
estates on Serbian territory and because that they belong to the order of Serbian nobility.

During 13th and 14th century in the service of Serbian rulers were being a large number of
foreign mercenaries. Some of them had an important role in the conquest of new territories and
decisive battles.1 However, they have usually lived temporarily in Serbia and didn’t have
possessions on its territory. The situation changed in the 15th century. In the first place that was
due to the new political circumstances. Namely, Despot Stefan Lazarević (1389–1427) become
in 1403 or 1404 vassal of Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg (1387–1437).2 Also, he
was member of The Order of Dragon which was founded in 1408 by same Hungarian ruler.3


This paper is a result of the research project № 177029 Medieval Serbian Lands (XIII–XV century): political,
economic, social and legal processes funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Techological Development
of the Government of the Republic of Serbia.

The Institute of History Belgrade, Kneza Mihaila 36/II, 11000 Beograd; e-mail: [email protected]
1
Андрија Веселиновић, Држава српских деспота (Београд: Завод за уџбенике и наставна средства, 20062),
181–184; Aleksandar Uzelac, “Foreign Soldiers in the Nemanjić state – A Critical Overview,” Belgrade Historical
Review VI (2015): 69–83.
2
Михаило Динић, “Писмо угарског краља Жигмунда бургундском војводи Филипу,” Зборник Матице
српске за друштвене науке 13–14 (1956): 93–98; Историја српског народа II (Београд: Српска књижевна
задруга, 1982), 70–74.
3
Georgius Fejér, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus ac civilis, t. X, vol. 4 (Budapest, 1841), 682–694;
Милош Антоновић, “Деспот Стефан Лазаревић и Змајев ред,” Историјски гласник 1–2 (1993): 15–24.
Therefore it is no surprise that many Hungarians were in his service.4 However it is unknown
that whether they had estates on Serbian territory. On the other hand during the Ottoman civil
war from 1402 to 1413 some prominent Turkish commanders moved to the side of Despot
Stefan.5 Since 1413 he again became an Ottoman vassal.6
Despot Đurađ Branković (1427–1456) hired foreigners to an even greater extent than his
predecessor and uncle Despot Stefan. This particularly applies to the Byzantines and Ragusans.
The most influential among them were close associates of Despot Đurađ. The increasing power
of foreigners is one of the characteristics of the reign of Despot Đurađ, especially after 1439.
One of objective of this paper is to try to explain the causes of this phenomenon. It is necessary
to stress that I will not analyze position and actions of Despot’s officials on his estates in
Hungarian Kingdom.
The appearance of the Byzantines in the service of Despot Đurađ was the result of few
factors. The first of these is that Serbian ruler was married to Irine Kantakouzene who belonged
to the Thessaloniki branch of famous family.7 Another reason was Ottoman conquest of
Byzantine territories. Thomas Kantakouzenos, brother of Irene settled into Serbia probably 1430
after fall of Thessaloniki.8 He was mentioned first time in Serbia in 1433. Then, one document
note that Thomas seized houses of some Ragusans in mining town Srebrenica. The Ragusan’s
emissaries supposed to complain to the Despot because of this act.9 On the basis of this data can
not be concluded that Thomas lived in Srebrenica. It is more likely that he only did business in
mention city. Two years later envoys of Ragusan Republic were received instructions by his
government that to address to Irene and Thomas Kantakouzenos, on the occasion of new customs
in Novo Brdo and Srebrenica. The emissaries could to express their willingness to do anything
for him, with a request to influence his sister in their favor.10 They continued to refer to Irene and
Thomas when Despot Đurađ returned from Hungary. According to the deputies, Thomas did not

4
Ватрослав Јагић, “Константин Филозоф и његов живот Стефана Лазаревића деспота српског,” Гласник
Српског ученог друштва XLII (1875): 312, 319–320.
5
Ibid, 276, 301, 308.
6
Историја српског народа II,
7
That marriage was concluded in 1414. See: Момчило Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић и његово доба
(Београд: Српска књижевна задруга, 1994), 63–64; Божидар Ферјанчић, “Византинци у Србији прве
половине XV века,” Зборник радова Византолошког института 26 (1987): 174–178.
8
Ферјанчић, “Византинци у Србији”, 193; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 142.
9
Nicolae Iorga, Notes et extraits pour servire a l’ histoire des croisades au XVe siècle, vol. II (Paris: Ernest Leroux,
1899), 316; Михаило Динић, За историју рударства у средњовековној Србији и Босни I (Београд: Научна
књига, 1955), 81; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 142, 182, 593.
10
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 325; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 181–182.
want to help them, because he did not receive a gift.11 On the beginning 1436 Ragusans sent a
new mission to the Serbian court and predicted up to 250 ducats for presents for family of
Despot Đurađ. Thomas Kantakouzene was considered as a member of the family. 12 These data
indicate that Thomas become one of the most important person on the Despot’s court. At the
same time its show that Thomas was ready to help them from personal interests. On one
occasion, the Turks also stressed that he was corrupted.13
The growth of his impact reflects in the fact that he began to perform important military
tasks. In 1439 together with Grgur, the oldest son of Despot Đurađ he commanded the defense of
the Serbian capital Smederevo. The relevant sources indicate that they handed over city to the
Ottomans because lack of food supply.14 It is unclear where Thomas lived immediately after the
fall of Smederevo. In an unknown way he arrived in Dubrovnik during 1441.15 He left there for
safekeeping some silver objects.16 With their arrival in Ragusa, he confirmed loyalty to his
master. Certainly thanks to that Thomas kept important role on Despot’s court after renewal of
Serbian Despotate in 1444. The Serbian annals noted that in September 1448 he defeated army of
Bosnian King Stefan Tomaš. The consequence of this victory was re-entry of Srebrenica and
nearby region along the river Drina in the Serbian state. 17 It is possible that Despot Đurađ
entrusted command to Thomas because his business contact with Srebrenica. Indeed, in autumn

11
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 329; Ферјанчић, “Византинци у Србији”, 194; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић,
613.
12
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 657–658; Динић, За историју рударства I, 81–83.
13
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 182.
14
Doukas, Decline and Fall of Byzantium to The Ottoman Turks, An Annotated Translation of “Historia Turco-
Byzantina” by Harry J. Magoulias (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1975), 177; Љубомир Стојановић,
Стари српски родослови и летописи, (Сремски карловци: Српска краљевска академија, 1927), 232; Мавро
Орбин, Краљевство Словена (Београд: Sezam Book, 2006), 111; Laonic Chalcocondil, Expuneri Istorice, ed V.
Grecu (Bucarest: Editura Academiei, 1958), 151–152; Глиша Елезовић, “Турски извори за историју
Југословена. Два турска хроничара из 15 века,” Братство 26 (1932): 68–69; Константин Михаиловић,
Јаничареве успомене или турска хроника, ed. Ђорђе Живановић (Београд: Срспка књижевна задруга, 1986),
105; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 214–215; Маја Николић, Византијски писци о Србији (1402–1439)
(Београд: Византолошки инситут, 2010), 105–106, 110–112.
15
Љубомир Стојановић, Старе српске повеље и писма I–2 (Београд-Сремски Карловци: Српска краљевска
академија,1934), 24–29; Константин Јиречек, Историја Срба II, Културна историја (Београд: Научна књига,
1952), 371; Ферјанчић, Византинци у Србији, 195; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 257–258.
16
Стојановић, Повеље и писма I–2, 24–29; Јиречек, Историја Срба II, 371; Ферјанчић, “Византинци у
Србији,” 195; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 257–258.
17
Стојановић, Родослови и летописи, 235–236; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 334; Сима Ћирковић,
Историја средњовековне босанске државе (Београд: Српска књижевна задруга, 1964), 289–290; Динић, За
историју рударства I, 78–79.
1448 the Ragusans sought for him old trading privileges.18 Despot’s troops were led again by
Thomas Kantakouzenos in September 1452. Then noblemen from Zeta (southern part of Serbian
Despotate) Stefanica Crnojević defeated his army, while he barely avoided capture.19 There is an
opinion that he managed to the successful defense of Smederevo in 1454 during campaign of
Sultan Mehmed II against Serbian Despotate.20
The position of Thomas Kantakouzenos started to change when Despot Lazar took power at
the end of 1456 after death of Despot Đurađ. New ruler was not good terms with his mother
Irene. Under mysterious circumstances she died on the 3 May 1457 in the town of Rudnik. After
that, together with Grgur and Mara Branković he left Serbia and went to the Sultan.21 On that
way Thomas Kantakouzene ended his political career in the Serbian Despotate. The next few
years until death in June 1463 he lived on Mara Branković's estates near town Serres on Ottoman
territory.22
Another brother of Irene, George Kantakouzenos has also lived in Serbia. Allegedly, he
managed the construction of the Smederevo fortress.23 This fact is unreliable, since it is known
that George was in the service of Despot Constantine Palaiologos until 1437,24 while the main
part of fortress was built from 1428 to 1430.25 Whatever it is certain that he was in Smederevo in
1453.26 In the autumn of same year Despot Đurađ arranged marriage between George’s daughter
Ana and Vladislav, son of duke (herceg) Stefan Vukčić Kosača. However matrimony was

18
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 430; Динић, За историју рударства I, 79; Јиречек, Историја Срба II, 371;
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 348–349, 621.
19
Sime Ljubić, Listine o odnošajih između Južnoga Slavenstva i Mletačke Republike, vol. IX (Zagreb:
Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1890), 450–451, Sime Ljubić, Listine o odnošajih između Južnoga
Slavenstva i Mletačke Republike, vol. X (Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1891), 151;
Nicolae Iorga, Notes et extraits pour servire a l’ histoire des croisades au XVe siècle, vol. III (Paris: Ernest Leroux,
1902), 273; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 381.
20
Lajos Thallόczy, Antal Áldásy, Magyarország melléktartományainak oklevéltára, vol. II. A Magyarország és
Szerbia kőzti osszekőtterések oklevéltara 1198–1526, (Budapest, 1907), 186–187; Franjo Rački, “Prilozi za sbirku
srspkih i hrvatskih listina,” RAD Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti 1 (1867): 152–155; Doukas, Decline
and Fall of Byzantium, 243; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 420–423.
21
Стојановић, Родослови и летописи, 241; Орбин, Краљевство Словена, 128; Георгије Сфранцес, Хроника.
Пад Византијског царства, ed. М. Станковић (Београд: Предањске студије, 2011), 168–169; Chalcocondil,
Expuneri Istorice, 241; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 504–506; Ферјанчић, “Византинци у Србији,”
188–192.
22
Стојановић, Родослови и летописи, 246; Ферјанчић, “Византинци у Србији,” 197; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ
Бранковић, naći.
23
Theodore Spandounes, On the origin of the Ottoman Empire, ed. Donald Nicol (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press 1997), 35.
24
Ферјанчић, Византинци у Србији, 198, 200.
25
Гордана Томовић, Морфологија ћириличких натписа на Балкану (Београд: Историјски институт, 1974),
110; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 124–130.
26
Ферјанчић, “Византинци у Србији,” 198–199; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 405.
officially concluded in September 1455.27 Theodore Spandounes recorded that George
Kantakouzenos commanded the defense of Smederevo at beginning 1456 when forces of
Michael Szilágyi and Janos Hunyadi besieged Serbian capital. In that time, Despot Đurađ was in
captivity of Szilágyi together with George’s son Theodore. According to same author Theodore
unsuccessfully tried to collect money for the redemption. During the siege Hungarians threatened
to kill Theodore, but his father refused to surrender the town.28 These are the latest information
about George and Theodore Kantakouzenos. It is probably that Theodore was released at the
same time as Despot Đurađ. Serbian historian Božidar Ferjančić supposed that George died
between 1456 and 1459.29
It is likely that Manuel, who mentioned in 1441 as chancellor (logotet) of Despot Đurađ, was
also Greek.30 Certain voivode Manuel stayed in Ragusa five years later as one of the wedding
guests of Lazar Branković, son of Despot Đurađ. During that stay together with voivode Radič
he took over deposit of Thomas Kantakouzenos and silverware dishes of Despot Đurađ
Branković.31 The sameness of the names does not mean that he is identical with personality of
Chancellor Manuel. Some historians thought that he was son of Thomas Kantakouzene,32 while
others considered that he was son of Byzantine merchant Calojan Rusota, who lived in Novo
Brdo.33 After 1446 there is no information about voivode Manuel.
Also, Some Ragusans had significant positions at the court of Despot Đurađ Branković. They
are primarily performed diplomatic and financial affairs for him. First place among them belongs
to Paskoje Sorkočević (Pasqualus de Sorgo). Since 1419 he has operated in Serbia, first in
Priština and then in Novo Brdo. Paskoje entered in the service of Despot Đurađ in 1439 after fall
of Smederevo, when Serbian ruler was in Hungary. At the same time another Ragusan, Damjan
Đurđević became official of Serbian Despot.34 It is logical to assume that Đurađ Branković hired

27
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 412, 461.
28
Spandounes, On the origin of the Ottoman Empire, 35; Ферјанчић, “Византинци у Србији,“ 199; Спремић,
Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 473–474.
29
Ферјанчић, Византинци у Србији, 200–201.
30
Ljubić, Listine IX, 157; Андрија Веселиновић, Држава српских деспота, 245–246.
31
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 415–416; Медо Пуцић, Споменици српски II (Београд: Друштво Србске
Словесности,1862), 101–102; Владимир Ћоровић, “ Женидба деспота Лазара,“ Глас Српске краљевске
академије 156 (1933): 151–153; Брана Недељковић, “Дубровник у сватима кнеза Лазара Ђурђевића,” Зборник
Филозофског факултета у Београду VIII/2 (1964): 507, 518–519; Ферјанчић, “Византинци у Србији,” 203;
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 317–318.
32
Ћоровић, “ Женидба деспота Лазара,“ 153; Јиречек, Историја Срба II, 372.
33
Ферјанчић, “Византинци у Србији,” 203–204; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 318, 662.
34
Јиречек, Историја Срба II, 366; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 219, 234.
them because of his specific political position. Namely, he lost the largest part of his country.
Therefore he strived to strength his diplomatic contacts. Very soon, Paskoje has gained the trust
of the Despot. In the summer of 1440 he was responsible for the security of Despot as captain of
a ship which was supposed to rescue despot and his family in emergency case.35 In January 1441
together with metropolitan bishop Atanasije part brought to Ragusa part of the deposit of Despot
Đurađ.36 Presumably, he was with Despot Đurađ during the famous “Long campaign”. 37 In this
way he proved his loyalty to the Serbian ruler. The future events indicate that Despot knew how
to appreciate his conduct.
When Serbian Despotate restored in August 1444 he settled in Smederevo. Next year Paskoje
became steward of the ruler finance with title “čelnik riznički”.38 He was the only Ragusan in
despot service who wore Serbian title. In addition to the activities related to finance he
performed many other tasks for Despot Đurađ. Consequently it is not surprising that Ragusan
chronicler Junii Restii designated him as “first minister of Despot”.39 Together with Damjan
Đurđević he organized in Ragusa arrival, stay and departure of Helena Palaiologina, future wife
of Despot Lazar Branković in 1446.40 Bosnian King Stefan Tomaš (1443–1461) has complained
to the Ragusans in 1448 that Paskoje and Damjan prevented him to conclude peace with Đurađ
Branković. Therefore the Ragusan Senate warned them to take care not to harm their city. They
replied that as despot’s servants they must obey his orders, but Senate wrote off that they must
primarily serve to their town.41 In September 1448 he negotiated with Hungarian Governor Janos
Hunyadi about participation of Despot Đurađ in campaign against Ottomans.42 After the battle of
Kosovo in October 1448 Hunyadi was captured by Despot’s men. Hunyadi wrote to the
Ragusans, after liberation that he was captured at the instigation of Paskoje and Damjan. The
Senate of Ragusa apologized to him, since their investigation revealed that they are guilty. That
was reason why the Senate issued three-year ban their nobles to go abroad as emissaries of

35
Андрија Веселиновић, Дубровачко Мало веће о Србији:(1415–1460) (Београд: Историјски институт САНУ,
Историјски архив Краљево, Историјски архив Чачак, 1997), 453; Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 369–370;
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 240–241; Јиречек, Историја Срба II, 366–367.
36
Стојановић, Повеље и писма I–2, 21–23; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 248.
37
Веселиновић, Дубровачко Мало веће о Србији, 482; Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 401; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ
Бранковић, 279; Јиречек, Историја Срба II, 367.
38
Стојановић, Старе српске повеље и писма I–2, 21, 32.
39
Joannis Gundulae, Chronica Ragusina Junii Restii (ab origine urbis usque ad annum 1451) (Zagrabiae: Ex
Officina Societatis Typographicae,1893), 304.
40
Недељковић, “Дубровник у сватима кнеза Лазара,” 482; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 315–316, 322.
41
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 427; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 327–328.
42
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 337–339.
foreign rulers. Also, the same institutions forbade to his subjects in the Despot’s service that
together with his army get out from the Serbian state.43 The specificity of their position once
again showed. In summer of 1450 Paskoje and Damjan had to come to his hometown to justify
their actions in connection with the abolition of trade privileges of Ragusan merchants in four
Serbian towns.44 The above prohibition did not strictly respect. Namely, Despot sent Paskoje to
the new Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II (1451–1481) in March 1451. However emissary did not find
Sultan in Edirne and he returned to Serbia before 10 of May.45 The next month Republic of
Ragusa again allowed its citizens in Despot's service can go abroad as Serbian ambassadors.
Such a decision was due to the fact that Ragusa was preparing for war with Duke Stefan Vukčić
in which expected the support of Serbian ruler.46 It seems that he was member of the Despot’s
mission to the Sultan Mehmed II which has contributed to conclusion of the Turkish-Hungarian
truce in November 1451.47 In late summer 1452, Despot sent Paskoje to Mehmed II to work for
the benefit of Vladislav, who was in conflict with his father Duke Stefan Vukčić. About results
of his mediation he reported Serbian ruler in October 1452.48
Shortly after the fall of Constantinople in summer 1453 Paskoje Sorkočević decided to
withdraw from the Despot’s service. Nevertheless, he stayed in Smederevo for a few months. His
decision was a result of several factors. First of all, his brother Damjan, who led all his affairs in
Ragusa, was died. Further he realized that the Turks will attack Serbia, after the conquest of
Constantinople.49 In the late September or early October of 1453 Sultan regained regions Toplica
and Dubočica,50 where Pascoe Sorkočević had possessions.51 Taking into account that Despot
Đurađ got mentioned areas from Sultan in May 1451, it can be concluded that Pascoe had estates
on Serbian territory at the most little more than two years. After returning to Ragusa he has

43
Joannis Gundulae, Chronica Ragusina Junii Restii, 298.
304–305; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 345–346.
44
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 440; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 354.
45
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 445–446; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 361.
46
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 448–449; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 367–368.
47
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 366–367.
48
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 472, 475; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 375–377.
49
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 413.
50
Олга Зиројевић, Исмаил Ерен, “Попис области Крушевца, Топлице и Дубочице у време прве владавине
Мехмеда II (1444–1446),” Врањски гласник 4 (1968): 378.
51
Franjo Rački, “Iz dijela E. L. Crijevića, Dubrovčanina,” Starine Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetonsti 4
(1872): 194; Орбин, Краљевство Словена, 115–116; Михаило Динић, “Дубровчани као феудалци у Србији и
Босни,” Историјски часопис IX–X (1959): 146–147.
maintained connections with Despot Đurađ. He died on 4 August 1454.52 Pascoe Sorkočević was
one of the closest associates of Despot Đurađ who had full confidence in him. According to
Mavro Orbin Despot Đurađ put the coat of arms of Pascoe Sorkočević on the tower of
Smederevo fortress.53 Shortly after Pascoe death, his son Junije went to Smederevo, where he
did business next three years. Unlike his father he was not in service of Serbian despot.54
The career of Damjan Đurđević (Žunjević) at the court of Despot Đurađ had a similar course
to Pascoe Sorkočević. Like him he traded in Priština and Novo Brdo and became official of
Serbian Despot in 1439.55 Presumably, his first tasks were associated with Despot’s desire to
reach the Hungarian crown for himself or his son, after death of King Albert II in October
1439.56 He followed the Despot during the whole “Long campaign” showing in this way
devotion to the Serbian ruler. After crusade during 1444 he also stayed in Buda when the Despot
negotiated about the conclusion of peace with Ottomans.57 In August 1444 he settled in
Smederevo after restoration of Serbian state. Different from Sorkočević, he has never had any
Serbian title. Regardless of this fact, Đurđević was influential person at the Despot’s court.
Ragusan chronicler Junii Restii marked him as “the chief adviser of the Despot”.58 In a certain
sense he participated in the war that was waged in 1448 between Despot Đurađ and Bosnian
King Stefan Tomaš. It is noted that he redeemed for 50 ducats Bosnian nobleman Radoje
Bubanić, who was captured in mentioned war. Then Damjan asked four times more money for
the liberation of prisoner. Therefore, in May 1449 he was criticized by authorities of Ragusa,
which demanded from him to seek only how much he gave and not to interfere in such affairs.59
The last recommendation likely related to the prohibition of the Republic to its citizens that
together with Despot army get out from the Serbia. Contrary to the ban of 1448, in August 1451
Despot sent Damjan Đurđević to the Sultan Mehmed II to inform him of his own agreement with
Janos Hunyadi. At the same time he was supposed to work against Duke Stefan Vukčić, who was
in war with Ragusa.60 In connection with this conflict he was again in Edirne in autumn 1452 as

52
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 414.
53
Орбин, Краљевство Словена, 115–116.
54
Ibid, 415.
55
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 234; Јиречек, Историја Срба II, 366–367.
56
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 234–235.
57
Ibid, 279, 288–289, 291.
58
Joannis Gundulae, Chronica Ragusina Junii Restii, 304.
59
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 431; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 334.
60
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 453–454; Gundulae, Chronica Ragusina Junii Restii, 307; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ
Бранковић, 366, 371.
emissary of Despot Đurađ.61 When Sorkočević left Despot’s service Damjan Đurđević became
the most important Ragusan at the Serbian court. The Despot Đurađ had confidence in him to the
end of his live. During November 1455 he took over Despot gold that was stored in Ragusa.62
The death of Despot Đurađ in December 1456 did not changed position of Damjan Đurđević.
First, he was in service of Despot Lazar and then his brother Stefan and widow Jelena. 63 Damjan
Đurđević died on 7 November of 1458 in Hungary, where he lived last few months. Afterward,
four of his sons who lived with him in Smederevo, entered in the service of Hungarian King
Matthias Corvinus (1458–1490).64 It is interesting that Damjan Đurđević was mentioned in one
epic poem as Voivode of Despot Đurađ under name Damjan Šainović. Also, one tower of the
Smederevo fortress was called “Šain tower”.65 His testament testifies that he had a house in
Smederevo, which was bequeathed to Despot Lazar.66 There are indications that Damjan had
estates in western part of Serbian Despotate. On the mountain Cer he possessed certain number
of mining shafts.67 It is possible that Damjan sold his immovable property at the end of 1457
when he disbanded commercial company, which had with members of family Crijević.68
Ragusan nobleman Alviz Rastć (Restii) was also in the service of Despot Đurađ. He
belonged to the group of prominent merchants who operated in Novo Brdo.69 In the autumn of
1446 he was commander of galleys which drove from Glarentza to Ragusa Helena Palaiologina,
future wife of Despot Lazar Branković.70 At the beginning of next year together with Marin
Đurđević he was emissary of Ragusa on the occasion of wedding between Despot Lazar Helena
Palaiologina. They had a duty to perform other tasks in favor of the Republic.71 Certainly no
later than 1448 Alviz Rastć entered in Despot’s service.72 Similar to Sorkočević and Đurđević,

61
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 378.
62
Медо Пуцић, Споменици српски II (Београд: Друштво Србске Словесности,1862), 101.
63
Стојановић, Повеље и писма I–2, 29, 156–161; Iván Nagy, Albert Nyáry, Magyar diplomácziai emlékek Matyás
király korából (1458–1490) I, (Budapest, 1875), 18; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 511, 520.
64
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 528–529; Јиречек, Историја Срба II, 368.
65
Стојан Новаковић, “ Велики челник Радич или Облачић Раде (1413–1435),” in С. Новаковић, Историја и
традиција (Београд, 1982), 107.
66
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 528–529.
67
Момчило Спремић, “ Јадар у средњем веку,” in М. Спремић, Прекинут успон. Српске земље у средњем
веку (Београд, 2005), 24–25; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 593–594.
68
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 511, 529.
69
Веселиновић, Дубровачко Мало веће о Србији, according to the index of book.
70
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 417; Ћоровић, “Женидба деспота Лазара,“ 149; Недељковић, “Дубровник у
сватима кнеза Лазара,” 493–505, 509–510, 514–518; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 316.
71
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 421; Недељковић, “Дубровник у сватима кнеза Лазара,” 521–523; Спремић,
Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 321–322.
72
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 353.
he also fulfilled diplomatic tasks for the Despot. During March 1450 he was in Ragusa, when
took over a larger amount of Despot silver from deposit.73 One Ragusan document from August
1451 designated him, Sorkočević and Đurđević as members of the Despot’s secret council.74
That fact indicates that he quickly gained trust of the Despot. Together with Serbian voivode
Jakša he took over in Ragusa trunk with documents of Despot Đurađ in summer 1452.75 The first
months of 1453 Despot sent him to the Bosnian King Stefan Tomaš. His mission was probably
related to the war between Ragusa and Duke Stefan Vukčić.76 Alviz Rastć picked up treasure of
Despot Đurađ from Ragusa on 2 October 1455.77 It is unknown until when he was in the service
of Serbian rulers. The last period of live he spent in Bosnia where composed his testament in
September 1459.78
Among Ragusans, who were in the service of Despot Đurađ Branković, Nikola Radulinović
()left the slightest trace in the sources. As merchant he worked in Belgrae, Srebrenica, Novo
Brdo, Priština and Smederevo.79 Certainly since 1448 he was in Despot’s service. Always he was
mentioned together with other Ragusans who served Despot. It seems that Nikola was tied to
Đurađ Branković until 1451.80
From 1453 to 1456 Ragusan Junije Gradić ( ) went several times to the Italy as emissary of
Despot Đurađ. He was hired by Despot, but practically did not reside at his court. After the fall
of Constantinople 1453, Despot Đurađ sent the first time Junije to Italy. In October 1453 Junije
visited the King of Naples Alfonso V Aragon (1442–1458) and Pope Nicholas V (1447–1455).
However, his mission has not brought concrete result.81 At the end of 1454, after unsuccessful
negotiations with Sultan Mehmed II, Despot Đurađ again engaged Gradić. From February to ...
1455 he spoke with authorities of Venice, the Duke of Milan Francesco I Sforza (1450–1466),
Pope Calliixtus III (1455–1458) and many other Italian lords to find rulers, who are ready to

73
Ibid, 353.
74
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 371; Веселиновић, Држава српских деспота, 243.
75
Пуцић, Споменици српски II, 101; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 374–375.
76
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 482–483; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 409.
77
Пуцић, Споменици српски II, 101.
78
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 542; Јиречек, Историја Срба II, 369.
79
Iorga, Notes et extraits II, 440; Веселиновић, Дубровачко Мало веће о Србији, according to the index of book;
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 353.
80
Веселиновић, Дубровачко Мало веће о Србији, 557; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 353; Јиречек,
Историја Срба II, 370.
81
Thallόczy, Áldásy, Magyarország melléktartományainak oklevéltára, vol. II, 171–172; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ
Бранковић, 407–409.
organize campaign against Ottomans. This mission has remained without effect.82 The following
year Junije Gradić unsuccessfully sought military assistance from the Pope and King Alfonso V
for the Serbian Despot.83 The end of his mission in Italy seems to have coincided with death of
Despot Đurađ. The new Serbian ruler Despot Lazar Branković (1456–1458) made with Sulatn
Mehmed II in January 1457 and therefore he did not need to engage Junije Gradić.84 Other
Ragusans in the service of Despot Đurađ were not directly related to his court.
Foreigners in the service of Serbian despots also descended from other coastal towns on the
Adriatic Sea. Latin chancellor of Despot Stefan Lazarević and Despot Đurađ Branković was
Nikola Arhilupis from Kotor (Cattaro). As a public notary and clerk of Despot Stefan and Đurađ
Branković, he was first mentioned in August 1423.85 Together with Nikola Vitomirović and
voivode Altoman he was member of Despot delegation at the negotiations with Venice in
November 1433.86 Nikola Arhilupis and Venetian notary Johannes de Reguardatis composed a
peace treaty between Despot Đurađ and Republic of Venice in August 1435.87 After fall of
Smederevo in 1439 he followed Despot who was over him maintained communication with
Venice during May and June 1440.88 A few months after restoration of Serbian Despotate,
Nikola Arhilupis died in Smederevo. Among witnesses in his testament are listed Pascoe
Sorkočević and Alviz Rastić. He left behind large amount of money, jewelry, expensive cloths
and many valuable books.89 The personality of Jovan, who was mentioned in 1452 as Latin
notary of Despot Đurađ, it is not known closer.90

82
Вићентије Макушев, Историјски споменици Јужних Словена и околних народа из италијанских архива и
библиотека, књ. 2, Ђенова, Мантова, Милано, Палермо, Турин (Београд: Гласник Српског ученог друштва,
1882), 86–87; Thallόczy, Áldásy, Magyarország melléktartományainak oklevéltára, vol. II, 191; Спремић, Деспот
Ђурађ Бранковић, 427, 457–459.
83
Макушев, Историјски споменици, 197; Thallόczy, Áldásy, Magyarország melléktartományainak oklevéltára,
vol. II, 217; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 475–476.
84
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 508.
85
Sime Ljubić, Listine o odnošajih između Južnoga Slavenstva i Mletačke Republike, vol. VIII (Zagreb:
Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1886), 253.
86
Ljubić, Listine IX, 80; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 164.
87
Ljubić, Listine IX, 84–85.
88
Ibid, 119–120; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 239.
89
Десанка Ковачевић-Којић, “О библиотеци Николе из Котора канцелара на двору срспких деспота,” Zbornik
radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Sarajevu 7, Spomenica S. Nazečića (1972): 415–419; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ
Бранковић, 309–310, 353.
90
Thallόczy, Áldásy, Magyarország melléktartományainak oklevéltára, vol. II, 165–166; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ
Бранковић, 498.
 Finally, it is necessary to mention Turks Ibrahim who was courtier of Despot Đurađ. In 1441
he was with Despot in Ragusa.91 It is interesting that Ottomans controlled large part of Serbian
territory in this moment.
During the reign of Despot Đurađ foreigners had a significant role at his court. The
prominent Byzantines have gained power thanks to Irene Kantakouzene Despot’s wife. Her
brothers Thomas and George proved to be capable military commanders. On the other hand
Thomas was marked by Ragusans as a corrupt man. The Serbian folk traditions also had negative
attitudes toward the Byzantines.92 Despot Đurađ hired Ragusans primarily because of their
diplomatic skills. He chose merchants who have long did business in Serbian towns. The sources
stressed that they had a great influence on the politics of Despot Đurađ. The actions of Ragusans
in Despot’s service were sometimes limited by the political interest of their hometown. Unlike
the previous period, some foreigners had an estates on territory of Despotate and because that
they were considered as Serbian nobleman.

91
Јиречек, Историја Срба II, 379–380; Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 750.
92
Спремић, Деспот Ђурађ Бранковић, 662–663.