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Noninterference?
Some China experts say Beijing's approach is not significantly different from how any other
country pursues its interests. "The United States is highly selective about who we're moral
about," says David C. Kang, a professor of government at Dartmouth College. "We support
Pakistan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia—huge human-rights violators—because we have other strategic
interests. China's not unique in cutting deals with bad governments and providing them arms."
But China's foreign policy appears to be evolving as it realizes the need to protect its economic
interests. For instance, it has altered its policy of blocking UN Security Council resolutions
authorizing peacekeepers for Darfur and placed modest pressure on Khartoum to allow a UN
peacekeeping deployment. "Beijing's recent handling of the situation in Sudan shows that it is
learning the limitations of noninterference, however much that principle remains part of its
official rhetoric," write Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt and Andrew Small in Foreign Affairs. "China
has found noninterference increasingly unhelpful as it learns the perils of tacitly entrusting its
business interests to repressive governments," they write.
But China also continues to sell arms to Sudan, among other African countries. The
Congressional Research Service reports that China views these sales as a means of
"enhancing its status as an international political power, and increasing its ability to obtain
access to significant natural resources, especially oil" (PDF). In the period from 2003 to 2006,
China's arms sales to Africa made up 15.4 percent ($500 million) of all conventional arms
transfers to the continent. Notable weapons sales include those to Sudan, Equatorial Guinea,
Ethiopia, Eritrea, Burundi, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe. Beijing has also sent Chinese military
trainers to help their African counterparts. Arms sales and military relationships help China gain
important African allies in the United Nations—including Sudan, Zimbabwe, and Nigeria—for its
political goals, including preventing Taiwanese independence and diverting attention from its
own human rights record.
http://www.cfr.org/publication/9557/#p6
Partnership is growing
This deal will permit it to reach another level.
Would maybe lead to other multiple investments
Nigeria in need for investment to sustain growth
Mr Rong Yansong, the Economic and Commercial Counselor of the Chinese Embassy in
Nigeria, says the trade volume between both countries increased from $3billion in 2006
to $7.24billion in 2008. It was only $384 million in 1998
Chinese investments have the potential to provide much needed jobs, generate
employment, creation of wealth and boost economic development.
For African governments, the investment in infrastructure is arguably the most important
spin-off of the intensifying liaison.
For years business in Africa has been hampered by poor transport links between
countries and regions.
“According to a study prepared by the staffs of the World Economic Forum, the World
Bank,
and the AfDB, African firms lose as much as 8 percent of sales due to power outages,
and
transportation delays can account for as much as 3 percent of lost sales (World
Economic
Forum, 2007).”
Example: During Chinese President Hu Jintao's visit in 2006, China secured four oil
drilling licenses and agreed to invest USD 4 billion in oil and infrastructure development
projects in Nigeria
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/4946708.stm
China helped Nigeria launch its first communication satellite (however wasn’t a big
success)
A multi-million dollar Nigerian satellite launched in May 2007 has been shut
down to prevent it spinning out of control and damaging others in orbit.
Chinese-built NigComSat-1 cost the African oil producer $340m
The Nigerian Communication Satellite NIGCOMSAT-1 is expected to offer broadcasting, phone and
broadband internet services for Africa.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7726951.stm