IGNOU's Political Science Material Part-2: Government and Politics in India

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Political Science: Government and Politics in India
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THE CONSEQUENCES OF
COLONIALISM
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Defining Colonialism
Consequencesof Colonialism
1.3.1 Nature and phases of the Colonial Empire
1.3.2 Impact: The First Phase-Peasantry and its Impoverishment
1.3.3 Impact: The Second Phase-De-industrialisation and its Effects
1.3.4 Impact: The Third Phase-Imperialism and Industrialisation
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
some u s e h i Books and Articles
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
1.0 OBJECTIVES
To understand the challenges faced by India properly after Independence,
it is necessary to study the consequences of colonial rule. Understanding
the multiple and contradictory nature of consequences is itself an engrossing
exercise. But the making of modem India is still more fascinating. After
reading this unit, you should be able to:
understand how India came to become what it was at the time of
Independence; and
grasp political, social and economic processes which took place in India
after Independence.
1.1 INTRODUCTION
/'
The British built in India the largest colonial empire anywhere in the world.
But it was a different kind of colony from most others. Many of the colonies
especially in Latin America, with the exception of Dutch East Indies (now
called Indonesia), were built .with either slaves or indentured labour. Most
of the Indians that we find in Fiji (and many other places) today were
taken as indentured labour. The British built their colony in India with
peasants and freely recruited labour. There was a l s o e o white "settler
population" in India like for example in Kenya or Zimbabwe which took
control of land and became the edifice of colonial domination. While the
peasant and the labour were coerced, the larger landowners and social
notables were won over to the British side; sometimes after wars but
nonetheless most of them eventually came over to the British side. They
also created new groups to cooperate with them by granting them Zamindaries
or other land rights by displacing the old ones. India therefore was a colony
built on collaboration of "natives".
The British ruled India by drawing a lion's share of surplus out of the Indan
Historical Background economy through heavy exactions on peasanty in the shape of revenue
demands, indirect taxation plus some tribute; in the earliest period there was
plunder as well but this very soon stopped. How all this was done? What
were ways in which it was done? Who were the gainers and losers among
the classes and strata? What were the result for India? And finally, how
did Britain gain out of it? Answers to these will tell us a fascinating story.
A story which is our history. A history which is still alive for us.
Before we do that let us take a brief pause and be clear about what
colonialism was. Today there is imperialism and neocolonialism but colonialism
has come to an end.
1.2 DEFINING COLONIALISM 1

Colonialism as a system started emerj$ng at the very beginning of the modern
era, that is, the sixteenth century:To understand its distinctive character one
difference fiom earlier eras has, to be noted. Colonies had always been there.
The Greeks had established colonies in the pre-Christ era. The Indians had
colonies; for example, the Cholas went overseas and established colonies
in Indo-China and Indonesia; the famous Angkor Vat temple in Cambodia
or the recital of Ramayana in Bali is surviving instance of the influence.
Foreign domination is also as old as military conquest. But we never used
the word "colonialism" for that period. So the question that needs to be
asked is: what was it that was new in the 16th to 18th century colonisation
that led to the term colonialism?
What we witnessed from the 16th century onwards was the forced
incorporation by one small part of the world of the rest of the globe. A
few countries like Spain, Portugal, Holland, Britain and France established
political domination over the rest of the world. Unlike earlier when the
balance kept shifting between different powers, colonialism established an
enduring pattern of rule and domination of a few countries over the entire
world. This led over a short period of time to the economic integration
of the colonised world into the needs of the economies of conquering powers
through a process of deeply inequitable trade. Some people like Wallerstein
have called it the emergence of a "world system". Nevertheless, there arose
an interdependent world. But there is a peculiarity to this interdependence;
it was from its very inception a dependent interdependence, unequally titled
in favour of some against the rest. This is a feature of the international
system which still persists to the disadvantage of the underdeveloped world;
for example, the interdependence of say Germany on USA is not
disadvantageous to any of the two. But one cannot say the same for the
relationship of India or Brazil with USA or Germany.
One last point needs to be made before we round up the discussion or!
this point. Before the rise of colonialism the level of development of many
countries like India or China or some Arab countries was as high or higher
than that of the colonising powers. In fact the Mediterranean or the Indian
Ocean trade was controlled by the Arabs. What gave the advantage to
the European powers was a technological edge on a few counts like the
invention of the mariner's compass or the iron hull for their ships which
made it easy for them to subdue other ships on the high sea and establish
their hegemony. We must remember that the "industrial revolution" was gill
far off. India was conquered beginning with 1757, much after Latin America. The Consequences o f
Colonialism
Industrial revolution began a few decades later with the invention of steam
engine, spinning jelly, etc., only during the 1780's and onwards. It was
therefore only with the colonisation that the decline of countries like India
begins. In a few decades the west had established absolute supremacy in
most fields over the countries of what now are called the "third world".
Some writers like Andre Gunder Frank have called this as the process of
the "development of underdevelopment." '
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: 9 Use the space given below for your answers.
Check your answers with the model answers given at the
end of the unit.
1) What was new to the 16-18th century colonisation?

' ~
.................................................................................................................
2) Can you identify the main features of Colonialism? '
'
3) How was India different from Latin America as a colony?
.................................................................................................................
I 1.3 CONSEQUENCES OF COLONIALISM .
The defeat of Siraj-ud-Daula in 1757 at the battle of Plassey can be taken

as the beginning of the colonial rule. After the battle of Buxar in 1765
the Diwani of Bengal passed into the hands of the British. (Bengal revenue
circle then comprised what are now West Bengal, Bangladesh, Bihar and
Orissa). The East India Company under the charter of British parliament
was given the monopoly of trade with the East including hdia. After these
battles they also acquired sole control over the collection of land revenue
over the conquered territories. The British used their political control to bring
the economy under their direct command. Rapidly the direction of Indian
economy was changed to serve the interests of the British economy. Trade
and revenue were then the two direct means through which they exercised
their control to exploit the Indian economy and transfer the surplus to Britain
which was soon to enter on the stage of a long Industrial revolution. All
of this had very disastrous repercussions for India.
Historical B a c k g r o u n d
1.3.1 Nature and Phases of the Colonial Empire
Given that the main objective of colonialism is the exploitation of the colony
and the appropriation (to take possession of) of its surplus for enriching
the metropolitan society, the nature of colonialism can best be seen in terms
of how this is effected. Methods of exploiting the colony went through
different phases. The phases can be seen either in terms of the general
tendency or in terms of the tendency combined with mechanism and
instrumentalities. Either way there were drastic changes in the way the surplus
was appropriated. Therefore, colonial exploitation was not a constant; it was
ever changing. We will get two slightly different patterns depending on which
of the two procedures we employ. Bipan Chandra relying on the general
tendency argues that colonialism went through three stages, each a result
of the changes in the metropolitan economy, society and polity. The first
stage he identifies as "monopoly trade and revenue approphation" which was
marked by the 'element of plunder and direct seizure of surplus" and absence
of any significant import of manufactures. The second &age he considers
as one of "exploitation through trade" wherein the colony became the market
for (industrial) goods and a supplier of raw materials-the best known mode
of colonial exploitation thereby converting the colony into a "subordinate
trading partner". The third stage he calls the period of "Foreign investments
and competition for colonies" during which surplus metropolitan capital was
exported into the colonies for the direct exploitation of raw material by
establishing industry and taking away the profits.
We can notice in the above classification the basic mode of exploitation

changes. The earlier ones do not disappear but continue in subsidiary way;
that is, monopoly over revenue collection remains but it is supplemented
by unequal trade and trade surpluses. The same remains thc case in the
next stage where profit expropriation (to dispossess one of ownership)
becomes the key mode but unequal trade continues as a secondary mode.
Whichever way we look at the phases, such a pattern can be easily
discerned.
By combining the nature and source of political domination with mechanisms

and instrumentalities of exploitation we get a slightly different picture of the
phases of colonial rule, as we will find with Amiya Bagchi. The first period
stretches from 1757 to 1858 beginning with the defeat of the Nawab of
Bengal by Robert Clive to the Great Rebellion or the First War of
Independence. This was the period when political power was exercised by
the East India Company on a charter granted by the British parliament which
also appointed the Governor-General. The second period extends from 1858
to 1947; that is the direct acquisition of power by the British parliament
to the Independence of the country accompanied with the Partition.
The first phase itself can be divided into two periods. The first sixty years,
that is, from 1757-65 to 1813 was a pure merchantile period (in which
the merchants were the dominant class controlling long distance trade). Britain
was still to enter into the industrial revolution and therefore there was no
question of large-scale exports of manufactured goods. During this period
the East India Company enjoyed a monopoly of trade with the East including
India and China. Then begins a different, a fresh period, when in 1813
the monopoly of the Company for trade with India was abolished (and in
1834 with China too). By this time Britain had settled in as a leading The Consequences of
Colonialism
industrial nation of the world and a different type of mechanism of exploitation
was the need of the time. The Company's position was taken over by a
small number of "agency houses" which later became "managing agencies".
These controlled all extemal trade (baring a portion of trade in westem India)
and much of the wholesale internal trade especially in exportable commodities,
badly needed by the metropolitan economy. The period following 1813 can
be called one of exploitation through free trade.
1858 saw power pass directly into the hands of Crown or the British
9
parliament. The Governor general now also became the Viceroy. Though
1858 saw a legal change in the nature of political control, not much changed
in the methods of exploitation. The period 1858 to 1914-18 saw the climax
of exploitation based on free trade. But this period saw the opening up
of Indian economy thoroughly to the influence of world capitalist market and
its fill integration in the world capitalist economy. Without a change in the
mode of exploitation, the integration into world capitalist economy provided
with many different levers for the appropriation of domestic surplus. The
development of railways and transport infrastructure also saw the blending
of diverse internal economies into an integrated economic network, all of
11 which was directed towards world capitalist economy but principally towards
Britain. This went on but the second decade of the 20th century, around
I the period leading to the first world war, saw a new phase of exploitation
1
I
which continued till 1947 but with political Independence did not cease to
operate. In fact, in many, disguised forms it continues even today.
I
I
1 Let us call it the "neo-colonial" mode of exploitation. Capitalism in Britain

had developed to a relative level of saturation. There was excess capital
for investment then was possible in the British economy and likewise other
developed capitalist countries. There was a rush to export capital to other
countries. India became one of the important destinations. Capital from
advanced capitalist countries but largely British capital started flowing into
India in mining and industry. India saw a considerable growth of industry
in certain regions; large-scale modem industry grew in certain enclaves like
Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Ahmedabad, and many other places on a smaller
scale. By using easily available raw material (instead of importing to England)
and using locally available cheap labour the idea was to produce'goods
in India (instead of exporting them from Britain). The super profits which
were made were expropriated to Britain. This mode of industrialisation is
also known as "import substitution". What also came along with this growth
of modem industry was the rapid expansion in the ranks of Indian bourgeoisie
and change in its status from one of being merchants to those of industrialists.
This process got a big boost after the First World War when Indians forced
the British, in relative decline to America, to mody free-trade and grant
concessions and some protection to the Indian industrialists. Capitalism under
the Indian capitalist got a great boost with this.
In looking at the nature of colonialism and its different phases, one thing
becomes clear. It is not the needs or requirements of the colony or home
economy which determines the policies or choices made by the colonial
powers. Much rather its is linked to the needs of the metropolitan economy
in terms of the development of capitalism there. It is the requirements of
the British capitalism that become the determining influence. So whatever ,
Historical Background happens in India, let us say in terms of "development", is simply consequential.
No favour was ever done by the colonial authorities to the Indian society.
Thus having seen the nature of colonialism and its phases it will be much
easier to understand now the detailed consequences. The remaining part of
this unit will deal with the consequences of colonialism in India.
1.3.2 Impact: The First Phase-The Peasantry and Its
Impoverishment
We have all heard how colonialism destroyed the Indian agrarian economy
which led to the impoverishment (the process by which one is made to
become poor) of peasantry. It has also been pointed out by many writers
that the British retained many of the features of Mughal land revenue system
perfected by Todar Mal. We have earlier seen in this unit that during the
18th century there was little export of manufactures fiom Britain, so the
handicrafts could not have been ruined putting pressure on the hand. So
how did this happen? In other words, how did impoverishment start? This
is an important question, a key point in all our further understanding of
the process of the making of Indian poverty.
While the British retained much of the Mughal revenue system, they made
some drastic changes of detail within its overall structure. The first, though
a minor one, was they raised the share of revenue collected enormously.
It has been estimated that the total revenue collected fiom the Bengal Diwani
in the first few years of British rule doubled whereas for the last 100 years
it had remained the same. This was a huge increase. It is important to
remember that this led to severe famines, a third of the population perished,
but it is important to note that the revenue collected continued to grow.
As an aside, it is important to remember that under the Mughals a part
of the revenue collected was reinvested to help the economy and the growth
of local product but very little came back under the British.
Let us look at the changes they made in what they retained of the Mughal
revenue system. One fundamental change they made was to make the
revenue calculable on the total land entitled to cultivate rather than the land
I actually cultivated. This was crucial; therefore, let us be clear through an
example. Under the Mughal if the peasant was entitled to cultivate, for
instance, 100 acres of land but actually cultivated only 55 acres, the revenue
collected was only for 55 acres but the British assessed and collected the
revenue for the entire 100 acres of land. Now imagine the enormous burden
it may have put on the peasanJs because barring a few nobody cultivated
the &tire land one was entitled to cultivate. In other words, the assessment
under the Mughals can be said to be based on the produce and not on
i holdings and therefore there was a flexibility in-built into the system. Sesondly,
I it hasalso been noted by many that the actual rent in full was not always
collected and considerations were given to the difficulties of the peasants.
1 Thirdly, under the Mughals the revenue was calculated in cash but more
often it was collected in kind so the peasant did not have to go for distress
sale. Finally, and very significantly, the failure to pay in time or repay other
~ -
kinds of debt did not lead to the loss of land under the Mughals. The
British forced the auction of land in case of failure to pay the revenue or
I other debts and for the first time allowed non-peasants to buy up land.
- .. . . .. . rn . . . .. ..
not alienate peasant lands. So some transfer used to take place within the The Consequences o f
Colonialism
peasantry.
It should be obvious fi-om the above that the system introduced by the British
was inflexible in relation to the vagaries of agrarian economy in conditions
like those prevailing in our tropical climate dependent on monsoon. It gave
rise to the beginning of the conversion of land into a commodity like entity,
even though land cannot become a commodity in the way cloth can be.
Nevertheless massive alienation of land became a feature of the agrarian
relations. A repercussion of this was, one, the ability of the superior holders
- or the money-lenders to confiscate the land of the peasants for realisation
of airears due to whatever reasons and, two, even the land of the superior
holders, like Zarnindars, could be taken over the moneylender for failure
to repay debt and the interest accumulated on it. The consequence was
the emergence of absentee landlords as a sizeable proportion of land owners
who then would let out land on back breaking rent or share-cropping.
Lest it should be misunderstood, a clarification is necessary here. This was

not confined to the Diwani of Bengal and the system of land tenure
introduced there. But this was a common feature for the whole of India
under the British administration, whichever land tenure system we look at.
Look at the Permanent Settlement created by Cornwallis in Bengal, where
the government gave over the right of revenue collection to a small number?
of large Zamindars who had powers over cultivators now reduced to tenants.
The Zamindars had to pay to government fixed amount which was fixed
forever but no restriction on rent rates till late in the 19th century. Or look
at the Ryotwari of Elphinstone in Bombay presidency and of Munro in
Madras presidency where direct settlements were made with the peasant-
proprietors and periodic revenue assessment was made every 20-30 years.
The new features disadvantageous to the peasantry mentioned above were
common. The ruin of the peasantry was only a question relative to the extent
of pauperisation (Pauper is one who has to beg to live).
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
iii Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) What were the new measures introduced by the British in the area
of revenue administration?
2) What were the results of these for the peasantry?

I
I
.................................................................................................................
Hlstorlcal Background
3) Where in History can we locate the origins of Indian, poverty?
................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
\
1.3.3 Impact: The Second Phase-De-industrialisation and its

Effecks'
During this phase the colonialism had dual impact on Indian political economy-
the destructive and developmental.
The Destructive Role
India for long before the British came had a large and widely spread industry
or secondary manufactures. In fact during the time of Akbar, it is said, '
that a Mahkarnai Karkhanai (Department of Industry) was started. The
manufactures were largely organised under either the artisans working from
within their households or handicraftsmen working in the guilds. Except for
a few technological advantages gained by some countries in western Europe,
as noted earlier, the national well-being or the wealth in possession'of rulers
in our country was not any less; in fact, some estimates suggest that it
was higher here. What, however, is more important here is that the (pre-
capitalist) manufactures in India were spread all over the country and in
many instances, with the exception of guilds, were closely tied up within
the agrarian economy; the relation between the agriculture*and manufactures
was mutually beneficial. Much of the secondary manufactures were destroyed
during the course of the first half of the 19h century and during this period
no new industry grew in India. This process has been called by economists
as de-industrialisation. We will briefly look at this process and note its larger
impact.
The beginning of this process of de-industrialisation started, to link up with

a point made earlier, with the ending of the monopoly of trade of East
India Company in 1813 which itself overlapped with the Industrial Revolution
gaining full momentum in Britak India, beginning with around 1800, entered
into a classical mould of colonial exploitation, populady also rightly perceived
as "import of raw material and export of finished goods" by the metropolitan
economy or vice-versa if looked at from India's or any other colony's point
of view. How did this de-industrialisation happen? And what wdre its
consequences?
~ e f o r egoing into this one comment in passing may be appropriate for it

can be a source of many an insights. Through the last quarter of the 18th
century Britain was investing about 7 per cent of its gross domestic product
on its industrialisation. During the same period, in fact beginning earlier from
-1765, Britain was drawing out 6 to 7 per cent of the gross domestic product
h m Bengal out of which over 4 per cent was invested in Britain (by transfer
to Britain as unrequited surplus), this contributed enormously to rapid
industrialisation of Britain; while the remaining was used for waging wars
of conquest on*other parts of India. So the conquest of India afier the
first victories did not cost Britain anything, it only impoverished some parts
n f Tnclia mnre hpraiice thev naicl fnr the rnnnii~ctnf nther nartc /Fnr cl~tailc
From around the first decade of the 19th century one-way free-trade was The Consequences of
Colonialism
introduced. (That is exports of goods from Britain would be exempt fiom
custom duties). Let us look at one particular commodity, cotton textiles, for
the quality of whole production India was famous all over and which it
used to export in large quantities. Within a few decades cotton textiles
completely disappeared from the list of India's exp~rts.There was a ruinous
decline in the production of textiles in India. In place of this thke was
\an excessive increase of cotton manufactures in the list of its imports. In
the wake of industrial revolution Britain had become the leading producer
of cotton textiles in the world. Indian market had become crucial for the
expanding British industry. For example in the 1880s, one of the peak points
of textiles production, India alone accounted for 40 per cent of Britain's
world share. In exact figures calculated by Bagchi, in 1885 total exports
of cotton goods from Britain came to 69 million Pounds and of this India's
share was 28 million Pounds. Cotton goods produced in India had to pay
a higher duty than those imported from Britain.
The story was the same for a number of manufactures. For silk goods,
the British forced the weavers under its control to give up weaving and
replaced it with the production of raw silk as the sale of raw silk in Europe
was found to be more profitable. Britain also monopolised the manufacture
and sale of salt, opium (a key item in trade with China), indigo (very
important in the bleaching of cotton goods), etc. Many other manufactures
were also decimated. For example, with the loss of political power, the gun-
making industry (important in pre-colonial India) was destroked and with that
there was large-scale closure of iron foundries. I
By the second half of the 19th century de-industrialisation was complete.

Its consequence on agriculture, to note in passing, was extremely damaging.
People thrown out of secondary manufactures were thrown in on the
agriculture for direct sustenance, land had to support so many more millions
of people. This led to a W h e r ruination of an already, as we have seen
earlier, impoverished peasantry. As the number of people on land went on
increasing, the relations of peasants with the landlord (or the superior owners)
were worsening on the one had and the number of landless agricultural
labourers increasing enormously. The result of this process was immediately
of a two-fold character: there was first the absolute reduction in the wages
of workers in agricultural operations and then there was secondly the increase
--in the rent the peasants were forced to pay (rack-renting became a common
-feature) and in failure to pay rents fully or on time. This led to the easy
eviction of the tenants as share-croppers. Poverty, not in a relative sense
but of an absolute kind became wide-spread. The countryside in India till
today reeks of terrible suffering for those who have little or no land.
Developmental Impact
The .colonialism had following deve)opmental impact on Indian political economy.
..
First, the British, beginning with the 19th century,set up a modem admmdrative
apparatus and subsequently a judicial system and. together with merchantile
"
firms. This was a social infrastructure of a new kind for India. Large number
'of Indians were needed to run it. The British also therefore set up a new
type of educational system to run these institutions both public and private.
After much debate, from 1830's a complete shift to English both in
Historical Background
administration and education was effected. A new class of Indian well versed
in English emerged. In the beginning they were mostly drawn fiom the Hindus
and largely from among the three upper castes who established a monopoly
first over the jobs and then over profession like lawyers. Doctors, engineers,
journalists, company executives, and so on; a lund of highly privileged group
among the Indians. The upper stratum of this was the new Indian elite.
Their hegemony continues even today causing resentment among lower castes
like the Dalits and the Backward Castes and sometimes among the Muslims
who lagged behind in education from the beginning of the colonial rule.
The second very important development during this period was the beginning
of the construction of railways. Starting in 1854 the first two-truck routes
were started and then its construction was taken up in a big way. By 1914,
34,000 miles of railways were constructed linking all the major areas of
I q a . By comparison with China we can see how extensive was this
network. In China a much larger country, at the end of semi-colonial control
it had a railroad network of a mere 12,000 miles. The railways by making
the easy mobility of goods and people across India contributed enormously
to the development of trade and capital. It thus brought about the integration
_ of various local economic zones into an interacting economy. It also facilitated
the developnent of a pan-Indian market. Today the railways remain the one
physical infrastructure which plays the most significant role in the movements
of goods and people and trade and commerce and supply of inputs to the
rapidly expanding Indian industrial economy.
But the railways also surprisingly contributed to a greater integration of Indian

economy into the metropolitan one and thus contributed to the augmentation
of India's economic exploitation. It did so by a peculiar route alignment
and fare-structure. Apart from the trunk routes linking the main cities to
\
the capital, the railroad primarily were so aligned so as to link the interiors
to the port cities from hich finished goods were exported into India and
raw material was takenT lut, facilitating the to and for trade between India
and Britain. The fare for goods were higher if transported between two
interior places, e.g., between Indore and Gwalior but much lower. (almost
half) if the same were to move from interior to the port cities, e.g. from
Gwalior or Indore to Bombay or Calcutta. So that these would discourage
internal trade but help external trade with Britain. That is how the process
of "finished goods for raw material" got a huge spurt and so was the
exploitation of India augmented. Such were the developments to which the
great nationalist economist and freedom fighter Dadabhai Naoroji gave the
name of '.drain theory'.
The third important change to which reference has to be made is the

development of modem irrigation networks. Around the same time as the
development of railways, there also took place rapid expansion in irrigated
areas. The construction of vast irrigation networks were undertaken though
confined to a few areas but this was also accompanied by the neglect of
traditional inigation works like wells and village ponds. So the gross command
area did not equal the net increases in the irrigated area. By 1914, 25
million acres came under irrigation. The earlier traditional system was under
the control of the farmers so they could control crop mixture and rotation
of crops. The modern networks made the peasants at the compassion of
scarely c o n 9 d landlords who controlled the government public works like
the canals for instance. This resulted in the relative increase of the power T h e Consequences of
Colonialism
of landlords over the agrarian economy'and also therefore a miserable
existence for the peasantry.
One important feature of investment in irrigation is worth remembering. Almost

the entire investment went into two, three areas of the British India, and
the out of these bulk of it went into Punjab. Estimates show the 315 of
the entire investment (in the earlier period but marginally declining later yet
remaining a sizeable proportion) went into Punjab, the remaining being divided
between some coastal areas of Madras presidency and some around a few
areas in Bombay presidency. These then were the areas which witnessed
considerable increases in productivity. It is not as if f m e r s in these areas ,
are more hard working, as the modem myth about the Punjab farmers seems
. to suggest, but they put more labour and capital in these regions because
of assured production. The skewed nature of this investment gave rise to
a new type of disparity among the various regions of India.
Two important results followed with the development of irrigation, a brief

mention of these is important. Irrigation led to some significant changes in
the cropping pattern. It helped the growth of exportable food grains and
commercial crops, by direct impact in the imgated areas but also by showing
the n h r e of profitable agriculture to other areas. These new exportable food
grains marginalised the production of millets (a sturdy cereal requiring little
water and the staple food of the poor) and the pulses (the chief and the
only source of protein for the poor). The entire nature of a development
in agriculture was of a very uneven nature between regions and different
classes. Among the peasantry leading to the emergence of a stratum called
the rich peasants emerged. Also to note is that by 1914, an area approximately
25% of the total cropped area came under the cash crops, many of these
are also for the nature of inputs for industry, viz., tobacco, jute, cotton,
sugarcane (by displacing the production of jaggery and crude brown sugar
in favour of refined sugar), etc. Modem agriculture in India, since 1947,
has changed a lot but the basic structure has remained quite strikingly similar.
Together with railways, irrigation with the development of cash crops, and
large-scale mining gave a big push to the growth of trade both within India
,
and between India and other countries especially Britain. Therefore by 1880's
fairly sizeable Indian capitalist class was getting formed and was present in
many areas but largely concentrated in and around the port-towns. This led
in small ways to the beginning of capitalism under Indian entrepreneurs and
a slow growth of modem Industry. This was a feature of far reaching
significance for future.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the
end of the unit.
1) Why did the British shift the emphasis of ekploitation to "export of

raw material and import of finished goods?'
Hlstoricai Background
................................................................................................................
2) What did it do to the Indian economy?
................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
' 3) How did de-industrialisation effect the agrarian economy?
...............................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
1.3.4 Impact: th, Third Phase-Imperialism and

~ndus'tri isation
"?
In the last decades of the 19th century the nature of capitalism was changing.
Different types of capital like the industrial and the banking capitals were
getting merged. This gave rise to large financial oligarchies within advanced
capitalist countries like Britain, Germany, France, USA, etc., with excess
of capital to export. There was intense competition among these countries
to export capital to countries like India, for example, and establish industries.
Infact such competition gave birth to the first world war. The idea of such
competition was to make huge profits and export these to the home
countries This was a way of capturing the domestic market of the colonies,
along other countries, for the benefit of metropolitan economy. A famous
liberal econc . ;st called Hobson and the well known revolutionary Lenin came
to the same conclusion that capitalism now has entered, what they termed,
the phase of Imperialism. (1, ::perialism is therefore not the same as colonialism,
i f continued even after colonialism came to an end and is with us even
today under the new na .e of Globalisation).
By the turn of the century an.. before 1914 India had developed a pretty
good industry. These industriez. were riot wide-spread but were concentrated
in certain enclave like the Jute Textiles around Calcutta, Cotton Textiles
around Bombay, etc. Other industries, viz., rice-mills, for making refined
sugar, cement and so on also started coming up. Tatas (the only Indian
allowed to do so) had also established a heavy igdustry for making steel.
This process got a big push after the h t world war. The important feature,
in this period, w& that the Indian capitalist who had accumulated large capital
through trade started establishing industries on their own. After the war,
Britain's position relatively declined within the advanced capitalist world and
it faced strong competition h m other industrial powers. The Indian capitalist
wrested large concessions from Britain to start industries and also forced
it to modifL the one-way flee-trade, with the result that Indian industrialist
got some state protection. The rise of the mass-based national movement
also helped the aspiring Indian industrialist to bargain better with Britain.
For the first time since the establishment of the British colonial control, the T h e Consequences o f
Coloninllsrn
assets of the Indian capitalist in industry grew faster than those of the British
capitalists. There was no state assistance for Indian industry but Britain was
forced to grant protective tariff to Indian industry vis-a-vis other imperialist
powers, although its own goods continued to enjoy preferential treatment.
By the time of the second world war, India had achieved a good measure
of self-sufficiency in, apart from Industries mentioned above, consumer goods
as also in crude and intermediate goods like pig-iron, steel, cement, etc.
Much of what was imported from Britain earlier was being produced within
the country itself; this pattern of industrialisation has been referred to by
the economists as "import-substitution" industrialisation.
One important feature of this industrialisation has to be emphasised before

we end this discussion. The colonial mode of development imposed a serious
disjunction, as pointed out by Bagchi, between industry and agriculture. Most
areas which developed industry remained agriculturally backward and those
which became agriculturally advanced like Punjab remained industrially
backward. The result was that the agricultural areas became hinterlands for
the industry. This is very unlike the pre-colonial pattern where industry and
agriculture were closely tied in a mutually beneficial relationship. This was
to result in a peculiar pattern of uneven development all over India. Also
almost all the areas where Muslims constituted a majority of the population
did not 'develop any industry and remained as hinterlands. No large Muslim
bourgeoisie also developed. This too contributed to the Muslim sepakitism
which as we know led to the partition of the country and the creation of .
Pakistan-a complex story which cannot be gone into here.
i Check your answers with the model answers given at the
end of the unit.
1) What led to the growth of modem industry in ~ndia?'
2) Where and in what sectors did industry grow?
3) What were the main social forces which emerged in India?

Historical Background What is "import substitution7'industrialisation?
4)
- -
1.4 LET US SUM UP

When India gained Independence, industrially it was the most developed
outside the advanced capitalist countries. It had the largest capitalist class
well-versed in influencing politics from behind as well as the largest and
most accomplished middle class and numerically a huge proletariat with a
large concentration of skilled workers. It paradoxically also had the highest
irincidence of poverty both urban but especially rural with all that goes with
it; undernourishment, ill-health, illiteracy, lack of shelter quite apart from the
fact that the means to become what we are capable of being were so
thinly spread in the society. The colonialism was very decisive in the making
of modem India.
1.5 KEY WORDS

Colonialism: A system where a country dominates and exploits another
country in all aspects of life, especially economic.
Neo-colonialism: It is a system in which the economy of the colony gets

integrated with that of the metropolitan country by development of inhstmctu~
like railways and transport.
De-industrialisation: A process of ruination of the traditional industries of

the colonies due to the competition with the modem industries of the
metropolitan countries.
1.6 SOME USEFUL BOOK AND ARTICLES

Bagchi, Arniya Kumar, Political Economy of Underdevelopment, CUP,
Cambridge, 1982; an Indian edition is also available. See especially Ch.
4 and Chs. 2, 6 & 7. And see also his "Reflections on Patterns of Regional
Growth in India During the Period of British Rule", Bengal Past-and--
Present, Vol. XCV, Part 1, No. 180, January-June 1976.
Chandra, Bipan, Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman, Delhi, 1999; see

Chs. 3 & 4.
Habib, Irfan, "Colonisation of the Indian Economy, 1757-1900", Social

Scientist, March 1975; also in his, Essays in Indian History: Towards
a Marxist Perspective, Tulika, New Delhi, 1995.
Sarkar, Sumit, Modern India, Macmillan, Delhi, 1983.
Pavlov, V., "India's Socio-Economic Structure from the 18th to mid-20th

Century", in Pavlov, V., Rastannikov,-V.
- .-
-
and Shirov,
- -
G. India:
---
Social and
T h e ~onse'quenceso f
1.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS Coloniatlsm
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) The new feature of the 16-18" century colonialism was that unlike
1
the earlier colonialism it saw the forced incorporation of the major
part of world by a small part of it.
2) i) Forced incorporation of the major part of the world by a small
group of countries.
ii) Exploitation of the resources of the colonies by a small number
of metropolitan countries, and ruination of the economy of the
colonies.
3) Latin America was conquered much before India. In India it was
followed by the industrial revolution, which adversely affected Indian
economy.
1) They raised the share of revenue. The rent was collected on the basis
of the land held by the peasant, not on the basis of the area sown.
2) It resulted in the extraction of rent from the peasants. Failure to pay
rent led to their eviction from land. The peasants became pauper.
3) It can be located in the colonial period.
1) They wanted market for the goods produced in England.

2) It ruined the traditional economy of India, which is known as the
process of de-industrialisation
' 3) Due to de-industrialisation, the traditional industries and crops related
to Indian agriculture got ruined. It pauperised the Indians.
1) In the wake of the first world war the position of Britain declined
in relation to other advanced countries. It gave an opportunity to Indian
industrialists to get concessions (protective tariff policy) h m the British
government. It helped in the growth of modem Indian industry.
2) In Jute textiles, cotton textiles, refined sugar, cement, etc.
3) Middle classes, landlords, a small group of industrialists.
4) "Import-substitution" means an economic system in which the goods
which are imported are produced in the country itself. There is no
need for import of such goods.
RESPONSES OF INDIAN SOCIETY
Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 India and the Colonial Experience
2.3 The World of the Peasantry
2.4 The Tribal Response .
2.5 Middle Class, Intelligentsia and Social Reform
2.5.1 The Ideas and Vision of New Class
2.5.2 Social Reformers and Public Debate
2.6 Reform Movements
2.7 Reform or Revival?
2.8 Social or Political Reform?
2.9 The Intelligentsia, Reforms and the Colonial State
2.10 Critique of Colonialism
2.1 1 Let Us Sum Up
2.12 Some Useful Books
2.13 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
2.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit is about the responses of Indian society to the arrival colonialism
'
in India. After reading this unit, you will be able to understand:
The response of the peasantry to the colonial' policies;
The reaction of the tribals to it;
The reaction of the middle classes and intelligentsia to it; and
The context of the rise of the social and cultural movements during the
colonial period.
2.1 INTRODUCTION
Colonialism radically changed the face of Indian society. It also resulted in
a churning within that society. The society responded to colonialism in multiple
ways. The responses were, however, influenced by the context in which
people lived, the way they perceived the colonial rule and their vision of
a future society. In this unit we shall try and examine these various responses
in their proper historical context. This will enable us to view properly the
historical development of our society, and the manner in which this society
responded to the range of forces it encountered over the past two hundred
years or more.
\
2.2 INDIA AND THE COLONIAL EXPERIENCE

You have read in unit 1 that the trading companies from Europe, i.e, Great
Britain, France, Spain, Portugal and Holland, entered India during the sixteenth
Company received the Dewani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, when its armies Responses af Indian
Society
defeated the combined forces of the Nawabs of Bengal and Oudh and the
Mughal prince Shah Alam. By the first decades of the nineteenth century,
a mere trading company established its authority over a vast tract of the
Indian subcontinent.
While on the one hand, colonialism impoverished the society and used political
power to exploit it economically, it also unleashed the force of ideas to
usher in an entirely new age. The British brought with them the message
of the English (1688) and French (1789) revolutions.
The notion of freedom, equality and a scientific world-view, derived from

the scientific revolution and the enlightenment ideas of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries Europe, also travelled to India with the colonial powers.
Colonialism, therefore, presented itself as the purveyor of ideas for a radical
social reorganisation, even though it changed the economic, political and
cultural mosaic of the subcontinent in a fundamental way.
2.3 THE WORLD OF THE PEASANTRY

In the areas occupied by the British new land revenue systems, such as
the Permanent Settlement in Bengal and the Ryotwari system in other areas,
were introduced. Both these were-alien to the subcontinent, and implied the
superseding of the traditional rights of the village community over their land.
Two forms of property now came into being. In Bengal where the Permanent
Settlement was implemented, Zamindars became the intermediaries between
the state and the peasants. In other are&, the peasants were directly
burdened with very high taxes.
The company began to extract revenue with a vengeance. In Bengal alone

the total revenue collected doubled from Rs. 63.4 lakh in 1762-63 to Rs.
147.0 lakh in 1765-66. R.C. Dutt, who studied the impact of colonialism
on the Indian economy, estimated the extraction to have increased from Rs.
2.26 crore in 1765-66, to 3.7 crore in 1769-70. Even the severe famine
caused no decline in the taxat$n,,reflecting the unscrupulous greed of the
P
new rulers. This created a s&er crisis for the old Zamindars, who were
now reduced to the status of revenue farmers. The new land revenue
arrangements also affected the/class of people dependant on State patronage,
such as traditional scholars, fakirs, artists, etc. The revolts of the Zamindars
and other dispossessed people formed the earliest responses to colonial power.
The peasantry was the worst victim of the new system. The peasants reacted
in the form of protest against the colonial oppression. The section provides
some examples of the peasant's response. The peasant reaction came in many
forms. Titu Mir's (1782) rebellion was one such early response to the British
rule. Titu Mir led the poor peasants near Barasat in 24 Parganas (Bengal)
against the Zamindars, both Hindus and Muslims. He instructed his followers
to follow pure and simple Islamic practices. The movement began to spread
into the adjoining districts of Nadia and Faridpur. Its popularity finally forced
the colonial authorities to kill Titu Mir and suppress his movement. In
November 1831 Titu Mir's headquarter at Narkulbaria in Barasat district
was destroyed. He and fifty of his followers were killed, and several hundreds
of his followers were arrested.
The more widespread Farazi movement of Haji Shariatullah (1781- 1840) in
eastern Bengal followed this. Shariatullah asked his poor peasant followers
to strictly observe the duties (far'iz, hence far'izi) enjoined by the Quran
and Sunna (Islamic law), and to maintain God's unity. He stressed that so
long as the British rule Bengal the congregational prayers on jumma and
Id should not be performed, as according to tradition they must only be
performed in a misr aljami (a town where an amir and a qazi, properly
appointed by an independent Khalifa are stationed). This was one of the
strongest indictments of British rule. Under his son Duda Mian (18 19-1862),
the impoverished and landless peasants, artisans and weavers joined the
Farazi ranks. The Farazis attacked both the landlords in the area, who
incidentally were Hindus, as well as the British Indigo factory owners. The
colonial authorities tried very hard to suppress the Farazis and to rescind
Shariatullah's indictment of British rule. It was finally in the last decades
of the nineteenth century that the movement's new leaders asked the population
to extend ioyalty to the British. The anti-British felling was so strong that
people were not allowed to seek redressal of grievances in the British courts
without permission from the Farazi leaders.
#
In 1859-60, the peasants in Nadia district of Bengal heard that the new
Lt. Governor was sympathetic to their condition. They refused to accept
the advance paid by the indigo planters coercing them to grow indigo. The
movement spread through the delta region. Indigo planters were attacked
and soon the entire system began to collapse. The active interest of the
intelligentsia in Calcutta focussed the attention of the colonial authorities too
on the oppression of the Indigo planters. As a result of this revolt, the
indigo cultivation system came to an end in the area. In the 1870s, there
were protests in Pabna (Bengal). The peasants organised themselves into
agrarian leagues here. In 1873, a large-scale movement of the peasantry
in Pabna and the adjoining areas was another strong indictment of colonial
rule.
In the Ryotwari areas, the peasantry came under increased pressure of

revenue demanded in cash. The situation was aggravated with the introduction
of commercial crops such as cotton. This W h e r increased the monetary
requirements of the peasant; at the same time it dimibished his self-sufficiency.
The moneylenders in Bombay Presidency were mostly outsiders in the local
peasant communities. They began approaching law courts for the settlement
of debts. This. resulted a massive alienation of peasantry from their lands.
Community bonds among the peasantry against the moneylenders strengthened,
and they rose against the moneylenders in 1875 in the districts of Ahmednagar
and Poona.
2.4 THE TRIBAL RESPONSE

A significant number of people in the subcontinent for centuries lived in socio-
cultural and economic worlds different fiom other social formations based
on caste or other principles of hierarchy. The word tribe, an import from
the European language and knowledge systems, was used to describe these
people. The relatianship between the two formations varied fiom contzxt
to context. Colonialism created spaces and conditions for non-tribal outsiders
to move in large numbers into the habitat of the tribal people. The colonial
rule brought about other fundamental changes in the life of tribals.
1 Living in relative isolation, the tribal population had, over the centuries, Responses of Indian
Society
evolved social, cultural and political patterns differently. The colonial state
I
L facilitated penetration of revenue farmers, forest contractors and Christian
I
L
missionaries in a large number into the tribal habitat. The British with little
knowledge of the communities living in forests and hilly terrain like Chhota
Nagpur and Santhal Parganas acknowledged the outsiders who had established
themselves in the area as the ruling potentates over the tribal lands too.
They entered into revenue arrangements with them. The latter in tum transformed
their customary gifts and tributary relationship with the tribals into a compulsory
revenue relationship. The new legal system forced this relationship on the
b tribal people, with the colonial masters as the supreme revenue lord. Thus,
the tribal people were deprived of their traditional rights over the land, forest
and all that they were familiar with for centuries. With little knowledge of
p the new legal system, which had no notion of the rights of tribal people,
the latter found no sympathy with the rapidly penetrating agricultural communities
too.
The central Indian tribes, particularly those living in the Choota Nagpur and
Santhal Parganas area, were the worst sufferers in the new situation. When
the British began penetrating the Jangal Mahals and Chhota Nagpur after
1780, thikadars and other intermediaries also entered into the system. The
heightening of certain internal differences within the tribes in the colonial
perception precipitated these changes. The colonial system and the outsiders
began treating individuals within tribes like the Pahan (priests) or the Munda
~ (leader) or the Munda tribe, whose status was that of one amongst equals,
as landlords or political and social leaders. This attached the relatively
egalitarian structure of communities such as that of the Mundas and the
Oraons in Chhota Nagpur. The coming of the missionaries and the large
scale conversions, particularly in the last decades of the nineteenth century,
also created new inter and intra-tribal differentiation. The atrangements evolved
over centuries between the tribal differentiation. The arrangements evolved
over centuries between the tribal populqon and the neighbouring communities
were also distributed. The Ghatwals in the Jangal Mahals were traditionally
the police force of the local ruling potentates in Chhota Nagpur. The abolition
of this arrangement resulted in the famous Chuar rebellion of the Chatwals
in-the 1790s. Similarly, the reservation of forest land for colonial purposes
altered the tribals relationship with the forest and his habitat. But the most
radical change came in the shape of the large-scale intrusion of the outsiders.
The most powerful expression against the outsiders, who mostly came as
moneylenders, revenue contractors, lawyers and landlords, was the famous
Hul rising of the Santhals in Darnni-1-koh (modem day Santhal Pargana
district). In 1855 under the leadership of Sidho and Kanu, the Santhals
attacked the colonial authorities as well as outsiders whom they called dikus.
In 1832-33 the Bhumiji in the Jangal Mahals revolted against the colonial
authorities, while in the 1850s the tribal leaders called Sardars in Ranchi
district revolted against the rapid land alienation.
The Christian missionaries in the Chhota Nagpur area provided a helping

hand to the exploited tribal people. They not only opened hospitals and
schools, but also enlightened the colonial authorities about the tribals and
their problems, taking up their cause with the administration. On the question
of land. however, neither the colonial authorities nor the missionaries had
any intention of intervening. A large section of the tribal people in Chhota
Nagpur, therefore, began to see the missionaries as no'different fiom the
colonial matters. It is in this context that Birsa Munda and his Lngulan (the
great tumult) emerged in Ranchi district in 1899-1900. The followers of Birsa
attacked all visible symbols of colonial authority like police stations. The
entire tribe participated. When Gaya Munda and his men returned from an
attack on the Khunti police station, the Munda women gave them a traditional
welcome reserved for men returning from a hunting expedition.
Assam came under British rule only in 1826, and the colonial penetration
in the Naga hills ahd in the Manipur area was relatively late. In Assam,
Vaisnavism had exerted a great influence on the local population over the
centuries. Contact with Calcutta opened the area to new influences. One
such influence was an alternative to the available mode of Hinduisation.
Kalicharan Mech of Dhubri was inspired by a Hindu sanyasi of Calcutta
and started a new faith, eschewing the expensive rituals attached to the
prevailing hinduising modes in the area. The new converts, called Brahrnas,
engaged themselves in the eradicating illiteracy of their tribes. There was
also a move towards abstinence fiom rice, beer, meat, etc.
The forces of change were too large and too rapid for the tribal people
to adjust. For inspiration, therefore, they looked back to their past. All their
revolts were characterised by a conscious invocation of a lost but golden
past. Sidho, Kanu and Birsa Munda, all of them painted a glorious picture
of their tribe in a bygone age, Satjug, vis-a-vis the tribe's present suffering
Kalijug. Birsa blamed the white fathers, the black fathers (the converted
tribals), and the colonial authorities for the miseries of his tribe, which had
lost its land and religion and had become a victim of overall degeneration.
This consciousness provided the ideological basis for solidarity behind all
these movements. Attempts to revive community memories of the pre-
Christian days by those who were disturbed by the growing divide between
the Christian and non-Christian world-views. This was combined with an
attack against the outsiders and British rule in the last decades of the 19th
century. The Khasi tribe made such an attempt.
The ongoing national movement influenced the tribal movements in the early
decades of 20th century: The Tana Bhagat movement of Gumla in Ranchi
district, and the Zeliangrong movement in the Naga hills were two such
instances. Jadonang (1905-193I), who set up the Haraka religious cult with
three basic objectives started the complex Zeliangrong or Haomei movement
in 1925. The first aimed at reformation of the tribes, particularly the Zemi,
Liangrnei and Rangmei, to enable them to face the onslaught of Christianity.
Secondly, the overthrow of the exploitative colonial laws by attacking British
rule. And third, establishment of the Naga Raj. The movement was also
aimed against the Kuki tribe, the "outsider". From 1927 onwards, influenced
by Gandhi, Jadonang began a civil disobedience movement in the area. On
13 June 1931, Jgdonang was arrested and sentenced to death, and finally
hanged on 29 August 1931. Gaidinliu a teenaged girl, took over the
leadership of the movement. In March 1932, the entire village of Bopugoanrni
in the Naga hills was burnt down by the government forces, ?n retaliation
to the attack on the Assam Rifles outpost by Gaidinliu's followers. Finally
the seventeen year old leader, called Rani Gaidinliu by'Nehru, was arrested
on 17 October 1932, and sentenced to life imprisonment. Thus, when she
was set free in 1947 on Nehru's personal insistence, she had already spent Responses of. Indian
Society
all her youth in jail. .
,'

n Check your answers with the model answers given at the
end of the unit.
1) How did the peasant respond to the colonial rule?
2) What were the symbols of tribal reaction against the colonial rule?
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
2.5 MIDDLE CLASS, INTELLIGENTSIA AND SOCIAL

REFORM
.-
The colonial rule saw the emergence of g'8ew class whose members came
mostly from the newly educated sectiajs and the professionals created by
the colonial establishment. This class &is not attached to any royal court
or religious establishment and was entirely on its own, except that it depended
on the new colonial economy for its sustenance. Well versed; in their own
traditions, this class encountered the full blast of the new ideas shaping the
west, equipping them to view their own society and its institutions on their
own merit. They found that-infanticideypolygamy, sati, practice of untouchability,
prohibition of female education and widow remarriage, and absence of any
critical knowledgd system characterised their society. Further, reli6ous and
social practices were inseparable, tt+usylegitimising all inhuman practices
through recourse to religion. Education in the classical mode imparted in
Sanskrit, Arabic or Persian was devoid of any critical component. It was
also based on caste and gender discriminations-non-Brahmins and women
were not allowed Sanskrit education. The first generation of intellectuals and
refomm, particularly the father of the Indian refom movement Raja Rammohun
Roy (1 772- 1833), realised their unusual predicament very early in their
careers.,While they had to defend the societies, religions and traditions of
India against the evangelical and utilitarian attacks, they also had to eradicate
the evil and inhuman practices that prevailed in the society. The evangelists
had been criticising Hindu and Muslims practices and institutions a s inhuman,
and had presented Christianity as the means of deliverance. The educated
class was the first to face this onslaught on their religion and society. A
large section of the educated was converted to Christianity. Those like Raja
Rammohun Roy who did not think conversation was the answer, worked
towards reforming their own society. Their vision of a new society was
i n f m d b y the ideas of freedom, equality and fraternity; and a religious
universalism, which advocated a common core among the world's religions.
2.5.1 The Ideas and Vision of New Class
The ideas and vision of this new class was articulated best in the work,
of Raja Ramrnohun Roy. With sound knowledge of Persian Arabic, Sanskrit,
Hebrew and several Ewpean and Asian Languages, Rammohun Roy a c q W
a deep insight into different religious traditions. He was well versed with
the movement of ideas taking place in Europe. He realised that a critique
of tradition was necessary for removing wide spread illiteracy, ignorance and
practice of inhuman and cruel practices like widow burning, infanticide,
excessive ritualism, polygamy, and prohibition on rernaniage of Hindu windows.
These practices were legitimised by invoking religious texts and traditions.
Ram Mohun Roy and later Vidyasagar in Bengal, Veershalingam in Andhra
and Krishna S h a h Chiplunkar in Maharashtra studied the shastras themselves
to prove that the Hindu religion never sanctioned such practices, which were
based on the wrong and often false interpretations of the Brahmins. They
were also clear that tradition had to face the test of reason and social
good. And that social good was to be based on notions of equality, liberty
and fraternity. Rammohun Roy was the forerunn~rin this.
2.5.2 Social Reformers and Public Debate
The reformers never rejected traditions but rather put them to critical
evaluation. Such a critique required engagement of an informed and critical
mass of people. Thus, the reformers made it a point to engage in public
debate through newspapers and journals, as Ram Mohun Roy did through
Mirat-ul-Akhbar, Keshub Chandra Sen through Indian Mirror and Sulabh
Sarnachar, Bal Shastri Jarnbhekar through Darpan (1832), Lpkhitadi through
Prabhakar. Almost d l issues related to social reforms were debated publicly,
reflecting a core democratic principle, which came to fruition during the
national movement, gaining ground during this time. A significant result of
these literary outpourings was that the vernacular languages were enriched.
Bengali, Assamese, Marathi, Gujarati, Tamil, Telgu and other major languages
were enriched by this. The reformers indirectly contributed to the growth
of linguistic communities, which was recognised clearly in the 1890s and
in the long run contributed to the demand for a separate Orissa, Andhra, etc.
The reformers also realised that to defend their society against missionary
and colonial criticism and also for permanent reform, it was important that
education be imparted not only to all sections of men, but to women too.
They campaigned for a critical and scientific education system. What India
required was "not the revival of Sanskrit learning", Rammohun Roy argued,
"but promotion of a more liberal and enlightened system of instruction,
embracing Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, Chemistry and Anatomy with
other useful subjects." It was Lord Macaulay, the Law Member in the
Viceroy Council, whose decisive intervention was crucial in winning the case
for English education. Though Lord Macaulay's intention was to produce
a class of Indian in colour but British in taste, yet Rammohun Roy and
others wished to bring the fruits of new knowledge into India and infuse
Indians with these new ideas and spirit.
n Check your answers with the model answers given at the
end of the unit.
1 1) In which way the middle class/intelligentsia was different from the
peasantry and tribals?
Responses of Indian
Society
,
I 2) In which way did they respond to colonialism?
! .................................................................................................................
F .................................................................................................................
i 3) How did the intelligentsia generate public debate?
2.6 REFORM MOVEMENTS

The ideas and their propagation soon produced the desired result. There
were efforts to bring changes in the caste system, position of women and
the system of education. The reforms for which Rarnrnohun Roy stood were
eradication of the kulin system (marriage of young girls to higher subcaste
Brahmins, often much older, resulting in the practice of polygamy), stopping
the sale of young girls in marriage, abolition of cas: system, introduction
of widow remarriage and abolition of sati. Sati was a prevailing practice
among the high caste Hindus where the widow had to die, at times forcibly,
,along with the dead husband on the latter's funeral pyre. Rammohun Roy
considered this cruel practice to have no sanction in the shastras. He and
his friends led an agitation, which finally resulted in Sati being banned by
Legislative Council Act of 1928.
Rarnrnohun Roy also engaged the Christian missionaries in public debates

over their attacks on oriental religions. He criticised the missionaries for
presenting a caricatured version of Christianity and distorting its essence. l h s
attack was from the standpoint of religious universalism. He established the
Brahrno Samaj in 1828 to provide space for all those who believed in
nonsectarian religion. He did in 1833 in Bristol, England. The Brahrno Samaj
became the nucleus of reform activities in Bengal and throughout India.
I Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, who became the principal of ~&skritCollege,
I
opened the gates of Sanskrit learning to non-Brahmin students. He worked
t tirelessly for widow remarriages and education for the girls. It was through
1
I
his efforts that in 1856 widpw remarriage was made legal. Keehub Chandra
Sen, one of the most gifted successors of Rammohun Roy, took the latter's
I message across the country. His visit to Bombay and Madras in 1864 and
I
1 N.W.F.P in 1868 resulted in the formation of Prarthana Samaj in Bombay
Historleal Background Maharashtra, with a strong tradition of reforms dating back to the days
of the B e i saints in the medieval period, produced Bal Shastri Jambhekar
and Gopal Hari Deshrnukh who assumed the name Lokahitawadi. They
criticised the privileges of the Brahmins, and the devaluation of women and
lower castes fiom a rationalist viewpoint. Gopal Ganesh Agarkar and Krishna
Shastri Chiplunkar, a Sanskrit pandit with an extremely critical perspective
on the challenges facing Hindu religion and society, joined them. The Scientific
and Literary Society formed in Bombay in 1848 and the ~ r a r t h h aSamaj
(1864) became the centers of the reform movement.
The new ideas soon swept the Parsi community of Bombay Presidency.
Cursetjee Nusserwanjee Cama, Nowrojee Furdonjee and Sorabjee Shapoorjee
Bengalee took the lead in this. The emphasis was on the status and education
of women. CursdJee Cama started regular schools for girls and Sir Jamshetjee
Jeejibhai opened four schools for Parsi girls, which were taken over by
the Parsi Girls Association in 1856. Furdonjee's Gujarati periodical Vidyasagar
and Bengalee's Jagatmitra and the Dyan Prakashak Mandali disseminated
new social and literary ideas. Dadabhai Naoroji's journal Rast Goftar
(185I), best reflected the-reforming trends within the community.
Engulu Veerswamiah in Andhra wrote in 1857 that there was no recognition

of untouchability in the shastras, and conversions to Christianity were taking
place due to this practice. Samineni Murthoonarsimiah Naidoo of Rajamundry
wrote Hitasoochanee in which he focussed on the social inequities related
to marriage and female education. It was however, kandakri Veereshalinan
(1848-1919) who gave the reform process in Andhra an organised and
dynamic form. His journal Vivekardhini, (1974) criticised the orthodoxy by
taking fairly rationlist stance, and also attacked caste inequities .and the
disabilities of women in society. He started a number of schools for women,
in addition to those of the Christian missionaries. From 1883 he began to
publish Satihitabodhini, which addressed issues concerning women, inaugurating
an era of women's journals in Andhra. Meanwhile, Keshub .Chandra Sen's
Visit in 1864 and establishment of the Brahmo Samaj boosted the efforts
of the reformers. Chembeti Sridharalu Naidu of Cuddalore became the first
Anusthanic Brahmo (1869) in south India when he began officiating Brahmo
ceremonies in Kakinada. The raja of Pitharpur set up schools for girls. '
In Assam, attacks were directed against kulinism and the practice of sati.
Jadrum Barua prolagated widow remarriage, himself marrying a widow.
Gunaviram Barua and Hem Chandra Barua later attacked these practices
with renewed vigour. In Bibhaha Paddhati and Tin Ghaini, Hem Chandra
Barua attacked poIygamy and its associated evils, while his Bahire Rang
chang Bhitare Koa Bhaturi exposed the irreligious acts of the priestly class.
Assumption of power by the British effected the Muslim aristocracy in

northern India the most. The aforementioned British land revenue system
impoverished the Peasantry in Bengal, who were pred~rninantlyMuslims. The
responses in different regions, therefore, were varied. The earliest response
was one of extreme antagonism towards the British rule. The lack of an
anti-coloqial critique led to its expression on religious terms as exemplified
by the Jdahabi mhement of Syed Ahmed of Rai Bareilly (1786-1831) and
Farazi movement of Shariatullah.
Responses o f Indian
The mutiny and the retribution meted out to sections of the.Muslim aristocracy Society
in northem India brought a change in attitude. Reconciliation to British rule
rather than antagonism was thought to be prudent to bring reforms to Muslim
societies. In Bengal, Syed Abdul Lateef (1828-1893) and Ameer Ali (1849-
1928) made efforts to impart English education to the Muslims. It was Syed
Ahrned (1817-1898) who realised that any reform within the northern Indian
Muslim communities required addressing the changed circumstances of the
i Muslim aristocracy. He felt that the aristocracy needed to be equipped with
1i a modem education to regain their sense of confidence and leadership. In
1875, he started the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College in Aligarh, as
I
the harbinger of reforms of the Muslims in India. -The women in Muslim
b
communities were better placed because they were never denied literacy like
their Hindu or Parsi counterparts. The recitation of Quran provided them
t
with elementary literacy, but it was only in the first decades of the 20th
century that efforts were made to bring Muslim women into schools outside
the home. Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hussain (1880.1932) of Bengal established
a Girls school in Calcutta in 1911. The effort of the families of Badruddin
Tyabji and H.S. Bilgrarni, and the royal family of Hyderabad is worth
mentioning in thls regard.
In all the attempts to reform societies, efforts were made to engage critically
with tradition. But there also existed a stream of thought, which attacked
existing traditions in toto and presented alternative traditions. In Poona, a
gardener's son Jyotiba Phule (1827-90) having personally experienced caste
oppression, presented in alternative history of the community he termed the
Bahujan Sarnaj. He saw the Brahmins as the outsiders who captured the
land of the Bahujan and reduced them to the status of untouchables and
lower castes. He criticised all traditions, including Bhakti saints like Rarndas
as legitimising these inequities. Ambedkar later developed this pow& stream
of thought. Pandita Ramabai's (1858-1922) 'The High Caste Hindu Woman'
focussed on the strong patriarchal character of ~rahrnanicalorthodoxy, and
engaged with larger question of the sanctity of tradition and perpetuation
of caste and gender inequalities. In Madras, Ramaliagnaswami represented
a very powerful rationalist line.
2.7 REFORM OR REVIVAL ?

There were perceptible changes in the intellectual life of the subcontinent
during the second half of the nineteenth century. The writings of Bankim
Chandra Chatterjee, Akshay Kumar Sarkar, Rajendra La1 Mitra, Bhudev
Mukherjee in Bengal, and Vishnu Shastri Chiplunkar, Balgangadhar Tilak and .
Bhandarkar in Maharashtra displayed a new sense of confidence, culminating
in Vivekananda's championing of Vedanta. It was the confidence of a society
over the rediscovery of its glorious past. It was also a reaction to the racial
arrogance displayed by the British after the mutiny. The revivalist reaction
was aimed at reforming society on the basis of the glorious Hindu past,
and hence critical of reforms inspired by western ideas. Vishnu Shastri
Chiplunkar, whose father Krishna Shastri Chiplunkar was one of the early
reformers, espoused such revivalism. Another stream opposed any state or
legislative involvement in the matter of social reform. Rammohun Roy had
to face opposition from Radhakanta Deve, one of the early proponents of
this stream.
'
,
'
Revivalists were not necessarily against reforms. While the early intellectuals
/' /
,
, retained a critical relationship with the ancient past, it was replaced now
by the revivalists' sense of assertion of the past. Dayananda Saraswati, born
as Moolshankar in Kathiawar, made the social arrangements in the Vedas
as the basis for reform. He tried to counter western criticism against the
iniquitous Hindu society, and do away with a lost of unnecessary and cruel
practices in Hinduism itself. To propagate reform based on these ideas, he
established the Arya Samaj in Bombay in 1875. The Theosophical Society
also espoused the greatness of the religious traditions of India, and posited
these against western traditions. Vivekananda emphatically proclaimed the
superiority of the Vedantic religion.
2.8 SOCIAL OR POLITICAL REFORM ?

Nationalism had taken an organised and assertive tone in the last quarter
of the nineteenth century. A debate over the priority of social or political
reform began to take centre-stage. Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920) prioritised
political over social reform, and caused the Indian Social Conference to be
held outside the Congress session in 1893. Gopal '&ishna Gokhale (1866-
1915), however, thought that both social and political reform must go
together. The ascendancy of extremists in politics, and of those who resisted
any state or legislative intervention in social matters, gradually brought a
separation between social and political reform. The massive opposition to
the Age of Consent bill (1893) and the removal of the Social Conference
fiom the Congress sessions indicated that social change and reform had
become secondary to the nationalist cause. The emergence of Mahatma
Gandhi brought together the social and political question 0nc.e again.
2.9 THE INTELLIGENTSIA, REFORMS AND THE

COLONIAL STATE
The vision that moved the early reformers was that of equality, freedom
and an enlightened society, and the British were seen as the harbinger of
these principles. This shaped the reformers' perception of colonial rule,-The
pre-Mutiny British administrators also showed their keenness to assist the
reformers. According to Jyotiba Phule, "the British Government made it
possible for me to speak out and express my thoughts." It is significant
that when the intelligentsia emerged among the lower castes or in the Muslims
communities, they too looked towards the colonial state for help in bringing
reforms. Between 1820 and 1870, however, changes in the nature of colonial
rule and the colonial state occurred. Its reformative role was exhausted, and
the reformers were dealing with a state run along racial lines, which began
to resist any organised efforts against its existence. But there were significant
differences. Aware of the strong reactions of the Muslim society in North
India as seen in Syed Ahmed Bareilly's movement and other anti-British
and anti-modem trends, the process of reform started by Syed Ahmed had
an upper class perspective. Reformers like Rammohun Roy had to face
opposition fiom his own class or the aristocracy. Thus, the assistance sought
by each fkom the colonial state was directionally different. Syed Ahmed had
to face opposition fkom those sections of the society opposed to the British-
the ulama. Thus, in the 1880s when Syed Ahmed and others assumed a
progressive mantle, they stood against the h a who-retained their anti-
British character.
! Responses of Indian
2.10 CRITIQUE OF COLONIALISM Society
I Rammohun Roy and the early reformers were conscious of the colonial
I exploitation of the country. However, the positive role of the colonial rule
overwhelmed this knowledge. A section of the intelligentsia in the second
1 half of the nineteenth century realised that colonialism, morethan containing
t the seeds of societal regeneration, was fimdamentally harming Indian soceity.
"Dadabhai Naoroji (1825-1917) - the grand old man of India, Justice
Mahadev Govinda Ranade (1842- 1901), Romesh Chander Dutt (1848-
1909), G.V. Joshi (1851-1911) and others began to question the colonial
assertion of developing and modemising India. They asked if the colonial
rule made a positive contribution, how was it that Indians were becoming
poorer day by day, and famine struck villages, while manufacturing industry
and artisans were being ruined year after year. Dadabhai Naoroji propounded
the 'drain theory', explaining how large amount of resources drained from
India found their way to England. This was in the form of salaries and
pensions of civil and military officials of the colonial state, interest on the
loans taken by the Indian government, and huge profits of the British capital
employed in India. The latter meant 5% guaranteed profit on investment in
railways, and the cost of administration in England. This drain not only
deprived India of her present resources but also of the surplus for future
investment. To the contention that the railways signified the commencement
of the industrial revolution in India, Naoroji responded that the railways
merely enabled the colonial rule to penetrate the Indian interior for getting
cheap raw material for British industries and for bringing back the finished
goods of the British industry. Thus, it helped the industrial revolution in Britain
by providing all benefits to the British manufacture. This diagnosis was
propagated through public debate, "publications, etc., and helped shatter the
myth of British benevolence. Naoroji and others advocated modernisation
of India in real terms, and industrialisation with the help of Indian capital.
- -

ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) What were the problems which social movements sought to eradicate?
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
2) What was main point in the debate about social and political issues?
.................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................i .............
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
3) What do you mean by 'drain theory'?
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
2.11 LET US SUM UP

Different sections of the society responded to colonialism in India. Their
responses depended on the nature of issues relating to them and the impact
of colonialism on them. The peasantry reacted by protest against colonial
policies about the land and revenue system. The tribals protested against
the British and their Indian allies. The middle classes and intelligentsia
appealed to Indian tradition in countering the British. A large number of
them were influenced by the ideas of equality, liberty and fraternity. The
British policies towards India were guid.ed by the colonial interest rather than
by benevolence.
2.1 2 SOME USEFUL BOOKS

Chakravarti Uma, Rewriting Histyory : The Life and Times of Pandita
Ramabai, Delhi, 1998.
Chandra Bipan, Nationalism and Colonialism in' Modem India, Delhi,
1979.
Desai A.R., Peasant Struggles in India, Delhi, 1979.
Hardy, Peter, The Muslims of British pdia. London, 1972.
Heimsath, Charles: Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform, Princeton,
1964.
Natarajan, S. A Century of Social Reform in India. Bombay, 1959.
Singh, K. Suresh, The Dust Storm and the Hanging Mist, Calcutta, 1966.
Singh, Sita Ram, Nationalism and Social Reform in India 1885 to 1920,
Delhi, 1968.
2.13 ANSWERS .TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Pragress Exercise 1 ,
1) The protested against the colonial rule. They attacked both the
landlords and indigo planters.
2) he; revolted against the colonial rule by invoking their traditional
symbols.
1) It was different 'in the sense that while the peasantry and tribals were
directly related to the land and soda1 structures, it was more entrenched
in non-land economic structures. Besides, it revolted against the British
because it was more enlightened than the peasantry and the tribals;
2) They responded to the colonial rule by invoking Indian traditions, and
calling for reforming the Indian society.
3) They generated public debate through the newspapers, magazines and
- litmhirp
Check Your Progress Exercise 3 Rpsponses of Indian
Society
1) They sought to eradicate caste discrhiqation, ban on widow remarriage,

tradition of sati, sale of young girls, Ztc.
2) Debate was about the question whether the social refoms should be
given the priority over the political or vice-versa. Balgangadhar Tilak gave
the priority to the political issues but Gopal Krishna Gokhale wanted
both issues to be taken up together.
3) Propounded by Dadabhai Naoroji the 'drain theory' explains how large
amount of resources drained fiom India found their way to England.
UNIT 3 NATIONAL MOVEMENT
Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Early Nationalist Activities
3.2.1 Indians Realise Colonial Discrimination
3.2.2 Demand for Increase in Indian Representation
3.3 Extremist Nationalist Phase
3.4 Ghadar and the Home Rule Movement
3.4.1 Ghadar Movement
3.4.2 Home Rule Movement
3.5 Coming of Gandhi and the Non-Cooperation Movement
3.5.1 Gandhi and Peasantry
3.5.2 Protest against the Rowlett Act
3.5.3 Non-Cooperation Movement
3.6 Rise of the Peasantry, Working Classes and the Left
3.6.1 Gandhi-Ambedkar Debate
3.6.2 Arrival of Marxism
3.6.3 Growthpf Communalion
3.7 Civil Disobedience Movement and its Aftermath
3.7.1 The Simon Commission
3J.2 Civil Disobedience Movement
3.8 The War and the Quit India Movement
3.9 Post-War Upsurge
3.9.1 The Indian National Army
3.10 Communal Riots, Independence and Partition
3.11 LetUsSumUp
3.12 Some Usehl Books
3.0 OBJECTIVES
The legacy of the Indian ~ a t i o n a lMovement affected politics in India in
more ways than one. An understanding of the Indian National movement
will enable you to understand the politics of contemporary India better. After
going through this unit, you will be able to:
Understand the role of leaders with varying ideological background in the
India; qational movement;
To now the cdntribution of various classes lie the peasanw and woring class;
To establish the line between certain developments which preceded the
achievement of Independence, and contribution of politics to it; and
To analyse the unfinished task of the national movement;
National Movement
3.1 INTRODUCTION
The Indian National Movement and the Chinese revolution of 1949 were
two significant mass movements in world history, which influenced the destiny
of millions of people. The former articulated the desire for hedom of millions
of Indians, and inspired movements in colonised Asia and .Africa. The Indian
National Movement passed through several phases.
3.2 EARLY NATIONALIST ACTIVITIES

As you have studied in the units 1 and 2 the British exploited the Indians
in several ways and different sections of society responded to it in different
ways.
3.2.1 Indians Realise Colonial Discrimination
There was a gradual realisation of the exploitative and discriminating character
of British rule. The writings of Dadabhai Naoroji, Badruddin Tyabji, K.T.
Telang, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, R.C. Dutt and M.G. Ranade clearly laid
the responsibility for the growing poverty and unemployment among the
people on the colonial state. They also criticised the colonial authorities for
not associating Indians with the country's administration. When Surendra Nath
Banerjee (1848-1925) was disqualified from joining the civil services on a
flimsy ground, he travelled across the country and educated his countrymen
regarding the discriminating nature of colonial rule. In 1883, the Illbert bill
attempted to empower an Indian judge to preside over the trial of European.
The vehement and organised protests of the British and European public
against the bill, which they thought was subverting the racial hierarchy, opened
the eyes of a large section of Indians to the essentially racial character of
the state. It made them conscious of their position as subject people, and
as not entitled to the equality promised in the Queen's proclamation (1858),
or which they had hoped to acquire through education.
!
3.2.2 The Demand for Increase in the Indian Representation

As a result of this realisation, the Madras Native Association, Poona Sarvajanik
Sabha (1870), Indian Association (1877) in Bengal, and Madras Mahajan
Sabha (1 884) were formed. They demanded increased Indian representation
in the Legislative bodies and viceroy's Executive Councils, and increasing
the age of eligibility for Civil Service examinations and the government budget
on education and other developmental activities. Newspapers like Arnrita
Bazar Patrika, The Berdgalee, The Hindu, and the Tribune were started, to
express the concerns of the people. The Indian National Congress organised
by Allan Octavian Hume (1829-1912), which was a product of this need,
held its first conference in Bombay from 25-28 December 1885, to take
up issues of national importance.
Early Nationalists like Firozshah Mehta, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, M.G.

Ranade, Surendra Nath Banerjee, P. Ananda Charulu, and S. Subramaniam
Iyer strongly believed that the common interests and well being of Indians
were being thwarted by the exploitative acts of the colonial state, such as
the draining of resources fiom India. They, however, stressed that the colonial
state was amendable to reasons, and once cognisant of its mistakes it would
pltimately give Indians their due. They were also conscisus of the existence
of heterogeneity of community and society in India. It was the measures '
of the British administration, new communication channels and English education

that made it possible to unite people into a collective community called nation.
But this consciousness was not equally developed and strong among all
segments of the population. Thus, while demand for reforms was to be
articulated for the nation, simultaneously, efforts were needed to concretise
and collectivise disparate sections into the fold of the nation. The nationalists
tried to inform public opinion along these lines.
3.3 EXTREMIST NATIONALIST PHASE

There was a heightened sense of colonial and racial arrogance in the last
decade of the 19th century. This was at a time when several non-European
people were exhibiting signs of assertiveness. Abyssinia defeated Italy in
1896, while tiny Japan defeated powerful Russia in 1905. In India, Annie
Besant, Rajendralal Mitra, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Banlum Chandra Chatterjee
and above all Vivekananda asserted the superiority of the Indians and their
gloriou<past. This new confidence was represented by a fresh generation
of leaders; Bipin Chandra Pal, Aurobindo Ghosh and Ashwini Kumar Dutt
in Bengal; Ajit Singh and Lala Lajpat Rai in Punjab; Bal Gangadhar Tilak
in Maharashtra; and G. Subramaniam Iyer, N.K. Ramaswamy Iyer, C.
Vijayaradgavachariar, T. Prakasham and M. Krishna Rao in Madras. They
criticised the moderate tone of the Congress leaders; Instead of prayer and
petition, they advocated passive resistance, boycott, adoption of Swadeshi
and national education as new modes of protest.
The solidarity of the Indians was shown when Bengal was partitioned in
1905, and east Bengal was amalgamated with Assam to create a new
province. It was said that Bengal was too large and unwieldy for efficient
administration. But the regular pronouncements of different officials since 1930
made it known that the real reason behind the partition was to weaken
the growing nationalist sentiments in Bengal, particularly those of the 'Bengali
babus'. The protest against the partition soon took an organised shape, and
finally the Swadeshi Movement officially commenced fkom 7 August 1905.
Boycott of foreign goods and government schools became the prime modes
of protest. National schools and Swadeshi manufacturing units were opened.
On 16 October 1905, when partition was to become operative, many people
in Bengal fasted, and at Tagore's suggestion tied Rakhi on each other's
wrist as a mar of solidarity. Processionists around the cities sang songs
written by Rabindranath Tagore and others. The Swadeshi movement spread
to other parts of the country, and provided the first spurt of nationalist
activity in Assam, Orissa and Punjab.
The new leaders demanded a more assertive Congress, which the early
nationalists saw as disastrous not only for the Congress but also for the
reform process initiated by the Congress. Their political vocabulary did not
include faith in public agitation and movements. However, this was not
because tney belonged to the educated or middle class. It was more due
to their different perception of the colonial state and their lack of understanding
of the current political mood.
At the adnual cession in Banaras in 1905, the new leaders succeeded in

making the Congress adopt Swadeshi, boycott and national education as
its policies. In 1906, achievement of Swaraj in terms of Dominion status National Movement
within the British empire was adopted as the goal of the Congress. The
new extremist leaders tried to push the moderates out of the Congress. This
disastrous move finally led to the split in Congress at Surat in 1907, where
the extremists were pushed out of the party. The colonial state, taking
advantage of the situation, suppressed the extremist leaders with heavy hands.
Tilak was imprisoned and sent to Mandalay jail in Burma. Moderate leaders
began l~singpopular sympathy, and henceforth lived with the hope that they
were leading the country towards liberation through constitutional reforms.
The Swadeshi movement brought into the national movement new forces like
students and urban youth, and places like Assam and Orissa into the
mainstream. Bengal, Punjib and Maharashtra, however, reniained the centre
of activities. Individual acts of terrorism, displaying a high sense of patriotism
and sacrifice, by Khudiram Bose, Aurobindo and Barindra Ghose, Rashbehari
Bose and Sachin Sanyal, Ajit Singh and Madanlal Dhingra, and Damodar
Savarkar, captured the imagination of the country's youth. Khudiram Bose
and Prafulla Chaki who hurled a bomb at the Muzzafarpur Magistrate
Kingsford's carriage but unfortunately killed two innocent ladies (1908),
became household names when Khudirarn was hanged. Rashbehari Bose and
Sachin Sanyal (1912), in a state procession, threw a bomb that hurt the
Viceroy Lord Hardinge who was seated on an elephant.
Notwithstanding their unalloyed sense of patriotism, the extremists used

cultural s$rnbols like Shivaji, Ganesha or Goddess Kali for organisational and
inspirational purposes. They also lacked concern for the peasantry, and the
absence of any social programme later acted as an impediment both to its
own ideological development and to the growth of the movement.
.Check Your Progress Exercise 1
3 Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) What was the outcome of the realisation by Indians about-the exploitative
nature of colonial rule?
2) What according to the early nationalists was the contribution of the

colonial administration, their exploitative and discriminatory nature?
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
3) What were modes of protest suggested by the extremist leadership?
Historical Background .:...........!, ....
.............................................................................................
3.4 GHADAR AND THE HOME RULE MOVEMENT

--
3.4.1 Ghadar Movement '
Rarnnath Puri, G.D. Kumar, Taraka Nath Das and others, with the help
of Indian settled in north America, since 1905-06 had been circulating ideas
advocating free Hindustan. With the arrival of Lala Hardayal in 1911, the
Ghadar (revolution) movement centered in the west coast of USA began,
named after a newspaper. It became the focus of the anti-colonial sentiments
of the large Indian population settled there and in East Asian countries. The
Ghadar revolutionaries invited Rashbehari Bose to organise the scattered
revolutionaries and lead the revolution in India. Bose came to Punjab and
after organising people, fured the date for revolution on 21st February 1915,
later changed to 19th February 1915. But the government obtained prior
information and suppressed the Ghadar revolutionaries. Forty-five people
were hanged while hundreds were imprisoned. The revo~utionaryvision of
the Ghadar and the Ghadarites, however, left a permanent imprint on the
minds of people in bunjab and India.
3.4.2 Home Rule Movement
At the time of the First World War, the Home Rule movement led by Annie
Besant and Tilka tried to inspire the scattered nationalist forces into action.
Influenced by the Irish movement for Home rule, it demanded home rule
on the ground that Indians had now come of age. Home Rule Leagues
of Tilak (1915) and Besant (1916) enlisted volunteers and published pamphlets
in which the demands, reasons and modes of Home Rule were articulated.
By 19 17, Tilak's leagues in Kamataka, Central Provinces, Bengal and United
Provinces had 14000 volunteers, while Annie Besant's League, which
propagated ideas through New India and Commonwealth, had 7000 volunteers.
A number of future leaders of India including Jawaharlal Nehru, Shankarlal
Banker and Byornkesh Chakravarty learned their first political lessons as
volunteers of these leagues. The government was not happy with the popularity
and radicalism of the movement. Besant was arrested in 1947, raising a
storm of protest. She was released in September, and on the request of
Tilak was elected the president of Congress.
Tilak and Besant wanted to revive the Congress by involving it with the
Home Rule movement. Home Rule volunteers came in large numbers to the
Lucknow session of the Congress in 1916, where the Congress and Muslim
League met. Tilak played a crucial role in bringing the Congress-League
pact for electoraVcornrnuna1 representation. It seemed like a radical solution
at the point but proved to be a stumbling block in the development of
the national movement.
3.5 COMING OF GANDHI AND

THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT
The firct wnrld wac CPVP~P~V gffe~tpC1'the life nf the npacnntrv and the new
andustrialworking class. The breach of faith by the British agitated the Muslim National Movement
intelligentsia. The former had promised to recognise the Ottorqan emperor

as the Khalifa or the spiritual and temporal head of the Islamic world, in
lieu of the support of the Indian Muslims towards the British War efforts.
It was around this time in 1915 that Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, born
in 1869 in Kathiawad in Gujarat, returned to India after spending twenty
years in South Afica, where he organised the poor Indian coolies and others
against the racial and discriminating policies of the South Afkican government.
It was here that he tried his methods of Satyagraha and non-violence as
political weapons.
3.5.1 Gandhi and Peasantry
In 1917, Indians witnessed the first test of Gandhi's methods of agitation
at Charnparan in Bihar, where the European indigo planters forced the
peasants to pay illegal rent and other exactions. When Gandhi reached
Charnparan, the District Commissioner ordered him to leave the district, which
he refused. It was a new event in the history of the national movement.
Gandhi and his associates recorded the exact and detailed camplaints of
the peasants, &d placed these before the government. The government unable
to ignore the enormous facts finally forced the planters to return 25% of
the illegal exaction to the peasants. This destroyed the pLanters prestige and
the peasants' fear of them. Gandhi also led the workers in Ahmedabad
against the mill owners, and the Kheda peasants against the colonial
administration. By the end of 1918, he had established himself through his
unique protests against exploitation and injustice. His simple and austere life
led the comnion masses to identify with him.
Muhammad Ali, Shaukat Ali, Abdul Kalam Azad and sections of ulama
particularly fiom Firangi Mahal, Lucknow, were at this time engaged in the
Khilafat agitation. When they approached Gandhi, they found him sympathetic
to their cause. Gandhi appealed to the Congress to side with the Khilafists
against what was a serious breach of trust by the British. At this juncture,
the government humedly passed the Rowlatt Act. The Act provided for
imprisonment of Indians without trial, and soon became the rallying ground
for the movement.
3.5.2 Protest Against the dowlett Act
Gandhi suggested formation of Satyagraha Sabhas to protest against this
draconian law. An all India hartal was planned for 30 March 1919, which
was put off till 6th April 1919. Hartal was observed in Orissa, Assam,
Madras, Bombay and Bengal. On the Baisakhi day of 13 April 1919, the
police under General Dyer opened fire on a peaceful gathering at Jallianwala
Bagh in Arnritsar, and killed an official estimate of 379 unarmed and
, defenceless people. Subsequently, marital law was clamped, and people were
I
even made to crawl of their belly before Europeans. The Jallianwala Bagh
'
incident incensed the country. Rabindranath Tagore returned the Knighthood
conferred by the British crown. Instead of questioning General Dyer, the
I
British people presented a purse to him. The Hunter commission inquiring
1 into the incident published, in the words of Gandhi, "page after page of
, white wash."
1
3.5.3 Non-Cooperation Movement
In November 1919, the All India Khilafat Committee met at Allahabad,
and Gandhi's proposal of a non-violent Non-Cooperation movement was
accepted. The movement soon engulfed the country. Abul Kalarn h a d ,
Maulana Akram Khan and Muniruzamman Islamabadi popularised the
movement in Bengal. Akrarn Khan's Moharnmadi propaghted the spirit of
Swadeshi and Boycott. Mohamrnad Ali's Hamdard and Comrade, and Abul
Kalam Azad's A1 Hial were powerful organs in spreading the message
of the movement. Meanwhile, Gandhiji tried to make Congress accept the
idea of a non-violent Non-Cooperation movement. He thought the Punjab
and Khilafat wrong should be made the basis for non-coohration. In
1
the special Congres session convened at Calcutta in September 1920,
,
there was some opposition to this. In December 1920, however, the

Congress at its m u d session at Nagpur unanimously accepted the Non-
Cooperation resolution.
/
Khilafat and Non-Cooperation together produced India' first p o w e m mass
upheavel. Schools, courts and foreign cloths were boycotted, and charkha
and Swadeshi cloth were adopted throughout the country. The Congress had
already announced in Nagpur that Swaraj was to be attained by peaceful
and legitimate means. There was a new enthusiasm regarding the impending
freedom, which Gandhi promised within a year. The peasants joined the
movement in Oudh, Bengal, Madras, Bombay, Bihar and Assarn. A new
leadership, largely fiom rural areas, emerged. Gandhiji's movement and
message also influenced the tribal movements in Bihar and Manipur hills.
But on 4 February 1922, a group of people in Chaurichaura in Gorakhpur,
when provoked by the police attacked the police station and burnt the
policemen alive. Gandhi suspended the movement, and despite the criticism
by most leaders he remained unmoved. He refused td sacrifice or delute
the principle of non-violence.
n) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) What was the result of Gandhi's participation in the peasant movement

in Champaran?
................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................
I
Why did the British government pass Rowlett Act?

National Movement
3) What mode of protest was used in the non-cooperation and Khilafat
movement?
-
.................................................................................................................
3.6 RISE OF THE PEASANTRY, THE WORKING CLASS

AND THE LEFT
The sudden suspension of the Non-Cooperation movement created a sense
of helplessness. C.R. Das (1870-1925) and Motilal Nehru (186 1- 1931) led
the Swarajists who wanted to enter the legislative assemblies and wreck
them from within. Gandhi's programme had no place for electoral battle.
So, while the Swarajists fought elections and made impressive forays into
the Legislative assemblies of Central Provinces, Bengal, and also in the
Central Legislative assembly, Gandhiji and others concentrated on their social
agenda of constructive work. This involved village reconstruction works,
upliftment of artisans, propagation of Charkha and removal of untouchability.
For Gandhiji, social and political movements were inseparable,' and here he
differed £tom those for whom nationalism meant just £i-eeing the country fi-om
the foreign rule.
3i6.1 Gandhi- Ambedkar Debate.
Gandhiji launched his biggest social movement against the practice of
untouchability. He argued against the notion of occupational hierarchy, which
gradually had come to define the varna system. Because some works were
considered inferior, the performer of those essential jobs came to be regarded
as untouchable. He wished to destroy this notion of hierarchy, so that the
varna system regained its pure and indiscriminate form. Ambedkar opposed
Gandhi, and argued that untouchability was legitimised by the varna system.
Unless the caste system itself was abolished, caste oppression would not
go. Gandhi, however, did not agree because the institution of caste had
endured for centuries, and it was merely its cancerous growth that needed
to be removed. Both argued vehemently, but true to the democratic ethos
of the national movement, respected each other's opinion and tried to
convince each other of the' merit of their respective positions. Temple entry
movements at vaikom and Guruvayur in Kerala using Satyagraha as the
weapon and the country wide movement for the upliftment of lower caste
people were the direct result of Gandhiji's constructive programme.
3.6.2 Arrival of Marxism
A large number of people, particularly the youth, began to gravitate towards
Marxism in the 1920s. The Russian Revoluticn had inspired their imagination.
Kazi Nazrul Islam the Bengali poet, gave powerful expression to the new
vigour that socialist thought had brought into the minds of nationalists. His
Sarvahara (the proletariat) and Bisher Banshi (flute of venom) were proscribed,
and he was .sentenced to a year's imprisonment. M.N. Roy was the tallest
leader of the socialist youth. Labour and Kisan parties were organised by
Singaravelu, Hemanta Sarkar, Muzaffar Ahrnad, S.A. Dange and Shaukat
Usmani in Madras Bengal and Bombay and the Kirti Kisan Party was
Historical Background established in Punjab. Later on, they were brought under the banner of the
Peasants and Workers party. The latter worked within the Congress and
wanted to make it a people's party. Trade union ativities helped organise
the labour, and articulate labour issues at the national level. Formation of
the Communist Party of India (1925) provided a focus to the socialist
movement and also a radical orientation to the national movement.
Acts of individual heroism, however, still moved the revolutionary terrorists.

But the revolutionaries were organised keeping sight of a larger social
programme. This new thinking was reflected in the acts of Surya Sen, Bhagat
Singh, Jatin Mukherjee (Bagha Jatin), Jadu Gopal Mukherjee, Bhagwat
Charan Vohra, Yashpal and Chandrasekhar Azad. The 'Philosophy of the
Bomb' written by Sachindra Sanyal was the best statement of this change.
The Hindustan Revolutionary Army was formed as a result.
Born in 1907 and nephew of the famous revolutionary Ajit Singh, Bhagat
Singh (1907-193 1) best syrnbolised this change. He founded the Punjab
Naujawan Bharat Sabha in 1926. Bhagat Singh understood the role of the
masses for any revolution. He also realised the increasing danger of
communalism to society. In 1928 itself, he and his fiiends opposed entry
of members of any religious or communal organisation into Naujawan Sabha,
a decision taken by the Congress only in 1938. At the age of 22, while
in jail he wrote the famous tract 'Why I am in Atheist.' He could see
that the forces of change were located in Indian fields and factories.
Popularly known as Masterda, Surya Sen (1894-1934) was another brilliant

revolutionary terrorist. Surya Sen and his followers unsuccessfully raided
the two armories located in Chittagong, on 18 April 1930. Sen was
arrested in 1933 and was hanged on 12 January 1934. Women participated
in large numbers in the Chittagong armory raid. In the post-Non-Cooperation
phase, a number of women including Pritilata Wadedar, Kalpana Dutt,
Shanti Ghose, Suniti Choudhury, Mina Das, Manikuntala Sen and Ashalata
Sen played a crucial role in the national movement and in orgbising
peasants and labour.
3.6.3 Growth of Communalism
Some of the greatest leaders parted company with either the Congress
or the nationalist cause during the 1920s. Mohammed Ali Jinnah with
implacable secular credentials, left the Congress as a reaction of Gandhian
politics. Lajpat Rai, V.D. Savarkar, Asutosh Lahry and many othir patriots
began to view the popular phase of the national movements as harmful
to the cause of the Hindu community. The post-non-~o~peration communal
riots at Kohat in N W P , Malabar and Calcutta (1926) added to the
heightening communal perceptions. The Ali brothers, close colleagues of
Gandhi during the Khilafat days, accused Gandhi of betraying the Muslims.
Communal ideas and organisations rapidly proliferated. The most important
reasofis fi-. this was the success of the national movement's programme
and vision in inspiring peasants, labourers and masses to join the movement.
The loyalists and upper classes were alarmed by this radical turn of the
national movement and the Congress. This also partially explains why most
communal organisation like Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha were
thoroughly anti-Congress.
3.7 CIVIL DISOBED'IENCE MOVEMENT AND ITS
AFTERMATH
3.7.1 The Simon Commission
'It was at this juncture of the movement that the British sent the Simon
Commission, with an Indian representative in it, to recommend the future
reforms for India. Congress, in its 1927 session, resolved to boycott the
Commission. The Commission was greeted with hartal everywhere it went.
The authorities challenged the Indian leaders to produce a commonly agreed
constitution. The Congress set up a committee under Motilal Nehru, which
produced the Nehru Report. Jinnah recommended amendments, which would
have changed the very character of the polity suggested in the Report.
Subhash Bose and Nehru also attacked the report for not recommending
complete independence for the country.
3.7.2 Civil-Disobedience Movement
With Independence as its official goal, 26 January 1930 was observed as
Independence day. The session also authorised the working committee to
launch a civil disobedience programme. Gandhi sent an ultimatum to the
Viceroy, writing in detail his programme, and asking the government to go
ahead and prevent him fiom breaking the salt laws. o n 12 March 1930
he along with 78 volunteers began the 240 krn. march fiom Ahmedabad
to the coast of Dandi, and on 6 April 1930 they symbolically broke the
salt laws. The entire country plunged into the Civil Disobedience movement.
In Bengal, volunteers fiom Abhay Ashram i n Commilla, east Bengal, went
to Contai, the Midnapur coast in West Bengal, to break salt laws. C.
Rajagopalachari marched from Trichinapally to Vedaranyam on the Tanjore
coast, while on the Malabar coast, K. Kelappan made sa1t:A new centre
of Civil Disobedience emerged in the shape of the North West Frontier
Province, where Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and his followers - the Khudai
Khidmatgars - began non-violent civil disobedience. When ordered to shoot
at them, the Garhwali soldiers refused to obey orders and were later
imprisoned. Large scale incident's of picketing of liquor and foreign cloth
shops, refusal to pay taxes and giving up of legal practices symbolised the
movement. Peasants in Bihar and Bengal resisted the Chowludari tax. Anti-
forest law campaigns began in Puri district of Orissa. Gandhi was arrested
on 4 May 1930. There were countrywide strikes and demonstration in
protest. The movement was suspended when the Gandhi-Irwin pact was
signed, and Gandhi agreed to participate in the Second Round Table Coderence
in Britain. Nothing was achieved at the conference as the authorities branded
the Congress as one of many voices and openly patronised the princes,
reactionaries, depressed class leaders and communal leaders against the
Congress.
The dilemma of a mass movement entering into electoral politics, and then
accepting office became acute during the 1937 elections won by the Congress
in many provinces. After much review and debate, the Congress decided
to form ministries in six provinces, and introduced its social and economic
programme. This created apprehensions in some quarters, such as the landlords
in United Provinces. The Muslim League too began to attack the Ministries
for its atrocities upon Muslims. Though never substantiated, these propagandist
allegations ,were used to paint the future shape of a Congress ruled Hindu
Historical Background Raj. Some of the Congress ministries, like those of Madras and Bombay,
worked to suppress the communists and other radical groups.
ni Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) What were the basic differences between Gandhi and Ambedkar?
2) What was the most important reason for the rise of communalism?
3.8 THE WAR AND THE QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT

The Second World War was declared in Europe on 1st September 1939.
The Indian Government, without consulting public opinion in India, declared
war on Germany. The war became inevitable due to several reasons, but
primarily due to the emergence of Hitler and Nazism. Hitler eliminated almost
six million Jews because he believed that they belonged to an inferior race
and were the cause of all ills of Germans society, including its defeat in
the First World War. Mussolini in Italy, General Franco in Spain and the
emerging military dictatorship in Japan provided an authoritarian and fascist
phalanx to the Nazi aggression. For the Indians, war provided the opportunity
to revive the anti-colonial movement. However, the Indian leaders were not
in favour of such opportunism, as it would harm the cause of the democratic,
anti-fascist forces. But the British, despite declaring war as a fight for
democracy, showed no concern for Indians and their cause. After carefbl
consideration, Gandhi decided to launch a low-key individual Satyagraha on
17 October 1940, with carefblly chosen individual Satyagrahis. The first
individual was Vinoba Bhave, and the second Jawaharlal Nehru. Individuals
had to make public speeches against cooperation with the war effort, and
thereafter court arrest.
Japan joined the war in December 1941 and threatened the Indian borders.
The news of retreating British forces, leaving Indians and others to the mercy
of the Japanese, created a sense of anger and helplessness in India. Army
artrocities and war-time crises made the people restive. Gandhi understood
this growl::g unrest and, despite strong reservations of most leaders, decided
to launch a movement. On gth August at 1942. at Bombay, he gave the
call of 'Do or Die' and asked the British to 'Quit India'. Gandhiji and
other leaders were arrested that night. From the next day, people across
the country came out in the open, and a massive anti-colonial movement
began. Government property was damaged, and parallel governments were
:- ------ L1- ---- :- n - 1 : - :-
c--L-- ~ r nX K : A ---..- :- D---..I --A
Satara in Maharashtra. Jayaprakash Narayan, Ram Manohar Lohia (1910- National Movement
1967), Achyut Patwardhan, Aruna Asaf Ali made heroic contributions. h a

Asaf Ali operated an underground radio. The authorities suppressed the
movement with heavy hands.
3.9 POST-WAR UPSURGE

i
3.9.1 The Indian National Army
' After the war was over, the leaders were fieed in July 1945 and an election
was declared. Meanwhile, the Indian National Army (INA) had captured
the popular imagination. Mohan Singh and others of the British India Army,
who were made Prisoners of War by the Japanese, formed it in 1940.
subhash Chandra Bose leaving the country in a dazzling display of courage,
took the lead in organising the army &esh. Facing all sorts of discrimination
at the hands of the Japenese army, the soldiers braved the difficult terrain
and reached the Kohima border. But soon the Japanese reversal began, the
INA's hopes of hoisting the Indian flag atop the Red Fort were shattered.
The INA soldiers were taken prisoners by the British and tried for treason
in 1945. The first trial began in November in the Red Fort. In November
1945 and in February 1946, the entire country angrily protested against the
I trials and sentences of these heroes of Indian Independence.
I
1
It was amidst this nationalist wave that elections to Provincial and Central
legislatures were held. Though the right to vote was limited to a small section
of the population, the election was a test of the ideologies of nationalism
and its opponents. Congress candidates won unprecedented victories, while
the Muslim League won all Muslim seats. This vindicated its claim of being
the sole representative of the Indian Muslims. Large number of Pirs and
Sajjadanashins canvassed for the League in Punjab and Sindh. The body
of ulamas, Zamaitul-ulama-I-hind, which opposed the Pakistan demand, openly
supported the Congress. The Hindu Mahasabha, which claimed to be the
sole representative of the Hindus, was badly routed, with its leader Syama
Prasad Mukherjee getting only 146 votes against his opponent's 6,000 in
the Calcutta seat.
Check Your Progiess Exercise 4
of the unit.
1) What was the Individual Satyagr*?
2) What was the Quit India Movement?

3.10 COMMUNAL RIOTS, INDEPENDENCE AND .
PARTITION
The mutiny by the Naval Ratings at Bombay and Karachi made apparent
the signs of disaffection within the army. A demoralised bureaucracy was
also evident. It was clear that Britain could not hold India any longer. The
Muslim League, with active patronage of the bureaucracy, opposed any move
by the British to quit India without first granting Pakistan. The Cabinet
Mission was sent in 1946 to recommend fiture arrangements. The Mission
rejected Pakistan as a viable alternative, but its recommendation of a grouping
system of provinces was taken by the League as endorsement of its Pakistan
demand, which the Congress leaders like Nehru firmly rejected. To force
its demand of Pakistan, the League rejected the Cabinet Mission
recommendations and declared Direct Action Day on 16 August 1946. With
no anti-colonial programme, direct action against the congress or those who
opposed Pakistan was implied. The result was a communal carnage in
Calcutta claiming more than 5000 lives, where the Muslim League Chief
Minister had declared 16 August a holiday. A reaction in the form of anti-
Hindu violence broke out in Noakhali, which was a major outpost of the
peasant movement since the IVon-Cooperation/Khilafat days. Communal
ideology by now had a complete sway. Counter reactions began in Bihar,
where villages were burnt down and Muslims killed in thousands with such
ferocity, causing Nehru to threaten that he would bomb the area if rioting
did not stop. The colonial masters were not ready to take responsibility
for a situation they had assiduously helped create. They noddecided to
quit India, betraying the essentially irresponsible character of colonialism,
which left most colonised societies iti a state of chaos either by partitioning
I
or dividing them from within.
The realisation dawned that if Independence was so near, Pakistan too

was not very far. Both were inevitable. The consequences of not having
Pakistan were visible from the riots of Calcutta, Naokhali and Bihar. Thus,
when the Congress leaders and Gandhi accepted partition, they were
accepting the inevitable. It was hoped that partition would solve the
problem of communalism forever. On 15th August 1947, India became
free.
,
3.11 LETUSSUMUP
Independence was the conclusion of a long struggle against colonialism. The
early nationalists and extremists inculcated a high sense of patriotism among
the people. Gandhi under the aegis of the Congress brought peasantry,
labouring classes and the exploited masses into the vortex of nationalism.
The social programmes of the nationalists aimed at more than a mere political
liberation of the people. But the idea of the early nationalists that India
was a nation in the making proved to be true because partition displayed
h e lack of a strong foundation of the Indian nation. The force of nationalism
that caused the British to quit, was now to be employed to resolve social
questions of poverty, illiteracy and development, with the help of a democratic
and secular polity.
National Movement
3.12 SOME USEFUL BOOKS
Banerjee, Surendra Nath, A Nation in the Making, Calcutta, 1963
Bondurant, Joan V, Conquest of Violence, Barkeley, 1971
-Chandra
-
Bipan et. al. (eds.), India's Struggle for Independence, Delhi, 1989
Dutt, R. Palme, India today, Delhi, 1949
Nehru, Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, Delhi, 1934
Prasad, Rajendra India Divided, Bombay, 1947
Sarkar, Sumit, Modern India 1885-1947, Delhi, 1983
Verma (ed.), Shiv, Selected Writings of Shaheed Bhagat Singh, New Delhi,
1986
3.13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERClSES
1) They became' conscious of their position and organised protest against

the British.
2) The early nationalists believed that the common interest and well-being
of the Indians were being hampered by the colonial state, mainly due
to the draining of resources from India.
3) It advocated the followings as the made of protest: passive resistance,
boycott, adoption of swadeshi and national education.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2 '
1) As a result of Gandhi's participation in the Champaran movement the
government forced the planters to return 25% of the illegal exaction
to the peasants.
2) It passed the 'Rawlatt Act, as it would have provided for the imprisonment
of Indians without trial.
3) Non-violent Non-Coopera'tion movement.
1) Gandhi believed that the occupational hierarchy could be destroyed by
regaining the purity of the varna system. Arnbedkar on the other hand
believed that hieararchy and untouchability existed because of the
Hindu vama system; this could be removed by destroying the Vama
system.
2) The success of the programmes and vision of the national movement
in inspiring peasants, laboures and masses to join the movement. This
alarmed the upper classes who encouraged communalism.
Check Your Progress EXC rcise 4
1) It was an inhvidual low-key satyagrah which was launched on October
17, 1940. Individual leaders participated in it by making public speeches
against colonial powers and by courting arrest.
2) It was launched under the leadership of Gandhiji on August 8, 1942,
by asking the British to a quit India and giving the call to the Indians
to 'do or die' for the cause of Indian Independence.
-
UNIT 4 EMERGENCE OF NEW CLASSES

Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Factors Leading to the Emergence of New Classes
4.3 Old Classes in New Milieu
4.4 The New Classes
4.4.1 Zarnindars
4.4.2 Tenants
4.4.3 Peasant-proprietors
4.4.4 The Kisan Movement, Main Land Marks
4.4.5 Modern Indian Intelligentsia
4.4.6 The Capitalist Class
4.4.7 The Rise of the Working Class
4.5 Let Us Sum Up
4.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit deals with the rise of new classes which emerged during the colonial
period. After going through this Unit, you will be able to:
Understand the reasons for the rise of new classes;
Understand conditions of the old classes; and
Establish a link between these classes and the following units in rest of
the blocks.
4.1 INTRODUCTION - - - -
\ -
- --
The Indian society witnessed the emergence of many new classes after the
advent of the British rule. There emerged classes of Zarnindars, tenants,
peasant-proprietors, moneylenders, agricultural laborers, etc. in rural areas;
in the urban areas the classes of capitalists, workers, small traders, etc.,
appeared. There also emerged an educated middle class. Gradually these
classes acquired national character, which manifested in the formation of all
India organisation by them. The capitalist class formed the Federation of
Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry. The workers built All India
Trade Union Congress. The peasant-proprietors, tenants and agricultural
laborers built All India Kisan Sabha. The creation of a national economy
and state system out of almost unconnected local economies and congeries
of state by the British provided the impulse among the new classes to
organise and struggle on an all India basis. The pre-British India was marked
with the absence of an all India economy and a unified administrative system.
That is why there were no all India classes. These new classes started
struggling for the promotion of their sectional interests. The enlightened
sections of these classes started understanding the true nature of British rule,
thev could see the clash of interests of the Indian m ~ l with
e British interests
distorical Background in India. They also realised that the general prospehy of India society would
create better conditions even for promotion of their sectional interests. They
also realised this general prosperity could only come with freedom. This
realisation galvanised the progressive classes to join the united nationalist
fi-eedom struggle.
The emergence of new classes did not follow any uniform pattern everywhere
and among all the communities. The new economy causing the rise of new
classes was introduced in the areas, which came under the British control.
The conquest of India was not achieved in one stroke. It was done in
tits and bits. The part of country coming under British control early witnessed
the early rise of the new classes. Bengal was the first to usher in the two
new classes the Zamindars and the tenants because British conquest started
from Bengal and it was in Bengal where for the first time the permanent
settlement, which gave birth to the z,amindars and the tenants, was introduced.
Even the industrial enterprises which gave rise to the class of industrialists
and workers were first set up in Bengal and Bombay areas. The professional
and the educated middle class also came into being in these areas much
ahead of the other areas. It was because of the introduction of a new
administrative apparatus and the modem educational system. Gradually the
whole country came under the British control. So the economic system, the
administrative set up and the modem education system introduced by the
British enveloped the whole of country. This is how the emergence of the
,new classes became a countrywide phenomenon.
Even among the different communities the emergence of new social classes
was not uniform. Baniyas and Parsis were first to be drawn to the commerce
and banking so they blossomed into capitalist class. Similarly the Brahmins
were first to take the modem education introduced by the British. That is .
why they largely constituted th'e class of professionals and the intelligentsia.
The Muslims witnessed late emergence of the new classes because they
stayed away fiom the trade and commerce and looked at the modem system
of education with suspicion and they lived in northern India, which came
under the British subjugation at a much later stage. Bengal had a very large
Muslim population.
4.2 FACTORS LEADING TO EMERGENCE OF NEW

CLASSES
The altering of the economic arrangement like introduction of new land
relation, opeking of Indian society for cornrnmial exploitation by the capitalists
world, introduction of a new administrative arrangement, a modem education
system and the establishment of modern industries were the factors largely
responsible for the emergence of the new social' classes. The creation of
private property in land by the permanent and Ryotwari settlements gave
birth to the new classes in the form of large estate owners, the zamindars
and pe~cantproprietors. The class of tenants and sub-tenants were born
with the creation of the right to lease land. The right to private property
in land and the right to employ labourers to work on land created classes
like absentee landlords and agricultural labour. There also emerged a class
of moneylenders.
classes. Under the British rule the production, both industrial and agricultural Emergence o f N e w Classes
became for ,the market. This created opportunity for people whose role was
to import and export goods from and into India. These people came to
be known as merchants. Even in Pre-British India there existed the class
of merchants because both internal and foreign trade had existed but it was
very small in scale and volume. This class did not carry enough weight in
sodety. The accumulation of profit in hands of the trading class, a section
of zamindar and the weather among the professional classes formed the
capital for the rise of textiles, mining and other industries owned by Indians.
This led to the emergence of the native capitalist class. Thus completely
new classes appeared; one, the industhal capitalist who owned the mills,
mines and other capitalist enterprises; two, workers who worked in factories,
mines, railways and on plantations.
The new social, economic and state system introduced by the British needed
a class of Indians having acquired modem education in professional fields
like law, technologies, medicines, economics, etc. The introduction of modern
education system all over the country was done with this objective in mind.
This ever-expanding class of professionals was the creation of the new socio-
economic and administrative arrangement. This professional class was absent
in the pre-British India. These professional classes had acquired modem
knowledge in the fields of science and arts. The legal system introduced
by the British provided opportunities to those who studied law. Those who
studied medicine were absorbed in government hospitals and medical colleges.
4.3 OLD CLASSES IN A NEW MILIEU

India had undergone a transformation on the capitalist line under the British
rule but this transformation was not as thorough as it was in France, England
or the United States of America. This meant stunted industrial development.
Consequently some of the old classes continued to survive. The classes of
village artisans and urban handicraftsmen were such classes. But the context
within which they were hctioning had changed because of the development
of capitalist economy. Now village artisans unlike in the past were no more
servants of the village community. They started sending goods manufactured
by them to the market. The urban handicraftsmen who had earlier worked
for nobles, princes or wealthy herchants now started selling their products
in the market. Another important class for the pre-British period, which
managed to survive, was that of the princes they ruled over nearly one
third of Indian Territory. They survived because after 1857 the British had
abandoned the policy of annexation because by and large the princes had
remained loyal to the British during the revolt of 1857. But for the survival
the princes had to accept the British paramountcy. All the vital powers of
these states were surrendered to the paramount British power. Through
Residents the British started,interfering in the internal affairs of these states.
The condition of the general people was miserable in these princely states.
Democratic liberties were almost non-existent. The land revenue and taxation
were very high and most of the revenue raised was spent on luxurious life
styles of the princes. The introduction of the new economy gave opportunity
to the princes to invest in commercial, industrial and financial ventures at
times even outside the temtory of their princedoms. From the nobles of
the medieval times they had transformed into capitalists bound with national
capitalist economy.
4.4 THE NEW CLASSES
4.4.1 Zamindars
.The permanent settlement of 1793 made by Lord Comwallis in Bengal and
Bihar created the class of zamindars, an aristrocratic class, at the top of
the agrarian hierarchy. By creating this class the British aimed at creating
support base for their rule in India. This was a political necessity for the
stability of the British rule. As the zamindars owed their very exiqnce to
the British rule, they became their loyal supporters. In return the British gave
them representation in various constitutional schemes introduced by the
government and other, favours. Another motive behind the creation of this
class was the stabilitg of income. The company was faced with perpetual
financial crisis. The land revenue raised from Bengal had to finance the
expansionist wars of the company; it had to meet the establishment costs
of the company in Bengal, Madras and Bombay. From this money the
company also had to pay for Indian commodities bought for exports. The
problem faced by the company was that the revenue collection was erratic
and was not enough to meet its needs. The permanent settlement of 1793
had answer to both these groblems. It guaranteed stable income and also
maximised company's income from land revenue. The permanent settlement
also made the task of revenue collection easier. Earlier the company had
to directly deal with lakhs of peasants. Now they dealt with the zamindars
who became the intermediaries between the Government and peasants.
These zamindars were the agents of the British. In exchange of theii

commitment to pay a fixed amount of revenue to the government they got
the right of collecting as much rent as they could from the defenceless,
economically emaciated tenants. If the tenants could not pay revenue on
time they were evicted from their land. In case of any dispute the zamindars
had the courts and the machinery of government on their side. As a result
the condition of the tenants deteriorated immensely in zamindari areas. The
agriculture also suffered because the tenants had hardly any surplus left to
spend on seeds or manures. The zamindars did not do any thing for
improvement of agriculture. The zamindars formed their political organisation,
i.e., the British Indian Association. It was a conservative body. This class
was always anti-democratic When Indian National Congress was fighting for
democratic rights, administrative reforms or swaraj and organised struggles
for these things the zamindars were always on the side of the government.
This class was afraid of democratic struggles because the success of such
struggles posed threat not only to their interest but also to their very
existence. The British used the zarnindars as a counter-weight against the
rising tide of nationalism.
4.4.2 Tenants
The permanent settlement did not give birth to the class of zamindars alone.
It also created a class of tenants in the countryside. They were subjected
to exorbirantly high rent. Those who failed to pay rent even due to reasons
beyond their control faced ejectment. The zamindari arrangement resulted in
general impoverishment of the tenants. The Bengal tenancy acts of 1859
and 1885, which aimed at the improvement in the condition of the tenants,
could not deliver much and their condition continued to deteriorate. In course'
of time the tenants became politically conscious which manifested in the
formation tenants unions in U.P., Bihar, Bengal and other areas. The tenants ~ h i r g e n e eof New Classes
also came under the influence of the Kisan Sabha started by N.G. Ranga
and Swami Sahajanand. In UP these were mobilised Baba Ram Chand.
These were not only critical of the British rule they were also critical of
the Indian National Congress for showing leniency towards the interest of
zamindars. Their main demands included reduction of rent, abolition of illegal
dues collected by the zamindars. The kisan sabha opposed the zamindars
and the zarnindari system.
4.4.3 Peasant-Proprietors
In south and south central India were the Ryotwari settlement was introduced,
there emerged a class of peasant proprietors. In these areas the cultivators
were recognized as the owners of their plots in return to their payment
of land revenue. The general condition of this class worsened mainly because
of excessive land tax, fragmentation of the size of holding and heavy
indebtedness. The condition of some of the peasant proprietors improved
and they joined the ranks of rich peasants but most of them fared miserably
and joined the rank of poor peasants and tenants of the absentee landlords.
Some of them even joined the class of land laborers. The peasant-proprietors
became politically conscious much ahead of the' tenants. It was because they
were in direct contact with the foreign ruler while in Zamindari areas the
Zamindars mediated between the government and the tenants. The peasant
proprietors did not have difficulty in recognizing their enemy, the British rule.
The tenants saw the ~ k i n d a r sas their enemy not the British rule. The
consciousness of the tenants was also blunted because of the Gandhian
approach of class harmony. Gandhi emphasized the need of unity between
the Zamindars and the tenants for the achievement of Swaraj. The leaders
of kisan sabha like N.G. Ranga and sahjanand pressurized the Indian national
congress to fotmulate a programme of the demands for the tenants. They
also held that the congress was aligning with Zamindars against the interest
of tenants in some areas.
Note: 9 Use the space given belaw for your answers.
of the unit.
1) Identify the factors which gave rise to the new classes.
2) Why did the British create a class of Zamindars?
3) How were the tenants exploited by the Zamindars?

4.4.4 The Kisan Movement, Main Landmarks

The formation of the U.P. Kisan Sabha in February 1918 marked a
watershed development in the history of peasant movements in India. Around
this time the kisans started exhibiting political consciousness. They began
taking part in nationalist struggles. Their organizations emerged under their
own leadership for the achievement of their programmes and objectives. It
does not mean that before 1918 there were no peasant movements. In fact
there were many. But these movements had narrow and local aims and were
devoid of any proper understanding of colonialism or any conception of an
alternative society. A conception that could unite people in a common struggle
on an all India basis and sustain any long term political movement was
absent.
Among the major peasant movements of the nineteenth century was the
Indigo Revolt of 1859-60. Indigo was used as a dye for the cotton clothes
manufactured by factories in England. Almost all the indigo planters were
Europeans and they forced the peasants to grow indigo on the best part
of their land Most of the magistrates were also Europeans and in case
of any dispute they used to side with the planters. The indigo revolts
enveloped all the indigo-growing districts of Bengal by 1860. The peasants
joined together to raise funds to fight court cases filed against them. The
planters succumbed to combined pressure and closed their factories. The.
role of intelligentsia in the indigo revolt was to have a lasting impact on
the nationalist intellectuals. Din Bandhu Mitra's play Nee1 Darpan became
/ famous for its vivid description of the exploitation by the planters.
Between 1870 to 1880 large part of East Bengal witnessed agrarian unrest
caused by efforts of zamindars to enhance rent beyond legal limits. This
they were doing to prevent the tenants fiom acquiring occupancy rights under
Act X of 1859. To achieve this objective they used coercive methods like
forced eviction and seizure of crops. In May 1873 an agrarian league was
formed in Pabna district to resist the demands of the zarnindars. The tenants
rehsed pawent of enhanced rent and raised funds to challenge the zamindars
in courts. Many of the disputes were settled partly due to government
pressure and partly due to zarnindar's fear of being dragged into long drawn
legal battle by the united peasantry. The 1885 Bengal tenancy act was an
attempt to address the worst aspects of the zamindari system.
Poona and Ahrnednagar districts of Maharashqa. became theatres of major

agrarian unrest in 1875. In these areas cotton pikes had gone up in 1860s
due to American civil war. When the civil war ended cotton prices crashed.
A fifty percent increase in rent by the government and a series of bad
harvests further compounded the woes of the peasants. The peasants had
no option but to go to the moneylenders. The moneylenders used this
opportunity to tighten their grips on the peasants and their lands. The
peasants organized a complete social boycott of the moneylenders. They
attacked the houses of the moneylenders and also burnt the debt records.
Tn resnnnse tn this i~nrestthe government h r n u ~ h tthe Deccan Amiculturists
Relief Act in 1879. Among other important peasant movements in other parts Emergence or New Classes
of the country in the nineteenth century were the Mappila outbreak in the
Malabar region and the Kuka revolt of Punjab.
Peasant movements in the twentieth century were distinct from those of

nineteenth century. Now both the peasant movements and the freedom
1 struggle started influencing each other. Three major movements emerged in
the second and third decades of the twentieth century. The kisan sabha and
Eka movement in the Avadh area of U.P., the Mappila rebellion in the
Malabar region and the famous Bardoli Satyagraha in Gujarat. In U.P. the
peasants were faced with the problems of exorbitant rent, illegal levies, begar
I
1
!
!
[unpaid labour] bedakhli [ejectment]. The hefty increase in the prices of
essential commodities after the war had further added to their problems.
The U.P. kisan sabha was formed in 1918 and by June 1919 it had set
up 450 branches in the province. An alternative Oudh kisan sabha was set
up in 1920, which succeeded in integrating all the grassroots lussan sabhas
of Avadh. This Avadh kisan sabha appealed to the kissans to refuse to
1
!
till bedakhli land and not to do begar. The Avadh rent act of 1921 attempted
to address to some of these demands. Towards the end of 1921 another
movement grew in some areas of Avadh under the name of Eka [unity]
movement. The main cause of discontent was that the rent in these areas
of Avadh was 50% higher than recorded rent. Severe repression by the
government brought this movement to an end. The Malabar area of Kerala,
which had witnessed disturbance even in the nineteenth century in August
1921, witnessed rebellion by Mappila [Muslim] tenants. Nambudri Brahmins
landlords exploited the Mappila tenants. This rebellion had started as an anti-
government anti-landlords affair but acquired communal colours. It was
crushed ruthlessly by the government. Another important struggle of the
peasantry broke out in 1928-29. A thirty percent increase in rent was
recommended in the Bardoli taluka of the Surat district in 1926. The
peasantry fought under, the able leadership of Sardar Pate1 the peasants fought
and forced the government to withdraw the increase in rent.
The 1930s witnessed a countrywide awakening of Indian peasants. The

ecbnomic depression of 1929-30 and consequent drastic fall in prices of
agricultural commodities had badly hit the income of the peasants. But the
government and the Zamindars refused to bring down tax and rent. There
was a spurt in peasant movements in U.P., Andhra and Bihar. The left
ideology propagated by J.L. Nehru, Subhash Bose and the communists was
gaining in influence. The leftists underlined the need of an independent class
organbation of peasants. The All India Kisan Sabha was formed in 1936
with Sahjanand, the founder of Bihar Kisan Sabha as president and N.G.
Ranga, the founder of Andhra kisan movement as secretary. The birth of
an all India organization representing the aspirations and common demands
of peasants fiom all over the country was a development of great significance.
The Indian national congress shied away from raising the issues concerning
the peasants more particularly the tenants living in the zamindari areas.
According to Bipan Chandra Congress did not want to weaken Indian
nationalism,by dividing our people in political groups based on different
economic interests. In 1930 the eleven-points submitted to the British
government by Gandhi did not include the main demands of the peasants
Gke reduction of rents and redemption of agricultural indebtedness. The
Historical Background formation of the Congress ministries in a majority of the provinces raised
the expectations of the peasants. These ministries brought many legislations
aiming at debt relief, restoration of land lost during depression and security
of tenures to the tenants. These steps did not affect the conditions of
peasants belonging to lower strata. Many kisan leaders were arrested and
their meetings banned. The congress was accused of being anti-peasant. The
radical elements within the kisan sabha accused the congress of siding with
the capitalists and zamindars.
After the end of world war second when independence appeared imminent
the peasants started asserting their rights. The demand of zamindari abolition
was raised with a great sense of urgency. In Telangna the peasants organized
themselves to resist the landlord's oppression and played an important role
in the anti Nizam struggle. In 1946 the Bengal provincial Kisan Sabha led
the movement of the share croppers who wanted to pay only one third
of their crop any more to the jotedars. This movement
as Tebhaga movement.
4.4.5 Rise of Modern Indian Intelligentsia
In the early decades of the nineteenth century the number of the educated
persons were very small. The spread of modem education was largely the
work of the British government. But the Christian missionaries and a large
number of enlightened Indians had also established schools and colleges
over the country. Around the middle of the nineteenth century there emerg
a large section of intelligentsia. They assimilated western democratic culture
C
and kderstood the complex problems of the incipient Indian nationhood.
They led many social and religious reforms movements to integrate Indian
people into a modem nation. The intelligentsia was the h t to acquire national
consciousness. The people who led the nationalist movement duririg its
different phases may have believed in different ideologies but they all belonged
to the same class, the intelligentsia.
Leaders like Gopal Krishna Gokhle, Dadabhai Naoroji, M.G. Ranade and
others led the moderate phase of the nationalist movement. In the militant
phase the trio of Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and B.C. Pal together
with Aurobindo Ghose were main leaders. When the freedom struggle
acquired a mass base after the non-cooperation movement of 1919 its
leadership passed into the hands of leaders such as M.K. Gandhi, Motilal
Nehru, Ballabh Bhai Patel, J.L. Nehru, S.C. Bose and intellectuals with
socialist and communist leanings. All of them were products of the modem
education system. This class was fired with a modem rational, secular,
democratic and nationalist vision they were imbued with ideas of democracy,
equality, liberty and justice. They hlly realized the negative impacts of the
British rule and could grasp the contradiction between British interest in India
and the Indian interest according to Bipan Chandra it would be wrong to
think that the nationalist movement was a product of modem education
system launched during the British rule. In fact Indian nationalism was born
out of and sustained by conflict of interests between India and Britain. The
modem education system helped to understand the nature of conflict in a
better way. This class, which included scientists, poets, historians, economists
and philosophers, had a dream of a modem, strong, prosperous and united
India. Most of the progressive social, religious and political movements were
nrngnirld hxr thorn AllAnn the Rritich n ~ l eTheir rnle xuac m i r i o l h~t-olice
they had to spread consciousness among illiterate, ignorant, superstitious Emergence of New Classes
masses.
The middle class, which comprised of lawyers, doctors, professors, journalists,

government employees, students and others, was the product of modem
education system. In the second half of the nineteenth century their number
swelled because of the expansion in the number of schools and colleges.
But the growth in the numbers of educated Indians was not matched with
corresponding increase in number of jobs. The economic policies followed
by the government failed to create adequate number of jobs that could
absorb the educated persons produced by the academic institutions. The
discontent among the educated unemployed was the main factor behind the
rise and growth of militant nationalism led by Lala Lajpat Roy, Bal Gangadhar
Tilak, Bipan Chandra Pal and Aurobindo. This was true also about the
growth of revolutionary terrorist movements.
4.5.6 The Capitalist Class
The emergence of the capitalist class was the result of the opening up of
the Indian economy to the world capitalist system, the process of industrialisation
and the growth of the banking sector. Thus the mercantile, industrial and
financial capitalists were born. The accumulation of sufficient savings in,the
hands of Indian merchants, princes, zamindars and moneylenders provides
the basis for the emergence of the Indian industries. The industrialisation of
the country started with the setting up of cotton textiles, jute and coal mining
industries in 1850s. But most of these industries were owned by the British
capitalists because investment in India offered them the prospect of high return
due to availability of raw material and labour at cheap rate. Besides, they
could count on an obling colonial government and bureaucracy. But the Indian
capitalists had to suffer hostile trade, tariff, taxation and transport policies
of the government. In its infancy Indian industries needed protection for rapid
growth. All other industrialised countries had protected their infant industries
by imposing heavy customs duties on imports fi-om foreign countries. A policy
of fiee trade was imposed upon India to suit the interest of British industries
because India was not a free country.
From the beginning most of the cotton textiles industry was owned by the
Indians. The Swadeshi and Boycott movement launched by the Indian
National Congress in 1905 gave a fillip to the expansion of the Indian
industries. The period of the first world war [1914-19181 proved to be
a boon for the Indian industries. The diversion of shipping to the war needs
had made imports difficult. Therefore, to cater to the war needs many
industries were established. Between 1914 to 1947 the Indian capitalist class
grew at a faster pace and encroached upon areas of European domination.
Towards independence Indian capitalist class owned around seventy percent
of the market and eighty per cent of deposits in the organized banking sector.
The rising capitalist class had become quite powehl and conscious by 1905.
This class supported the Swadeshi and Bpycott movement launched by
the Indian National Congress because the objective of the movement suited
their class interest. After the First World War and more particularly after
1919-20 the influence of this class started increasing in the nationalist
movement and the Indian national congress. According to Bipan Chandra
it is true that the congress accepted h d s fiom the capitalist class but inspite
Historical Background . of this the congress maintained its independent position on, policy and
ideological matters. According to A.R. Desai the capitalist class was attracted
towards congress because of Gandhi's leadership, his theory of social harmony,
his opposition to the idea of class struggle and his concept of trusteeship.
The capitalist class was aware of the contradiction the interest of the colonial
government and their own independent growth. They realized that a national
government would provide better1atmosphere for their growth. The Indian
capitalists were making efforts since 1920s towards forming a national' level
organization of Indian commercial, industrial and financial interests. These
efforts culminated in the formation the Federation of Indian Chambers of
Commerce and Industry in 1927. The F.I.C.C.I. was very soon recognized
as national guardian of trade commerce and industry. It pledged its support
to the Indian freedom struggle since its inception.
During the 1930s the congress was getting increasingly radicalized under the
leadership of Nehru and the socialists. The fear of radicalization did not
push the capitalist class to align with the imperialists. The Post War Economic
Development Committee set up by the capitalists in 1942 drafted the Bombay
Plan, which attempted to accommodate socialist demands like equitable
distribution of propaty, parbl ~omlizationand land refom without capitalism
surrendering its basic features.
\

of the unit.
. 1) Comment of the role of education in rise of modem Indian intelligentsia
2) What was the nature of relationship between the 1ndian National

Congress and the Indian capitalists?
................................................................................................................
4.4.7 ~ i b eof the Working Class
The modem working class made its appearance in India in the second half
of the nineteenth century with the growth of modem industries, railways,
post and telegraph network, plantation and mining. In the deghing the Indian
worlung class was formed out of popularised peasants and ruined artisans.
~he%asants were pauperized because of high land tax, fragmentation of
holdings and growing indebtedness. The artisans were forced to join the
rank of workers because their could not compete with the cheaper
machine made goods &om England. The works 4ere li&%g in inhuman and
degrading condition without any trace of even the minimum duties performed
by the authorities towards them. S.V. Parulekar, who was the Indian delegate Emergence or N ~ WClasses
at the International Labour Conference held at Geneva in 1938 described

the situation of the Indian workers in these words- in .India the vast majority
of workers get a wage which is not enough to provide them with the meanest
necessities of life. According to R.P. Dutt under the enlightened protection
of the civilized British Raj filth ridden conditions, limitless exploitation and
servitude of the Indian workers were zealously maintained.
The labour movements started in an organised way only after the end of
the First World War. Before the war there were strikes and agitations mostly
sporadic, spontaneous, lacking long term objectives, devoid of class
consciousness, and based on local and immediate grievances. The worsening
economic condition of the workers due to the economic crisis that followed
the war, the socialist revolution in Russia, the Non-cooperation and Khilafat
movement in the country formed the background in which All India Trade
Union Congress [A.I.T.U.C.] was borne in 1920 mainly due to the efforts
of leaders like N.M. Joshi, Lala Lajpat Roy and Joseph Baptista. Its stated
objective was to coordinate activities of all organizations in all the provinces
of India to further the interests of Indian labour in economic, .social and
political matters. The Indian National Congress at its Gaya session in 1922
welcomed the formation of the A.I.T.U.C. and formed a committee of
prominent congressmen to assist in its works. ~ c c o r d i nto~ Bipan Chandra
early nationahsts paid relatively little attention to the question of labour despite
their wretched condition because taking up the issues of labour versus
indigenous employer would have weakened the common struggle against
imperialism. Another reason for not taking up the issues of worker was the
belief of the early nationalists .that industrialisation could solve the problems
of poverty.
In the second half of the 1920s there was a consolidation of left ideological
forces in the country. There developed a left wing leadership even with the
trade union movement. In 1928 the left wing including the communists
succeeded in acquiring dominant position inside the A.I.T.U.C. The old
leadership represented by the Joshi group became in minority. This led to
a split in A.I.T.U.C. The workers participated in large numbers in, strikes
and demonstrations all over the country under the Influence of the communists
and the radical nationalists. They also participated in Simon boycott
demonstration. The government implicated almost the entire radical leadership
in the Meerut conspiracy case.
Before the elections for the provincial government in 1937 the Congress
had promised to take steps for settling the labour disputes and securing
rights to form union and go on strike. The civil liberties had increased under
the Congress government. It reflected in the phenomenal rise in the trade
unions. There were some charges of undemocratic and pmcapitalistic legislations
like Bombay Trade Dispute Act and there were cases of banning labour
meetings and imprisonment of labour leaders. When the Second World War
started in 1939 the working class of Bombay was amongst the first in the
world to hold anti-war strike in which 90,000 workers participated. With
the Nazi attack on the Soviet Union in 1941 the communists argued that
the character of the war had changed from imperialist war to people's w'ar.
They were of the view that the working class should now support the allied
powers and dissociate themselves from the Quit India Movement of 1942.
Inspite of the indifference of the communists towards it, the Quit India
Movement had its impact on the workers. After the arrest of Gandhi and
other leaders there were strikes all over the country. There were strikes
between 1945-47 in support of the I.N.A. prisoners in Calcutta when their
trial began. There w&e strikes by Bombay workers in solidarity with mutiny
of the Naval Ratings in 1946.
The emergence of the new classes in India proved to be an event having

far- r e a c h g implications. Generally the enlightened sections of these classes
strengthened the freedom struggle but there were reactionary trends also.
. The reactionary section of the intelligentsia spread distrust among different
communities, which manifested in growth of communalism. The abolition of
zamindari was essential for the improvement in the condition of the rural
*
masses. The Indian capitalist class never supported this demand. Another
important fact was that while these classes combined together to win
independence their vision of post-Independence India, and the form of state
the socio-economic structure were divergent.
Note: 3
Use the space given below for your answers.
ni Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) What was the attitude of the working class towards the Sirnon
Comtnjssion?
.................................................................................................................
2) What was the attitude of the provincial governments led by the
Congress towards the working class?
4.5 LET US SUM UP

During the colonial period several new classes emerged in India. These
included Zamindars, tenants, peasant-proprietors, moneylenders k d agricultural
laboirers in the rural areas, and the capitalists, modem intelligentsia and
working class in the cities. They were borne out of the development of
capitalist system, new administrative structure and education system. These
classes played roles in the national movement depending on their class
position,. a d interests.

Desai, A.R., Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Bombay, 1976.
Dutt. R.P. h d i a Todav. Calcutta 1970.

Misra, B.B., The Indian Middle Class, London, 1961 Emergence of New Classes
Chandra, Bipan, et. al. Colonialism, Freedom Struggle and Nationalism

in India, Delhi.

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise
1) Introduction of capitalist system, new administrative structure and a
modern education system.
2) To protect their interests by creating a loyal class, which could provide
them revenue and other kinds of support to dominate India.
3) By extracting rent, eviction from the land and physical torture.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2 ,
1) It inculcated the ideas of rationalism, equality, democracy.

2) The Indian capitalist class funded the Congress, they supported the
national movement led by the Congress.
1) They opposed it.
2) The Congress governments took steps in settling the labour disputes,
and securing the rights of the working class. However, in provinces
like Bombay it took anti-working class measures.
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
The Meaning of Constitutional Government
The Roots of the Constituent Assembly of India
The Cabinet Mission Plan
5.4.1 A Constituent Assembly
5.4.2 The Federal Formula
5.4.3 A Three-Tier Federation
5.4.4 An Odd Procedure
5.4.5 No Way Out of a Group
The "Grouping" Controversy
Composition of the Proposed Constituent Assembly
An Interim Government
'The Constituent Assembly and Partition
Parties in the Constituent Assembly
5.9.1 Congress Dominance
5.9.2 Leadership of the Constituent Assembly
5.9.3 The Opposition in the Constituent Assembly
5.9.4 The Fence- Sitters
Work of the Constituent Assembly
Status of the Constituent Assembly
Let Us Sum Up
Some Useful Books
5.0 OBJECTIVES
The Unit deals with the processes, factors and people relating to the framing of our
constitution. After going through this unit, you will be able to eiplain:
The meaning of a constitutional government;
How and why India decided to frame its Constitution;
Which body of people framed this Constitution; and
How the Constitution was framed.
5.1 INTRODUCTION
Modern democracies are based on the theory of constitutional government. The
Indian Constitution established a republican democracy. Its authority is derived from
the people and it is the supreme law of the land.
5.2 THE MEANING OF CONSTITUTIONAL

GOVERNMENT
There are broadly two kinds of Constitution in the democratic world:
a) The Constitutions that have grown gradually over decades and centuries throigh
customs, conventions, legislative enactments and judicial decisions -. as in the
United Kingdom and the British Dominions like Canada, Australia and New
Zealand.
b) The Constitutions that were framed by representative assemblie~usuallyafter
revolutions-to make a fresh start of a new regime. These representative
Philosophy of Indian assemblies have been variously named as National Assemblies, Constitutional.
Constitution
Conventions and Constituent Assemblies.
In both these types of constitutions, however, the Constitution means a body of
fundamental laws, that cannot be easily changed and that have to be respected by all
governments and all citizens.
5.3 THE ROOTS OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY

OF INDIA
The idea of a Constituent Assembly to frame a Constitution for a country was alien
to the British imperial practice. It was first demanded by the Indian National Congress
in 1934. The Muslim League was opposed to it because it suspected that a Constituent
Assembly elected by adult franchise would be dominated by the Congress whom the
League considered to be a Hindu party.
5.4 THE CABINET MISSION PLAN

In January 1946 there were elections to the provincial legislatures. In March, the
same year, a committee of the British Cabinet, known as the Cabinet Mission, led by
Sir Pethick-Lawrence, visited India to assess the Indian political situation and frame
a scheme for making a constitution for India. The Cabinet Mission held a conference
at Shimla to bring about an understanding among the major political parties but failed
to achieve it. So the Mission issued its own plan.
5.4.1 A Constituent Assembly

'
The plan made by the Cabinet Mission recommended for a Constituent ~ s s e m b l i

consisting of the representatives of all the major groups. The Cabinet Mission thought
that, though the ideal way to form it would be through election on the basis of adultx
suffrage, there was no time left for that. Earlier that year provincial legislatures had
been elected on the basis of a limited franchise and communal electorates. The
Cabinet Mission proposed that the Constituent Assembly be elected by those provincial
assemblies.
ii) Check your answers with model answers given at the end of the unit.
1) What do you mean by a constituent assembly?
2) What was Cabinet Mission and what was its plan?

The Making of Indian
5.4.2 The Federal Formula Constitution
The Cabinet Mission held that, as the Muslims were apprehensive of a unitary, Hindu-
majority state, the constitutional structure should be federal. The provinces should
have maximum autonomy and the Central government should have minimum power-
such as on foreign affairs, defence and communication. The Union could raise necessary
financial resources required for the administration of such subjects.
The Union would include not only the British Indian provinces but also the princely
states so long under the paramount power of the British Government. All the residual
powers - that is, powers not given to the Union, - would belong to the provinces
and states.
The Union should have an executive and a legislature co~lsistingof representatives of

the provinces and the states. Any question raising a major communal issue in the
legislat~lreshould require for its decision a majority of the representatives present and
voting of each of the two major communities, that is, Hindu and Muslim.
5.4.3 A Three-Tier Federation

The Cabinet Mission made an extraordinary proposal: 'Provinces sliould be free to
form groups with executives and legislatures, and each group could determine the
provincial subjects to be taken in common'. This would create a third-tier of government
between the Union and the provinces hitherto unknown to the federal practice.
5.4.4 An Odd Procedure

More extraordinarily, the Cabinet Mission itself laid down a procedure for the Constituent
Assembly that would necessarily create groups in a commu~lalway. According to that
procedure provinces would sit in three sections as determined by the Mission. Two
of such sections would be Muslim-majority and the third section would be Hindu-
majority. The Hindu-majority section - Section A - would be made u p of the provinces
of Madras, Bombay, United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh:UP). Bihar, Central Province
(now Madhya Pradesh:M.P) and Orissa. Section B would co~nprisePunjab, Baluchistan,
the North-West Frontier Province and Sind. Section C would be made up of Assam
and Bengal. Assam itself was not a Muslim-majority province. But Bengal and
Assam together would be a Muslim-majority section (Section C).
The third extra-ordinary phenomenon was a partial application of the communal veto.
No decision on a major communal issue could be taken in tlie Constituent ~ s s e m b l ~
without a majority of tlie members of the two major communities (General and
Muslim) agreeing to it. This principle, however, would not apply to the sections where
a simple majority was enough to take any decision.
5.4.5 No Way Out of a Group
The fourth extraordinary phenomenon was the formula that, once a section formed
a group constitution, no province would be free to withdraw from the group it was
in. A province could leave such a group o~ilyafter the first general election held under
the group constitution.
5.5 THE 'GROUPING' CONTROVERSY

The groups, as a result, would be the most important level of government. The group
collstitution would effectively take precedence over the provincial as well as the
Union constitution. The sections would first frame the provincial constitutions and
their own constitutions before sitting together to frame the Union Constitution. The
Philosophy of Indian provincial "freedom" was thus a farce. The provinces were free only to join the
Constitution
groups as pre-determined by the Cabinet Mission. They were free to leave the group
only if the group constitution left scope for it.
The Congress party feared that the groups would frame the election rules in such a
way that, after the elections, the provincial legislatures would be so constituted as to
make such withdrawal impossible. This would satisfy the Muslim League's demand
of Pakistan and would be unjust to the provinces like Assam and the North-West
Frontier Province where the Congress was dominant.
5.6 COMPOSITION OF THE PROPOSED

CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY
The 292 Constituent Assembly seats were allotted to the governors' provinces according
to the strength of their population. The Chief Commissioners' provinces were to be
represented by four members. Ninty three seats were allotted to 566 princely'states.
It was later agreed between the Negotiating Committees of the Constituent Assembly
and the Princes that half the members representing the princely states would be
elected and the rest nominated by the Princes.
5.7 AN INTERIM GOVERNMENT

The Cabinet Mission proposed that, while the work of Constitution making would
proceed, the government should be carried on by the Governor-General with the help
of representatives of the major parties. There was some difference between the
Congress and the Muslim League on the composition of the Interim Government,. But
they were sorted out. A new Executive Council was set up first with mostly Congress
members and then including Muslim Leaguers.
5.8 THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY AND PARTITION

The difference on the grouping plan for the Constituent Assembly, however, could not
be resolved. The Congress agreed to sit in the sections but refused to j o i ~the
~ groups
that the sections might decide upon. The Muslim League would not join the Constituent
Assembly unless the Congress agreed to the grouping arrangement set by the Cabinet
Mission Plan. Llltimately, when the Constituent Assembly was convened by the
Governor-General, Lord Mountbatten, on 9 December 1946, the Muslim League
members were absent. They did not join the Assembly until after the decision to
partition British India was taken. When this happened on 14 July 1947, only 23 Muslim
Leaguers arrived at the Constituent Assembly of India. The others went to the
Constituent Assembly of Pakistan.
5.9 PARTIES IN THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY

Partition, in fact, reduced the strength of the Constituent Assembly of India by about
a third. All parties lost their members though the Congress strength was proportionately
increased. A few mo;e members were later added following arrival of refugees from
Pakistan. Most of the representatives of the princely states joined the Constituent
Assembly of India.

Yote: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with model answers given at the end of the unit.
What was tlie proposal of tlieTablnet Mission Plan on the Interim Government? The Making o f Indian
1)
Constitution
2) What was the relationship of the Muslim League with the Constituent Assembly?
5.9.1 Congress Dominance
In this Constituent Assembly Congress had an overwhelming majority. But the Congress
party had nominated several members from outside tlie party's fold. Many of them
were legal experts and leading legislators in the previous British Indian legislatures.
Several brilliant officials of the British Indian government, led by Sir B.N. Rau, were
drafted for the work of tlie Constituent Assembly. Experts from outside were frequently
consulted. Precedents of the foreign Constitutions were carefully studied.
5.9.2 Leadership of the Constituent Assembly
There were two broad types of leadership in the Constituent Assembly: ( I ) political
and (2) technical. Because of the predominance of the Congress party the political
leadership naturally vested in its leaders. The top of this leadership consisted of Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Maualana Abul Kalam Azad and
Dr. Rajendra Prasad. Granville Austin calls tlie Neliru-Patel-Azad-Prasad team 'the
oligarchy.'
Below this level tliere were tlie cabinet ministers at tlie centre, provincial prime
ministers, former Congress presidents like Pattabhi Sitaramaiya and important Congress
leaders like K.M. Munshi, Thakurdas Bhargava, A.V. Thakkar and Sri Prakasa.
Outside the party's pale there were tlie legal luminaries of tlie time and statesmen of
the liberal tradition like Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar, N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar, B.R.
Ambedkar, K.M. Panikkar, Pandit Hriday Natli Kunjru (Who was not a member of
the constituent Assembly) and, in the early days, B.L. Mitter. Of these leaders K.M.
Munshi within tlie Congress and B.R. Ambedkar from outside combined their technical
brilliance witli statesmanship as did some Congressmen like K. Santhanam and T.T.
Krislina~iiacliariwhose association witli tlie party was not long. Krishnamacliari, a
critic of some aspects of tlie Draft Constitution, was actually included in the Drafting
Committee in late 1948.
5.9.3 The Opposition in the Constituent Assembly
The shape of tlie opposition in the Assembly was. however, unstable. The Cabinet
Mission had divided the Indians into three communities - the General, the Muslims
and the Sikhs. The Congress party overwhelmingly dominated the 'General' section
and had come into an agreement with the Sikh Akal Panth. It also had nominated
a few nationalist Muslims like Abul Kalam ~ z a d ' a n dRafi Ahmed Kidwai.
Phil~sophyof Indian The strength of the Muslim League had been drastically reduced after partition. To
Constitution
cap it all, after Gandhiji's assassination, tlie Muslim League in India dissolved itself
and most of its membersjoined the Congress Party. Sir Mohammad Saadullah, among
them, was included in the Drafting Committee of the Constituent Assembly. Only the
Madras provincial unit of tlie Muslim League decided to retain its identity and acted
as a consistent but negligible opposition.
The only, Co~~munist member of the Constituent Assembly, Somnath Lahiri, lost his
membersh~pafter the partition of Bengal. So did B.R. Ambedkar, leader of the
Scheduled Castes Federation, who had first been elected to the Constituent Assembly
from Bengal. He was nominated by the Congress from Bombay in the vacancy
created by the resignation of the liberal Hindu Mahasabhaite, M.R. Jayakar. He later
became Chairman of the Drafting Committee.
5.9.4 The Fence-Sitters
The Congress had nominated not only two Hindu Mahasabha leaders - M.R. Jayakar
and Syama Prasad Mukherjee - but also two socialists and two Forward Bloc
members. In early 1948 in Socialists and the Forward Bloc severed their connections
with the Congress and directed its members to resign from the Assembly. The
members declined and continued in the Constituent Assembly.
Such people, as several Congressman, were critical of several aspects of the

Constitution, but could not be called consistent 'oppositionists'. At the end of the
Constituent Assembly's work most of them expressed satisfaction. Some Muslim
Leaguers and the Akali member, Sardar Hukum Singh, however, remained strong
critics of the Constitution for its denial of political status of the minorities to the
Muslims and the Sikhs.
-
5.10 WORK OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY
The Constituent Assembly set up a large number of committees on procedural and

substantive matters. Some of the Committees consulted outsiders besides discussing
issues thoroughly. After preliminary works were completed and the reports of the
committees were discussed in the Constituent Assembly, they were forwarded to the.
Drafting Committee for incorporation of the recommendations in the Draft Constitution.
The Draft Constitution was moved in the Constituent Assembly. There were three
readings of the Draft Constitution in the way all legislations have. Some of the draft
provisions were discussed again and again. The debate was thorough and intensive.
After nearly three years of work the Constituent Assembly of India produced the
world's biggest written Constitution. It was authenticated by the Chairman of the
Constituent Assembly, Dr Rajendra Prasad, on 29 November 1949 and came into
force on 26 January 1950. Meanwhile, 554 princely states merged with a republican
India.
5.11 STATUS OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY

This authentication of the Co~istitutionby the Chairman of the Constituent Assembly
had a great legal significance. The Constituent Assembly had been set up not as a
dvereign body. It was expected to draft a Constitution for enactment by the British
Government. Partition was a result of the British refusal to treat the Constituent
Assembly as a sovereign body. The Indian Independence Act, 1947, authorised the
Governor-General af India to give assent to the Constitution. The Constituent Assembly
did not do even that and got the Constitution authenticated by its own chairman. It
was an assertion of the sovereign authority of the Constituent Assembly.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3 The Making of Indian
Constitution
ii) check your answers with model answers given at the end of the unit.
1) How many types of leadership were there in the Constituent Assembly? Discuss.
.......................................................................................................................
i
i Into how many commun.itieswere Indians divided by the Cabinet Mission Plan?
2)
h
5.12 LET US SUM UP

I A Constituent Assembly is a body of people that frames the fundamental laws of a
! country. The Constituent Assembly of India was summoned by the British Governor-
! General. The limitations on the powers of the Constituent Assembly ended after the
partition of British India. Most of the princely states joined the Constituent Assembly
i of India. The Constituent Assembly was virtually dominated by the Congress party
led by Nehru, Patel, Azad and Rajendera Prasad. But there was a great deal of
consensus on the basic structure of the Constitution. The Constituent Assembly
worked for nearly three full years through committees and general sessions. It produced
the world's largest Constitution. The Constitution was authenticated by the Chairman
of the Constituent Assembly.

Austin, Granville, The Indian Constitution: Cornerstone of a Nation, Oxford
University Press, 1966.
Chaube, Shibani Kinkar, Constituent Assembly of India: Springboard of Revolution,
New Delhi, Manohar, 2000
Chaube, Shibani Kinkar, Colonialism, Freedom Struggle and Nationalism in India,
Delhi, Book Land, 1996.

EXERCISES
1) A constituent assembly is the body of experts which makes the constitution of
any country.
2) It was a Committee of the British Cabinet. Its purpose was to assess the political
situation in India and to frame a scheme for making a constitution for India.
1) It recommended that while the process of constitution making would continue, an
interim government would be formed under the Governor-General with the help
of representatives of parties.
2) The Muslim league did not join the Constituent Assembly.
1) Two types of leadership : (1) Political and (2) Technical.
2) Into three co~nmunities- the General, the Muslims and Sikhs.
UNIT 6 BASIC FEATURES
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Government of India Act, 1935
Constituent Assembly
Essential Features
6.4.1 Sovereign, Democratic, Republic
6.4.2 Union of States
6.4.3 Fundamental Rights
6.4.4 Directive Principles of State Policy
6.4.5 Fundamental Duties
6.4.6 The Union: Executive, Legislature and Judiciary
Emergency Provisions
6.5.1 General Emergency
6.5.2 Declaration of Constitutional Emergency
6.5.3 Financial Emergency
Federalism
6.6.1 centre-state Relations
Relative Flexibility
Let Us Sum Up
K -?yWords
Some Useful Books
6.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit we shall discuss the salient features of the Indian Constitution in the
backdrop of the relevant events that preceded the coming into force of the Constitution.
After going through this unit you should be able to:
List out the essential features of the Indian Constitution; and

Highlight the significance of the salient features.
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The Constitution of India is the will of the people of the country. It sets the broad
functional parameters of governance. The Constitution was prepared after lengthy
deliberations in the Constituent Assembly, which began on 6 December 1946 and
came into force on 26 January 1950.
6.2 GOVERNMENT OF INDIA ACT, 1935

\
The precursor to the Indian Constitutio~lwas the Government of India Act of 1935, .
usually referred to as the 1935 Act. The Indian Independence Act, 1947 held that until
a new Constitution came into force, the 1935 Act would be the Constitutional Law
of India. \
The 1935 ~ cwas t the product of the Report of a Joint Select Committee that was
discussed in the British Parliament before finally receiving the assent of the Queen,
on 2 August 1935. Some of the features of the 1935 Act, with modifications though,
were later incorporated in the Constitution of India. These include a federal structure
in tlie form of a Union government and State government(s) [Centre and State(s)] Basic Feature+
and the division of powers between them [Union List, State List and Concurrent List]
bicameral Legislature-the Lower House and tlie Upper House [Lok Sabha and
Rajya Sabha at the Union level; and State Legislative Assembly and State Legislative
Council, at the State level], Federal Court [the Supreme Court].
I
6.3 CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY
For the purpose of writing a constitution, a Constituent Assembly was convened.

Constitution making was no easy task. Tlie Constitiltion liad to live up to the aspirations
I
of the people who had been exposed to several centuries of injustice, social exploitation
and discrimination, as well as two centuries of colonial dominance. Moreover, if it
were to be applicable and acceptable to diverse religious, political and regional sections,
L
it had to embody their interests. Tlie motto with wliich the constitution-making exercise
was undertaken was 'consensus', rather than the 'majority principle'. In this,
I
I representatives from diverse ideological backgrounds, and several of them with a legal
background, worked together. At the liead of tlie exercise was Dr. Rajendra Prasad,
a veteran of the freedom ~novementwho was later to hold the office of the President
Ii of India for two successive terms, and the leading light was the first Prime Minister
of Independent India, Jawaharlal Neliru. Renowned members of the Assembly
f
ilicluded T T Krislinamachari, Dr. B R Ambedkar, Alladi Krishna Swami Iyer and
i
Gopalaswami Aiyangar, Sliyama Prasad Mukherji, J B Kriplani, Vallabhai Patel and
! Pattabli i Sitaramayya.
tI
Tliere were to be 381 members in the Constituent Asse~nbly.They represented the
various political parties and belonged to tlie Congress Party, Communist Party of
India, Praja Party, Krisliak Praja Party, Scheduled Castes Federation, Non-Congress
r
Sikhs, Unionist Muslims and the Muslim League. Besides, independent Members and
representatives from the Governor's Provinces and the Princely States were also
represented in tlie Assembly. Tliere never was this full strength of the Assembly.
The provisions of the Constitution were extensively debated upon in the several
Co~nmitteesthat were formed for tlie purpose before being presented to the Assembly
for its consideration. On the basis of tlie deliberations in tlie Assembly, the Drafting
Committee, which was constituted on 29 August 1947, prepared the draft text of the
Constitution. Dr. B R Ambedkar was the chairman of the Drafting Committee. Tlie
final document, after making amendments to the draft Constitution, was signed on 26
November 1949, and two months later it came into force. We have examined the
constitution-making exercise in greater detail in Unit 5 of Block 2.
It is, indeed, creditable that the Members of the Constituent Assembly completed the
exercise of preparing a Co~istitutionwithin a period of three years and appended their
signatures to the document wliile it took many more years for other countries to have
their first Constitution. Also, it goes to tlie credit of the coilntry and is a testimony
to tlie broad vision of tlie Constitution makers that tlie Constitution of India was never
abrogated, and a new one introduced. Tlie Indian Constitution was never seriously
questioned since the time it came into force. Tlie changing requirements were attended
to through effecting amendments to the Constitution while its essential features were
retained; they occasionally came under strain, though.
6.4 ESSENTIAL FEATURES

The essential features of the Constitution of India are as follows: Tlie Constitution is
supreme; Tlie sovereignty of India cannot be surrendered or pledged; India is a
Republic and cannot be turned into a monarchy; Democracy is a way of life than /
merely providing for adult francl~ise;Secularis~nand independent judiciary are two

Philosophy o f Indian pedestals of this democracy. Amendments to the Constitution can be made without
Conrtltution
altering its essentials. We shall discuss some of these features.
6.4.1 Sovereign, Democratic, Republic
The 'Preamble' to the Constitution declares that the people of the country are the
sovereigns. In other words, 'sovereignty' rests in the people and is exercised through
the institutions that have been created for that purpose. The sovereignty of the
country can not be pledged, i.e., India can not be turned into a colony or a dependency
of another country. The entire course of the Freedom Movement was on this
quintessential principle of sovereignty.
In the Preamble it is also stated that the country shall be a Republic and shall adhere
to a democratic form of government. In a Republic there is no scope for a Monarch
to reign over the people, but tlie people tliemselves rule the country through their
elected representatives.
6.4.2 Union of States
An important feature of the Constitution is that it has constituted India as a Union of

States (Art 1). There is also scope in the Constitution to create new States as well .
as to admit new ones. Notable examples of these are the formation of States, for the
first time after in 1956 by bifurcating some of the then existing States on a linguistic
basis-Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Kerala. Tl~rougl~ the bifurcation
of the Bombay State Maharashtra and Gujarat were formed. More recently, in the
year 2000, three new States- Uttaranchal, Chattisgarh and Jharkhand- were created.
An example of the admissio~iof new States into the Indian Union is the admission
of Sikkim, in 1975, till then a protectorate of India, into the Union. The provision for
admitting new States should also be understood in the context that some of the
Princely States were yet not ready by the time the Constitution would come into force
to become part of India. 'The Nizam's State of Hyderabad is one such example. And,
besides, there were French and Portuguese colonies-Pondicherry and Goa that
remained to be integrated with India.
The Constitution, thus, provides for creating new States and admitting new territories.
Once they become part of India they do not have the right to secede.
ii) Try to write the answers in your own words.
I) What was the principle that formed the constitution making exercise in India.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) Which was the state admitted into the Indian Union in 1975?
.......................................................................................................................
3) Republic is a form of government in which . .

.......................................................................................................................
/ 6.4.3 Fundamental Rights Basic Featurcr
i The Fundamental Rights provided for in the Constitution could be surnmarised as

1
! Right to Equality, Right to Freedom, Right Against Exploitation, Right to Religion,
I
Cultural and Educational Rights and the Right to Constitutio~ialRemedies. The Right
t to Property was made a legal riglit through the Forty Fourth Constitutional Amendment
Act, and is hence, not a Fundamental Right now. In the larger interests of the country,
the property belonging to any person can be acquired by paying a 'compensation'.
I
The Fundamental Rights are enshrined in Part 111 of the Constitution, and their
implementation is guaranteed by the Supreme Court. In other words, Fundamental
' Rights are justiceable. Indeed, some of the Fundamental Rights, it might be noted, are
applicable only to the citizens of the country and not to foreigners. Article 20, Article
- 21 and Article 22 are, however, applicable to all. At the same time, it should also be
' borne in mind that what is applicable is the 'restriction' on the Right.
Except during an 'Emergency', Fundamental Rights cannot be suspended. However,

even during an Emergency Article 20 Article 21 cannot be withheld. The Constitution
was amended by the Forty Fourth Amendment Act and through Article 359-1 A it was
stated that Article 20 and Article 2 1 cannot be suspended even when a proclamatio~i
of Emergency is in operation.
Rigltt to Freedom
1 The Constitution also ensures the Right to Freedom under Articles 19 to 22. Article
19 guarantees the right to freedom of speech and expression, right to peaceful
i assembly, right to form associations, right to visit and residC in any part of the country
i
, I
and the right to profess and practice ones religion. These rights too, are subject to any
reasonable restrictions that can be imposed by the state under clauses 2 to 6 of
I
Article 19.
Article 20 guarantees that no person shall be punished on the basis of laws that are
enacted after a crime has been committed (protection from ex post facto laws),
protection from being punished more than once for the same offence (protection from
double jeopardy) and protection from standing trial against oneself (protection &om
self-incrimination). Article 2 1 ensures the protection of 'personal life and liberty'. In
other words, the state does not have the right to take away the life of a person, except
through the procedure established by law. Article 22 prohibits detention of person's
without trial. However, preventive detention of a person up to three months and, in
some cases, beyond that is permitted.
Right to Equality
Article 14, guarantees the Right to Equality before the Law and the Right to Equal
Protection of the Laws. In other words, this article ensuresthat all persons can be
tried in a court of law and every person can approach the courts for justice and that
no person shall be discriminated against in the application of laws, nor can any person
claim special privileges and favourit ism.
Article 15 guarantees protection from discrimination on the basis of 'religion, race,
caste, sex or pIace of birth', and provides for equal access and thus the Right against
Discrimination. It also, however, states clearly that the state can make special provisions
for the uplift of certain categories of people like socially and culturally backward
classes and Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. An example in this context is
the reservation provided in educational institutions and in the public services to the
disadvantaged sections of the society. As one commentator observed, "the framers
of the Indian Constitution sought to shape an overarching Indian identity even as they
acknowledged the reality of pluralis~nby guaranteeing fundamental rights, in some
cases through specific provisions for the protection of minorities."
Philosophy o f Indian Article 16 provides for the Right to Equality of Opportunity in employment. Continuing
Constitution
with its desire to ensure equality o f all citizens, the Constitution also abolished
'~ntouchabilit~ whose
' practice is a crime under Art 17, while Article 18 abolished
Tittles.
The Directive Principles o f State Policy (DPSP) are an adaptation from the Irish
Constitution. These are broad guidelines which have to be borne in mind while
enacting laws and in implementing them. Unlike the Funda~nentalRights, the DPSP
are not justiciable. Simplistically understood the DPSP have a 'welfare' connotation.
The Constitution doe$ not provide for their guarantee and, therefore, their enforcement
can not be questioned in a court o f law.
Fundamental Rights and the DPSP "together, not individually" form the core o f the
Constitution; "the true conscience". The DPSP prescribes that tlie state shall ensures
(a) adequate means o f livelihood for all, (b) distribution o f wealth and control over it,
rather than concentration, in the common good, (c) equal pay for equal work for both
men and women (d) non-abuse o f the health o f all workers and (e) the protection of
the children o f the country from exploitation and tlieir growth in an atmosphere of
freedom and dignity.
6.4.5 Fundamental Duties
The Fundamental Duties enshrined in the Constitution are intended to obligate all the
citizens to strive for the colnmon benefit o f all. They are expected to accord respect
to the Constitution, the National Tri-colour and the Anthem. They are called upon to
strive for upholding the unity and integrity o f the country and work for a harmonious
society setting aside all divisive tendencies. The citizens o f the country have a duty
to protect its resources both natural and material and work towards higher levels of
achievement.
6.4.6 The Union: Executive, Legislature and Judiciary
There are, as all students o f Political Science know, three organs or branches 01
government, i.e., legislature, executive and judiciary. A harmonious functioning among
the three is vital for the furtherance o f a country.
Legislature
I
such a form o f gove

4
At its Independenc India chose to adopt a parliamentary form o f government. I n
the President i s the Head o f the State while real executive
power i s exercised Head o f Government, the Prime Minister, in association
with his Council all o f who are collectively responsible to Parliament.
Executive
I n India, the legislature and the executive are drawn from one another, while the
judiciary is an independent body. The legislature comprises o f the House o f People
(Lok Sabha), Council o f States and the President o f India. A member o f the Union
Council o f Ministers has hecessarily to be a member o f either o f the lower house, the
Lok Sabha or the Upper house, the Rajya Sabha.
President
Both the houses of Parliament and tlie legislatures in the States elect the President
by means o f a 'single transferable vote'. The Office o f the President, its functions,
powers tenure, method o f election and re-election, impeachment, and the qualifications
required to hold the office are enunciated in Articles 52 to 62. All activities of tlie Basic Features
state are carried out in tlie lianie of the President as tlie executive power is vested
in tlie President (Art 52). As in the United States, in India, too, the President is tlie
Supreme Commander of tlie Armed Forces. Tlie President summolls both the houses
of Parlia~neritand addresses its joint sessions. He has the power to remit sentences
and grant reprieve. He appoints all the important functionaries of the state such as
the Prinie Minister and the Council of Ministers, Judges of tlie Supreme Court and
High Courts, the Attorney General, Governors of States, Chairpersons of Commissions
like the Election Commission of India and heads of orgal isations like tlie Comptroller
and Auditor General of India (C&AG).
Prime Minister and Council of Ministers
i The Prime Minster is the Head of Gover~imentand presides over the meeting of the
Union Couricil of Ministers. It needs to be kept in mind tliat there is a difference
between tlie Cabinet and tlie Cou~icilof Ministers; tlie Cabinet is co~nposedof
Ministers of Cabinet rank and Ministers of State, while the Council also includes the
Deputy Ministers. Tlie Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to Parliament.
Activities of tlie Ministries are brought under scruti~iyby the opposition during the
two-hour long Question Hour at tlie beginning of each day of tlie Session in Parliament.
The Council of Ministers makes recomniendations to tlie President, in what is called
'aids and advises', in tlie affairs of the country. Important among tlie recommendations
tliat we should be aware are those relating to dissolution of the Lok Sabha, declaring
war or declaring a 'state of Emergency'.
Tlie Indian Parliament is tlie supreme law-making body of tlie country. It is a bicameral
legislature as in the United Kingdom, the United States and several other countries.
Tlie upper house is known in Hindi as the Rajya Sablia and in English as the Council
of States. It cotnprises tlie Chairman, wlio is also the Vice-President of India, the
elected members and 12 nominated members, eacli holding a term of six years, with
one-third of its membership retiring every two years.
A significant aspect and point of difference between tlie Rajya Sablia and its equivalent,
the American Senate is tliat the membership of eacli State in it is proportional to its
population, whose legislative asse~nbly~elects tlie members of the Rajya Sablia. Thus,
all States of the Indian Union do not send an equal number of representatives.
Tlie lower house of Parliament is tlie House of the People, better known as the Lok
Sabha. Its members are elected for single term of five years or less directly by all
eligible voters by rneans of 'universal adult suffrage' from territorially delimited
constituencies.
Tlie Rajya Sabha lias little power over money bills. These car1 riot be introduced in
tlie Rajya Sablia. It lias to return such bills to the Lok Sablia with its recommendations
within 14 days, and it is for the Lok Sabha to accept or reject any of its
recommendations. In case of a deadlock over a non-money bill between the Lok
Sabha and the Rajya Sablia, the President convenes a joint sitting of tlie two houses
to debate and vote on tlie bill.
A bill takes tlie form of an Act only after the President gives his assent to the same.
Tlie President is empowered to withhold assent to a bill passed by both houses of
Parliament or refer it to Parliarne~itwith liis suggestions. There have been very few
occasions when tlie President withheld liis assent, but of course, on the premise that
the bill ran in contradiction with 'public opinion'. One such instance was the Postal
Bill tliat was t~loiikrl~:
to he infringing olr tile privacy of tlie people.
t'l~ilosophy of I n d i a n Check Your Progress Exercise 2
<'onntitution
ii) Try to write the answers in your own words.
I ) What rights do Article 20 and 21 deal with? Can these rights be restricted or
temporarily suspended?
2) What are the Fundamental Duties enshrined in the Indian constitution?
3) The Union Cabinet consists of

/
a) 'The Prime Minister, Ministers of Cabinet rank and Ministers of State.
b) Cabinet rank Ministers and Ministers of State
c) Prime Minister and Cabinet rank Ministers
Jurlicinry
The third and very important organ of the government is the Judiciary. The highest
court of appeal is the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court has both appellate and
original jurisdiction, as do the High Courts in the respective States.
'The Supreme Court is the custodian of the Constitution. Laws enacted by the legislature
can be declared invalid by the Supreme Court, if it is of the opinion that they are not
in conformity with tlle provisions of the Constitution. This power is known as the
power of 'judicial review'. Besides, the Supreme Court and the High Courts can also
issue writs to the government and its agencies. A well-known example is the Writ of
Habeas Corpus. By pleading for the issuance of such a writ an applicant asks the
Supreme Court to direct the concerned police authorities to present before the court
a person who is missing and is believed to be under their custody.
The President of India appoints all Judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts and
the Chief Justices. The Constitution also clearly lays down the procedure for impeaching
the Judges and Parliament alone can impeach a Judge of the Supreme Court. The
instance of initiating the inlpeachnlent of a Supreme Court Judge occurred just once,
when Justice K Ramaswamy was sought to be impeached, but the motion failed to
succeed.
The Supreme Court and Parliament have on occasion entered into a tug. This was
finally resolved with the Constit~~tion
Anlendment Act stating that the Supreme Court
has the power only to state whether an Act was in contravention of the provisions
of the Constitution or not.
6.5 EMERGENCY PROVISIONS

,
Emergency Provisions are enshrined in Part XVI I1 of the Constitution under Articles
352 to 360. There are three types of Enlergency that can be declared.
6.5.1 General Emerglency
An emergency can be proclaimed when the security of the country is under threat
01. is l~liderthe da11gc.r af' a t l ~ ~ efi-o~;)
; ~ t hostile countries during times of war or
external aggression or armed rebellion. (Article 352). Emergency was declared under
this provision for the first time in tlie wake of the war with China on October 26,
1962. It continued upto January 10, 1968. Another proclamation of emergency took
place on December 3, 1971, in the wake of the India-Pakistan war. During its
continuation, a third Emergency was declared was on June 25, 1975. It was revoked
in 1977. Critics argue that the third emergency was intended niore to retain Mrs.
Indira Gandhi in power than there was the actual threat. It was the darkest period
for Indian democracy as there were arbitrary detentions for a prolonged period of
time and accusations of widespread infringement of Funda~nentalRights.
I 6.5.2 Declaration of Constitutional Emergency

i
,The most contentious and abused emergency provision is Art~cle356. Ifthe President
i
receives a report from the Governor of a State stating that the constit~ttionalmachinery
has broken down or that the administration of the State can no longer be carried out
in accordance with the provisions laid down in the Constitution of India, an emergency
can be declared in that State. The President may do so even if he is otherwise
satisfied of a constitutional breakdown in a state. The provision allows dismissing the
State government and bringing it under President's Rule or Central Rule. Under such
a condition, the Governor of the State assumes all functions and carries out the
administration in the State, on behalf of the President, i.e. the Centre, with the aid of
his advisors appointed by the President upon the,recommendation of the Union Council
of Ministers.
There were several instances when Article 356 was brought into force in various
States. The first instance of dismissing a State government by invoking Article 356
even while it continued to elljoy tlie confidence of the State Legislature occurred in
1959, in Kerala, when the Communist goverlirnellt of the day was dismissed. It
generated a major controversy and it was argued that it was a wrong decision as the
government commanded a majority on the State Assembly. On the other hand, the
supporters of the decision held that public dissatisfaction manifest in the form of
agitation against tlie government and its policies was reason enough to conclude that
there, indeed, was a break down of law and order, and, hence, it was correct to
in1pose President's Rule.
Other instances include the dismissal of State governments en masse twice, in 1977
after the Janata Party swept the general elections and subsequently in 1979 when the
Congress Party returned to power. Other contentious occasions on which invoking the
provision was resorted are in 1984 in Andllra Pradesh and later in Karnataka when
the S R Bommai government was dismissed, and the court later subsequently held
that the decision was incorrect.
6.5.3 Financial Emergency
Financial emergency ciln be declared under Article 360 in conditions in which the
financial stability or credit of the country or any part of the country is threatened.
However, as provided for in the Forty Fourth Constitutional Amendment Act of 1979,
such a proclamation needs to be approved by the both the Lok Sablia and the Rajya
Sabha within two months from the date of its proclamation, or, if the Lok Sablia is
at that time dissolved, within 30 days from the date it (the new house) is reconstituted.
6.6 FEDERALISM
At the time of Independence the diversity of the country was such that the Constitution
makers thought it fit to have a strong Union government (Centre) within a federal
framework. Provisions relating to Centre-State relations are enumerated in Part XI
I'hilosophy or Indian
Constitution
o f the Constitution. The Indian Co~istitutiollprovides for gover~imentswith specified
powers in the various States, too. India's Constitution thus has both centralising and
de-centralising features.
For more than a decade and a Iialf after Independence, the Centre and the States had
almost no problems. Scholars attribute this to the existence o f Congress governments
in most o f the States in the country as well as at the Centre, the towering personality
o f the then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and also the leadership in the States
as well as at the Centre that was less prone to schism, but guided more by idealism.
The balance in relations tilted more in favour o f the Centre when Indira Gandhi was
the Prime Minister o f the country. This was due not only to tlie Emergency that was
imposed in 1975, but also because o f weak leaders at tlie State-level whose survival
in political power was dependent on tlie clout that they could wield at the Central
level.
By tlie 1990s, at least a few o f the States came to exercise greater leverage vis-a-
vis the Centre. A Central goverliment that lacked an absolute majority in Parliament
had to depe~idon tlie support o f its regional allies-the Dravida Munnetra Kazliagam
and the All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazliagam in Tamil Nadu, the Telugu
Desam in Andhra Pradesh, Shiv Sena in Maharashtra, National Conference in Jammu
and Kashmir, the Asom Gana Parishad in Assam, and the more recent splinter groups
o f tlie erstwhile Janata Party that have,established themselves in the different States.
6.6.1 a Centre-State Relations
Proble~nsin Centre-State; relations came to the fore after lion-Congress governments

came to power in several States--Orissa, West Bengal, Kerala, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh
and Bihar in the late 1960s.
Firinncinl Relntiorls
Another conte~~tious issue i s the sharing o f financial resources between the Centre
and the States and allccation o f Central grants to various States. While States have
since long been demanding the allocation o f larger portions, a new proposition suggested
is allocation on the 'basis o f performance'.
Governor's Rule
Yet another point of difference is the 'imposition o f Governor's Rule on a State arid
hislher role while in office, besides that o f histher abrupt removal. Governors are
generally appointed with the concurrence o f the Chief Minister o f the concerned
State, and tlie Sarkaria Commission, too, in 1988, recommended the same. The
recommendation, however, has not always been adhered to, as. The Sarkaria
Comtqission sought to herald co-operative federalism. However, most o f its
recommendations await implementation.
6.7 RELATIVE FLEXIBILITY

The Indian Constitution provides room for amendment. In this sense, the Constitution
is not rigid unlike that in some other countries. As has been noted by several scholars,
a Constitution is a living document and, hence, it has to reflect the changing times.
An amendment to the Preamble made the principle o f secularism an integral feature
o f the Constitution.
/
When a Constitution_ls amended it is expected that it would bring a change for the
better. I n other words, it would 'give more' than 'take away any'. Article 368.
together with other articles, empowers Parliament to make amendments to the
Constitution. I n fact, tlie occasion for debate, on what tlie fundamental features o f the
Constitution are, was created when certain amendments were made to the Constitution. Basic Festuh
The amendment procedure laid down in the Constitution is both rigid and soft for
different articles. While some need only a simple majority, most need a majority of
two-thirds present and voting in both the Houses of Parliament and the assent of the
President. The toughest amendment procedure prescribed requires, besides the two-
thirds present and voting and requirement, also the consent of at least half the number
of Legislatures in States in the country. And further more, it also requires the assent
of the President.
Two of the most vehemently contested aspects were one, on the authority of Parliament
to effect amendment itself to any article of the Constitution and two, on who holds
supremacy of decision over an amendment.
While the Indian Parliament held that it was the supreme authority and had, therefore
the right to amend any article in the Constitution, its critics said it was the Constitution
that is supreme and not Parliament, whose creation Parliament was as much as any
other institution. It was, in the final analysis, resolved that Parliame~itis rightfully
authorised to amind the Constitution, but only so long as it did not amend the 'basic
features of the Constitution. Besides, the Supreme Court has the power to decide
whether an amendment to the Constitution, indeed, were against the basic features
of the Constitution or not.

Vote: i) Use the .space given below for your answers.
i) Try to write the answers in your own words.
) What is habeas corpus?
\
.......................................................................................................................
2) Examine the Parliaments powers to amend the Constitution of India.
.......................................................................................................................
3) Can the Indian Parliament amend the basic structure of the Constitution?
6.8 LET US SUM UP

The Indian Constitution is a~successfuldocument and it has sought to foster the best
democratic tradition. The tradition that it had established had the resilience to correct
occasional anomalies, which itself is proof df its success. The Constitution incorporates
federalism, guarantees the fundamental rights of the people of the country, a system
of checks and balances through the institutions of President, Council of Ministers,
Parliament and the Supreme Court.
6.9 KEY WORDS

Constitutional guarantee of Rights : The protection that the Constitution
explicitly offers from being violated by
the state.
Council of Ministers : It co~np~ises of the Prime Minister,,
Cabinet Ministers, Ministers of State and
Deputy Ministers. 1
Philosophy of Indian Amendment : A definitive and formal process of
Constitution
Constitution change
Bicameral : A Parliament that has two Houses (an
Upper House and a Lower House).
Enactment : The point at which a Law, as expressed
in an Act of Parliament, comes into
force.
Executive : Those from within the Government who
define and implement policy, and who
are answerable to Parliament for their
administration.
Ex post facto : From or by an after act, or thing done
afterward; i n consequence of a
subsequent act; retrospective.

Austin, ~ranvill,The Indian Constitution: Cornerstone of a Nation, Oxford University
Press, 1996.
Bakshi, P. M., The Constitution of India (with special comments by the author)
University Law Publishing House, 1999.

EXERCISES
1) Decisions based on consensus.

2) Sikkim.
3) People themselves rule through their elected representatives.
Check Your Progress, Exercise 2
1) Article 20 guarantees fair trail and Article 21 protects an individuals life and
liberty. While restrictions can be placed on most Fundamental Rights under certain
circumstances, the 44th Amendment stated that Article 20 and Article 21 cannot
be restricted even during an Emergency.
2) Citizens are obligated to strive for the common benefit of all, uphold the; unity arid
integrity of the country, work for a harmonious society and protect the country's
resources.

1) It's a writ issued by the court to the state authorities to 'produce the body' or
person before the court.
2) Parliament can amend some articles of the Constitution with a simple majority, but
most amendments require the approval of two-thirds of the members sitting and
voting and the accent of the President. A few even require the additional consent
of at least half of state legislatures.
3) Since the Constitution and not the Parliament is supreme, the Parliament cannot
amend or alter the basic feature of the Constitution.
UNIT 7 VISION OF SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION
Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Significance of a Written Constitution
7.2.1 Constitution as a Positive Law
7.2.2 Its Contractual Nature
7.2.3 Philosophy of a Constitution
7.2.4 Constitution and Justice
7.3 Preamble to a Constitution
7.4 The Indian Vision
7j4.1 The Anti-Imperialist Legacy
7.4.2 Movements for Social Justice
7.4.3 The Nationalist Programme
7.5 Rights as the Core of the Nationalist Programme
7.5.1 Influence of Socialism
7.5.2 Poverty Relief and Planning
7.5.3 Role of the Leftist Groups
7.5.4 Opposition to Caste Oppression
7.6 Ideological Limitations
7.6 1 Class Character of the Indian National Congress
7.6.2 Stress on Politics
7.7 The Congress Consensus
7.7.1 The Parliamentary Tradition
7.7.2 Federalism
7.7.3 Welfarism
7.8 Unfolding of the Socio-Economic Programme
7.8.1 The Strategy
7.8.2 The Specific Objectives
7.'9 The Congress Resolution on the Objectives of the Constitution
7.10 'The "Objectives Resolution" of the Constituent Assembly
7.1 1 Structural Limitations
7.12 Let Us Sum Up
7.0 OBJECTIVES
The leaders of the Indian National movement had a vision of social transformation.
The Constituent Assembly, representing various groups of the society incorporated
this vision in the Constitution of India. After going through this unit, you will be able
to understand:
the outlook and the philosophy of the Indian Constitution;

the ideas and the dreams of the leaders of the Indian freedom movement;
the way they were articulated; and
the extent of consensus as well as conflict that worked behind the making of the
Indian Constitution.
7.1 INTRODUCTION
In the unit 6 we have seen the evolution of the idea of a Constituent Assembly in
India during the freedom movement and the way the leaders of India framed a
Philosophy of Indian Constitution. That Collstitutioll is not only the world's largest Constitution, it also
Constitution
reflects a great vision for the future of India as a sovereign democratic republic
where justice, liberty and equality will build a firm unity and integrity of the nation.
7.2 SIGNIFICANCE OF A WRITTEN CONSTITUTION .
There are four points about a written Constitutions:
7.2.1 Constitution as a Positive Law

i
A constitution derives its authority from itself. It is, therefore, future - oriented. As
a body of supreme laws the Constitution takes precedence not only over all other laws I
but als:, over all customs, traditions and faiths. Such customs and traditions, etc., are
1
valid as long as they do 11otconflict with the Constitution. In other words, no provision
of the Constitution can be challenged on the plea that it is inconsistent with the
tradition, belief and faith inherited from the past.
7.2.2 Its Contractual Nature
Further, a democratic Constitutio~lis a kind of contract among the people or, at least,
the bulk of the people. It is based on consensus - a prodi~ctof bargain among
several persons and groups. Such a contract cannot satisfy all persons fully. But it
does satisfy most of them partly. In other words, it is a kind of common minimum
programme of a majority of the people which does not harm the minority interests. 4
7.2.3 Philosophy of a Constitution
I Every democratic Constitution has a philosophy and a vision which can be summed
I up as growth with stability. These two concepts are inter-related. Without growth no
i stability can be ensured and without stability no growth can be achieved.
I
I 7.2.4 Constitution and Justice
I Integrally connected with the concept of growth with stability is the concept of j ustice.
No unjust system can make people happy. And an unhappy people cannot work either
for stability or for growth of a country.
I 7.3 PREAMBLE IS A CONSTITU?IO~::~ PURPOSE

-
1
, -
'
In all the written democratic constitutions one finds a Preamble whichpresents a 4
I vision for the future. All such visions tend to reject the shortcomings and prejudices
of the past social and political order and promise to build a future that isjist, happy
and dignified. Democracy is essentially transformational. The vision of social I
transformation is reflected in the preamble of tkConstitution of India is given below:
"We the people of India, having sole~nnlyresdvix&

Constitute India into a Sovereign Socialist S e c u b
Democratic Republic and to secure to all its c3€kzew.
-
Justice, social, econo~nicand political; -
Liberty cf thzsght, exptzssion, belief, faith and wor&ip;
Equality of status and of opportunity; and to promote among
'Them all..
Fraternity assuring the dignity of individuals and the unity
, and integrity of the Nation.
24
In our Constituent Assembly; this twenty-sixth day of
November, 1949, do Hereby Adopt, Enact and Give to
Ourselves This Constitution."
7.4 THE INDIAN VISION

Such a vision of transformation is embedded in popular aspirations. It develops
historically. The visioli of the Constitution of the United States of America, for
instance, developed out of tlie War of Independence of 1776 which, in turn, sprang
from the liberal democratic environment of the eighteenth century.
7.4.1 The Anti-Imperialist Legacy
In India this vision developed out of her struggle against tlie British empire and was
nourished by the liberal democratic tliinking in tlie developed world. It was first
expressed by tlie critiques of colonial rule in tlie late nineteenth century by people like
Dadabhai Naoroji, M.G. Ranade and R.C. Di~tt.End of imperialism was seen to be
tlie basic pre-condition of India's progress. In the twentieth century such critiques
grew into tlie freedom movenient.
7.4.2 Movements for Social Justice
Side by side with this broad anti-imperialist struggle grew the demands for social
justice. Jyotiba Phule enlarged tlie social reform agenda of tlie earlier nineteenth
century thinkers and activists like Rammollan Roy, lswar Chandra Vidyasagar and
Dayananda Saraswati.
7.4.3 The Nationalist Programme
Tlie Indian National Congress was born through a moderate effort to unify all sections
of Indians though, initially, it was elitist. In tlie twentieth century its anti-imperialist
content was gradually unfolded. Simultaneously, it tried to stress not only commu~ial
unity but also the need for social and economic justice in the Indian nation, Indian
nationalism was a product of all these forces.
7.5 RIGHTS AS THE CORE OF THE NATIONALIST

PROGRAMME
Tlie resolution on Fundamental Rights that was passed at the Karachi session of tlie
Indian National Congress in 193 1 was the first comprehensive, though not complete,
statement of the social and economic goals of the freedom movement.
7.5.1 Influence of Socialism

Since the Bolslievik Revolution (1917) tile idea of socialism was catching tlie imagination
of tlie Indians. Within the Congress its strongest advocate was Jawaharlal Nelir~~
who, however, did not approve of the autlioritarian trend of tlie Soviet polity. Gandliiji
did not approve of the socialist doctrine of class conflict but worked for social and
economic justice.
7.52 Poverty Relief and Planning
1 II,.; the passage of tlie Government of India Act, 1935, several provincial governments
:1'1 11ed relief to the poor peasants. Tlie Congress President appointed a National
' I ;I ,!ling Committee. After World War I1 tlie Congress adopted the programme of
.!!I i reform including tlie abolition of Zamindari system.

I'hilosophy of India11 7.5.3 Role of the Leftist Groups
Constitution
In tlie 1930s leftist parties and groups arose within the Congress and outside it. They
were strong advocates of socialism and land reform. Even the Krishak Proja Party
of Bengal and a section of the All-India Muslim League were supporters of socialism
and land reform.
7.5.4 Opposition to Caste Oppression
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar shared the belief in socialism and land reform but was more
concerned with the welfare and progress of the people oppressed by the caste
system.
In short, by the time of Independence, in India the outlines of the principles of growth
with justice had become fairly visible.

ii) Check your answers with model answers given at the end of this unit.
1) How did the vision of social transformation develop in India?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) What was the first comprehensive statement on the vision of social transformation?
3) Comment on the influence of socialism on l~ldianimagination.

....................................................................................................... ...............
f
........................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
7.6 IDEOLOGICAL LIMITATIONS

In the realisation of such a vision, however, there were two limitations.
7.6.1 Clash Character of. the Indian National Congress
The lndian National Congress which dollli~latedthe Constituent Assenlbly of India
was not a socialist party. Nor was it a party of social reform devoted to the abolitiori
of caste system. Such ideas were subsidiary to the primary concern of the Indian
National Congress which was political freedom.
C'ision o f Social
7.6.2 Stress on Politics Transformation
The Constituent Assembly of India was engaged in preparing a Constitution for tlie
governance of India. That Constitution, essentially, was to be a political document. In
fact, when two members of the Constituent Assembly (Syed Hasrat Moliani, a
Muslim Leaguer, and K.T. Shah, a Congressman) moved for i~icorporationof the term
'socialist' in tlie Preamble to the Indian Constitution, the Drafting Committee turned
it down on the plea that a Constitution need not enshrine a social philosophy. Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar, Chairman of tlie Drafting Committee, voiced the same opiliion on tlie floor
of the Constituent Assembly.
Tlie broad ideas of the Indian National Co~igressabout the Constitution c o ~ ~ lbe
d
summed up as :
a) a parliamelitary government;
b) a politically centralised but culturally diversified federal state; and
c) a dynamic social order.
7.7.1 The Parliamentary Tradition
Tlie tradition of parliamentary goverli~nelithad been developing ever since the

introduction of the Montague-Chellnsford reforms in 19 19. Though the Congress did
not take part in it, the Liberals did. 'There was even an indirect participation in them
by the Co~igressthrough the Swarajya Party in 1923 even tliougli the Swarajya Party
never accepted office. The Muslim League had similar experience with the 1919
reforms. Both tlie Congress and the Muslim L e a g ~ ~ofe course accepted office under
the Gover~i~ilelitof India Act, 1935. By that t i ~ n ethe Liberals had lost their i~ifluence
and mostly joined the Congress. In the Constituent Assen~blyvery few members
desired a presidential system of government.
7.7.2 Federalism
The idea of a federation sprang from tlie devolution of powers by the Government
of India Act, 1935, too. The All-Parties Conference of I928 had earlier suggested a
federal form of government to manage the religious and linguistic diversities of tlw
country. The Partition weakened the case of federalism on religious ground. But the
Co~igresswas committed to linguistic provincialism since at least 1920. The federal
idea, therefore, was not given up.
7.7.3 Welfarism
The Indian freedom movement was a mass movement and required the participation
of tlie broadest section of tlie inasses that were made up of poor, uneducated and
backward peop!e. The idea of a mass welfare, however, varied from person to person
and section to section of the political leadership. Here lay the major ideological
differences.
7.8 UNFOLDING OF THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC

ti
I
PROGRAMME
There was a common realisatioli that freedom would be t!~ethreshold of socio-
i
econoinic prosperity. The manifesto of the Congress Party for [he Provincial A s s e i q b ! ~
elections of early 1946 prolnised the following:
Philosophy of 111dirn Industry and agriculture, the social services and public utilities must be encouraged,
Constitution
modernised and rapidly extended.
7.8.1 The Strategy

\
'.
For this purpose the Congress suggested necessary strategy which aimed:
a) to plan and co-ordinate social advance in all fields,
b) to prevent concentration of wealth and power in few hands,
c) to prevent vested interests inimical to society from growing, and
d) to have social control of the mineral resources, means of transport and principal
methods of production and distribution in land, industry and in other departments
of national activity.
7.8.2 The Specific Objectives
The specific objectives mentioned in the Congress manifesto were:

a) Reform of land system in order to remove intermediaries between the state and
the peasants - on payment of equitable compe~isation- was urgently necessary.
b) Promotion of educational opportunities and health services was needed.
c) Improvement of the workers' condition in industry and removal of rural
indebtedness were promised.
d) The party looked forward to international cooperation and friendship.
7.9 THE CONGRESS RESOLUTION ON THE

OBJECTIVES OF THE CONSTITUTION
This broad humanitarian and welfarist programme with the flavour of democratic
socialism - was concretised step by step. The Congress leaders were aware that the
Constitution was primarily a political document. So it must state the political structure
first. The broadest outline of this structure was spelt out in the Congress resolution
on the objectives of the Constitution passed on November 20, 1946, twenty days
before the Constituent Assembly met.
According to this resolution the Congress stood for an independent sovereign republic
wherein all powers and aiithority are derived from the people. It further wanted a
Constitutioli wherein social objectives are laid down to promote freedoin, progress and
equal opportunity for all the people of India. It would enable this ancient land attain
its rightful and honoured place in the world and make its full co~itributionto the
promotion of world peace and the progress and welfare of mankind.
7.10 THE "OBJECTIVES RESOLUTION" OF THE

CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY
The 'Objectives Resolution' that was moved by Jawaharlal Nehru in the Constituent
Assembly 011 December 13, 1946, spelt out the goal of social transformation further:
According to this resolution the Constitution would guarantee to all the people of India:
1) justice, social, economic, and political;
2) equality of status, of opportunity and before the law;
3) freed0111of thought, expression, belief, faith, worship, vocation, association and
action, subject to law and public morality; and
4) adequate safegtral.ds for niinorities. hackuard and tribal '11.c"as.3113depressed and
0 t h backd\~asd
~ classes.
In course of tlie nearly three years of its working the Constituent Asse~nblyworked Vision of Social
Transformation
out a Constitution in which these objectives of social transformation were sought to
be enshrined in the Preamble, in the Fundamental Rights, in the Directive Principles
of State Policy and several special provisions for the backward and underprivileged
sections of the people. The process did not stop at the making of the Constitution.
Amendments have been made and are foreseen for the furthering of these objectives.

Note: i) use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of this unit.
i I) Identify the limitation in the realisation of the vision of social transformation.
2) What is the.relationship of the idea of federalism with the Government of India

Act, 1935?
3) What were the goals mentioned in the "Objectives ReSolution"?
7.1 1 STRUCTURAL LIMITATIONS

i
A Constituent Assembly can only give shape to a transformation that has been
brought about by a social or p~litical~revolutio~~.
A Constituent Assembly cannot make
a revolution.
. Besides, a liberal democratic constitution cannot itself provide for radical social
transformation. It merely provides for a democratic political structure
Neither was it in the powers of the Constituent Assembly nor was it its intention to
XI LIP a socialist state. It was argued that a Constitution does not lay down an
econo~iiicsystem. But it could permit the creation of a certain socio-economic order.
In fact, it was realised by the leadership that the social objectives of the Constit~ltion
remained unfulfilled. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and others warned
that if these objectives were not soon achieved the political structure created by the
Constituent Assembly would not be stable.
7.12 LET US SUM UP

A Co~istitutionis a positive law which is future-oriented. It dictates the future affairs
I
of the country and is above all other laws, custo~nsand beliefs. It is also a contract
Philosophy of Indian among the multitude of the people. It partly satisfies every one. There is a vision for
Constitution
every democratic constitution - to ensure freedom, growth and justice. The Indian
freedom movement was long'committed to such goals. The primary business of the
Constitution is political. Yet, it sets up such goals for a polity in the Preamble and the
body of fundamental rights. The Indian Constitution laid down both, rather elaborately.
It, further, included the Directive Principles of State Policy.

Austin, Granville, The Indian Constitution: Cornerstone of a Nation, Oxford
University Press, 1966.
Cliaube, Shiba~iiKinkar, Constitz~entAssen~blyof India: Springbourd of Revolution,
New Dellii, People's Publislii~igHouse, 1973.
Chau be, Sh ibani Kin kar, Coloriialis~~i,
Freedoni Struggle and Nationalisni in India,
Dellii, Book Land, 1996.

EXERCISES

1 ) It developed out of her struggle against the British empire, which .was nourished
'by the liberal de~iiocraticthinking developed in the world.
2) It was first expressed by the critique of colonial rule by people like Dadabhai
Naoroji, M,G Pa~idaeand R. C. Dutt.
3) As a result of its inlpact there develop'ed a socialist bloc within the Congress.
1) Class character of the India11National Co~igressand stress on politics.
2) It sprang from the devolution of powers ensliri~iedin the Government of India

Act, 1935.
3) Mainly justice, equality, freedom of all section of society.

UNIT 8 RIGHTS AND CITIZENSHIP
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
What is Citizenship?
8.2.1 Citizenship and Individualism
8.2.2 Citizenship and Multiculturalism
Citizenship and Rights in the Indian Constitution
8.3.1 Who are the Citizens of India?
8.3.2 Recognition of Community in Indian Citizenship
8.3.4 Rights and Franchise
8.3.5 Duties of Citizenship
Tensions in Citizenship
8.4.1 Citizenship and Gender
Pathways to Citizenship
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Some Useful Books
8.0 OBJECTIVES
The constitution of India is a comprehensive document giving details about the rights
and citizenship. When you finish reading this unit you should be able to understand
the legal-formal aspects of citizenship as incorporated in Part I1 of the Constitution
of India. .Reading it wifh Part 111, IV and IVA of the Constitution on Fundamental
Rights, Directive Principles and Fundamental Duties respectively, you should also be
able to comprehend the nature of citizenship as envisaged by the constitution makers.
After going through this unit you should be able to explain:
the meaning of citizenship

the specific nature of citizenship in India
..
.* citizenship and rights in the constitution of India
the elements of citizenship
pathways to citizenship
paradoxes 1 tensions and criticisms of citizenship
8.1 INTRODUCTION
Citizenship presents a range of issues and questions viz., what is citizenship? Is it a

legal status allowing the enjoyment of certain rights or does it involve also duties and
responsibilities? What are the elements of citizenship? Who is a citizen? What is
the relationship between the citizen and the state? These and other questions have
been at the core of what may be called a 'theory of citizenship'. It must be borne
in mind that while citizenship aims to assure equality, socio-ecbnomic categories of
gender, class, caste, race, nationality etc., determine the extent to which we enjoy our
rights of citizenship, have access to the various conditions essential for the full
development of our personalities, or even the extent to which we can exercise our
duties of citizenship. While technological advances and globalisation have brought
peoples of the world and within states closer, there is also a growing awareness of
cultural differences among them. Important questions pertaining to inequalities among
Philosophy of Indian nation-states in the world and-withinthem along lines of gender, class, caste, ethnicity,
Constitution
nationality etc., have been raised. While one may have grown up thinking that citizenship
has to do with individual rights and duties, there has been a growing realisation that
cultural / religious communities, while participating in the common national life, have
also the right to maintain their own cultures. Rights of citizenship therefore, also have
to cater to the needs of specific cultural groups. Issues of community rights have thus
acquired much sig~lificancein recent scholarship and policy decisions. When we
proceed to the other sections we must keep in mind the issues raised here viz., issues
of individual and co~nmunityrights and the various factors which determine the
enjoynlent of citizenship rights, in other words, citizenships' relationship to caste, class,
gender, ethnicity and national identity.
8.2 WHAT. IS CITIZENSHIP?

Perhaps the most widely accepted definition of citizenship is 'full and equal membership
in a political community'. This definition was given by the English Sociologist T. H.
Marsllall in his work Citizenship and Social Class written in 1949. The philosophical
roots of this definition can be traced to the Greek and Roman conceptions of man
as a political being and citizenship as fhe capaciv to govern and to be governed.
While the former is indicative of the primacy accorded to a man's identity as citizen
(restricted only to free native-born men) requiring active participation in the political
community (city-states), the Roman tradition brought in the idea of citizenship as a
legal / juridical status i~nplyingequality before the law. The janapadas of ancient
India with their unique system of participatory decision-making'in popular assemblies
of the people (the sabhas and samitis) which in some instances also elected the king,
draw affinity with elements of Greek citizenship in that both are associated with
autonomous, self-governing communities requiring active participation of citizens in
the governance of the community.
8.2.1 Citizenship and Individualism
It was, however, the French Revolution and the 'Declaration of the Rights of Man
and Citizens' that established the notion of the citizen as a 'free and autonomous
individual' entitled to take part in making decisions that all are required to obey,
combining thereby the classical notions of citizenship with individualism. With the
development of capitalist market relations and the growing influence of liberalism in
the nineteenth century, the notion of the citizens as individuals with private and
conflicti~iginterests gradually gained primacy. The ideas of citizenship as a primarily
civic activity, public spiritedness and active political participation in a community of
equals were now being seen as belonging to the past.
8.2.2 Citizenship and Multi-culturalism
In much of liberal theory till most of the twentieth century, the bias in favour of the
individual citizen continued and citizenship was seen as a legal status indicating the
possession of rights which an individual citizen held equally with others. The dominant
liberal model of citizenship has, however, been criticised precisely on these grounds.
The idea that the (individual) citizen can enjoy rights independent of the community
to which he/she belongs, has been questioned. Given that modern societies are'
n~ulticultural,the specific contexts, cultural, religious, ethnic, linguistic, etc., of citizens
are being seen as determining citizenship in significant ways. In most western
societies ethn~c,religious and racial co~n~nunities have pressed for rights which would
look at their special needs and would thereby substantiate the formal equality of
citizenship. 'There is a growing effort to redefine citizenship by giving due importance
to cultural differences among individuals and strike a balance between the numerous
cultural, religious, ethnic, linguistic identities while constructing a common political
identity of the citizen of the nation. A notion of 'differentiated citizenship' has Rights and Citizenship
therefore gained currency to accommodate the needs of specific cultural groups.
8.3 CITIZENSHIP AND RIGHTS IN THE INDIAN

CONSTITUTION
In this section we shall study the definition, nature and scope of citizensliip in India.
The enforcement of the Constitutioli on 26th January 1950 made an importa~itdifference
to the status of the people of India. Tliey were no longer British subjects, but citizens
of the Republic of India and derived their status as such from the Constitution, wliich
they, in their collective capacity as tlie 'people' of India (through their 'representatives'
in tlie Colistituent Assembly) enacted, adopted and gave to themselves. Implicit in the
Preamble is the commitment to 'secure' to all its citizens, justice, liberty, equality and
fraternity - ideals, wliicli set tlie grounds for giving substance to citizenship.
8.3.1 Who are the Citizens. of India?
Part 11 of the Constitution (Articles 5 to 1 l), titled Citizenship, answers the qiiestion
'Who is a citizen of India?' at tlie time of the colnlnencement of tlie Constitution on
26 November 1949, i.e. the date on wliicli the Constitution was adopted by the
Constituent Assembly. While the Constitution came into full force only on 26 January
1950, provisions dealing with citizensliip (Articles 5 to 9), became operative on the
date of its commenceme~it. Tlie distinction between tlie Indian citizen and the non-
citizen (alien) thus becanie effective on this date. While a citizen elljoys certain rights
and performs duties wliicli distinguisli himllier from an alien, the latter lias certain
rights of 'personhood' wliicli sllie possesses irrespective of the fact that slhe i's not
a citizen. Under Articles 5 to 8 of the Constitution the following categories of persons
became the citizens of India at the date of the commencement of Constitution:
a) those domiciled and born in India;
b) tliose domiciled, not born in India but either of wliose parents was born in India;
C) those domiciled, not born in India, but ordinarily resident in India for more than
five years;
d) those resident in India, who migrated to Pakistan after 1 March 1947 and returned
later on resettlement permits;
e) those resident in Pakistan, who migrated to India before 19 July 1948 or those
who came afterwards but stayed on for more than 6 months and got registered;
f) tliose whose parents and grandparents were born in India but were residing
outside India.
Through Article 1 1 the Constitution autliorised the Parliament to make laws pertaining
to acquisition and termination of citizenship subsequent to tlie commencement of the
'~onstitution. Tlie Citizenship Act (LVII of 1955) made elaborate provisions specifying
how citizenship could be acquired by birth, descent, registration, naturalisation or
through incorporation of territory. Tlie Act was amended i l l 1986 to deal with large-
scale lnigratio~ifrom Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and some African countries. Unlike the
United States of America (U.S.A.) where citizens have dual citizenship, national
citizenship and that of the federal unit (states), Indians do not have separate citizenship
of the states. Unlike some countries which allow its citizens to hold simultaneously
the citizenship of two cou~itries'(e.~., multiple citizenship is permitted in Italy), an
Indian citizen loses herlliis citizenship if sllie acquires tlie citizenship of another
country.
Philosophy of Indian 8.3.2 Recognition of Community in India's Citizenship
Constitution
We mentioned in the previous section that the notion of citizenship as prevalent in the
nineteenth century and understood thereafter, was largely a system of rights and
obligations that defined the relationship between nation-states and their individual
members. The defining parameters of this relationship was constituted by equajity and
freedom. Equality hinted at an identity and sameness as against iniquitous systems
based on ascriptive hierarchies of race and caste. Freedom read with equality would
then imply a freedom to pursue individual aims and aspirations to the best of one's
capacities in conditions where social differences have been negated or minimised.
The citizen in liberal theory was thus the 'floating individual' shorn of all characteristics
of his / her social context. It may be pointed out, however, that these defining
principles of citizensliip were not seen as commensurate with the kind of social
relations whicli existed in non-western societies e.g., India, where religion and caste
were seen as the basis of social life. This so called 'difference' in the organisation
of tlie social structures in the West and East was sought by the colonisers as a
justification for subjecting the colonised population(s) to imperial rule. We also saw
that liberal theory in the eighties is increasingly seeking ways to accommodate itself
to multicultural societies in the West and the realisation that community membership
forms a significant determining factor of the individual member's needs and capacities.
If one reads carefully Part III of the Constitution of India enumerating the Fundamental
Rights of the citizens of India, one notices that both the individual and the community
have been made the subjects of these rights. One can say therefore, that there exists
two languages of rights in the constitution, one catering to the individual citizen and
the other to the community. By and large Articles 14 to 24 appear to give to individual
citizens the various rights of equality and freedom while Articles 25 to 30, seem to
cater to the specific needs of religious-cultural communities. A closer reading of the
Articles would, however, show that there is in fact no compartmentalisation and some
seemingly individual-catering rights are interwoven with a commitment to community
rights. If, for example, one looks at Articles 14 and IS, one sees that they assure
equality before the law for every citizen and seek to substantiate this equality by
prohibiting discriminatio~ibased on caste, religion, race etc., thus mitigating differences
provided by social contexts. The articles, however, also reserve for the state a
commitment to community-ship, in other words, allowing for certain rights in favour
of Scheduled Castes, Sclieduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes. Thus Article
15 lays down that 'The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only
of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them' and then in clause (4)
reserves for the state the right to make 'any special provision for the advancement
of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes'. Similarly Article 16 which guarantees equality of
opportunity for all citizens in matters of public employment, also provides for
compensatory discrimination in favour of certain communities. Article 17 abolishes
untouchability, a debilitating condition imposed on the Scheduled Castes. Articles 25
to 30 concern themselves with freedom of religion and minority rights assuring freedom
of conscience, the freedom to religious communities to establish and maintain religious
ilistitutions and to 'manage their ow11affairs in matters of religion', to acquire and
administer property, impart religious education, preserve their language, script, culture
etc. This cluster of rights deals explicitly with the rights of religious and cultural
communities and minority groups and also f o r m the basis of tlie rights of religious
communities to ad~niliisterthemselves in civil matters by their own 'personal laws'.
A significant factor in this cluster of rights is the scope given to the Indian state to
regulate, reform and in some cases administer these communities and institutions.
Thus, while the (individual) citizen of liberal theory persists as a subject of rights, the
Constitution gives significance to tlie tommunity as a relevant collective unit determining
the circumstances of the lives of individuals. The Indian Constitution has thus made
community membership a relevant consideration for differentiation among citizens, so
that equality among citizens could be made more substantive. It has introduced thus Rights and Citizenship
a 'differentiated-citizenship' to assure that Communities (e.g. Scheduled Castes or
Dalits) which had in the past been victims ofsocial discrimination and continue to be
disadvantaged, were able to compete on equal terms with the rest of society. Social
equality was also substantiated by assuring that while the claims of each community
to be culturally difference could be preserved, there would at the same time be an
assurance of sameness or equality among communities. The rights of the various
communities to preserve their cultural heritage was therefore recognised in the
Constitution and the state was to assure non-discrimination. Thus, social and religious
communities were given the right to be culturally different and the state was to assist
them in preserving their difference. At the same time, the notion of social equality
also required that historical disabilities were compensated and equality was made
substantive by assuring equality of opportunities. Thus caste communities were
compensated for past discriminations and segregation by including them in the body
politic as equal citizens. This equality was assured by giving them special provisions
to overcome circumstantial disabilities. A policy of reservations in public employ~nent
was therefore envisaged. (Gurpreet Mahajan, Identities and Rights, Aspects of
Liberal Democracy in India, OUP, Delhi, 1998, Chapter: Introduction: Negotiating
Differences Within Liberalism).

Part IV of the Constitution, titled Directive Principles of State Policy, contains certain
non-justiciable rights. These rights, unlike the ones in the preceding section, are not
enfol'ceable by courts, but are in the nature of reminders or directives for lawmaking,
to usher'in conditions in which the rights enumerated in the previous section become
more meaningful. Like the previous section, however, the rights in this section too,
show a 'simultaneous commitment' to both 'community-ship' and 'citizen-ship', in
other words to both the community and the individual citizen. Article 38 for example
directs the State to commit itself to 'promote the welfare of the people' by promoting
a 'social order' in which 'justice, social, economic and political, shall inform all the
institutions of the national life'. To achieve this the state is asked to 'strive to
minimise inequalities of income' and also 'eliminate inequalities in status, facilities and
opportunities'. The significant reminder, however, is that this justice and equality is
to be achieved 'not only amongst individuals but also amongst groups of people
residing in different areas or engaged in different vocations'. Article 46 likewise
instructs the States to 'promote with special care the educational and economic
interests of the weaker sections of the people and in particular, of the sclleduled
Castes and Tribes' and 'protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation'.
By and large the Directive Principles envisage an active role of the state in providing
a range of socially ameliorative or welfare rights ranging from access to an adequate
means of livelihood, equal pay for equal work, health arid strength of workers, living
wage for workers, provision of just and humane conditions of work, right to work, to
education, to public assistance, to equal justice and free legal aid, to adequate nutrition
and health etc.
Article 44 of the Directive Principles enjoins the State to 'secure for all its citizens
a uniform civil code throughout the territory of India'. This article needs special
attention because it encapsulates what we earlier mentioned as the Constitution's
'simultaneous commitment' to individual and community rights. It moreover, provides
a window into the tensions which inform citizenship, and its criticism from some
quarters, especially the feminists. We shall take the article and its implications in
detail in the following section.
8.3.4 Rights and Franchise
Apart from the provisions in these Parts, other sections of the Constitution, are also
interspersed with provisions which give substance to citizenship. Provisio~ls
Philosophy of Indian to 'elections' and 'franchise' are especially ilnportant in the context of the long history
Constitution
of deprivation of political rights under colonial rule. It is significant that the Constitution
made 'universal adult franchise' the basis of elections to the Lok Sabha and the
Legislative Assembly of States. Article 326 of the Constitution conferred voting rights
to all citizens above the age of 21 (changed to 18 by the Constitution 61st Amendment
Act of 1988, with effect from 1 April 1989). It is crucial that the Constitution did
not lay down any property and education criteria. Women, who in most western
countries were enfranchised only in the present century, were also enfranchised on
equal footing with men.
8.3.5 Duties of Citizenship

The constitutional provisions of citizensllip and rights discussed so tar might lead one
to believe that citizenship is only about a legal status, defining who are the citizens
of India and what are their rights or the conditions in which these rights might be
enjoyed. A growing body of scholarship believes, however, that such a legal-formal
corlceptualisatio~lof citizenship as status, is at best a passive notion, answering the
question, who is a citizen, only partially. They would want us to move beyond these
'basic structures' (of equality and social justice) which the Constitution seeks to
establish, to concentrate also on the notion of citizenship as a function of 'responsible'
participation. Citizenship then, would transcend its passive connotation to become
also a measure of activity. The basis of a citizen's sense of belonging to the national
community, would come then from the attitudes and qualities of responsibility and
virtues which distinguish her/him as a 'good' citizen. Responsible participation would
manifest itself in diverse social situations viz., how citizens view or act amidst potentially
competing forms of national, regional, ethnic, or religious identities; their ability to
tolerate and work together wit11 others who are different from thenlselves; their desire
to particjpate in the political process in order to promote the public good and hold
political authorities accountable; their willingness to show self-restraint and exercise
personal responsibility in their econolnic demands and personal choices which affect
their health and environment etc. Such citizenship qualities, it is said, make a democracy
stable and governable. Various voluntary institutions and organisations within society
including schools, environmental groups, unions and associations are regarded as
inculcating these virtues of citizenship. By an amendment (42nd Amendment Act,
1976) a list of Fundamental Duties of Citizens of India was inserted in the Constitution
in the form of Article 51A in Part IVA. The legal status of Fundamental Duties,
which are addressed to dle citizens is quite like the Directive Principles, which are
addressed to the State, in the sense that there are no provisions for their direct
enforcement. It may be pointed out here, however, that the Supreme Court has held
the Fundamental Duties to be obligatory in nature and although there is no provision
in the constitution for their ertforcement, any law seeking to implement them rnay be
'reasonable' under the law. The list of duties, which are 10 in number, nonetheless,
gives an insight into what rnight be seen as constituting 'good' citizenship. Some of
them enjoining citizens to strive towards 'excellence' and developing 'scientific temper'
or safeguarding 'public property' appear generally to instill sincerity and responsibility.
A general slant is, however, towards imbibing a sense of national commonality. It is
thus a duty of every citizen of India to respect symbols of national unity like the
national flag, the Constitution and the National Anthem and sources of common
heritage like the 'national struggle for freedom' and the tradition of 'composite culture'.
Citizens are also expected to preserve the 'sovereignty' and 'unity' of the country not
only by pledging to 'defend' the country and offer 'national service' but also by
spreading a feeling of 'common brotherhood'.
ii) Check your answers with model answers given at the end of this unit.
What is citizenship? Describe modern notion o f citizenship. l i g h t s and Citizenship
1)
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) How has the constitution sought to balance individual and community rights?
.......................................................................................................................
3) What are the "non-justiciable" rights?
8.4 TENSIONS IN CITIZENSHIP
I t has often been pointed out that the Preamble, Fundamental Rights and Directive
Principles embody the value o f freedom and equality, made complete and substalitive
by ideals o f economic and social justice. Criticisms coming from various quarters
point out, however, that the nature o f citizenship in tlie Indian Constitution and the
manner in which i t has unfolded over the years, have shown that the values o f
freedom and equality have been largely elusive. Studying tlie nature o f empowerment
o f citizens within the Constitution, A.R.Desai, a Marxist scholar points out the
precarious nature o f rights i n the Constitution. He e~nphasisesthat not only are rights
not resewed to the people, tliere is no preservatio~io f tlie Fundamental Riglits already
guaranteed to them. The Constitution itself permits and provides the procedure for
their amendment and over-riding by the State. Further, the Directive Principles are
not addressed to the people, which means that tlie people cannot move the courts to
instruct the government to provide conditions in which their rights could be made more
meaningful. Again, asserts Desai, while there does not appear to be any explicit
system o f accountability for the State, the people are given some 'fundamental duties'.
Desai feels that in the absence o f any similar obligations for the State, the provisions
relating to Fundamental Duties could be used to abridge the basic rights o f citizens.
Finally, the fact that certain basic rights such as tlie rights to work, shelter, education
and medical amenities are not Fundamental Rights indicates the class and gender
biases o f the Constitution-makers. Under such conditions large sections o f 'toiling'
citizens i.e. the socially and economically underprivileged, including women, are forced
to live in conditions in which their empowerment as citizens remains unrealised.
8.4.1 Citizenship and Gender

A major lacuna relating to tlie citizenship rights o f women lies in the fact that a crucial
provision relating to tlie removal o f discrimination against women, co~iditionsin which
substantive citizenship rigl;ts can be enjoyed by women are listed only as Directive
Principles. Article 3 9 for example provides that the State shall 'direct its policies
towards securing', (a) that tlie citizens, men and women equally, have the right to an
adequate means o f livelihood; and (c) that there is equal pay for equal work for both
Philosophy o f I n d i a n rnen and women. Although the courts have in certain cases intervened to provide
Constitution
equal pay'for equal work, substantive eco~iomicequality for women remains elusive.
Legally too, women face numerous disabilities. The provisions o f Article 44 o f the
Directive Principles advising the State to 'secure for the citizens a uniform civil code
throughout the territory o f India' has been particularly in focus in recent years.
Various women's groilps have demanded that this directive be implemented to rectify
women's subordinate positio~iin matters pertaining to marriage, dowry, divorce,
parentage, guardianship, maintenance, inlieritance, succession etc., which are presently
determined by the 'personal laws' o f specific religious communities. While there is
a diversity o f opinio~iamong women's groups, they liave by and large, demanded a
system of gender-just laws which would help them realise tlieir potential as citizens.
8.5 PATHWAYS TO CITIZENSHIP
Towards tlie beginning, we defined citizensliip as 'ful I' and 'equal' membersliip in a
community, i~nderstoodin tlie modern context as the nation-state. We have seen that
social I economic contexts (caste, gender, class, religion) are important factors
deterlninilig tlie extent to wliicli a persoli is able to realize this 'full' and 'equal'
membership. l'lie Constitution, as we have seen, holds out tlie promise o f assuring
this real isation for a1l sections o f people, by re~novingdebilitating circumstances or
providing enabling conditions. Tlie previous section, liowever, also shows 11sthat at
any give11moment, tlie realisation o f citizenship is mediated by class, gender, religion,
caste etc., in mutually incompatible or even a~itagonisticset o f alignments. Tlie State
itself may fail in its proniise o f providing the resources for the realisatio~io f citizenship
and alternatively, it may, through its institi~tionseven become an aggressor and violator
o f citizens' riglits. 1-his, however, does not mean that citize~isliipi s a static category.
The history o f the origins o f citizenship as a system o f equality against hierarchical
and ascriptive inequalities has shown that citizensliip lias always been a mosaic o f
struggles. People's movements have historically been conducive to the enhancement
o f citizensliip riglits. Tlie suffrage movemelits in western countries succeeded in
getting the right to vote for women. Workers movements worldwide have contributed
towards the regulation o f work hours, amelioratio~io f work conditions and welfare
measures for industrial workers. A range o f popular movements and struggles
seeking to redefine or enlarge the frontiers o f citizenship have also occurred in India.
Almost all o f them had roots in local situations but tlie issues tliey raised stranded up
with similar issi~esraised elsewhere, and agitated the minds o f a wider public. The
women's movement, tlie dalit movement, tlie environmental movement, the peasant
niove~nelitetc., not only liigliliglit tlie manner in wliicli citizensliip is eroded but also
liave i~nportantbearings on tlle definition o f the nature and substance o f citizenship
riglits. The struggles by the people o f Nar~nadavalley against tlie building o f Sardar
Sarovar Dam, for example, liigliliglits tlie claims o f the people o f the Narmada valley
to the riglit to protest against tlieir marginalisation at the hands o f the government. A t
the very basis of tlie struggle, however, is also the consistent refusal o f the people
o f tlie valley to give up tlieir identity, their history, tlieir culture and means o f livelihood,
which tliey derived fro111 generations o f living as a self-sustaining community in the
region. Tlie struggle thus aspires to check the erosion o f the rights o f people by the
develop~nentalpolicies of the State and also demands the provision o f social co~iditions
which would make tlieir riglits substantive.
Over tlie years a number o f governrne~italinstitutions have also contributed towards

the broadening o f tlie scope o f citizens' rights. I n recent years tlie Supreme Court
lias positively responded to tlie Social Action Litigation (SAL) I Public Interest Litigations
(PIL)) brought by Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) or concern9 individuals,
adding facets to citizen's riglits. In several ways decisions by courts liave also
augmented the notion of citizen to bring certain ~narginalisedsections into the orbit of Rights and Citizenship
rights. From the' late 1970s, for instance, tlie Supreme Court reversed the existing
legal attitude towards prisoners to give them 'all rights enjoyed by free citizens except
those which explicitly taken away by the terms of their sentence'. (Charles Sobraj vs.
Superintendent, Central Jail, Tihar, AIR, 1978, SC, 15 14).
Similarly, the National Commission for Women, set up in 1992, under a Parliamentary
Act (The National Commissio~ifor Wome~iAct, 1990) has, through wide ranging
investigative and recommendatory powers, concerned itself with matters relating to
women's rights under the constitution and issues of women's socio-economic conditions,
health and violence against them. Over the years the Co~nmissio~i has taken up cases
of violence, torture. and harassment of wolneli (including molestation, rape, dowry
related violence, custodial rape and death, torture and harassment witlii~ifamily, in tlie
workplace, and issues of women's legal and political riglits for investigatio~iand
redemption. Tlie National Human Riglits Com~nissionis another institution establislied
by an Act of Parliament (Tlie National Human Rights Act, 1993) to inquire into
violations of people's rights. Institutions like the National Commission for Women and
National Human Riglits Commission, when effectively used or pressurised by the
people, could contribute towards substantiating citizenship.
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.

ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of tliis unit.
1 ) What are the major limitations of Indian Constitiltion concerning citizenship rights
of women and other under privileged sections?
2) In what way do the institutions, like National Colnmissio~ifor Woman and the
National Human Rights Commission help us enhance our citizenship rights?
8.6 LET US SUM UP

The Indian Constitution gives rights to both tlie individual citizen and the community.
It~createsthus the free and equal (individual) citizen and also attempts to preserve
the identity of cultural communities. Frequently, however, community riglits may actilally
Philosoplly o f Indian restrict citizenship rights o f some sections primarily that o f women. The particular
Constitution
contexts o f individual citizens (caste, class, gender etc.) greatly condition the extent
to which rights may be enjoyed by people. Citizensllip is, however, not a static
category and there are various ways in which the scope and substance o f these rights
can be enhanced, through popular 1 individual initiative and struggle or through recourse
to courts and institutions catering to public grievances.
8.7 KEY WORDS
Ascriptive Hierarchies : A hierarchy denotes. a pyramidal system o f

inequality - a vertically organised structure -
where those at the top dominate the, rest.
Ascriptive hierarchies would refer to systems
where conditions o f birth would determine the
hie'rarcliical organisation o f people. Caste
system is an example o f ascriptive hierarchy.
Citizens : Citizens are full and equal members o f a political

community wllicll in the present dominant global
form o f political structure is the nation-state.
Citizenship : A relatio~ishipbetween the individual and the

state based on reciprocal rights, duties and
responsibilities.
Community : A collection o f people o r social group

distinguished by a strong collective identity based
on bonds o f comradeship, loyalty, duty as well
as by ties o f emotion and kinship.
Differentiated citizenship : The concept advocates the incorporation o f

members o f certain (cultural) groups not only
as individuals but also as members o f groups,
their rights depending in part on this group
membership catering to their special needs.
Domicile : Domicile refers ordinarily to a persons residence,

generally o f a fixed and legally recognised
nature. The lndian Constitution does not define
. domicile. A Supreme Court decision in 1966
(Md. Raza vs State o f Bombay, AIR, 1966 SC
1436) has established that a permanent residence
and the intention to reside there indefinitely are
two important constituents o f domicile.
Ethnicity : Ethnicity is commonly understood as a form o f
distinctive cultural identity encompassing values
and traditions. I t involves a sentiment o f loyalty
towards a population, cultural groups or
territorial area.
Gender Unlike sex whicll points at biological difference,

gender refers to social and cultural distinctio~i
betweell men and women. According to
feminists gender discriminations take place
when biological differences become the basis
for different, dependent and subservient social
roles and positions for women.
: It refers to tlie web of interco~i~iectio~is I Rights and Citizenship
interdepetidence between the local, regional,

national and iiiter~iatio~ialevents, processes and
. decisions wliicli conditions tlie lives of individuals
worldwide.
: Territorially determined cotn~nunitiesof people

in ancient India for~ned.onthe basis of ethnicity,
dialect, social customs, geographical location
and socio-political status. According to Puranic
sources 165 janapadas distributed over seven
regions existed in ancient India.
,
Political community ' A political comni unity emplias ises political
allegiances and civic loyalties within the
cornniu~iityrather than cultural/ernotional
identity. Citizenship lias frequently beeri seen
as a manifestation of this a'llegiancewliicli holds
people together in a shared identity as citizens.
I Preamble (to the Constitution): A document setting out the ideals, ainis and
!
objects which tlie Constitution ri~akersintended
i to realise tliroi~glitlie co~istitutio~i.
I
I Race : A scientifically and politically co~itroversial
I
h
category, race refers to biological (genetic)
differences which supposedly distinguish one
1I group of people from another. For long, race

lias beeri used to explain cultural differences
I
among people, and the attribution of civilisational
inferiority arid backwardness to sonie and
I superiority to others.
I Suffrage : The right to vote, or the exercising of that right.
1 8.8 SOME USEFUL BOOKS AND ARTICLES
D.D.Basu, Introduction to the Consfifutior~ of Irlditr, Wadliwa and Company, Nagpi~r,

I latest edition (chapters dealing with Citizenship, Fundamental Rights and Directive
Principles).
I
A.R.Desai, 'Emp~weringthe Sovereign Citizens of India: Sonie Constitutional
Obstacles' in Ablia Avastlii ed. Social trnd Cultural Diversifies, D.P. Mukerji in
Memorium, Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 1997.
Niraja Gopal Jayal, Denlocracy and the State, OUP, Delhi, 1999, (Chapter 4, Section
IV: Citizenship in the 1Varrnada Valley).
Subhasli Kasliyap, Citizens and the Consfitution,Publications Division, Government

of India, Delhi, 1997.
Gurpreet Mahajan, Identities and Rights, Aspecfs of Liberal De~nocracyin hidiu,

OUP, Delhi, 1998, (Chapter: Introduction: Negotiating Differences Within Liberalism).
,,,,..uph) of Indian
o~rsI~tution 8.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
1) The ability to govern and be governed

Free and autonomous individual entitled to take part i n the decision-making.
2) By giving provisions for the protection o f rights o f the individuals and o f the
specific religious and cultural communities.
3) The Directive Principles o f state policy.
1) 1-he constitutional rights given to the citizens, especially the under-privileged are
not properly guarenteed.
2) They raise tlie issues relating to the rights o f wornen and other citizens through
various means including the public Interest litigation and social Action Litigation.
UNIT 9: WHAT IT MEANS TO BE A PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY
Structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Evolution
9.2.1 Features of Parliamentary System of Government
9.3 Parliamentary System in India
9.4 Let Us Sum Up
9.0 OBJECTIVES
The parliamentary system-institutions and practices-evolved in Britain and

have been adopted with modifications by many countries. This unit examines the
features of a parliamentary system with particular reference to India. After going
through this unit, you should be able to:
• Explain the meaning of a parliamentary democracy,
• Trace the evolution of parliamentary system of government,
• Identify the features of parliamentary system of government, and
• Evaluate the parliamentary system prevailing in India.
9.1 INTRODUCTION
The term parliamentary system is used in two main senses. In a broad

sense, it denotes all political systems where there exists an assembly of elected
representatives of people having the responsibility for legislation, including
finance. The word ‘parliament’ is derived from the French expression ‘parle’
which means to speak or parley. This term was also used to describe conferences
such as those held between the King of France and the Pope in 1245. Gradually,
the term began to be applied to the body of persons who gathered to discuss and
approve government policies and finances. Nearer to the people and public
opinion than the other two organs of the government, the parliament has claimed
to represent the sovereign will of the people. More commonly, the term
parliamentary system or ‘parliamentary government’ refers to a system which is
distinguished from the presidential system of government. Unlike the presidential
system of government, which is based on the principle of separation of powers,
the parliamentary system involves the fusion of the executive and legislative
organs of the government. Before we examine the features of a parliamentary
1
government, let us see how parliamentary system evolved in Britain.
9.2 EVOLUTION
The origins of the British parliament can be traced to thirteenth century

when King John of Great Britain called together a few discreet knights and other
nobles to advice him on the necessity and methods for tax collection. These
meetings were also used to advice the king on particular issues of public
importance. These meetings were called parliament. During the reign of Edward
I, a model parliament was summoned. It was termed as model because it gave
representation to across section of the British society. In their struggle against the
Pope and the Spanish kings, the Tudor dynasty sought the approval of the
Parliament to legitimise their actions. In the process, the practice of seeking
Parliament’s approval for laws, taxes, religious and foreign policies gained wide
acceptance. During the Stuart rule, there ensured a tussle between the kings and
the parliament over religious and foreign policies that led to a civil war resulting
in the execution of King Charles (1649) for treason and the disposing of King
James II in the Bloodless Revolution (1688). The monarchs had to accept that no
law can be passed or tax imposed without the consent of the Parliament and that
the king owned his crown to the Parliament.
During the reign of King George I in the early eighteenth century, the
institution of cabinet began to take shape. Being of German origin, King George
could not speak English and was disinterested in British politics. He was inclined
to turn the actual tasks of governing over to his chief ministers or administrators
who began to meet regularly to advise the king. These ministers were chosen
from the members of parliament so that they would manage the body and get the
necessary laws or proposals for taxes passed. They collected themselves into what
is today known as the Cabinet, a kind of collegial executive group. The members
of parliament were instructed and advised by the Cabinet, and soon the parliament
and Cabinet together became the government of Britain. King George II, also of
German origin continued this practice. When King George III, a British born and
English speaking monarch ascended the throne, the parliamentary system was
well established.
Within the Cabinet, the king had begun to rely on one individual called the
Prime Minister, to preside over the cabinet meetings and conveyed its decisions to
2
him. Sir Robert Walpole (1721-42) was the first to be designated as the Prime
Minister. The pre-eminence of the post was consolidated by the abilities of Prime
Ministers like Pitt the elder, Pitt the Young, Disraeli and Gladstone. With the rise
of Liberal and Conservative parties following the realignment of political forces
after the 1832 Reforms on the one hand and the extension of franchise on the
other, the position of the Prime Minister got strengthened. The Prime Minister
became the leader of the nation and the head of the government.
The British parliamentary system, also known as the Westminster
government (as the Parliament is located in Westminster in London) has some
unique features. First, there is no single document referred to as the constitution.
The institutions and practices have developed through conventions. Secondly, in
the absence of a written constitution there are no special amending procedures.
The British parliament enjoys great flexibility. Often described as parliamentary
supremacy, the British parliament has an unlimited authority, recognised by the
judiciary, to make any law or to amend any law already made. No other body or
court has the right to overrule or set aside its legislation. However, very few of
the worlds legislatures, including those that have been modelled after the British
system, are free in this sense of all constitutional limitations. What are the
features of parliamentary democracies modelled after the Westminster
government? What does it mean to be a parliamentary democracy?
9.2.1 Features of Parliamentary System of Government

What does it mean to be a parliamentary democracy or parliamentary
system? What are the important features of this system of government?
Parliamentary democracy is characterised by the fusion of executive and
legislative powers into a single body. The executive, the cabinet ministers, sit as
members of parliament and play a double role in the fusion of executive and
legislative powers. Those who recommend legislation as members of the cabinet
also vote on the same legislation as members of the governing legislature.
Typically, the government is the Cabinet and the rest of the members of the
majority party or coalition of parties in the parliament. The government, in a
sense, has an automatic majority and most decisions are made from among these
groups. Since the executive is selected on the basis of majority support in the
parliament and not directly elected, the government is accountable only to the
3
parliament.
Secondly, the executive branch of government is divided into a largely
formal head of state (the monarch) and the head of the government (the Prime
Minister) who exercises most of the executive powers and is responsible to the
parliament. The function of the head of the state is not to govern but to see that
there is a government. When a crisis occurs, either through the break down of a
coalition government or through some national emergency, the head of the state
has the responsibility to select an individual to form a government and get on with
the business of governing. The Prime Minister is the head of the government,
whose function is to make policy and suggest laws through his or her
subordinates. The Prime Minister leads the Cabinet and therefore the government.
The head of the state ‘reigns but does not rule’.
Parliamentary democracy means collegial executive. Although the Prime
Minister is the chief executive, he or she is not a singular executive. The collegial
executive is a collection of ministers (Cabinet) who must make decisions as a
group and must be in general agreement before legislation is recommended or
policies are proposed. The ministers are both individually and collectively
responsible to the parliament for their actions.
Parliamentary democracy also means a democracy based on party
responsibility. As we saw, the majority party or a coalition of parties commanding
majority in the parliament forms the government. The political parties in a
parliamentary system have a clearly defined platform and on which the position
of the party with regard to a wide variety of issues is stated. The party platform is
adhered to with as much consistency as possible. When the cabinet suggests a
piece of legislation that would fulfil a pledge made in the party platform, all
members of the majority platform must vote for that particular law. Not to do so
is to invite the wrath of the party and the subsequent failure to be nominated in
next election to run under that party’s ticket. The government in a parliamentary
system, therefore, has a built-in majority on most issues and its will generally
prevail. The minority party may debate the issues, the laws and the proposals, and
they may even succeed in causing minor changes through suggested amendments.
However, the minority can never defeat a bill initiated by the majority so long as
the rule of party responsibility holds.
Check Your Progress Exersise-1
Note: I) Use the space below for your answer.
4
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this unit.
1) What is the single most important feature of a parliamentary system of

government?
……………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………
2) What the term collegial executive mean?
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM IN INDIA
As India was preparing to become an independent democratic republic

forsaking all relations with colonialism, there began, almost simultaneously the
search for a model of polity upon which our institutional structures were to be
based and political processes made to function. The search was made difficult by
the complex nature of our social reality reflecting different classes, caste groups,
ethnic and religious minorities—all having diverse interests and aspirations.
Almost all thinkers and activists of the time were keen on evolving a
polity that suited the interests and aspirations of all sections of the Indian society.
Jaya Prakash Narayan, for example, while articulating a plea for reconstruction of
the Indian polity emphasised the need for a rational and scientific model that
suited Indian conditions and realities. In other words, he argued for a syncretic
model that would give due consideration to the practices of the ancient Indian
polity that, unlike the pure western model, was organised in tune with the social
nature of man and the scientific organisation of the society. He argued for a social
and political life that would assure the preservation of human values.
Disapproving big state structures, Mahatma Gandhi favoured the
establishment of decentralised structures whose social and political rules are
informed by ethics. He felt that what we consider the Mother of Parliaments is
morally impotent to do any good to the English society at large. The parliament,
according to Gandhi, remains under the control of ministers who constantly
change. Furthermore, for Gandhi, the development of the party system and the
assessment of issues by party members guided by a mob-psychology rhetorically
5
called party discipline have led to the ruin of the parliament. However, this
derision of English Parliament does not indicate Gandhi’s apathy towards the
institution of Parliament per se. He wanted the people to choose a parliament with
fullest power over finance, armed forces, courts and educational institutions. In
short, he aspired for parliamentary swaraj in accordance with the wishes and
needs of the people of India.
However, the compulsions of economic development, coupled with the
need to ensure political integration of varied elements and interests under a
corporate collectivity of “The People” our leaders set upon an agenda of building
a big modern state with elaborate structures, institutions and political processes.
In their search for a democratic government that would remain accountable to the
wishes of the people and duly represent their diverse aspirations, the builders of
our modern state chose to look to various countries and their political
experiments. The choice of a federal parliamentary system was the result of a
colonial legacy and experience. The legislative experience since the colonial rule
began in the early eighteenth century, with modifications in the method and
nature of representation in subsequent years, had a profound influence in
articulating the normative structure of our post-independent system of
governance.
In independent India, a parliamentary form of government was adopted as
the institutional device through which the democratic spirit was sought to be
realised. The institutional set up is headed by the President who is the head of the
state and the executive, functioned through the Prime Minister, who is the head of
the government, and the judiciary, by the Supreme Court, while the Parliament is
entrusted with the exercise of legislative powers. These institutions function
within the framework of parliamentary government based on the union of the
legislative and the executive wings of the government. The executive, the Council
of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister, comes from the legislature and is
collectively responsible to it. In other worlds, it is through the members of
parliament that the people of India exercise control over the executive.
The main principles of this form of democracy was the presence of a
popular check upon the government through periodic elections based on adult
franchise; granting of liberties to its citizens; and the presence of an independent
judiciary to safeguard those liberties. The government is not irremovable and is
periodically open for anybody who gets the support of the people and enters it as
6
an individual or as a member of some party. The method of election is affected
through persuasion, conversion, and change of mind, change of opinion
performed through secret ballot. Moreover, the underlying assumption of our
parliamentary democracy is the faith on liberal democratic and individualistic
principles.
The process of making this elaborate parliamentary structure functional
depends upon the political parties, which constitute the crucial elements in any
parliamentary form of government. However, the presence of political parties of
all hues and ideologies in the polity, sometimes with antagonistic and diverse
conceptions of socio-economic order, renders the functioning of our
parliamentary processes difficult. Thus, questions about the feasibility of
parliamentary democracy in a country with no stable conventions or rules to
regulate the relationship between the various offices created by the constitution
and the inability to function as a welfare state under conditions of economic
depravity are being increasingly raised. These questions are being buttressed with
proposals for alternative forms of government like the presidential system
replacing the cabinet form of government. However, we must remember that in
choosing the ‘Westminster model’ with some modifications, the framers of the
constitution were motivated by the need for a responsible government to that of a
stable government to be found in the Presidential system of government.
Though ideally any democratic executive must satisfy the conditions of
stability and responsibility, in practical circumstances a balancing of both has
been difficult. A non-parliamentary government is not dictated by its dependence
on a parliamentary majority for continuing in office. By assuring a fixed tenure, a
non-parliamentary system tends to value stability rather than responsibility. The
government’s dependence on parliamentary majority makes it incumbent upon
the parliamentary government to be responsible in its functions. In our
parliamentary democracy, the parliament plays a vital deliberative role as a forum
for national debate thereby constituting a popular check upon governmental
authority and functions. The individual members of parliament and the opposition
during question hour, amendment processes and general debates, have amply
demonstrated the deliberative importance of the parliament. Furthermore, the
restraint upon government activities and policies is maintained through the
introduction of no-confidence motions, cut motions, adjournment motions and
7
calling attentions. Thus, a popular authority of the parliament in our political
system is reinforced both through the continuous and periodic assessment of
governmental responsibility. It is continuously assessed by the members of the
parliament and periodically by the people during general elections. This is unlike
the feature in presidential systems where this assessment is only periodic and is
limited by the tenure of the executive, making the legislature literally ineffective
during normal times. Thus, any assessment of the effectiveness of our
parliamentary system must take cognisance of the wishes of the framers to value
responsibility over stability
The parliamentary structure has also been replicated at the level of the
states that respects their autonomy and the federal spirit that legitimises the unity
of the Union. Consequently, at the level of the states we have elaborate structures
that pursue the parliamentary spirit in choosing their leaders and administering
government activities. by The adoption of parliamentary system to the
requirements of large federal states means that the legislative powers of the
parliament are limited. Since the federal and the state governments have separate
law-making authority that is derived from the constitution, the Indian situation is
characterised by constitutional supremacy rather than parliamentary supremacy.
The supremacy of the constitution is further reinforced by constitutional provision
of guaranteeing fundamental rights and empowering the judiciary with the power
to act as a custodian of these rights.
In short, in our parliamentary democracy, the legitimacy to rule is vested
in the parliament, which it derives from the willing consent of the ‘people’ who
make up the electorate. It is the collective personality of the parliament that
imposes a code upon the conduct of both, individuals and political parties; the
parliament is the protector of individual liberty and the foundation of Indian laws.
An important feature of our parliamentary system, like other
parliamentary democracies, is that it clearly demarcates the position and powers
of the head of the state and the head of the government, thereby, in a sense
establishing dual executives. The head of the government is appointed from the
party or a coalition of parties that enjoys majority in parliamentary seats. This
Council of Ministers, headed by the Prime Minister is collectively responsible to
the Parliament. This principle of collective responsibility puts the idea of
accountability in the government and restricts governments from taking decisions
that it cannot justify before the Parliament. This not only indicates that the
8
hallmark of parliamentary system is a government that is collective but also
implies that executive powers are collegiate in nature helping the maintenance of
pluralism of opinions that forms the bulwark against authoritarianism. Moreover,
unlike the Westminster model, the head of the state in India is elected and
exercises his powers within the express provisions of the constitution. He is also
not merely a titular head. The constitution empowers the parliament to impeach
the President for the violation of the constitution. This implies that the President
is empowered to discharge certain functions on his own for which he is liable.
The President is also an integral part of the Parliament and is vested with powers
by the constitution that helps to check parliamentary impropriety in case of the
inability of political parties to secure parliamentary majority or its loss at any
given time. The importance of presidential authority was exhibited on numerous
instances of crisis that was confronted by the Parliament. For example in 1979,
the President rejected the request of Morarji Desai to form a government after
having resigned as Prime Minister. It was in 1979 that the President insisted that
Charan Singh, the successor to Desai seek confidence of the Parliament. The
failure of Charan Singh to gain that confidence subsequently resulted in elections.
Though these acts of the President were mired in controversies, it is asserted by
eminent jurists and writers that the President acted in a manner consistent with
parliamentary conventions. Similarly in 1987, the President used his
constitutional authority to return the Indian Post Office (amendment) bill to the
Parliament. Thus, the President of India is a potential political counterweight to
the Prime Minister, the Council of Ministers and the elected leadership.
In the Indian parliamentary system, as in other parliamentary systems, the
government governs in and through the Parliament thereby fusing the legislative
and executive branches. The Indian constitution in Article 75(5) emphasises this
peculiar fusion by maintaining that if a minister is not a member of any house
within a period of six months he shall cease to be a minister. In other words, only
a member of the Parliament, which is the legislative body, can become a minister
of the government or a member of the executive. The Council of Ministers is,
therefore, said to be the hyphen that links the legislative branch of the state to the
executive branch.
In a parliamentary system, which is sometimes referred to as the ‘Prime
Ministerial form’ or ‘Cabinet form’ of government, the Cabinet comprising of a
9
few leading ministers headed by the Prime Minister makes all important policy
decisions. The members of the Cabinet are allowed to play important political
roles in rendering policy directives but under the overall supervision and authority
of the Prime Minister. However, since the time of Lal Bahadur Shastri, the Prime
Minister’s Office or the PMO has emerged as an important alternative source to
the power of the Cabinet. The authority of the PMO was subsequently re-enforced
under Mrs. Indira Gandhi and its role enlarged in actual decision-making. This
authority of the Cabinet or the PMO has to some extent encroached upon
parliamentary prerogatives and its legislative process most notably through the
frequent passage of legislation by Ordinance issued in the name of the President.
Today the PMO is a significant centre of authority in the political structure, which
not only emphasises it authority in actual decision-making but also in monitoring
and co-ordinating policy implementation by the other ministries of the
government.
However, governance is not merely dictated by the institutional structure
that is established but is dialectic of the interaction of the institutions and the
political culture with each having an impact on the other. Immediately after
independence, the presence of a single dominant political party with very little
opposition had undercut the principle of political pluralism that formed the basis
of any parliamentary structure. In a situation where the government had majority
control in the Parliament, the legislature was reduced to little more than a ‘talking
shop’. Parliamentary processes were clouded by the charisma of Jawaharlal
Nehru who according to Ashish Nandy had himself become the opposition
criticising his ministers for lapses or extolling them to implement policies for
development. Though, during this period the authority of the Prime Minister
attained supremacy and position of primacy in the Indian political system, the
essence of parliamentary democracy and needs of a federation functioned well
with state and central politics remaining largely autonomous. During this period,
according to political scientist Paul Brass, a strong central government coexisted
with strong states in a mutually bargaining situation. Furthermore, during this
phase, the firm grip of civilian control over the military was strongly asserted and
a political executive responsible to the Parliament provided clear and effective
policy guidance.
After the death of Nehru and the power struggles within the Congress, a
party enjoying pre-eminent dominance in Indian politics, there was erosion in the
10
values associated with parliamentary democracy and the federal spirit was
undermined. The Congress party’s efforts to retain that dominant position led to
centralising tendencies within the party and even to the imposition of what may
be termed as ‘elective dictatorship’ under the government of Mrs. Indira Gandhi.
However, during this period as well the importance and need of the parliament
was demonstrably justified. The crisis and power struggle in the Congress party
resulted in a vertical split of the party in 1969 over the Congress nominee for the
Presidency of India and the election of Mrs Gandhi’s candidate, V.V.Giri, as
President. Mrs. Gandhi was expelled from the Congress party, but this expulsion
did not effect her position as the Prime Minister since she retained her support in
and among the members of the parliament. Thus, a leadership crisis in the party
having majority in the parliament did not affect the functioning of the government
effectively reflecting the importance of the parliamentary processes. This
importance of the parliamentary process was again demonstrated in 1979, when a
section of the Janata Party members in the parliament expressed dissatisfaction
with Morarji Desai, resulting in his resignation.
However, parliamentary legitimacy and sanctity suffered tremendous
challenges during the regime of Mrs Gandhi. In 1973-74, for example, food
shortages, rising prices coupled with the highly personalised and authoritarian
style of functioning by Mrs Gandhi resulted in major political demonstrations in
many parts of the country. This was precipitated by a court verdict holding Mrs
Gandhi’s 1971 election as invalid. Mrs Gandhi responded in a manner that
undermined parliamentary democracy. The fundamental principles of
parliamentary democracy like freedom of expression, enjoyment of civil liberties,
a free press and opposition were gagged through the imposition of emergency
under Article 352. Furthermore, the argument of parliamentary supremacy was
used to justify the undermining of parliamentary norms and procedures. This was
done through the passing of new electoral laws superseding the laws under which
the Allahabad High Court declared Mrs. Gandhi’s election as invalid. This act of
the Parliament had the effect of undermining the process of judicial review that
was meant to act as a bulwark against parliamentary authoritarianism. This
excessive executive power and undermining of judicial independence continued
during this period with the choice of Chief Justices and Judges committed to the
ruling political party without respect for established norms and procedures.
11
In fact, the electoral reversals suffered by the Congress party led by Mrs.
Gandhi in the 1977 general elections reflected the firm and deep roots of
parliamentary democracy in India. The ‘people’ of India have reflected enough
maturity in exercising their franchise periodically by reversing their mandate and
trust vested in a particular party. For example, Rajiv Gandhi, who led the
Congress party to a massive victory, securing nearly 80 per cent of the seats in the
Parliament in 1985, suffered a humiliating defeat in 1989.
The Indian parliamentary system saw its breakdown for a brief
interregnum in 1975, restored in 1977, survived the fall of the Janata government
in 1979 and the return to power of Mrs. Gandhi. The unprecedented majority won
by Rajiv Gandhi in 1985 was followed by the defeat of the Congress and the
installation of the V.P.Singh government in 1989 and later that of Chandrasekhar
in 1990. The 1991 general elections saw the return of the Congress government
under P.V.Narasimha Rao, which survived its term through methods that are now
being examined by the judiciary. The consequent bribery trial has thrown up
challenges for our parliamentary processes with questions as to whether acts
within the parliament are subject to judicial interpretation or not.
The fractured verdict of the 1996 general elections led initially to the
installation of a 13 days government of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the 13 months
government of Devegowda and the installation of I.K.Gujral government in 1997.
The general elections in 1998 again resulted in a fractured verdict, leading to the
formation of the Vajpayee government that lost its majority soon, after a coalition
member withdrew support. In the event where no other political party was able to
stake claim for the formation of the government, parliament was dissolved and
general elections were notified. The 1999 general elections reflected the polarised
psyche of the electorate and the inability of any party to secure absolute majority
in the parliament. This led to the formation of the National Democratic Alliance
(NDA), a coalition of thirteen different parties under the leadership of Vajpayee
and its claim to form the government.
However, though all these instances lead to instability in governmental
functioning, it did not have any negative affect upon the transition of political
power. The instability in government functioning did not lead to instability or
assertion of radical political claims for the usurpation of parliamentary authority
by the other organs of the government or the imposition of any form
authoritarianism. This shows that the parliamentary spirit has been deeply
12
embedded in the political consciousness of all the actors in our polity thereby
enhancing the necessity and importance of our parliamentary democracy.
The Indian parliamentary structure thus matured through these trials and
tribulations, from being an institution dominated by a single party to the
emergence of a fractured polity with highly polarised political opinions and
mandate. Though, we as a parliamentary polity underwent numerous crises with
unstable and frequently changing governments, the authority and legitimacy of
our parliamentary structures have only matured in the process. Though demands
for restructuring the political structure have gained momentum due to these
unstable moments, it has been met with immense opposition. This opposition is
justified on the basis of claims that any change in the political set up might
augment the process of authoritarianism, which will not only harm the effective
functioning of political pluralism but will affect the basis of our tolerance
respecting diverse religions, ethnic, tribal or other affiliations.

1) The parliamentary government is more a responsible

government than a stable government. Explain.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………
2) What are the two factors that establish constitutional supremacy
rather than parliamentary supremacy in India?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
..........................
LET US SUM UP
The parliamentary system, also known as the Cabinet form or Prime

Ministerial form of government, historically led the struggle against the kings for
13
popular rights. We saw that although parliamentary government evolved in
Britain, it has been adopted by many countries, both in the developing and
developed nations with suitable modifications. Some of the fundamental features
of parliamentary system in India are as follows:
• A government formed as a result of parliamentary elections based upon
the strength of party representation or a coalition in the parliament;
• The fundamental feature of the system is political pluralism that allows
the presence of competing political parties with diverse ideologies and
goals reflecting the interests and aspirations of a heterogeneous polity;
• Ministers or the members of the real executive (government) are drawn
from parties in the parliament that have majorities in the parliament or are
party to the coalition;
• The government is responsible and accountable to the parliament, in the
sense that it rests upon the parliament’s confidence and can be removed in
case of loss of that confidence;
• The government can recommend dissolution of the parliament and call a
general election in case no party is in a position to form the government ,
meaning that electoral terms are usually flexible within a maximum limit;
• The parliamentary executive is collective and the nature of power
diffusion is collegial;
• The posts of the head of the government and the head of the state are
separate with the President being the constitutional figurehead and the
Prime Minister, leading the Council of Ministers, the real executive.
SOME USEFUL BOOKS
Jaya Prakash Narayan, ‘A Plea for reconstruction of Indian Polity’ in Bimal

Prasad (Ed) A Revolutionary’s Quest: Selected Writings of J.P.Narayan, , by,
Delhi. OUP. 1980.
Anthony J.Parel (Ed), Gandhi—Hind Swaraj and other Writings, Cambridge
Texts in Modern Politics, N.Delhi. Cambridge University Press. 1997.
Paul Brass, The Politics of India since Independence, Cambridge University
Press, first corrected Indian edition .1992.
14
A.R.Desai, State and Society in India: Essays in Dissent, Popular Prakashan,
Bombay 1975.
Andrew Heywood, Key Concepts in Politics,. Macmillan Press Ltd. Great Britain
2000.
ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXCERSISES

1) The parliamentary system involves the fusion of the executive and legislative
organs of the government whereas the presidential system of government is based
on the principle of separation of powers among the three organs of the
government.
2) It means that the executive is plural. The Prime Minister may be the head of
the Cabinet, but the decisions taken should have the collective backing of the
Cabinet as the ministers are not merely individually, but collectively responsible
to the legislature.

1) The parliament plays a deliberative role as a forum for national debate. This
itself checks governmental authority, though the government being part of the
legislature is held directly accountable through various parliamentary devices.
This ensures a responsible government, though not necessarily a stable
government. Non parliamentary system may not be responsible, the executive
being assured of a fixed tenure. Further, it is difficult to ensure the accountability
of the excusive to the people except at the polls.
2) One is the federal division of law-making powers between the Central and state
governments and the other is the provisions in the constitution that guarantee
fundamental rights.
15
Unit 10: Legislature
Structure
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Indian legislature historical background
10.3 Union Legislature
10. 3.1.The President
10.3.2 The Parliament: Lok Sabha
10.3.3 The Parliament: Rajya Sabha
10.3. 4 Special Powers of Rajya Sabha
10.4 The Presiding Officers
10.4.1 The Speaker
10.4.2 The Chairperson of Rajya Sabha
10.5 Legislative Procedure
10.5.1 Money Bills
10.6 Parliamentary privileges
10.7 parliamentary devices to control the executive
10.7.1 Parliamentary Committees
10.8 State Legislature
10.9 Decline of Legislature
10.10 Let Us Sum Up
10.12. Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
10.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit examines the evolution, structure and functioning of the Indian
Parliament. After going through this unit, you should be able to:
• Trace the evolution of modern legislature in India;
• Discuss the organisation and functions of the Parliament; and
• Explain parliamentary procedures
10.1 INTRODUCTION
The term legislature has been derived from the Latin word lex, which
means a distinct kind of legal rule mainly of general application. This rule is
named legislation, and the institution, which enacts it on behalf of the people, is
known as legislature. Essentially, there are two models of legislative structure: the
Parliamentary and the Presidential. In the parliamentary model, the executive is
selected by the legislature from among its own members. Therefore, the executive
is responsible to the legislature. The Presidential system is based on the theory of
separation of powers and does not permit any person to serve simultaneously in
both executive and legislature.
The Parliament of India, which is the creation of the Constitution, is the
supreme representative authority of the people. It is the highest legislative organ.
It is the national forum for the articulation of public opinion.
1
10.2 INDIAN LEGISLATURE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Indian Parliament did not emerge overnight; it evolved gradually during

the British rule, particularly since 1858 when the British Crown assumed
sovereignty over India from the East India Company. By the Government of India
Act of 1858 the powers of the Crown were to be exercised by the Secretary of
State for India assisted by a Council of India. The Secretary of State, who was
responsible to the British Parliament, governed India through the Governor-
General, assisted by an Executive Council consisting of high government
officials. There was no separation of powers; all the powers--legislative,
executive, military and civil-- were vested in this Governor-General in Council.
The Indian Council Act of 1861 introduced little bit of popular element as
it included some additional non-official members in the Executive Council and
allowed them to participate in the transaction of legislative business. The
Legislative Council was neither deliberative nor representative. Its members were
nominated and their role was limited only to the consideration of legislative
proposals placed by the Governor-General.
Indian Councils Act of 1892 made two important improvements. First,
non-official members of the Indian Legislative Council were henceforth to be
nominated by the Bengal Chamber of Commerce and the Provincial Legislative
Councils, while the non-official members of the Provincial Councils were to be
nominated by certain local bodies such as universities, district boards,
municipalities. Secondly, the Councils were empowered to discuss the budget and
address questions to the Executive.
Indian Councils Act of 1909, based on Morley-Minto Reforms, for the
first time, introduced both representative as well as popular features. At the
Centre, election was introduced in the Legislative Council though the officials
still retained the majority. But in the Provinces, the size of the Provincial
Legislative Council was increased by including elected non-official members so
that the officials no longer constituted the majority. This Act enhanced the
deliberative functions of the Legislative Councils and provided them opportunity
to move resolutions on the Budget and any other matter of public interest barring
certain specified subjects, such as the Armed Forces, Foreign Affairs and the
2
India States. The Government of India Act of 1915 consolidated all the previous
Acts so that the executive, legislative and judicial functions could be derived from
a single Act.
The next phase of legislative reforms emerged out of the Government of
India Act of 1919 brought further legislative reforms in the form of responsible
government in the Provinces. At the Centre, the legislature was made bicameral
and elected majority was introduced in both the Houses. However, no element of
responsible government was introduced at the Centre. The Governor General in
Council continued to be responsible as before to the British Parliament through
the Secretary of State.
The Government of India Act of 1935 came into being after several
parleys between the Indian national leaders and Britain. It contemplated a
federation consisting of British Indian Provinces and native states. It introduced
bicameral legislatures in six Provinces. It demarcated legislative power of the
Centre and the Provinces through three lists: the Central List, the Provincial List
and the Concurrent List. However, the Central Executive was not made
responsible to the legislature. The Governor General as well as the Crown could
veto bills passed by the Central Legislature. The Governor-General besides the
Ordinance-making powers had independent powers of legislation or permanent
Acts. Similar limitations existed in case of Provincial Legislatures existed as well.
The international political scene and the conditions in India and Britain
led the British government to an unequivocal acceptance of India’s claim to
freedom. The Indian Independence Act of 1947 was passed setting up two
independent dominions, India and Pakistan. The legislature of each dominion was
to have full legislative sovereignty. The powers of the legislature of the dominion
were exercisable without any limitations whatsoever by the Constituent Assembly
formed in 1946. This Constituent Assembly adopted the Constitution of India,
which received the signature of the President on 26th November 1950.
Check Your Progress Exercise-I
1) The important legislative reforms introduced by the Government of

India Act of 1919
are………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………
3
…………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………
2) Division of powers between the Centre and component unit was first
introduced by ……………………………………………
10.3 UNION LEGISLATURE
Under the provision of Article 79, the Parliament of India consists of the
President and the two Houses - the Lower House or Lok Sabha (House of the
People) and the Upper House or Rajya Sabha (Council of States). While the Lok
Sabha is subject to dissolution, the Rajya Sabha is a permanent chamber which
cannot be dissolved. The office of the President also never remains vacant.
10.3.1 The President
While the American President is not a part of the Legislature (Congress),
the President of India is an integral part of the Indian Parliament. However, he
cannot sit and participate in the deliberations in any of the two Houses.
The President of India performs certain important role vis-à-vis the
Parliament. The President summons and prorogues the House from one session to
another and has the power to dissolve the Lok Sabha. No bill passed by both the
Houses can become a law without the President's assent. Further certain bills can
be introduced only after the recommendation of the President has been obtained.
The President also has the power to promulgate Ordinances when both the Houses
are not in session. These Ordinances, though temporary in nature, have the same
force and power as a law passed by Parliament. In Unit 12, we will examine the
position and powers of the President of India in detail.
10.3.2 The Lok Sabha
The Lower House or the House of the People is popularly known as Lok
Sabha. Its members are directly elected by the people. The maximum number of
members to be elected which was fixed by the Constitution at 500. It was raised
to 520 members by the Seventh Constitutional Amendment (1956) and to 545
members by the 42nd Constitutional Amendment (1976). This includes not more
than 525 members chosen by direct election from territorial constituencies in the
States and not more 20 members to represent the Union Territories. In addition,
4
the President may nominate two members of the Anglo-Indian community if he is
of the opinion that the community is not adequately represented in the Lok Sabha.
The distribution of seats among the States is based on the principle of
territorial representation which means each State is allotted seats on the basis of
its population in proportion to the total population of all the States. For election
purpose, each state is divided into territorial units called constituencies which are
more or less of the same size with regard to the population.
The election to the Lok Sabha is conducted on the basis of adult franchise;
every adult who has attained 18 years of age is eligible to vote. The candidate
who secures the largest number of votes gets elected. The Constitution provides
for an independent organisation known as the Election Commission to conduct
elections. The normal life of the Lower House is five years, though it can be
dissolved earlier by the President.
To be a member of the Lok Sabha, a person should be an Indian citizen,
must have completed 25 years of age and must possess all other qualifications
that are prescribed by a law of the Parliament. A candidate seeking election to the
Lok Sabha can contest from any parliamentary constituency from any of the
States in India.
The Constitution has laid down certain disqualifications for membership.
No person can be member of both Houses of Parliament or member both of
Parliament and of a State legislature. The candidate may contest from several
seats, but if elected from more than one, he has to vacate all expect one according
to his choice. If a person is elected both to the State legislature and the Parliament
and if he does not resign from the State legislature within the specified time
period, he will forfeit his seat in Parliament. A member should not hold any office
of profit under the Central or State government except those that are exempted by
a law of Parliament, and should not have been declared as an insolvent or of
unsound mind by a competent court. A member also gets disqualified when he
remains absent from the meetings of the House for a period of sixty days without
prior permission or when he voluntarily acquires the citizenship of another
country or is under any acknowledgement of allegiance to a foreign state.
10.3.3 The Rajya Sabha
The Rajya Sabha or Council of States consists of not more than 250
members of which 12 members are nominated by the President from amongst
persons having 'special knowledge or practical experience in literature, science,
5
art, and social service.' The remaining members are elected by the members of the
State Legislative Assemblies in accordance with the system of proportional
representation by means of single transferable vote. Thus, unlike Lok Sabha,
Rajya Sabha adopts the method of indirect election. For the purpose of this
election, each State is allotted a number of seats, mainly on the basis of their
population. The Rajya Sabha, thus reflects the federal character by representing
the States or the units of the federation. However, it does not follow the American
principle of equality of State representation in the Second Chamber. Whereas
every State of the United States sends two representatives to the Senate, in India,
the number of representatives of the States to the Rajya Sabha varies from one
(Nagaland) to 34 (Uttar Pradesh) depending upon the population of a state.
Rajya Sabha is a continuing chamber as it is a permanent body not subject
to dissolution. One third of its members retire at the end of every two years and
elections are held for the vacant positions. A member of Rajya Sabha has a six-
year term, unless he resigns or is disqualified.
10.3.4 Special Powers of Rajya Sabha:
The Rajya Sabha has hardly any control over the ministers who are
individually and jointly responsible to the Lok Sabha. Though it has every right to
seek information on all matters which are exclusively in the domain of Lok
Sabha, it has no power to pass a vote of no-confidence in the Council of
Ministers. Moreover, the Rajya Sabha has not much say in matters of money bills.
Nevertheless, the Constitution grants certain special powers to the Rajya
Sabha. As the sole representative of the States, the Rajya Sabha enjoys two
exclusive powers which are of considerable importance.
First, under Article 249, the Rajya Sabha has the power to declare that, in
the national interest, the Parliament should make laws with respect to a matter
enumerated in the State List. If by a two-thirds majority, Rajya Sabha passes a
resolution to this effect, the Union Parliament can make laws for the whole or any
part of India for a period of one year.
The second exclusive power of the Rajya Sabha is with regard to the
setting up of All-India Services. If the Rajya Sabha passes a resolution by not less
than two-thirds of the members present and voting, the parliament is empowered
to make laws providing for creation of one or more All-India Services common to
the Union and the Sates.
6
Thus, these special provisions make the Rajya Sabha an important
component of Indian Legislature rather than just being an ornamental second
chamber like the House of Lords of England. The constitution makers have
designed it not just to check any hasty legislation, but also to play the role of an
important influential advisor. Its compact composition and permanent character
provides it continuity and stability. As many of its members are "elder statesmen"
the Rajya Sabha commands respectability.
10.4 PRESIDING OFFICERS

Each house of Parliament has it own presiding officers. The Lok Sabha
has a Speaker as its principal presiding officer and a deputy speaker to assist him
and officiates as presiding officer in his absence. The Rajya Sabha is presided
over by the Chairperson, assisted by a deputy chairperson. The latter performs all
the duties and functions of the former in case of his/her absence.
10.4.1 The Speaker
The position of the Speaker of the Lok Sabha is more or less similar to the
Speaker of the English House of Commons. The office of the Speaker is symbol
of high dignity and authority. Once elected to the office, the speaker severs his
party affiliation and starts functioning in an impartial manner. He acts as the
guardian of the rights and privileges of the members.
The Speaker is conferred with a number of powers to ensure an orderly
and efficient conduct of the business of the House. He conducts the proceedings
of the house, maintains order and decorum in the house and decides points of
order, interprets and applies rules of the house. The Speaker’s decision is final in
all such matters. The Speaker certifies whether a bill is money bill or not and his
decision is final. The Speaker authenticates that the house has passed the bill
before it is presented to the other house or the President of India for his assent.
The Speaker in consultation with the leader of the house determines the order of
business. He decides on the admissibility of questions, motions and resolutions.
The Speaker will not vote in the first instance, but can exercise a casting vote in
case of a tie. The Speaker appoints the chairpersons of all the Committees of the
house and exercises control over the Secretarial staff of the house.
7
The Speakers conduct cannot be discusses in in the house except in a
substantive motion. His salary and allowances are charged to the Consolidated
Fund of India so that the independent character of the office is maintained.
A special feature of the Speaker's office is that even when the House is
dissolved, the Speaker does not vacate his office. He continues in office until the
new House elects another Speaker. In the absence of the Speaker, the Deputy
Speaker presides over the House.
10.4.2 Chairperson of Rajya Sabha
The Vice-President of India is the ex-officio chairperson of the Rajya
Sabha; but during any period when the Vice President acts a President or
discharges the functions of the President, he does not perform the duties as a
presiding officer of the Rajya Sabha. The Vice-President is elected by the
members of both the houses of Parliament assembled at a joint meeting, in
accordance with the system of proportional representation by means of single
transferable vote and the voting at such elections is by secret ballot. The Vice
President is not a member of either house of Parliament or of a house of
legislature of any State. He holds office for a term of five years from the date on
which he enters upon his office or until he resigns his office or is removed from
his office by a resolution passed by a majority of members of the Rajya Sabha
and agreed to by the Lok Sabha. The functions and duties of the Chairperson of
the Rajya Sabha are the same as those of the Speaker of the Lok Sabha.
Check Your Progress-2
1) What are the qualifications and disqualification for a member of Indian
Parliament?
……………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………
2) The powers of the Speaker of Lok Sabha
are……………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………
8
……………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………
10.5 LEGISLATIVE PROCEDURE
Law making is the primary function of the legislature. As modern society

is very complex in nature, law making also becomes a complex process. The
Constitution of India prescribes the following stages of legislative procedure.
The first stage of legislation is introduction of a bill which embodies the
proposed law and is accompanied by the "Statement of Objects and Reasons".
The introduction of the bill is also called the first reading of the bill. There are
two types of bills: ordinary bills and money bills. A bill other than money or
financial bill may be introduced in either House of Parliament and requires
passage in both the Houses before it can be presented for the President's assent. A
bill may be introduced either by a Minister or a private member. Every bill that is
introduced in the House has to be published in the Gazette. Normally, there is no
debate at the time of introduction of a bill. The member who introduces the bill
may make a brief statement indicating broadly the aims and objects of the bill. If
the bill is opposed at this stage, one of the members opposing the bill may be
permitted to give his reasons. After this the question is put to vote. If the House is
in favour of the introduction of the bill, then it goes to the next stage.
In the second stage, there are four alternative courses. After its
introduction, a bill (I) may be taken into consideration; (II) may be referred to a
Select Committee of the House; (III) may be referred to a Joint Committee of
both the Houses; (IV) may be circulated for the purpose of soliciting public
opinion. While the first three options are generally adopted in case of routine
legislation, the last option is resorted to only when the proposed legislation is
likely to arouse public controversy and agitation.
The day one of these motions is carried out, the principles of the bill and
its general provisions may be discussed. If the bill is taken into consideration,
Amendments to the bill and clause by clause consideration of the provisions of
the bill is undertaken. If the bill is referred to the Select Committee of the House,
it considers the bill and submits its report to the House. Then the clauses of the
bill are open to consideration and amendments are admissible. This is the most
9
time-consuming stage. Once the clause by clause consideration is over and every
clause is voted, the second reading of the bill comes to an end.
In the third stage the member in charge moves that "the bill be passed". At
the third reading, the progress of the bill is quick as normally only verbal or
purely formal amendments are moved and discussion is very brief. Once all the
amendments are disposed off, the bill is finally passed in the House where it was
introduced. Thereafter, it is transmitted to the other House for its consideration.
When the bill comes up for considered by the other House, it has to
undergo all the stages as in the originating House. There are three options before
the House (I) it may finally pass the bill as sent by the originating House; (II) it
may reject the bill altogether or amend it and return to the originating House; (III)
it may not take any action on the bill and if more than six months pass after the
date of receipt of the bill, this means rejection.
The originating House now considers the returned bill in the light of the
amendments. If it accepts these amendments, it sends a message to the other
House to this effect. If it does not accept these amendments, then the bill is
returned to the other House with a message to that effect. In case both the Houses
do not come to an agreement, the President convenes a joint-sitting of the two
Houses. The disputed provision is finally adopted or rejected by a simple majority
of vote of those who are present and voting.
A bill that is finally passed by both the Houses is presented with the
signature of the Speaker to the President for his assent. This is normally the last
stage. If the President gives the assent, the bill becomes an Act and is placed in
the Statute Book. If the President withholds his assent, there is an end to the bill.
The President may also return the bill for the reconsideration of the Houses with a
message requesting them to reconsider it. If, however, the Houses pass the bill
again with or without amendments and the bill is presented to the President for his
assent for the second time, the President has no power to withhold his assent.
Thus, law-making is a long, cumbersome and time-consuming process; it
becomes difficult to pass a bill within a short time. Proper drafting of the bill
saves time and skillful soliciting of opposition support makes the task easier.
10.5.1 Money Bills
Financial bill may be said to be any bill which relates to revenue and
expenditure. But the financial bill is not a money bill. Art. 110 states that no bill
is a money bill unless it is certified by the Speaker of the Lok Sabha. A money
10
bill cannot be introduced in the Rajya Sabha. Once a money bill is passed by the
Lok Sabha, it is transmitted to the Rajya Sabha. The Rajya Sabha cannot reject a
money bill. It must, within a period of fourteen days from the date of receipt of
the bill, return the bill to the Lok Sabha which may thereupon either accept or
reject all or any of the recommendations. If the Lok Sabha accepts any of the
recommendations, the money bill is deemed to have been passed by both Houses.
Even if the Lok Sabha does not accept any of the recommendations, the money
bill is deemed to have been passed by both the Houses without any amendments.
If a money bill passed by the Lok Sabha and transmitted to the Rajya Sabha for its
recommendations is not returned to it within fourteen days, it is deemed to have
been passed by both the Houses at the expiry of the said period in the original
form.
10.6 PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGES
For free and efficient functioning of the members of Parliament it is

important that they are granted some privileges. There are two types of privileges
for the members of Parliament: enumerated and unenumerated. The important
privileges a member enjoys under the enumerated category are: I) Freedom of
speech in each House of the parliament; ii) Immunity from proceedings in any
Court in respect of anything said or any vote cast; iii) Immunity of liability in
respect of publication by or under the authority of either house of Parliament of
any report, paper, votes or proceedings; iv) Freedom from arrest in civil cases for
duration of the session for a period of 40 days before and after the session; and v)
Exemption from attending as a witness in a Court.
In the unenumerated category fall similar privileges and immunities which
are granted to the members of the House of Commons of British Parliament. Like
the House of Commons, the Indian Parliament has power to punish a person,
whether a member or a non-member, in case of contempt of Parliament.
10.7 PARLIAMENTARY DEVICES TO CONTROL THE EXECUTIVE
As observed, one of the important functions of the Parliament is to control

the executive. A number of mechanisms are available to it for this purpose.
11
The rules of procedure and conduct of business in parliament provide that
unless the presiding officers otherwise direct, every sitting begins with the
Question Hour, which is available for asking and answering questions. Asking of
questions is an inherent parliamentary right of all the members, irrespective of
their party affiliations. The real object of the member in asking the question is to
point out the shortcomings of the administration, to ascertain the thinking of the
government in formulating its policy and where the policy already exists, in
making suitable modifications in that policy.
In case the answer given to a question does not satisfy the member who
raised it and if he feels the need for detailed ‘explanation in public interest’ he
may request the presiding officer for a discussion. The presiding office can allow
discussion, usually in the last half an hour of a sitting.
Members can, with the prior permission of the presiding officer, call the
attention of a Minister to any matter of public importance and request the
Minister to make a statement on the subject. The Minister may either make a
brief statement immediately or may ask for time to make the statement at a later
hour or date.
Members can take the government to task for a recent act of omission or
commission having serious consequence by resorting to adjournment motion.
This motion is intended to draw the attention of the house to a recent matter of
urgent public importance having serious consequences for the country and in
regard to which a motion or a resolution in the proper notice will be too late.
Adjournment motion is an extraordinary procedure which, if admitted, leads to
setting aside the normal business of the house for discussing a definite matter of
public importance. Adoption of an adjournment motion amounts to the censure of
the government.
Besides these devices, Parliament exercises control over the executive
through various house committees.
10.7.1 Parliamentary Committees
The accountability of the executive to the Parliament and the Parliament’s
right to oversee and scrutinise the way in which the executive functions are
accepted as axiomatic. But in practice due to some unavoidable factors, such as
the pressure on Parliament and its operational procedures, it is difficult for
parliament as a body to undertake thorough scrutiny of the multifaceted and
complex details of day to day administration and its financial transactions.
12
Parliament has solved the problem by establishing a series of committees with
necessary powers to scrutinise the working of the different departments of the
government.
Among the important Committees, which scrutinise the government's
works, particularly in the area of public finances, two committees need special
mention: Public Accounts Committee and Estimates Committee. These and other
Committees are expected to keep the executive on its toes. They ensure an
effective and comprehensive examination of all the proposed policies. Often,
Committees provides an ideal context for discussing controversial and sensitive
matters in a non-partisan manner, away the glare of publicity. They provide a
useful forum for the utilisation of experience and ability that may otherwise
remain untapped. They also constitute a valuable training ground for future
ministers and presiding officers.
10.8 STATE LEGISLATURE
In most respects, state legislatures are similar to the Parliament of India.

However, the choice of unicameralism or bicameralism was left to the states,
depending on how they weighed the functions of the second chamber compared to
the costs involved in running it. Very few states have opted to have bicameral
legislature consisting of the Legislative Assembly (Vidhan Sabha) and the
Legislative Council (Vidhan Parishad).
The Legislative Assembly of each State is composed of members chosen
by direct election on the basis of adult suffrage from territorial constituencies.
The size of the Assembly varies from a minimum of 40 to no more than 500. The
duration of the Legislative Assembly is for five years.
The membership of the Legislative Council shall not be less than 40 but
not more than one-third of the total membership of the Assembly. The House is
composed of partly elected and partly nominated members. Normally, 1/6 of total
members are nominated by the Governor and the rest are indirectly elected on a
complicated formula involving graduates, educators and members of the
Assembly.
The position of the Council is inferior to that of the Assembly so much so
that it may well be considered as unnecessary. A) The very nature of composition
13
of the Legislative Council makes its position weak, being partly elected and partly
nominated, and representing various interests. B) Its survival depends on the will
of the Assembly, as the latter has the power to abolish the Second Chamber by
passing a resolution. C) The Council of Ministers are responsible only to the
Assembly and not to the Council. D) As regard any ordinary bill originating in the
Assembly, the Council's position is very weak for it can only delay its passage for
a limited period. Hence, the second chamber of the State legislature is not a
revising body, but a mere dilatory body.
The legislative process in the State Assembly is similar to that in the
Parliament with one significant exception. The Governor can reserve any bill
passed by the State legislature for the consideration of the President. Particularly
in one case, it is obligatory on the Governor to reserve the bill, i.e., when the bill
is derogatory to the powers of the High Court. If the President directs the
Governor to return the bill for reconsideration, the Legislature must reconsider the
bill within six months and if it is passed again, the bill is presented to the
President again. But it shall not be obligatory on the President to give his assent.
Thus, it is clear that once the Governor reserves a bill for the President, its
subsequent enactment remains with the President and the Governor has no further
role in it. Since the Constitution does not put any time limit upon the President
either to declare his assent or withhold, the President can keep the bill in cold
storage for an indefinite period without revealing his intention.
10.9 DECLINE OF LEGISLATURE:

At present there exists a strong tendency indicating decline of legislature
and corresponding enhancement of power of the executive. Several factors have
contributed to this decline of the prestige and functioning of the Parliament.
Parliament is simply not able to devote its entire time to the details of the
legislative measures. It could at best lay down broad policy and leave the rest to
be taken up by the executive. Hence all bills contain a clause empowering the
government to frame necessary regulations and bye laws. Thus, delegated
legislation robs the Parliament to a great extent, the law making power, resulting
in the decline in the prestige of the Parliament.
The ever-changing political and moral conditions in India are also
responsible for the decline of the prestige of the Parliament. Dominance by the
14
party, the lack of party organisation, the malaise of political defections, corruption
and the decline of the morale of politician have all contributed to the erosion of
the prestige of the Parliament. A major threat to Parliament in India is posed by
the growth of diverse and divisive forces in all the political parties. Both the
ruling and opposition parties are prompted more by considerations of expediency
and political motives than ideology. The ineffectiveness of the opposition and the
lack of a strongly articulated public opinion have added to the erosion of
Parliaments position vis a vis the executive headed by the Prime Minister. In
theory, we have a parliamentary system where the executive is controlled by the
legislature, but in reality, the powers of the legislature have passed into the hands
of the executive.
Check Your Progress Exercise-3
1) What is Question Hour?
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2) Bring out the significance of adjournment motion.

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10.10 LET US SUM UP
The Parliament of India, the supreme legislative organ in the country, has
a long historical background. While legislature in some form came into being
during the days of the East India Company, it was only when the Company rule
was replaced by that of the Crown that the powers of the Union Legislature as
well as its democratic base began to gradually grown.
15
The Parliament consists of the President, the Lok Sabha and the Rajya
Sabha. To get elected to the Parliament, one has to fulfil certain qualifications
prescribed by the Constitution and the Parliament. Members of the Parliament
have certain privileges to enable them to function better. Each house has its own
presiding officer to conduct the meetings of the House and to protect the dignity
and honour of the House.
The primary function of the Parliament is to enact laws. In addition, it
holds the Council of Ministers responsible for its policies and criticises the
policies wherever necessary. It also has the powers to amend the constitution and
to impeach the President. There are several Committees appointed from among its
members for effective functioning. Devices like the question hour, adjournment
motion, calling attention motion, etc. are available for Parliament to check the
government. Passing of the budget, an important function of the Parliament,
provides it with an opportunity to scrutinise the activities of the government.
There is a declining trend in the position of the legislature all over the
world. Delegated legislation, ascendancy of the executive over the other organs of
the government, emergence of strong party system, etc. are some of the reasons
for such a trend. Despite these trends, the Parliament still commands respect and
is able to maintain its position vis a vis the other organs of the government.
Basu, Durga Das, 1983, Commentary on the Constitution of India, Prentice Hall,
New Delhi.
Granville Austin 1964, India’s Constitution-Cornerstone of a Nation,
Mukherjee, Hiren, 1978, Portrait of Parliament: Reflections and Recollections,
Vikas, New Delhi.
ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXCERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise-I

1) Bicameral legislature at the Centre- For the first time, elected majority was
established in legislature.
2) The Government of India Act of 1935 which introduced federalism in India.
16
1) To be a member, the person should be 25 years (for Lok Sabha) or 30 years
(for Rajya Sabha) and other qualifications prescribed by the Parliament. A
member disqualifies if absent from meetings for more than 60 days without
permission, if he holds a office of profit under Government of India, if found to
be of unsound mind, if declared insolvent or acquires citizenship of another
country or is under any acknowledgement of allegiance to a foreign state. A
member elected to the State Assembly, forfeits his membership of Parliament if
he does not resign from the State Assembly within a specified period.
2) Has wide and extensive powers-presides over the sitting of Lok Sabha,
conducts proceedings, maintains order in the house and determines the order of
business in the house- acts as spokesperson of the house-interprets and applies
rules of the house-authenticates bills- certifies money bills- etc
1) The first hour of the sitting of a house which is available for asking and
answering of questions.
2) It is an extraordinary procedure to call the attention of the house to a matter of
grave importance and affecting the whole country. Normal business is set aside to
discuss the motion. And adoption of this motion amounts to censure of the
government.
17
1
Unit–11: Executive
Structure
11. 0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 President of India
11.2.1 Qualifications
11.2.2 Method of Election
11.2.3 Term of Office and Removal of the President
11.3 Powers of the President
11.3.1 Emergency Power
11.4 The Prime Minister
11.4.1 The Council of Ministers and the Cabinet
11.4.2 Collective Responsibility
11.5 The Cabinet and the Parliament
11.5.1 Sources of Prime Minister’s Power and influence
11.6 The President and the Prime Minister
11.7 Let Us Sum Up
11.0 OBJECTIVES
As in all parliamentary systems, India has both a nominal and real
executive. This unit examines the office of the President of India and the
Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister. After going through this
unit you should be able to:
• Describe the powers the President of India.
• Explain the procedure for the election of the President of India.
• Describe the composition and functions of the Council of Ministers
• Identify the sources of power and influence of the Prime Minister
• Discuss the position of the President and Prime Minister in the Indian
political system.
11.1 INTRODUCTION
The executive power of the government of India is vested in the
President of India, who is both the formal head of the state and the symbol of
the nation. The Constitution of India, however, bestows authority and dignity
to the office of the President without providing adequate powers to rule.
Instead, the President performs essentially a ceremonial role. The Prime
Minister exercises real executive power. While the President is the head of the
state, the Prime Minister is the head of the government. The President carries
out the actual functions of the government only with the aid and advice of the
Prime Minister. As one political scientist observed, for a President to use the
executive powers formally vested in the office would be to misuse and abuse
the trust reposed in the highest dignitary in the land. How are the incumbents
of these two important offices of the executive elected or selected? What is the
position of the President and the Prime Minister in the Indian political system?
2
What is the relationship between the executive and legislature in a

parliamentary system such as one prevailing in India? These are some of the
questions that we seek to address in this unit.
11.2 PRESIDENT OF INDIA
The constitution has made detailed provisions to see that the President,
the head of the state, is a ceremonial head and that he did not arrogate to
himself any real power. The President is indirectly elected for term of five
years and can be removed on the basis of impeachment proceedings brought
against him by the Parliament. The Constitution also provides for the post of a
Vice President, also indirectly elected, who would serve as head of the state in
the event of the President’s incapacity or death.
11.2.1 Qualifications
Articles 58 and 59 of the Constitution of India lay down the
qualifications for the office of the President of India. A candidate for the
office of the President should be a citizen of India, must have completed 35
years of age and posses other qualifications which are necessary to become a
member of the Lok Sabha. He/she should not hold any office of profit under
the Union, State or local governments at the time of his election, nor should he
be a member of either house of Parliament or state legislature. Besides, the
candidate should possess such other qualifications as may be prescribed by the
Parliament from time to time.
11.2.2 Method of Election
The Constitution prescribes an indirect election through an electoral
college (composed of the elected members of Parliament and the elected
members of the state legislative assemblies) on the basis of proportional
representation and by means of single transferable vote. Based on the system
of principles of uniformity among states and parity between the centre and the
states, the election procedure is designed to ensure the election of a truly
national candidate.
To ensure uniformity among states, the value of the votes of elected
members of the state assemblies is calculated on the basis of the total
population of the state. The value of a state elector’s vote is worked out by
dividing the total population of the state, by the total number of elected
members in the assembly. The quotient obtained is divided by 1000 to obtain
the value of the vote of each member of the assembly in the presidential
election. The value of the vote of a member of Parliament is obtained by
dividing the total number of votes given to all the elected members of the
3
states assemblies by the total number of elected members of both the houses
of the Parliament.
Voting is by single transferable vote, with electors casting first and
second preferences. A candidate who receives an absolute majority of votes
cast by the Electoral College is declared the winner. In case no candidate
secures absolute majority in the first counting, the second preference votes of
the lowest polling candidate are transferred to the other remaining candidates
until such time as one candidate crosses the threshold of 50 percent of the
votes cast.
This method of election was intended to make the Presidential election
broad based to achieve political balance between the Centre and the states.
Consequently, the President represents not only the Union but also the States.
This is in keeping with the federal character of the Indian polity.
11.2. 3 Term of Office and Removal of the President
The term of the office of the President of India is five years. His tenure
commences from the date on which he assumes office after taking an oath
administered by the Chief Justice of India. Though the constitution is silent,
the President can seek a second term. For instance, Rajendra Prasad was
elected as the President twice, though Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister
was not in favour of Rajendra Prasad’s second term. But the latter was
supported by a large number of Congress leaders
The President remains in office until his successor enters office.
However, if the President wishes to resign, he could send his resignation letter
to the Vice President. If the post of the President falls vacant, the Vice-
President takes over the charge. But the election for the post of President must
be conducted within six months from the date of occurrence of vacancy.
Articles 56 and 61 deal with the procedure for impeaching the
President of India. In this regard, the constitution lays down ‘violation of the
Constitution’ as the ground for removal. The process of impeachment can be
initiated in either house of parliament and must be passed by not less than
two-thirds of the total membership of the house in which it has been moved. If
the other house investigates the charge and two-thirds majority of that house
find him guilty, then the President stands impeached from the office from the
date of passing of the resolution. Thus, the procedure of removal of the
President is difficult and has been made so to prevent misuse of this power by
the Parliament. Till date, no President has been impeached.
11. 3 POWERS OF THE PRESIDENT
4
Article 53 deals with the executive powers of the President of India.

The powers of the President are broadly divided into two types, namely,
ordinary and emergency powers. The ordinary powers of the President can be
grouped as executive, legislative, financial and judicial powers.
The executive powers of the Union are vested in the President. Article
53 vests all executive powers in him and empowers him to exercise these
powers directly by himself or through officers subordinate to him. Article 75
requires the Prime Minister to communicate to the President all decisions of
the Union Council of Ministers. Article 77 holds that all executive powers of
the Union government shall be exercised in the name of the President.
The President has both administrative and military powers. The
President has the power of appointment and removal of high dignitaries of the
State. The President appoints the Prime Minister and, on the latter’s advice,
the council of ministers, the Attorney-General, the justices of the Supreme
Court and High Courts, members of special commissions (such as the Union
Public Service Commission and the Election Commission); and the governors
of states. The choice of the Prime Minister is not a discretionary prerogative of
the President but is usually dictated by the party commanding a majority
following in the Lok Sabha.
The President of India is also the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence
Forces. He appoints the Chiefs of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force. He
has the power to declare war and conclude peace. But all these powers have to
be exercised by him subject to the ratification of the Parliament. As pointed
out, he exercises he exercises all the executive powers only with the aid and
advice of the Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Ministers.
Even though the President is not a member of either house of
Parliament, Article 79 states that the President is an integral part of the Union
Parliament. As we saw in Unit 11, the President has the power to summon
both the houses of Parliament, nominate twelve members to the Rajya Sabha,
has the right to address either house or their joint session at any time and the
power to dissolve the Lok Sabha. All money bills to be introduced in the
Parliament have to obtain the recommendation of the President. Such a prior
recommendation is also necessary for introducing bills regarding the
formation of new states, alteration of areas, boundaries, names of the existing
states, etc. Finally, when any bill is passed by the Parliament, it can become an
Act only when it has the assent of the President. The President can withhold or
return a non-money bill for the reconsideration of the Parliament. However, if
5
the same is passed by both the houses with or without modifications and
returned to the President, the latter is bound to give his assent.
When the Parliament is not in session, the President can promulgate
ordinances in public interest. These ordinances have the same force and effect
as the laws passed by the Parliament. However, they have to be placed before
the Parliament within a period of six weeks from the day of the reassembling
of Parliament. Without the Parliament’s approval, the ordinance will become
invalid.
Article 254 empower the President to remove inconsistencies between
laws passed by the Parliament and state Legislatures and the subjects included
in the Concurrent list. Another legislative function President having a bearing
on states is that the Governor of a state can reserve certain bills passed by the
state Legislatures for the consideration of the President.
The judicial powers of the President of India include the appointment
of the justices of the Supreme Court and High Courts, and the power to grant
pardon, reprieve, suspension, remission or commutation of punishment or
sentence of court. These powers of granting pardon are given to the President
for removing the extreme rigidity in the criminal laws and for protecting the
persons on humanitarian considerations. The President also has the right to
seek the advice of the Supreme Court on some important constitutional, legal
and diplomatic matters. In 1977, the President sought the advice of the
Supreme Court for creating Special Courts to try the emergency excesses.
11.3 1 Emergency Power
With the intention of safeguarding the sovereignty, independence and
integrity of Union of India, the constitution bestows the President of India
with emergency powers. The President is empowered to declare three types of
emergencies, namely, a) national emergency arising out of war, external
aggression or armed rebellion, b) emergency arising due to the break down of
the constitutional machinery in the States and c) financial emergency.
The President can make a proclamation of national emergency at any
time if he is satisfied that the security of Indian any part of the country is
threatened by war, external aggression or armed rebellion. This proclamation
must be submitted to the Parliament for its consideration and approval. It must
be accepted within one month by both the houses of Parliament by two-third
of the members present and voting. If the Parliament fails to approve the
proclamation bill, it ceases to operate. If approved, it can continue for a period
of six months. However, it can continue for any length of time if the President
6
approves the proclamation for every six months. The Parliament however, has
the power to revoke the emergency at any time by a resolution proposed by at
least one tenth of the total members of the Lok Sabha and accepted by a
simple majority of the members present and voting. National emergency under
Article 352 was proclaimed for the first time in 1962 when the Chinese
aggression took place. The second proclamation was made in 1971 during the
Bangladesh war. On 26th June 1975, for the first time, the President
proclaimed, on the advice of the Prime Minister, emergency in the name of
grave danger to internal security.
When there is a breakdown of the constitutional machinery in the state,
the President can impose emergency in that state. Article356 provides that if
the President, on receipt of a report from the Governor of a state or otherwise,
is satisfied that a situation has arisen in which the government of the state can
not be carried on in accordance with the constitutional provisions, he may
proclaim constitutional emergency in the state. He can also declare state
emergency if the state government refuses or fails to carry out certain
directives given by the central government.
The proclamation of this type of emergency, popularly called as
President Rule, can remain in force for a period of six months. By the 44th
Amendment, the Parliament can extend the duration of the state emergency for
a period of six months at one instance. Ordinarily, the total period of such
emergency cannot exceed one year unless there is a national emergency in
force. However, the total period of state emergency cannot go beyond three
years.
The President can impose financial emergency. Article 360 states that
if the President is satisfied that a situation has arisen where the financial
stability or credit of India or any part of the country is threatened, he may
declare financial emergency. Like the National emergency, such a
proclamation has to be laid before the Parliament for its approval.
On its face value one can say that the President enjoys formidable
powers. In reality however, he can exercise his powers only on the aid and
advice of the Council of Ministers, headed by the Prime Minister. In this
respect, the Presidents position is more like that of the British Monarch rather
than that of the President of the United States of America. While the President
of India may be the head of the state, the head of the government is the Prime
Minister.
7
Note: Use the space below for your answer.

Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this unit.
1) Explain within three sentences how the President of Indian Republic is
elected.
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2) What are the legislative powers of the President of India?
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3) What are the effects of the emergency powers of the President?
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11.4 THE PRIME MINISTER
The real executive power under the constitution vests with the Union
Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at its head. The President is
obliged to act according to the advice of the Council of Ministers which is
responsible in the real sense of the term, not to the President but to the Lok
Sabha.
As in Britain, the Prime Minister is usually a member of the lower
house of Parliament. When Mrs Indira Gandhi was selected as a Prime
Minister in 1966, she was a member of the Rajya Sabha. By getting elected to
the Lok Sabha, she strengthened the convention of the Prime Minister being a
member of the lower house.
The Prime Minister is appointed by the President. However, the
President has hardly any choice in selecting the Prime Minister. He can only
invite the leader of the party in majority in the Lok Sabha, or a person who is
in a position to own the confidence of the majority in the house. The Prime
Minister holds office during the pleasure of the President. The ‘pleasure’ of
8
the President in this regard is related to the unwavering majority support

which a Prime Minister receives in the Lok Sabha.
The President appoints the other members of the Council of Ministers
on the advice of the Prime Minister. A minister may be chosen from either
house and has a right to speak and take part in the proceedings of the other
house, though he can vote only in the house to which he belongs. Even a
person who is not a member of either house of Parliament can be appointed as
minister but he has to qualify for it by being elected or nominated to either
house within a period of six months.
11. 4.1 The Council of Ministers and the Cabinet
The term ‘cabinet’ is used interchangeably with that of Council of
Ministers. But they are different. The Council of Ministers, or the Ministry,
consists of different categories of ministers. At the time of independence,
there was no such institution as a cabinet in India. What existed then was the
Executive Council. On 15 August 1947, the Executive Council was
transformed in to a Ministry or Council of Ministers that is responsible to the
Parliament.
The term ‘cabinet’ was used thereafter as an alternative to the Council
of Ministers. At this stage, all the members of the ministry or the cabinet
except the Prime Minister had the same status. But the situation changed once
junior ministers were appointed to the Council of Ministers. In 1950, based on
the recommendations of the Gopalswamy Ayyangar’s report, a three-tier
system of the ministry was established: with the cabinet ministers at the top;
ministers of the state at the middle and deputy ministers in the lowest rung.
The Cabinet, composed of the ‘senior most ministers’ whose
responsibilities transcended departmental boundaries into the entire field of
administration, is a smaller body and the most powerful body in the
government. The Cabinet serves three major functions: i) It is the body which
determines government policy for presentation to the Parliament; ii) It is
responsible for implementing government policy; iii) It carries out inter-
departmental coordination and cooperation.
The cabinet meets regularly, as it is a decision-making body. It is
assisted by the cabinet secretariat that is headed by a senior member of the
civil services, the cabinet secretary. To manage the volumes and complexities
of work that comes before it the cabinet members have developed standing
and ad hoc committees. There are four Standing Committees which are
permanent in nature. These are the defence committee, economic committee,
9
administrative organisation committee and parliamentary and legal affairs

committee. Ad-hoc Committees are constituted from time to time.
Next in rank are the ministers of state who hold independent charge
of individual ministries and perform the same functions and exercise the same
powers as a cabinet minister. The only difference between such a minister of
state and a cabinet minister is that he/she is not a member of the cabinet, but
attends cabinet meetings only when specially invited to do so in connection
with the subject that he/she is given charge of. There are other ministers of
state who work directly under cabinet ministers.
At the bottom of the hierarchy are the deputy-ministers who do not
have specific administrative responsibilities. But their duties include: i)
Answering of questions in parliament on behalf of the ministers concerned
and helping to pilot bills, ii) Explaining policies and programmes to the
general public and maintaining liaison with members of parliament, political
parties and the press, and iii) Undertaking special study or investigation of
particular problems, which may be assigned to them by particular minister.
From the above it is clear that the Cabinet is the nucleus of the Council
of Ministers. Precisely because of this reason Walter Bagehot calls the Cabinet
‘the greatest committee of the legislature’. It is the ‘connecting link between
the executive and legislative power’.
11.4.2 Collective Responsibility
The Council of Ministers function on the principle of collective
responsibility. Under this principle, all ministers are equally responsible for
each and every act of government. That is, under collective leadership each
minister accepts and agrees to share responsibility for all decisions of the
cabinet. Doubts and disagreements are confined to the privacy of the cabinet
room. Once a decision has been taken, it has to be loyally supported and
considered as the decisions of the whole government. If any member of the
Council of Ministers is unable to support government policy in the Parliament
or in the country at large, then that member is morally bound to resign from
the Council of Ministers.
Even if the Council of Ministers is formed as a result of a coalition of
various political parties, a minimum common programme becomes essential
for maintaining the solidarity of the ministry, and the various political parties
forming the coalition government have to stand behind that programme.
Unless they do so the Cabinet cannot survive. Unity within Council of
Ministers is not only essential for its very survival, but is also necessary for its
10
efficiency and efficacy, on the basis of which alone can it continue to enjoy
the confidence of the people. Minister of State Mohan Dharia was dismissed
from the Council of Ministers in 1975 because of public dissent from the
government policy on how to handle the people’s movement launched by
Jayaprakash Narayan. Open bickering between members of the Janata
government on matters of public policy was the prelude to the collapse of the
government in 1979.
11. 5 THE CABINET AND THE PARLIAMENT
The core of the parliamentary government is the accountability of the
Prime Minister and the Cabinet to the Parliament. The Parliament does not
govern but critically examines the policies and acts of the government, and
approves or disapproves of them as the representative of the people. The very
existence and survival of the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers
depends upon the support they receive in the Parliament. As we observed, the
Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to the Parliament. Thus, the
general feeling is that the Parliament controls the Executive. But in reality, the
Prime Minister with his majority support controls the very working of the
Parliament.
11.5 1 Sources of Prime Minister’s Power and influence
Though the constitution does not enumerate the powers and functions
of the Prime Minister, the Prime Minister in practice enjoys a wide range of
powers as a leader of the Council of Ministers and the Lok Sabha.
The Prime Minister’s prerogative of constituting, reconstituting and
reshuffling the ministry as well as chairing the meetings bestows the office
with considerable influence over the members of Parliament. It must however
be noted that the Prime Minister’s freedom to select his colleagues is
subjected to his/her own position within the party. For example, India’s first
Prime Minister, Nehru, could not ignore Sardar Patel who was very powerful
in the Congress party. He was therefore appointed as the Deputy Prime
Minster and Home Minister. Some of Patel’s followers were also made
members of the ministry. Similarly, Mrs Indira Gandhi in the early years of
office has to accommodate powerful leaders in the party in her ministry.
Emerging as an all-powerful leader after the 1971 mid-term elections, she had
complete freedom in choosing and reshuffling ministers. In coalition
governments, the Prime Ministers were did not have much choice in choosing
ministerial colleagues. In the Janata government, Morarji Desai had many
ministers whom he never knew before. In case of H.D.Deve Gowda and later
11
I.K. Gujral governments, the ministers were selected not by the Prime
Minister but by the leaders of the 14 regional parties who formed the United
Front.
The Prime Minister also derivese power and influence from the fact
that he/she is the leader of the majority party and sometimes even the leader of
the parliamentary wing of the party. As a leader of the Lok Sabha, the Prime
Minister has enormous control over parliamentary activities. The Prime
Minister advises the President on summoning and prorogation of the sessions
of Parliament. The Speaker consults the Prime Minister in finalising the
agenda of the Lok Sabha. With the Council of Ministers sponsoring majority
of the bills presented to the Parliament and with the Prime Ministers deciding
on the strategies for presenting the bills before the Parliament, the Prime
Minster’s influence over the legislature gets reinforced. Moreover, the Prime
Minister enjoys enormous legislative power in the form of recommending
Ordinances to the President for promulgation when the Parliament is not in
session. But the most important power of the Prime Minister with regard to
Parliament is to recommend dissolution of Lok Sabha. The President has to
accept the advice of the Prime Minister who is backed by the majority of the
Lok Sabha. This is the power by which the Prime Minister controls even the
opposition.
As the head of the government, the Prime Minister enjoys the power of
patronage. All the major appointments of the Central government are made by
the Prime Minister in the name of the President, which includes justices and
judges of the Supreme Court and High Court, the Attorney-General, the
Chiefs of the army, navy and air force, Governors, ambassadors and High
Commissioners, the Chief and members of the Election Commission, etc.
Further, the Prime Minister’s control over the administration, including the
intelligence agencies and other administrative wings of the government
enhances his/her influence over other members of parliament and
administration.
Apart from these structural factors, there are other factors that increase
the power and authority of the Prime Minister. To begin with, in the post-
Second World War period, the rise of executive has been a universal
phenomenon, irrespective of the political system. Moreover, the general
elections in most democratic systems have virtually become an election of the
leader, and it is being interpreted as a popular mandate. Sometimes a leader
derives strength from his/her charisma. Leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and
12
Indira Gandhi had undisputed control over the party on account of their
charisma. This enabled them to exercise enormous power and influence over
national affairs, which were not clearly envisaged by the Constitution.. The
cumulative effect of all these factors has undoubtedly contributed to the
enhancement of the power and prestige of the office of the Prime Minister.
1) The three most important functions of a Cabinet are
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2) What is collective responsibility?
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3)Parliamentary system contains structural factors which contribute to the
Prime Ministers power and influence. Identify these factors.
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11.6 THE PRESIDENT AND THE PRIME MINISTER
Article 78 enumerates the duties of the Prime Minister. The Prime
Minister is to: a) communicate to the President all decisions of the Council of
Ministers relating to the administration of the affairs of the Union and
proposals for legislation; b) furnish such information relating to the
administration of the affairs of the Union and proposals for legislation as the
President may call for and; c) if the President so requires, to submit for the
consideration of the Council of Ministers any matter on which a decision has
been taken by a Minister but which has not been considered by the Council.
These duties of the Prime Minister seem to suggest that the President is the
real executive with vast powers. But as we saw, the President can exercise his
powers only with the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers. The Prime
Minister, heading the Council of Ministers, is therefore the real executive. The
13
President is a constitutional head performing a ceremonial role. However,

there have been occasions when the President had differences of opinion with
the Prime Minister on the policies of the government.
The first President of India, Rajendra Prasad, tried to break from the
British convention that the head of the state is always bound by the advice of
the Prime Minister and the Cabinet. For instance, he was unhappy with the
Nehru government’s attempt to reform Hindu personal law. Again in 1959, he
declined to give his assent to the state emergency in Kerala. In these cases, he
was prevailed upon in the end to accept the convention even in Indian
conditions. On one occasion (28 November 1960, address to the India Law
Institute, New Delhi) he remarked “there is no provision in the Constitution
which in so many words lays down that the President shall be bound to act in
accordance with the advice of the Council of Ministers”. A few days later
Prime Minister Nehru replied at a Press Conference “the President has always
acted as a constitutional head. We have modelled our constitution on the
parliamentary system and not a presidential system, although we have copied
or rather adopted many provisions of the US Constitution, because ours is
federal one. Essentially, our constitution is based on the UK parliamentary
model. That is the basic thing. In fact, it is stated that whenever it does not
expressly say anything, we should follow the practice of the House of
Commons in UK”.
In the 1960s, the theory of Independent Presidency gained some
ground. KM Munshi who developed the theory argued that there is no
provision in the constitution of India which expressly lays down that the
President is bound by the advice of the Council of Ministers. Further, the
President is elected by the Parliament as well as state legislatures. As such he
is expected to protect the interests of the states. He also takes the oath to
defend, protect and preserve the constitution. In other words, he safeguards the
provisions of the constitution from violation and encroachment from any
quarters including the government. As if to prevent such ideas from gaining
ground, the 42nd Amendment act was passed which stipulated that the
President shall be bound by the advice of the Council of Ministers. Thus,
ended all misgivings about Independent Presidency. However, the 44th
Amendment act, passed during the Janata government, restored the earlier
position. Further, it also stated that the President is empowered to ask the
Council of Ministers to reconsider its advice on any matter.
14
In 1987, a political stir was created when President Zail Singh

withheld his assent to the Indian Postal (Amendment) Bill, despite its having
been passed by both the Houses of Parliament. The President won public
support for himself and for the office by open expression of displeasure over a
bill which would expand enormously the government’s power to tamper with
private correspondence. The bill never came back for the reconsideration of
the President.
One of the reasons for this tension was partially a reflection of bad
personal relations. While all Prime Ministers have taken great care to observe
protocol in being formally deferential to the President, for example, by
keeping him informed of government matters regularly, Rajiv Gandhi failed to
maintain such communication and caused offence to the President. While the
Prime Minister maintained in the Rajya Sabha that he had kept the President
informed of all important matters of the state, President Singh claimed that he
had been ignored and slighted by Rajiv Gandhi and kept in the dark about
many important state issues in violation of established constitutional
conventions. When the Speaker refused to permit a discussion of the
controversy in the Lok Sabha, opposition parties staged a walkout in March
1987. Though Rajiv Gandhi repaired his relations with Zail Singh and ended
the controversy, such public constitutional crisis was quite a departure from
the discrete attempts by President Rajendra Prasad and Prime Minister Nehru
to define the roles and jurisdiction of their respective offices.
Though there have been differences between the President and the
Prime Minister, these did not assume serious proportions culminating in any
constitutional crisis. Whenever such differences arose they were attempted to
be resolved informally or through the party functionaries. On the whole, the
President has always worked only as constitutional head. As in Britain, some
of the constitutional conventions and practices in India have been defined only
as a result of tussles between different parts of the government.
1) Explain the doctrine of Independent President.

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15
11.7 LET US SUM UP

Following the pattern of British Westminster model, Indian evolved its
own system of parliamentary form of government in which the executive is
responsible to the legislature. The executive power of the government of India
is vested in the President of India, who is both the formal head of the state and
the symbol of the nation. The President is endowed with authority and dignity
without adequate powers. The President can exercise his authority only with
the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minster. It
is the Prime Minister who exercises real executive power in the Indian
political system. As the head of the Council of Ministers, the leader of the
majority party in the Lok Sabha and often the leader the Parliament, the Prime
Minister enjoys considerable power and authority. Though the Prime Minister
is appointed by the President and holds office with the pleasure of the
President, the Prime Minister is in reality responsible to the Parliament. The
Council of Ministers and the informal cabinet headed by the Prime Minister
work on the principle of collective responsibility. As we saw, there have been
differences between the President and the Prime Minister, these did not
assume serious proportions culminating in any constitutional crisis. The
President on the whole, worked only as a constitutional head.
Das, BC, 1977, The President of India, RR Printers, New Delhi
Jennings, Sir, Ivor, 1969, Cabinet Government, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge.
Patnaik, Raghunath, 1996, Powers of the President and Governors of India,
Deep and Deep, New Delhi.
Kashyap, Subhas, 1995, History of the Parliament of India, Vol. 2, Shipra
Publications, New Delhi.
11.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXCERCISES

Check Your Progress Excersise-1
1) The President is elected by the members of the Electoral College on
the basis of proportional representation and by means of single transferable
vote. The Electoral College comprises the elected members of the Union
Parliament and State Assemblies.
2) To summon and prorogue the Parliament- To dissolve the Lok
Sabha-power to promulgate Ordinances-summon and address the joint sitting
of the two houses of Parliament-veto of non-money bills-powers to nominate
members to the Parliament etc
16
3) The Parliament will have the power to make laws on all subjects
including those in the state list- The Central government can issue directions
to the state government- Fundamental rights can be suspended –Normal term
of the Lok Sabha can be extend by one year, etc

1) To determine government policy for presentation to the Parliament; ii)
Implement government policy; iii) Carry out inter-departmental co-ordination
and co-operation.
2) The Council of Ministers functions on this principle. Each member accepts
and agrees to share responsibility for all decisions of the cabinet. It’s
necessary for efficiency and efficacy but also for the very survival of the
cabinet system of government.
3)In a parliamentary system, the Prime Minister is the head of the Council of
Ministers, leader of the majority party in the Lower House and head of the
government.
Check Your Progress-3
1) This doctrine was enunciated by KM Munshi. He argued that there is no

provision in the Constitution that lays down that the President is bound by the
advice of the Council of Ministers. Moreover, since the Parliaments as well as
state legislatures elect the President, he is expected to protect the interests of
the states. Also, the President takes oath to defend, protect and preserve the
constitution.
1
Unit 12: JUDICIARY

Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Evolution and Development of Judiciary in India
12.3 The Supreme Court
12.3.1 Composition and Appointments
12.3 2 Tenure
12.3.3 Salaries
12.3.4 Immunities
12.4 Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court
12.4.1 Original Jurisdiction
12.4.2 Appellant Jurisdiction
12.4.3 Advisory Jurisdiction
12.4.4 Review Jurisdiction
12.5 The High Court
12.5.1 Composition of the High Court
12.5.2 Jurisdiction
12.6 Subordinate Courts
12.7 Judicial Review
12.8 Judicial Reforms
12.9 Let Us Sum Up
12.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit deals with the structure, composition, jurisdiction and
functions of the Indian judiciary. After going through this unit, you should be
able to:
• Trace the evolution of the judicial system in India;
• Describe the composition of the courts in India;
• Explain the functions and jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, High Court
and the Subordinate Courts; and
• Explain the concept of judicial review and its importance in safeguarding
fundamental rights.
12.1 INTRODUCTION
In a political system based on constitutional government, the functions
of rule making, rule enforcement and rule interpretation are separated into the
three institutions of the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. A judiciary
that is independent of and acting as a check on the arbitrary exercise of
legislative and executive power is an essential feature of a constitutional
government. The judiciary is also the final arbiter on what that constitution
itself means. In a federal system, the judiciary also serves as a tribunal for the
final determination of disputes between the union and its constituent units.
Given the tremendous importance of the role and functions of the Supreme
Court and the High Courts, various measures have been adopted to ensure the
independence of the judiciary. Let us first trace the evolution of the modern
2
judicial system in India and then examine the various constitutional provisions
relating to its powers and functions.
12.2 EVOLUTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF JUDICIARY IN INDIA
The development of judiciary in general can be traced to the growth of
modern nation-states. This was the stage when it was assumed that power and
administration of justice was prerogative of the state.
During the ancient times, administration of justice was not considered
a function of the state as it was based on religious law or dharma. Most of the
kings courts dispensed justice according to dharma, ‘a set of eternal laws
rested upon the individual duty to be performed in four stages of life
(ashrama) and status of individual according to his status (varna)’. The king
had no true legislative power, the power to make ordinances “on his own
initiative and pleasure”. Even if a law has been enacted and royally
recognised, an individual to whom custom applies may disobey it on the
ground that it conflicts the precepts of dharma. At the village level, the
local/village/popular courts dispensed justice according to the customary laws.
However, during the medieval times, the king arrogated to himself an
important role in administering justice. He was the highest judge in the land.
With the advent of the British rule in India, judicial system on the basis
of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence was introduced in India. The Royal Charter of
Charles II of the year 1661 gave the Governor and Council the power to
adjudicate both civil and criminal cases according to the laws of England. But
it was with the Regulating Act of 1773 that the first Supreme Court came to be
established in India. Located at Calcutta, the Supreme Court consisted of
Chief Justice and three judges (subsequently it was reduced to two judges)
appointed by the Crown and it was made a King’s court rather than a
Company’s court. The court held jurisdiction over “his majesty’s subjects”
wherever the Supreme Courts were established. Supreme Courts were
established in Madras and in Bombay later.
Judicial system during this period consisted of two systems, the
Supreme Courts in the Presidencies and the Sadr courts in the provinces.
While the former followed the English law and procedure, the latter followed
regulation laws and personal laws.
Subsequently, these two systems were merged under the High Courts
Act of 1861. This Act replaced the Supreme Courts and the native courts (Sadr
Dewani Adalat and Sadr Nizamat Adalat) in the presidency towns of Calcutta,
3
Bombay and Madras with High Courts. The highest court of appeal however
was the judicial committee of the Privy Council.
At this stage of development of the Indian legal system, we see the
beginning of a new era in the emergence of a unified court system.
The Federal Court of India was established in Delhi by the Act of
1935. This was to act as an intermediate appellant between the High Courts
and the Privy Council in regard to matters involving the interpretation of the
Indian constitution. In addition to this appellate jurisdiction, the Federal Court
had advisory as well as original jurisdiction in certain other matters. This court
continued to function until 26 January 1950, the day the independent India’s
constitution came into force.
12.3 THE SUPREME COURT
The entire judicature has been divided into three tiers. At the top there
is a Supreme Court, below it is the High Court and the lowest rank is occupied
by session’s court.
The Supreme Court is the highest court of law. The Constitution says
that the law declared by the Supreme Court shall be binding on all small
courts within the territory of India. Below the Supreme Court, are the High
Courts located in the states. Under each High Court there are District Sessions
Courts, Subordinate Courts and Courts of Minor Jurisdiction called Small
Cause Courts.
Given the importance of the judiciary in a federal system resting on
limited government, the Supreme Court was designed to make it the final
authority in the interpretation of the Constitution. While framing the judicial
provisions, the Constituent Assembly gave a great deal of attention to such
issues as the independence of the courts, the power of the Supreme Court and
the issue of judicial review.
12.3.1 Composition and Appointments
The Supreme Court consists of the Chief Justice of India and such
other number of other judges as is provided by the law. When the Supreme
Court was inaugurated, it had only eight judges. Its strength has risen to
twenty five judges. The President of India, who is the appointing authority,
makes these appointments on the advice of the Prime Minister and the Council
of Ministers.
The Constitution stipulates in Article 124 (2) that the President shall
appoint judges of the Supreme Court under his hand and seal after
consultation with such of the judges of the Supreme Court as the President
4
may deem necessary. In the case of the Chief Justice of the India, the
President shall consult such judges of the Supreme Court and of the High
Courts as he may deem necessary. In spite of this clear constitutional
provision, the appointment of the Chief Justice of India has become a matter
of political controversy. Here it may be worth recalling the issues that were
raised in 1973 when the Government of India appointed Justice SS Ray as the
Chief Justice of India superseding four other judges, against the
recommendations of the outgoing Chief Justice, SM Sikri.
To eliminate politics in the appointment of judges, high minimum
qualifications have been prescribed. For appointment to the Supreme Court, a
person should be a citizen of India, a judge of the High Court for at least five
years, or should have been an advocate of High Court for at least ten years or
a distinguished jurist in the opinion of the President of India.
12.3.2 Tenure
Once appointed, a judge holds office until he attains 65 years. A judge
of the Supreme Court may resign his office or may be removed in case of
misbehaviour or incapacity. According to the procedure laid out in the
Constitution, each house of the Parliament will have to pass a resolution
supported by two third of the members present and voting. The motion of
impeachment against a judge was table in Parliament for the first in 1991. This
involved Supreme Court Justice V Ramaswami. When an audit report
revealed several irregularities committed by the judge during his tenure as the
Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, a three man judicial
committee was set up with a serving and a retired Supreme Court judge and
the Chief Justice of the Bombay High Court. The Committee concluded that
there had indeed been a wilful and gross misuse of official position and
intentional and habitual extravagance at the cost of the public exchequer
which amounted to ‘misbehaviour’. Justice Ramaswami, however, maintained
that there were procedural irregularities in the notice of the motion, the
constitution of the committee and its functioning. The impeachment motion
moved in May 1993 failed with 196 out of 401 voting for it and the remaining
205 abstaining. But accepting reality, the judge subsequently resigned.
12.3.3 Salaries
A very important element that determines the independence of the
judges is the remuneration received by them. The salaries and allowances of
the judges are fixed high in order to secure their independence, efficiency and
impartiality. Besides, the salary, every judge is entitled to a rent-free official
5
accommodation. The Constitution also provided that the salaries of the judges
cannot be changed to their disadvantage, except in times of a Financial
Emergency. The administrative expenses of the Supreme Court, the salaries,
allowances, etc,. of the judges are charged on the Consolidated Fund of India.
12.3.4 Immunities
To shield judges from political controversies, the Constitution grants
them immunity from criticisms against decisions and actions made in their
official capacity. The Court is empowered to initiate contempt proceedings
against those who impute motives to the judges in the discharge of their
official duties. Even the Parliament cannot discuss the conduct of the judge
except when a resolution for his removal is before it.
1) What are the qualifications required for appointment as a judge of the
Supreme Court?
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….
2) What is the procedure for removing a judge of the Supreme Court.?
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12.4 JURISDICTION OF THE SUPREME COURT

Article 141 declares that the law laid down by the Supreme Court shall
be binding on all courts within the territory of India. The different categories
into which the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court is divided is as follows: 1)
Original Jurisdiction, 2) Appellate Jurisdiction, 3) Advisory Jurisdiction, 4)
and Review Jurisdiction.
12.4.1 Original Jurisdiction
The Supreme Court has original jurisdiction firstly as a federal court.
In a federal system like that in India, both the Union and the State
governments derive their powers from and are limited by the same
constitution. Differences of interpretation of the Union-States distribution of
powers, or conflicts between States governments require authoritative
6
resolution by a judicial organ independent of both levels of government.

Under Article 131, the Supreme Court is given exclusive jurisdiction in a
dispute between the Union and a State or between one State and another, or
between a group of States and others. When we say that the Supreme Court
has an exclusive jurisdiction, we mean that no other court in India has the
power to entertain such disputes. Similarly, the original jurisdiction of the
Supreme Court will mean that the parties to the dispute should be units of the
federation. Unlike the Supreme Courts in Australia and the United States, the
Indian Supreme Court does not have original jurisdiction to decide disputes
between residents of different states or those between a State and the resident
of another State.
The Supreme Court also has non-exclusive original jurisdiction as the
protector of Fundamental Rights. Article 32 of the Constitution gives citizens
the right to move the Supreme Court directly for the enforcement of any of the
fundamental rights enumerated in Part III of the Constitution. As the guardian
of Fundamental Rights the Supreme Court has the power to issue writs such as
Habeas Corpus, Quo Warranto, Prohibition, Certiorari, and Mandamus.
Habeas Corpus is a writ issued by the court to bring before the court a person
from illegal custody. The court can decide the legality of detention and release
the person if detention is found to be illegal. By using the writ of Mandamus,
the court may order the public officials to perform their legal duties.
Prohibition is a writ to prevent a court or tribunal from doing something in
excess of its authority. By the writ of Certiorari, the court may strike off an
order passed by any official of the government, local body or a statutory body.
Quo warranto is a writ issued to a person who authorisedly occupies a public
office to step down from that office. In addition to issuing these writs, the
Supreme Court is empowered to issue appropriate directions and orders to the
executive.
12.4.2 Appellate Jurisdiction
The Supreme Court is the highest court of appeal from all courts in the
territory of India. It has comprehensive appellant jurisdiction in cases
involving constitutional issues; civil and criminal cases involving specified
threshold values of property or a death sentence; and wide ranging powers of
special appeals.
Article 132 of the Constitution provides for an appeal to the Supreme
Court from any judgement or final order of a court in civil, criminal or other
proceedings of a High Court, if it involves a substantial question of law as to
7
the interpretation of the Constitution. The appeal again depends upon whether
the High Court certifies, and if does not, the Supreme Court may grant special
leave to appeal.
Article 133 of the Constitution provides that an appeal in civil cases
lies to the Supreme Court from any judgement, order or civil proceedings of a
High Court. This appeal may be made if the case involves a substantial
question of law of general importance or if in the opinion of the High Court
the said question needs to be decided by the Supreme Court.
Article 134 provides the Supreme Court with appellate jurisdiction in
criminal matters from any judgement, final order, or sentence of a High Court.
This jurisdiction can be invoked only in three different categories of cases: a)
if the High Court on appeal reverses an order of acquittal of an accused person
and sentenced to death. b) if the High Court has withdrawn for trail before
itself any case from any court subordinate to its authority and has in such a
trial convicted the accused person and sentenced him to death, and c) if the
High Court certifies that the case is fit for appeal to the Supreme Court.
Finally, the Supreme Court has the special appellate jurisdiction. It has
the power to grant, in its discretion, special leave appeal from any judgment,
decree sentence or order in any case or matter passed or made by any court or
tribunal.
12.4.3 Advisory Jurisdiction
The Supreme Court is vested with the power to render advisory
opinions on any question of fact or law that may be referred to it by the
President. The advisory role of the Supreme Court is different from ordinary
adjudication in three senses: first, there is no litigation between two parties;
second, the advisory opinion of the Court is not binding on the government;
finally, it is not executable as a judgement of the court. The practice of
seeking advisory opinion of the Supreme Court helps the executive to arrive at
a sound decision on important issues. At the same time, it gives a soft option
to the Indian government on some politically difficult issues. A case in point is
the controversy surrounding the Babri Masjid complex in Ayodhya. The
government decided to refer aspects of the dispute to the Supreme Court for
an opinion. Since there was no legal point at issue, the referral to the Supreme
Court had had the potential for politicising the judiciary instead of resolving
what was essentially a political problem.
12.4.4 Review Jurisdiction
8
The Supreme Court has the power to review any judgement

pronounced or order made by it. This means that the Supreme Court may
review its own judgement order.
From the above it is clear that the Supreme Court in India is far more
powerful than its counterpart in the United States of America. The American
Supreme Court deals primarily with cases arising out of the federal
relationship or those relating to the constitutional validity of laws and treaties.
The Indian Supreme Court apart from interpreting the Constitution, functions
as the court of appeal in the country in matters of civil and criminal cases. It
can entertain appeals without any limitation upon its discretion from the
decisions not only of any court but also of any tribunal within the territory of
India. The advisory jurisdiction of the Indian Supreme Court also is something
absent from the purview of the American Supreme Court.
Despite these powers, the Indian Supreme Court is a creature of the
Constitution and depends for the continuation of these powers on the Union
legislature which can impose limitations on them by amending the
Constitution. Moreover, all these powers can also be suspended or superseded
whenever there is a declaration of emergency in the country.
12.5 THE HIGH COURT
The constitution provides for a High Court at the apex of the State
judiciary. Chapter V of Part VI of the Constitution of India contains
provisions regarding the organisation and functions of the High Court. By the
provision of Article 125 which says “there shall be a High Court for each
state”, every state in India has a High Court and these courts have a
constitutional status.
The parliament has the power to establish a common High Court for
two or more states. For instance, Punjab and Haryana have a common High
Court. Similarly, there is one High Court for Assam, Nagaland, Meghalaya,
Manipur and Tripura.
In case of Union Territories, the Parliament may by law extend the
jurisdiction of a High Court to, or exclude the jurisdiction of a High Court
from any Union Territory, or create a High Court for a Union Territory. Thus,
Delhi, a Union Territory, has a separate High Court of its own while, the
Madras High Court has jurisdiction over Pondicherry, the Kerala High Court
over Lakshadweep, the Mumbai High Court over Dadra and Nagar Haveli, the
Kolkota High Court over Andaman and Nicobar Islands, the Punjab Haryana
High Court over Chandhigarh.
9
12.5.1 Composition of the High Court

Unlike the Supreme Court, there is no minimum number of judges for
the High Court. The President, from time to time will fix the number of judges
in each High Court. The Chief Justice of the High Court is appointed by the
President of India in consultation with the Chief Justice of India and the
Governor of the State, which in actual terms mean the real executive of the
State. In appointing the judges, the President is required to consult the Chief
Justice of the High Court. The Constitution also provides for the appointment
of additional judges to cope with the work. However, these appointments are
temporary not exceeding two years period.
A judge of a High Court normally holds office until he attains the age
of 62 years. He can vacate the seat by resigning, by being appointed a judge of
the Supreme Court or by being transferred to any other High Court by the
President. A judge can be removed by the President on grounds of
misbehaviour or incapacity in the same manner in which a judge of the
Supreme Court is removed.
12.5.2 Jurisdiction
The original jurisdiction of a High Court includes enforcement of
Fundamental Rights, settlement of disputes relating to the election to Union
and State legislatures and jurisdiction over revenue matters. Its appellant
jurisdiction extends to both civil and criminal matters. In civil matters, the
High Court is either a first appeal or a second appeal court. In criminal
matters, appeal from decisions of a session’s judge or an additional sessions
judge where sentence of imprisonment exceeds seven years and other
specified cases other than petty crimes constitute the appellant jurisdiction of a
High Court. In addition to these normal original and appellant jurisdictions,
the Constituent vests the High Courts with four additional powers. These are:
• The power to issue writs or orders for the enforcement of the
Fundamental Rights. Interestingly, the writ jurisdiction of a High
Court is larger than that of the Supreme Court. It can not only issue
writs not only in cases of infringement of Fundamental Rights but
also in cases of an ordinary legal right.
• The power of superintendence over all other courts and tribunals
except those dealing with the armed forces. It can frame rules and
also issue instructions for guidance from time to time with
directions for speedier and effective judicial remedy.
10
• The power to transfer cases to itself from subordinate courts

concerning the interpretation of the constitution.
• The power to appoint officers and servants of the High Court.
In certain cases, the jurisdiction of High Courts is restricted. For
instance, it has no jurisdiction over a tribunal and no power to invalidate a
Central Act or even any rule, notification or orders made by any
administrative authority of the Union, whether it is violative of Fundamental
Rights are not.
Check Your Progress Excercise-2
1) In what areas does the Supreme Court have original jurisdiction. Which
area is an exclusive preserve of the Supreme Court?
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2) The writ jurisdiction of a High Courts is wider than that of the Supreme
Court and can issue
writs…………………………………………………………….
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….
12.6 SUBORDINATE COURTS
Under the High Court, there is a hierarchy of courts which are referred
to in the Indian constitution as subordinate courts. Since these courts have
come into existence because of enactments by the state government, their
nomenclature and designation differs from state to state. However, broadly in
terms of organisational structure there is uniformity.
The state is divided into districts and each district has a district court
which has an appellant jurisdiction in the district. Under the district courts,
there are the lower courts such as the Additional District Court, Sub-Court,
Munsiff Magistrate Court, Court of Special Judicial Magistrate of the II Class,
Court of Special Judicial Magistrate of I Class, Court of Special Munsiff
Magistrate for Factories Act and Labour Laws, etc. At the bottom of the
hierarchy of Subordinate Courts are the Panchayat Courts (Nyaya Panchayat,
11
Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Adalat etc). These are, however, not considered
as courts under the purview of the criminal courts jurisdiction.
The principle function of the District Court is to hear appeals form the
subordinate courts. However, the courts can also take cognisance of original
matters under special status for instance, the Indian Succession Act, the
Guardian Act and Wards Act and Land Acquisition Act.
The Constitution ensures independence of subordinate judiciary.
Appointments to the District Courts are made by the Governor in consultation
with the High Court. A person to be eligible for appointment should be either
an advocate or a pleader of seven years standing, or an officer in the service of
the Union or the State. Appointment of persons other than the District Judges
to the judicial service of a State is made by the Governor in accordance with
the rules made by him in that behalf after consultation with the High Court
and the State Public Service Commission.
The High Court exercises control over the District Courts and the
courts subordinate to them, in matters as posting, promotions and granting of
leave to all persons belonging to the State judicial service.
12.7 JUDICIAL REVIEW
Literally the notion of judicial review means the revision of the decree
or sentence of an inferior court by a superior court. Judicial review has a more
technical significance in pubic law, particularly in countries having a written
constitution, founded on the concept of limited government. Judicial review in
this case means that Courts of law have the power of testing the validity of
legislative as well as other governmental action with reference to the
provisions of the constitution.
In England, there is no written constitution. Here the Parliament
exercises supreme authority. The courts do not have the power to review laws
passed by the sovereign parliament. However, English Courts review the
legality of executive actions. In the United States, the judiciary assumed the
power to scrutinise executive actions and examine the constitutional validity
of legislation by the doctrine of ‘due process’. By contrast, in India, the power
of the court to declare legislative enactments invalid is expressly enacted in
the constitution. Fundamental rights enumerated in the Constitution are made
justiciable and the right to constitutional remedy has itself been made a
Fundamental right.
The Supreme Court’s power of judicial review extends to
constitutional amendments as well as to other actions of the legislatures, the
12
executive and the other governmental agencies. However, judicial review has
been particularly significant and contentious in regard to constitutional
amendments. Under Article 368, constitutional amendments could be made by
the Parliament. But Article 13 provides that the state shall not make any law
which takes away or abridges fundamental rights and that any law made in
contravention with this rule shall be void. The issue is, would the amendment
of the constitution be a law made by the state? Can such a law infringing
fundamental rights be declared unconstitutional? This was a riddle before the
judiciary for about two decades after India became a republic.
In the early years, the courts held that a constitutional amendment is
not law within the meaning of Article 13 and hence, would not be held void if
it violated any fundamental right. But in 1967, in the famous Golak Nath
Case, the Supreme Court adopted a contrary position. In was held that a
constitutional amendment is law and if that amendment violated any of the
fundamental rights, it can be declared unconstitutional. All former
amendments that violated the fundamental rights to property were found to be
unconstitutional. When a law remains in force for a long time, it establishes
itself and is observed by the society. If all past amendments are declared
invalid, the number of transactions that took place in pursuance of those
amendments become unsettled. This will lead to chaos in the economic and
political system. In order to avoid this situation and for the purpose of
maintaining the transactions in fact, the past amendments were held valid. The
Supreme Court clarified that no future transactions or amendments contrary to
fundamental rights shall be valid. This technique of treating old transactions
valid and future ones invalid is called prospective over-ruling. The Court also
held that Article 368 with amendments does not contain the power to amend
the constitution, but only prescribes the procedure to amend. This
interpretation created difficulty. Even when there is a need to amend a
particular provision of the constitution, it might be impossible to do so if the
amendment had an impact on fundamental rights.
In 1970, when the Supreme Court struck down some of Mrs Indira
Gandhi’s populist measures, such as the abolition of the privy purses of the
former princes and nationalisation of banks, the Prime Minister set about to
assert the supremacy of the Parliament. She was able to give effect to her
wishes after gaining two-thirds majority in the 1971 General Elections. In
1972, the Parliament passed the 25th Constitutional Amendment act which
allowed the legislature to encroach on fundamental rights if it was said to be
13
done pursuant to giving effect to the Directive Principles of State Policy. No

court was permitted to question such a declaration. The 28th Amendment act
ended the recognition granted to former rulers of Indian states and their privy
purses were abolished.
These amendments were challenged in the Supreme Court in the
famous Kesavananda Barathi Case (otherwise known as the Fundamental
Rights Case) of 1973. The Supreme Court ruled that the while the parliament
could amend even the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution, it
was not competent to alter the ‘basic structure’ or ‘framework’ of the
constitution. Under the newly evolved doctrine of ‘basic structure’, a
constitutional amendment is valid only when it does not affect the basic
structure of the constitution. The second part of Article 31C (no law
containing a declaration to implement the Directive Principles contained in
Article 39 (b) and (c) shall be questioned) was held not valid because the
amendment took away the opportunity for judicial review, which is one of the
basic features of the constitution. The doctrine of basic features gave wide
amplitude to the power of judicial review.
Later history shows the significant role played by this doctrine in the
review of constitutional amendments. For challenging the election to
Parliament of a person who holds the office of Prime Minister, the 39th
Constitutional Amendment provided a different procedure. The election can
be challenged only before an authority under special law made by Parliament
and the validity of such as law shall not be called in question. The Supreme
Court held that this amendment was invalid as it was against the basic
structure of the Constitution. It argued that free and fair elections are essential
in democracy and to exclude judicial examination of the fairness of the
election of a particular candidate is not proper and goes against the democratic
ideal that is the basis of our constitution.
In a later case, the Minerva Mill Case, the Supreme Court went a step
ahead. The 42nd Constitutional Amendment of 1976, among other things, had
added a clause to Article 368 placing a constitutional amendment beyond
judicial review. The Court held that this was against the doctrine of judicial
review, the basic feature of the constitution.
One of the limits on judicial review has been the principle of locus
standi. This means that only a person aggrieved by an administrative action or
by an unjust provision of law shall have the right to move the court for
redressal. In 1982, however, the Supreme Court in a judgement on the
14
democratic rights of construction workers of the Asian Games granted the

Peoples Union of Democratic Rights, the right of Public Interest Litigation
(PIL). Taking recourse to epistolary jurisdiction under which the US Supreme
Court treated a post card from a prisoner as petition, the Supreme Court of
India stated that any ‘public spirited’ individual or organisation could move
the court even by writing a letter. In 1988, the Supreme Court delineated the
matters to be entertained as PIL. The categories are: matter concerning bonded
labour, neglected children, petition from prisoners, petition against police,
petition against atrocities on women, children, Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes, environmental matters, adulteration of drugs and foods,
maintenance of heritage and culture and other such matters of public interest.
Since the granting of the right to PIL, what some claim to be the only
major democratic right of the people of India, and granted not by the
Parliament but by the judiciary, the courts have been flooded by PILs. While
the flood of such litigation indicates the widespread nature of the deprivation
of democratic rights, they also pose the danger of adding to the pressure on the
courts that are already overloaded.
12.8 JUDICIAL REFORMS
The most striking criticism against administration of justice is the large
number of pending cases and the delay in the dispensation of justice. In the
early 1990s, there were more than two crore cases pending in different courts.
Reasons for the piling of a large number of cases can be attributed to structural
and procedural flaws in the judiciary. The availability of multiple remedies at
different rungs of the judicial ladder also enables dishonest and recalcitrant
suitors to abuse the judicial system. This leads to the piling up of cases as well
as delay in the dispensation of justice.
Another weakness of the judicial system is cumbersome procedures
and forbidding cost of justice. Suggestions for judicial reforms have come up,
to help achieve a new order and bring economic, political and social justice.
In fact, the Tenth Law Commission had invited suggestions for judicial
reforms. One suggestion was to reduce the workload of the Supreme Court of
India which accepts nearly one lakh cases every year (whereas the US
Supreme Court accepts only 100 to 150 cases of the five thousand filed).
Among the suggestions to reduce the load of the Supreme Court, one was to
establish a Constitutional Court to deal exclusively with constitutional matters
and another was to establish Zonal Courts of Appeal in the country.
15

1) What is the significance of the Keshavananda Bharati Case of 1973?

…………………………………………………………………………
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2) What is PIL?
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12.9 LET US SUM UP
As we saw, the existing judicature in India can be traced to the British

period. The Royal Charter of the Charles II (1661), the Regulating Act of
1773, the Indian High Courts Act of 1861 and the Act of 1935 are the
important milestones in the evolution of modern judicial system in India. The
Constitution of India has designed the Supreme Court as the highest court of
law. The law declared by the Supreme Court has been made binding on all
small courts, that is, the High Courts and the Subordinate courts
Given the importance of judiciary as a federal court and as a guardian
of fundamental rights of the citizen, the framers of the Indian Constitution
gave great deal of thought to such issues as the independence of the courts and
judicial review.
Judicial review is a technique by which the courts examine the actions
of the legislature, the executive and the other governmental agencies and
decide whether or not these actions are valid and within the limits set by the
constitution. The foundation of judicial review is (a) that the constitution is a
legal instrument, and (b) that this law is superior in status to the laws made by
the legislature that is itself set up by the constitution. It is now well established
in India that judicial review constitutes the basic structure or feature of the
Constitution of India.
16
Kirpal B.N, Desai, Subramaniam, et al (eds.) (2002), Supreme but not

infallible: Essays in Honour of the Supreme Court of India, Oxford University
Press, New Delhi
Baxi, Upendra, (1976), Sociology of Law, Satvahan,
Babu, D.D., (1972), Limited Government and Judicial Review.
Lingat, Robert (1973), The Classical Law of India, translated by JDM Derette,
Thomson Press, New Delhi
Stokes, Eric, (1959), The English Utilitarian & India, Cambridge, London.
12.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

1) A person to be appointment as a judge of the Supreme Court should be a
citizen of India, should have been a High Court judge for at least five years, an
advocate of High Court for at least ten years or a distinguished jurist.
2) A Supreme Court judge can be removed for misbehaviour or incapacity.
Each house of the Parliament has to pass a resolution supported by two third
of the members present and voting.
1) It has original jurisdiction as a guardian of Fundamental rights and as a
federal court. As a federal court it has exclusive jurisdiction in disputes
between the Union and a State or between one State and another, or between a
group of States and others.
2) Not only to enforce fundamental rights but also any legal right.

1) The Supreme Court evolved the doctrine of basic structure or features of
the constitution which gave wide amplitude to the power of judicial review.
2) PIL is a democratic right which allows any ‘public spirited’ individual or
organisation to move the court to seek justice on behalf of the victims of state
and societal forces.
1
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UNIT 13 BUREAUCRACY IN INDIA
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Structure
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Meaning and Concept
13.3 Features
13.3.1 Hierarchy
13.3.2 Chain of Command
13.3.3 Adherence to Rules and Regulations
13.3.4 Impersonal/Faceless and apolitical
13.4 History
13.4.1 India’s Independence and Bureaucracy
13.5 Statutory Bodies for Recruitment and Other Related Matters
13.5.1 The Union Public Service Commission (UPSC)
13.5.2 Special Provisions for Deprived Sections
13.5.3 Controversy Over the Policy of Reservation
13.5.4 State Public Service Commissions (SPSCs)
13.6 Post-Independence Bureaucracy Up to the Commencement of Globalisation
13.6.1 1967 State Assembly Elections: A Watershed
13.6.2 Churning Within the Congress Party
13.6.3 The Idea of a Committed Bureaucracy
13.6.4 Bureaucrat-Politician-Businessmen Nexus
13.7 Indian Bureaucracy in the Era of Globalisation
13.7.1 Attitude of the Indian Bureaucracy
13.8 Some Controversies/Problems Associated with the Bureaucracy
13.8.1 Ministers Versus Civil Servants
13.8.2 Generalists Versus Specialists
13.8.3 Under-Representations of the Minorities
13.9 Let Us Sum Up
13.10 Some Useful References
13.0 OBJECTIVES
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This unit deals with bureaucracy, particularly with reference to India. After going through
this unit you will be able to:
• Explain the meaning of bureaucracy and discuss its salient features;
• Trace the evolution of bureaucracy in India;
• Discuss the composition, nature and functioning of statutory bodies of bureaucratic
recruitment such as Union Public Service Commission (UPSC);
• Describe the nature and functioning of bureaucracy in the post-Independence India up
to the commencement of globalisation; and,
• Discuss the impact of globalisation on bureaucracy.
2
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13.1 INTRODUCTION
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Bureaucracy is the executive arm of the government. In traditional classical literature on
organs of government, one studied the legislature, the executive and the judiciary with
bureaucracy being subsumed under the executive (which comprises the political
establishment and the bureaucracy). Now, one finds that bureaucracy is being treated
separately and this is indicative of its growing importance. In this unit, we shall be
focussing on bureaucracy with special reference to India.
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13.2 MEANING AND CONCEPT
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Most of you must be familiar with the word ‘bureau’ which means office. Bureaucracy
takes off from this only. In essence, bureaucracy is an organised body of persons who
deal with office procedures, rules and regulations. Bureaucracy popularly refers to
government officials. Generally, it should be mentioned here that when one talks of the
bureaucracy, one refers to the civilian bureaucracy also known as the civil services (the
sense in which bureaucracy is treated in this unit). This point is being mentioned because
the military also has a bureaucracy and the corporate world too has one. Indeed,
bureaucracy exists in every organisation. Therefore, it is important to remain focussed on
the fact that in this lesson, when we mention bureaucracy, we have the civilian
bureaucracy (civil services) in our mind.
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13.3 FEATURES
_____________________________________________________________________________________
Bureaucracy anywhere has certain, well-established features. Alternatively, an
organisation in bureaucratic if it has these features. Some of the better known features
are : (i) Hierarchy (ii) Chain of command (iii) Adherence to rules and regulations (iv)
Impersonal/faceless and apolitical (v) Recruitment through statutory bodies specifically
created for the purpose, etc. These features are briefly described below. We should
mention here that these features are, by and large, not mutually exclusive but run into
each other.
13.3.1 Hierarchy
Essentially, bureaucracy is hierarchical. It is based on rank. Each rank or position is
subordinate to some and superior to some other. The bottom to the top, generally, makes
3
for a pyramidal structure with the lower ranks concentrated at the bottom and the higher
ranks at the top.
13.3.2 Chain of Command
This feature is intimately linked with the one above. In any hierarchical body, there is a
chain of command flowing from the top to the bottom. Normally, the command chain is
not broken. To give an example from the Indian context, in a Department of the Central
Government in Delhi, the chain of command is as follows:
Secretary → Additional Secretary → Joint Secretary → Deputy Secretary →
Under Secretary → Section Officer → other lower ranks.
13.3.3 Adherence to Rules and Regulations
A classic feature of bureaucracies all along has been their rigid adherence to rules and
regulations. This has, in fact, led to the adjective “bureaucratic” being coined for any
person/organisation insisting too much on rules, regulations and procedures.
13.3.4 Impersonal/Faceless and Apolitical
A bureaucracy is supposed to be impersonal. This basically means that a bureaucrat is
expected to be guided by objective (as against subjective) considerations while following
rules and regulations in the course of implementing various policy measures and
directives. In other words, a bureaucrat or a civil servant or a government official-
whatever name we choose to call him by – is not supposed to be guided by his personal
whims and fancies, biases and prejudices in the discharge of his official duties.
As regards the ‘faceless’ aspect, you perhaps are aware of the fact that any civilian
bureaucracy is subordinate to the political executive. The political leadership is the face
of the administration, while the bureaucracy works behind the scenes. It of course does
not always happen but that is how it has been envisaged.
Bureaucracy, strictly, is also supposed to be apolitical. This basically implies that a
bureaucrat is not to have a political agenda of his own but rather, faithfully implement the
policies of the government of the day. It also has another and possibly more important
meaning and that is: a civil servant’s loyalty and commitment should be to the
constitution of the land and not to any political party, politician, etc.
Note: (I) Use the space below for your answer.
(II) Check Your answers with the model answers given at the end of this unit.
1. What do you understand by bureaucracy?
4
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2. Enumerate the salient features of bureaucracy and describe any two features.
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13.4 HISTORY
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Bureaucracy in some form or the other has existed from times immemorial. In ancient
India when monarchy was the predominant form of government, the various categories of
courtiers constituted the bureaucracy. Modern bureaucracy in the sense of a body of
persons being recruited through an open public competitive examination conducted by an
independent, statutory body is credited to People’s Republic of China (PRC).
In India, Lord Cornwallis is credited with creating the bureaucracy, as we know it today.
The Indian Civil Service (ICS) was the culmination of steps initiated by him. This
service as well as branches of colonial bureaucracy, to start with, had Indians only in the
lower echelons. They were, in fact, debarred from holding higher positions. From the
1850s onwards, the doors to higher ranks were opened for Indians and many of them
made their mark. One can cite names such as that of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose,
K.P.S. Menon Senior, T. N. Kaul among others who distinguished themselves in the ICS.
Some of them, in fact, went onto play a crucial role in post-independent India as well.
It should, however, be always remembered that the ICS was essentially a colonial
creation designed to serve colonial ends. Though the Indians in the ICS were
occasionally sympathetic to the ‘natives’ (the Indian masses), by and large they followed
the line of their colonial masters. It was for this reason that the nationalist leadership
fighting for independence from British rule was highly critical of the role played by the
‘steel frame of the British Empire’ – the popular name of the ICS (also known as the
heaven born service). Jawaharlal Nehru, in particular, was its staunch critic.
The colonial bureaucracy in India largely performed what are called ‘maintenance’
functions, viz., maintaining law and order, collection of taxes/revenue, etc. The concept
of developmental administration was not much heard of then. Fundamentally, the
bureaucracy was a policing/tax collecting machinery and very far removed from being a
citizen friendly administration. The colonial bureaucracy was time and again employed
5
by the British to crush the freedom movement. This was the broad scenario at the time of
India’s independence.
13.4.1 India’s Independence and the Bureaucracy
The situation obtaining as, regards the bureaucracy in the period leading up to India’s
independence has been described above. After attaining freedom from the British rule,
the major issue at hand was the type of civilian bureaucracy the newly independent
country should have; viz. what kind of structure, method of recruitment and other related
questions. There was also the prickly and thorny issue of the fate of the Indian officers in
the erstwhile ICS. These matters were resolved the following way: despite their
criticism of the ICS, the post-independent leadership decided to let those Indian officers
continue in the civilian bureaucracy constituted after August 15, 1947 who still had
service years left. However, instead of being absorbed in the newly created Indian
Administrative Service (IAS) – the successor to the ICS – quite a few of these officers
were directly drafted into the other newly created Central Government service, viz., the
IFS (Indian Foreign Service) which was to implement India’s non-aligned foreign policy.
For instance, KPS Menon Senior and T.N. Kaul joined the foreign service and went onto
render distinguished service.
Regarding recruitment, as before it was to be through an open competitive examination
conducted by an independent, autonomous statutory body. This was to be the Union
Public Service Commission (UPSC) headquartered in Delhi, the country’s capital.
Note: (I) Use the space given below for your answers.
(ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of this unit.
1) Discuss the nature of Indian bureaucracy during the colonial time.
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13.5 STATUTORY BODIES FOR RECRUITMENT AND OTHER RELATED
MATTERS
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13.5.1 The Union Public Service Commission (UPSC)
The Union Public Service Commission or the UPSC to use its popular abbreviated form
is an autonomous body created by the Constitution to recruit – personnel (officer and
other ranks) for the various Central Government services. Thus, it conducts not only the
6
annual civil services examination (for the IAS, IFS, IPS Allied Services Group A and B)
but also other Central Government services such as the Indian Forest Service, the Indian
Economic Service and the Indian Engineering Service. In fact, the UPSC conducts the
recruitment of not only the civilian bureaucracy, but also of the defence services of the
country. Thus, it conducts the examinations for the National Defence Academy (NDA)
and the Indian Military Academy (IMA). The UPSC has been conducting the various
examinations since 1947. It is, in fact, not only responsible for recruitment, but also acts
as an advisory body regarding all career matters of the recruited personnel.
13.5.2 Special Provisions for Deprived Sections
It is important to note that as regards recruitment to bureaucratic positions in India, there
is provision for reservation of a certain percentage of posts for deprived sections of
society. Thus, from the onset of independence, 22.5% of post have been reserved for
Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). In addition, since the
implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations, an additional 27% of posts
have been reserved for the Other Backward Castes (OBCs).
Also, the various state governments have their own state-wise quotas for government
jobs. Some of the Southern Indian States – Karnataka and Tamil Nadu for instance –
have always had very high quotas for which there have been historical and socio-political
reasons.
13.5.3 Controversy over the Policy of Reservation
The policy of reservation which is based on the principle of affirmative action has been
controversial from the beginning. While it has always found favour with the sections for
whom it is meant, the others have not been too well disposed towards it. While this
section some how reconciled itself towards reservation for the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes, it found it difficult to accept a similar treatment to the OBCs after the
announcement of the Mandal Commission recommendations. This is because it was felt
that the OBCs really do not have a history of religion-sanctioned social oppression the
way SCs and STs and especially, the SCs have. There is merit in this argument, but as of
today the recommendations have come to stay and the possibility of a change in the status
quo in extremely remote, if not impossible. In fact, since government jobs are
increasingly being reduced in the wake of globalisation, there has been now talk of
reserving jobs in the private/corporate sector for the marginalised sections of society.
This demand, though not concretised as yet, has further widened the split between those
benefited by reservation and those outside the reserved slot.
13.5.4 State Public Service Commissions (SPSCs)
7
Our point regarding the recruitment of the Indian Bureaucracy will not be complete
without a reference to the State Public Service Commissions. As the very nomenclature
indicates, a state public service commission is responsible for recruitment to government
service at the state level. In terms of organisation and functioning, State Public Service
Commissions correspond to the UPSC at the central level. However, in terms of
credibility, a wide gulf exists between the State Public Service Commissions and the
UPSC. In recent times, a lot of State Public Service Commissions have come under a
cloud for their partisan, biased and politicised functioning. It, certainly, is a fact that the
members of State Public Service Commissions are, generally, political appointees and
therefore, susceptible to extraneous pressures.
After having examined aspects like recruitment, etc., we can go to an overview of the
bureaucracy in India after independence up to the era of globalisation. The post-
globalisation era has been treated separately for obvious reasons.
Check Your progress Exercise 3
Note: (I) Use the space below for your answers.
(ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of the unit.
1) Write a short note on the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC).
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2) What is the controversy regarding the policy of reservation?
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13.6 POST-INDEPENDENCE BUREAUCRACY UPTO THE
COMMENCEMENT OF GLOBALISATION
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Bureaucracy after independence set about implementing the agenda of its political
masters (as it is supposed to do). Following achievement of Independence, the Congress
headed by prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru assumed the reigns of power. The Congress
Party was broadly committed to democratic socialism, secularism and non-alignment (in
its foreign policy). The bureaucracy set about implementing this. Since the country was
a fresh, newly independent nation free after centuries of colonial rule, initially there was a
lot of enthusiasm amongst the political leadership as well as the bureaucracy regarding
nation-building. Barring some black sheep in their ranks, the bureaucrats, by and large,
8
exhibited high standards of professional and personal conduct. Of course, even then as
now, they had ‘Burra Sahib’ attitude but rarely were they accused of professional and
personal misconduct (unlike now). Though professionally, the desire to get ahead was
there, the desire for personal aggrandisement was rare.
13.6.1 1967 State Assembly Elections: A Watershed
The year 1967 to be precise marked a watershed in Indian Politics and administration.
This was the year in which the Congress Party’s hegemonic hold over India’s politics was
broken. It lost power for the first time in several assembly elections to the non-right anti-
Congress forces basically put together by the late Prime Minister Chaudhary Charan
Singh. This had a tremendous impact on national politics and on the society. It was
recognised by the political class as well as the common citizenry that the all powerful
Congress Party which had spearheaded India’s fight against colonial rule could be
defeated. It was not possible earlier. The recognition of this fact had far reaching
implication for India’s politics, society and administration. The impact of 1967 can be
felt in the times that we are passing through now.
The support base of the political forces that had dealt a massive electoral and
psychological blow to the Congress and which was largely consolidated by Charan Singh
comprised, essentially, the Other Backward Castes. These forces got a filip after the
1967 elections. Their fairly impressive representation in the bureaucracy today, an
offshoot of the Mandal Commission Recommendations, can be traced back to the
watershed elections of 1967. Indeed, the setting up of the Mandal Commission itself-
which in the last decade has affected India’s polity so decisively was a recognition of the
growing power of socio-political forces unleashed in the wake of the 1967 Vidhan Sabha
elections.
13.6.2 Churning Within the Congress Party
There was a great churning within the Congress itself. The then prime minister Indira
Gandhi who ever since assuming power in 1966 had been facing a tough time from the
old guard (the Syndicate) within the Congress found her position further weakened. To
reclaim her position as well as that of her party, she then undertook a series of steps that
were to overwhelmingly change India’s political landscape as well as the world of
civilian bureaucracy. The Congress Party split in 1969 with the Syndicate getting
marginalised. The party’s official nominee in the presidential elections N. Sanjeeva
Reddy was defeated after Mrs. Gandhi herself put her weight behind V.V. Giri. A series
of populist radical measures endearing Indira Gandhi to the Indian Left, such as the
nationalisation of banks and the abolition of privy purses of the Indian princes followed
9
which helped Mrs. Gandhi and her party to become popular once again. Later on, in
1971, her slogan of ‘Garibi Hatao’ and victory in the Indo-Pak war helped the Congress
under Mrs. Gandhi to win the Lok Sabha elections by a landslide margin. Thus, the
wheel had come full circle. However, the intervening four years led to new ideas such as
the one of a committed bureaucracy emerging.
13.6.3 The Idea of a Committed Bureaucracy
The idea most fundamentally, entailed that a bureaucrat should be hundred percent
committed to the policies and programmes of the political party in power. By extension,
this also implied full commitment to the individual politicians holding power. A
bureaucrat was not to be guided by any other consideration. This development was,
essentially, a consequence of the belief in the Congress circles that the electoral debacle
the party had suffered in 1967 was in no small measure due to the fact that the civil
bureaucracy had not faithfully delivered on the party’s programmes, thus alienating the
voters from the party. Whatever may be the merits of this argument, the idea of a
committed bureaucracy gathered momentum and eventually, became a part and parcel of
Indian public administration.
This had very far reaching and basically negative consequences. Once the idea gained
legitimacy, bureaucrats began currying favours from their political masters. Plum
postings were offered to those who did the bidding of their political bosses, while those
who insisted on following an independent line based on professional opinion were
punished. Punishment took the form of arbitrary transfers, postings to insignificant
departments and in some cases, even suspension from service. A system of rewards and
punishments got institutionalised in due course of time with civil servants being rewarded
and punished on the basis of their loyalty and commitment to politicians or parties and
not on the basis of their professional performance. As indicated above, over a period of
time, the politician-bureaucrat nexus grew into a powerful force immensely benefitting
both the parties, but spelling a blow to the concept of development and citizen friendly
administration. This was, in fact, the ‘politicization of the bureaucracy’ about which we
hear so much laments now.
13.6.4 Bureaucrat – Politician – Businessman Nexus
A parallel – though not always – development was the addition of the businessman to the
unholy combine of the politician and the civil servant. In the democratic socialist or the
Nehruvian Socialist to be more correct, framework of development that India followed
after independence, government permission or licence was required for every small and
big thing necessary for setting up a business. The discretionary power rested with the
10
bureaucrat who could grant the licence against favours granted by the concerned
businessman or alternatively, withhold the permission on the concerned party’s refusal to
please the government official. Very often, the bureaucrat and the political boss to whom
he reported shared in the spoils, as the ultimate sanctioning authority was the politician.
This was the genesis of the notorious ‘Licence-Permit-Quota Raj’ which in about 20-30
years from independence completely derailed India’s socialist pattern of development.
The planning process, the mixed economy, all got off track because of the immensely
powerful and corrupt troika of the officer-politician-businessman often contemptuously
described as the “Babu-Neta-Bania’ syndrome.
The ineffective and inefficient mixed economy brought about by the licence-permit-quota
raj coupled with the politicisation of the bureaucracy remained the contexts of India’s
civilian bureaucracy till the onset of globalisation. The globalisation era going back to
the 1990s marked another watershed in the world of Indian bureaucracy, just as the 1967
elections had done. It is to this that we turn our attention now.
11

Note: (i) Use the space given below your answer
(ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of unit
1. What is committed bureaucracy? What were its consequences?
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2. Write a short note on the bureaucrat-politician-businessman nexus
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13.7 INDIAN BUREAUCRACY IN THE ERA OF GLOBALISATION
The era of globalisation worldwide commenced about one and a half decades back;
sometime around the mid to the late 1980s. What is accepted, generally, as globalisation
today is actually the spread of the process of liberalisation of the economy on a global
scale. By liberalisation of the economy is meant freeing a national economy from
governmental control and letting it run as per the market forces. It is against this
definitional context that we have discussed the bureaucracy in this section.
In India (as indeed in many other countries), it was increasingly felt that the democratic
socialist model of development had failed to deliver the goods. Of course, it is debatable
whether there was something intrinsically wrong with the democratic socialist
framework or it had gone wrong as regards the implementation part. Whatever may be
the truth, the fact was that liberalisation of the economy entailing a slackening, if not total
elimination, of governmental regulation over the economy gained currency. This process
12
was of course actively encouraged by the US influenced bodies such as the IMF
(International Monetary Fund) and the World Bank.
Once liberalisation of the economy was accepted, changes in the bureaucracy were
inevitable. In India (as elsewhere) in the last more than ten years, there has been a
slackening of governmental rules and regulations, which certainly has been a welcome
development. We may mention here that in this unit, we are not debating the merits and
demerits of globalisation. You will read about lobalisation in unit 29. In this unit, we are
only concerned with the impact of globalisation on the bureaucracy and that too in the
Indian context.
As already mentioned, in the era of globalisation or alternatively, Economic Reforms,
there has been a doing away of the plethora of government rules and to this extent, the
developmental process has been speeded up. However, it is still not clear if it has
brought down corruption arising from the acts of commission and omission of the
Bureaucrat – Politician-Businessman combine. Even as the process of economic reforms
consequent to liberalisation has been on, there have been consistent reports of India
continuing to be amongst the most corrupt countries of the world. This naturally raises
questions about the very rationale of liberalising the economy. Be that as it may, the
process of liberalisation is currently very much on in the country.
13.7.1 Attitude of the Bureaucracy
Subsequent to the structural adjustment of the economy consequent to liberalisation, there
have been perceptible shifts in the attitude of the bureaucracy. When liberalisation first
commenced, a lot of bureaucrats were openly hostile to it as they obviously felt that in a
regime of slackening governmental control, the quantum of power wielded by them as
well as their importance would come down. This has indeed happened. The ‘redeeming’
feature in that over the years, some bureaucrats have seen the writing on the wall, and
become ‘facilitators’ rather than obstructers of development. The Indian media in the last
few years has carried quite a few lead stories on the personal initiatives of the post-90s
bureaucrats in the domain of citizen friendly administration. A lot of the comparatively
younger bureaucrats have grown up in the new, liberalising India and are, therefore, more
amenable to the new ideas of development. However, in so far as corruption is
concerned, as we have already stated above, it is difficult to say whether it has gone
down, up or remained at the pre-economic reforms level.
13

1. What has been the impact of globalisation on the Indian buraucracy.

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13.8 SOME CONTROVERSISES/PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH THE
BUREAUCACY
The Indian Bureaucracy has had some continuing problems/controversies associated with
it from the very beginning. It may be mentioned that these problems are to be found in
bureaucracies worldwide.
13.8. 1 Minister Versus Civil Servants
The inter-relationship between the political (ministers) and the permanent
(government officials) executive in India (as elsewhere) has been complex, to say
the least. To a great extent, this is because of the inherent nature of the
relationship between the ministers and the civil servants. In any form of
government and more so in a democracy, such as India’s, the civil servants are
subordinate to the ministers. However, this is not always the case. Where the
minister is ignorant and incompetent, the officers under him have a field day
doing exactly as they please with the minister unable to do a thing. On the other
hand, when the minister is powerful the officers are generally too willing to do the
minister’s bidding; often in contravention of all rules and regulations.
Also, as we have already pointed out, ministers and bureaucrats in India have
often enjoyed a highly mutually beneficial relationship based on a quid pro quo
basis; i.e. a relationship based on mutual exchange of favours. The net result of
all this has been a highly politicized bureaucracy and this fact, has not changed
much even in the post-globalisation era.
13.8.2 Generalists Versus Specialists
This again is a controversy that has plagued the bureaucracies the world over.
Each country has tried to find its own solution to the problem.
14
In India, the genesis of the problem can be traced back to the days of Lord
Cornwallis who is credited with laying the foundation of the civil services in
India. The Britishers needed English knowing Indians and general awareness to
man the lower ranks of the bureaucracy. No specialist knowledge was required.
This set the precedent for Indians from the pure stream of Arts and Humanities
and later on Sciences and Commerce (though not to the same extent) making it to
the civil services. Professionals and Specialists (medicos, engineers, etc.) very
rarely thought of a career in the bureaucracy. However, this has changed over the
years. As governance has become more complex, need has been felt of
‘candidates with a more specialised background. This is because civil servants
with a generalist background have increasingly been found unequal to the task.
The recruiting bodies such as the UPSC have also been encouraging aspirants
with a specialist background, viz., medicos, engineers, lawyers, chartered
accountants, etc.
The controversy is mainly centred on the fact that one school of opinion holds that
a person with a general background (especially in Humanities/Social Sciences) is
better suited for the task of civil administration as s/he can take an overall, macro
view of the tasks and the issues at hand. The other school, however, holds that in
the present globalised era with a lot of emphasis on I.T. (information technology)
and on issues of economic and commercial significance, a specialized background
is more conducive to effective and productive administration. The solution
perhaps lies in effecting a grand mix of the two approaches and in India, this has
been attempted. For instance, the department of science and technology has often
been headed by professional scientists rather than career bureaucrats, even though
one has to mention that the bureaucrats have resented this.
13.8.3 Under-representation of the Minorities
The minorities, especially, the Muslims-India’s largest minority – have often
complained of their poor representation in the country’s premier civil services
such as the IAS and the IPS. However, there is no hard core evidence to support
that this has been deliberately the case. Poor levels of education and motivation
have been a major cause. Solutions such as a separate quota for the minorities
have been suggested, but it requires a consensus amongst the political class.
15

1. Discuss some of the controversies/problems associates with the
bureaucracy in India.
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13.9 LET US SUM UP

In this unit, you have read about the bureaucracy in India. Some form of bureaucracy has
existed from times immemorial. Modern bureaucracy is attributed to people’s Republic
of China which was the first country in the world to conduct on open, competitive
examination for recruitment to the civil services. Bureaucracy basically means a body of
government officials.
In India, bureaucracy as we know it today is traceable to Lord Cornwallis. Colonial
bureaucracy which had the Indian Civil Service (ICS) at its top basically served the ends
of India’s colonial masters. After independence, in the early years there was a lot of
enthusiasm amongst both the political leadership and the bureaucracy regarding nation
building. However, over a period of time things went down. The politician-bureaucrat-
businessman combine, the idea of a committed bureaucracy, all these spelled the doom of
the civil services. Today, the bureaucracy is in the era of globalisation and trying to
come to grips with a loss of power in a regime of slackening governmental control over
the economy.
13.11 SOME USEFUL REFERENCES
Maheshwari, S.R., Public Administration in India, P.B. University, Bangalore,
1980
Crozier, Michael, The Bureaucratic Phenomenon, University of Chicago Press,
chicago, 1964
Downs, Anthorny, Inside Bureaucracy, Little Brocess & Co. Boston 1967
Nehru, Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, Badley Head, London, 1955
13.11 ANWERS TO CHECK YOUR PLROGRESS EXERCIES

1. Your answer should include the following points:
16
(a) Executive arm of the government

(b) Body of government officials
2. Your answer should comprise the following:

(a) Features – hierarchy, chain of command, adherence to rules and
regulations, impersonal/faceless and apolitical
(b) Any two features of your choice

1. Your answer should consist of the following:
(a) Lower ranks largely of Indians; doors to the ICS opened later
(b) Created to serve colonial ends
(c) Nationalist leadership critical of the ICS
(d) Maintenance functions

1. Your answer should include:
(a) Autonomous, statutory body created by the constitution
(b) Recruitment of civilian/military bureaucracy
(c) Advisory body for career matters
2. Your answer should comprise:
(a) Reservation for SCs/STs versus that for OBCs
(b) Possibility of reservation in the private sector

1. Your answer should include:
(a) Commitment to politicians/parties in power
(b) Politicisation of the bureaucracy
2. Your answer should comprise:
(a) Result of licence permit requirement
(b) Relationship of mutual favours and in contravention of rules and
regulations

1. Your answer should mention:
(a) Comparatively less red tapism
(b) Level of corruption not significantly reduced
(c) Positive change among some bureaucrats
Check Your Progress Exercises 6

1. Your answer should include the following points:
(a) Ministers Versus Bureaucrats
(b) Generalists Versus Specialists
(c) Under- representation of Minorities
17
UNIT 14 NATURE OF INDIAN FEDERALISM
Structure
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Nature of a Federation
14.3 Federalism in India
14.3.1 'The Structure of the hidiati Federation
14.3.2 Territories of the States
14.3.3 Structure ot' Government
14.3.4 Division of Powers
14.4 The Union-state Relations
14.4.1 The Financial Powers of the Union and the States
14.4.2 The Finance Coni~nission
14.4.3 The Plannii~gCo~nniissionand National Development Council
14.5 The Union Territories
14.6 Let Us Sum Up
14.7 Some Usefbl Books
14.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit deals with the nature of Indian federalism. It explains the way in which
the Indian federalism is different or si~llilarto some major federations in other
countries.
After reading this unit, you will able to:
Explain the meaning of the concept of federalism;
Understand federalism in the light of polities in India;
Identify the issues which are related to federalism in India; and
Understand the relationships among different units of Indian federal system.
- - - -
14.1 INTRODUCTION
Federalism is a form of government in which the sovereign authority of political
power is divided between the various units. This form of government is also called
a "federation" or a "federal state" in the common parlance. These units are Centre,
state and panchayats or the n~unicipalities.The centre also is called union. The
component units of the union are called variously as states (in the United States of
America), Cantolls (in Switzerland), Prouinee (in Canada). Republics (in the former
Union of Soviet Socialist Republic). Literally, the word 'federal' means contractual.
A federal union is a contractual union. A federal state is a state brought into being
through a contractual union of sovereign states. The union of states by conquest
cannot be called a federal union.
14.2 NATURE OF A FEDERATION

A federation is basically hrnled on the basis of principles of a contract. It means
that the sovereign units-union. states or local units, form a federation on the basis of
mutual and voluntary agreement. This kind of voluntary union1 federation is possible
only in a democratic framework. It also means that tlie extent of illlion is limitcd.
The contracting parties never surrender their coniplete authorit~~lpower. Thusr when
two or more sovereign states unite voluntarily, they retain their internal/local autonon~~.
and unite only on liiatters of collunoii interest. More than a hundred years ago.
therefore, James Bryce declared that 'A federal state is a political contrivance
intended to reconcile national unity and power with the ~naintenaiiceof state rights.'
In actual practice, however, not all-federal states have been born through unio~iof
sovereign states. Many of them have been products of devolution of powers by a
centralized authority of a union govemiient to the lower units. Indian federation in
one such example.
14.3 FEDERALISM IN INDIA

Federalism in India has some siniilarities with that of U.S.A. The Constitution of
India like the Constitution of U.S.A, which is the oldest federation, no where uses
the terni "federation " or "federal union". Both cou~itrieshave dual polity - one for
the Central I Union government: and another for the state govenment. But thcre
are two main differences between them. A person in USA has dual citizenship. one
of the states where he resides. and another the citizenship of hisnier country U.S.A.
There is no dual citizenship in India. An Indian citizen has only one citizenship -
Indian. here is no separate citizenship for the state where a person residcs.
Besides, apart from tlne constitution for the USA,: each state has its own constitution.
But these are loosely interrelated. In India there is only single constitutio~ifor the
wliole country, with the exception of the state of Janmiu and Kashmir.
*
The Article 1 of the Constitution of India describes India as a '-Union of states" for
Indian federalism. The word "Union" has been used because according to Arnbedkar
the "federation in India was not a result of an agreement between different states
to join a Federation". As mentioned earlier, the federation in India is the result of
the devolution of power, not the result of an agreement. This does not give a state
the right to secede from India. But the pattern of division of power under the
Constitution renders it a federal character. This federal character was given by tlie
framers of the Constitu~tionprimarily for two reasons:
1) A federal state is more effective than a unitary one when tlie size of its
territory is as large as India.
2) A federal state is lnclre effective than a unitary one when diverse groups of its
population live in a discrete territorial concentration as in India.
14.3.1 The Struct~~re

of the Indian Federation
The Constitution of India is written and relatively rigid. Several provisions of the
Co~istitutio~i can be amended only with the consent of a majority of the state
legislatures. The Constitution divides power between the Union and the states. The
Supreme Court of India has original jurisdiction to decide disputes between:
a) The Union and a state or a group of states:
b) One state and another state or a group of' other states; and
c) One group of states a.nd another group of' states.
14.3.2 Territories of tlhe States
It is said that thc USA is an 'indestructible u~~iion

of indestructible states'. It means
that the states of the USA cannot be split, merged or altered in size: but they ilia\
not leave the union. But in India boundaries of States can be altered by a la\\
enacted by parliament. It is in this context that in India territorial reorgaiisation lias
been going on till the year 2000 and further reorganisations are possible. In the year
2000 the number the number of states stands at 28, the number of Union territories
at seven.
According to Article 3 of the Constitution of India, Parliament has power to separate

territories from states and U~iio~l
territories to create new states or Union territories,
to merge two or more states orland Union territories, split a state or a Union
territory into two or more states orland Union territories and to unite parts of states
and Union territories to create new states or Union territories. The views of the
concerned state legislatures will have to be taken beforehand but not necessarily
respected.
14.3.3 Structure of Government
The Union and states have separate govenlments, bbth based on parlian~entary
systems. Like President at the Centre, the Institution head of government at State
level is Governor. However, although the President is elected indirectly by the
people, the Governors of the states are appointed by the President (i.e., the Union
Government). Both the President and the Governors are advised by their Councils
of Ministers.
But there is no strict division of public services in India. The Union and the state
officials administer both the Unio~iand state laws simulta~ieously.There are state
civil services. But there are also All-India Sewices whose members serve both the
Union and the state govenunent.
The Indian judiciary is, however, integrated. It is headed by the Supreme Court of
India. which is also the federal court.
14.3.4 Division of Powers

-.
The Indian Constitution lays down an elaborate division of legislative powers between
the Union and state government in the Seventh Schedule. The executive powers of
the Union and state govenulients co-exist with their legislative powers. The powers
of the Union and state govenulie~ltsare enlisted in three lists known as: The Union
list, the State list and the Concurrent list.
In List 1, the Union List, the powers of the Union governmelit are mentio~ied;it
contains 97 subjects; in List 11, the State List, 61 subject are mentioned on w-hich
State legislatures will enact laws. In List 111, the concurrent List are ~lie~itioned
the
powers that are to be concurrently esercised by the Union and tlie state governme~its
aid 47 subjects are me~itio~ied in this. The residual powers, not mentioned in any of
these lists, belong to the Union. There are, however, three conditions attached to
this division:
I) If on a concurrent list subject tlie Union a~ida state's laws conflict, the Union
law will prevail.
2) If the Council of States, or Rajya Sabha by a majority of two-thirds of its
members, decide by a resolution that a certain subject belonging to the state list
is of national importa~icethe Parliament will be able to legislate on it.
3) When a procla~iiatio~iof emergency is in operation the Parliament may legislate
on any of the state subject. The force of sueii law will lapse six months after
the proclamation ceases to operate.
Broadly speaking, all subjects relating to defence, security, external affairs,
communication, currency, banking and insurance, inter-state river and river valleys,
inter-state trade and commerce, major industries. development and regulation of
oilfields and mines declared by Parliament necessary to be controlled by it, census
and universities and other institutions declared by Parliame~lt to be of national
importance are under the Union's control. Public order, police, prisons, local
conununication, land, agriculture, public health, local governnlent, mines not under
the Union's control, intoxicating liquor and betting and gambling are under the
state's control.
The concurrent jurisdiction of the Union and the state extend to criminal law and
criminal procedure, preventive detention, education, forests, inland shipping and
navigation, factories, boilers, electricity, newspapers, books and printing presscs,
weights and measures and price control.

Note: i) Use the space given below for your allsw
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of the unit.
1) Who exercises the residual power in Indian federation'?
2) Why is India referred to as a "Union of states" rather than federation'?
14.4 THE UNION-STATE RELATIONS

A federal state has often been described as a union without unity: meaning that
there is division of power along with cooperation between the partners. This
cooperation has been sought to be established by the Constitution in different ways:
i) In the first place there is a directive of the Constitution that the states should
legislate on subjects belonging to their jurisdiction and the Union can legislate
on subjects belonging to its jurisdiction. But, as we have seen, Parliament may
IegislOte on state subjects in some special cases (See 14.3.4. above).
ii) The Governors, on the other hand, have been given the power to witlll~old
assent to a bill and reserve it for the President's assent. The matter becomes
conlplicated by the fact that the Governors are appointed by the President and
hold ofice during the pleasure of the President (i.e., the Union goverru~~ent).
iii) The Parliament delegate power to legislate on any Union subject to a state
legislature. Two or more states may also delegate the power to legislate on any
of the state subjects. But this can be done only if these states request the
Rajya Sabha (the. Council of States) to pass a resolution empowering the
parliament to legislate on the matters in the state list. Even without the request
of the two or more states, the Parliament can legislate on the state issue, if two
third members present in Rajya Sabha pass resolution to this effect.
iv) The states have been directed to exercise their executive power in compliance
with the laws of the Parliament and any existing law in operation on the state.
The Union has executive power to issue directions to the state to ensure such
compliance.
v) The Union has the power to issue directives to the state to exercise their
executive power without prejudicing the executive power of the Union and the
Union can issue directions to ensure this restriction.
vi) The Union has power to protect the states from external aggression and internal
disturbance
vii) The failure of a state to give effect to any of the directives may lead to a
declaration of constitutional breakdown in a state.
These generally healthy provisions, it should be noted, have sometimes been misused
to the detriment to state autonomy.
14.4.1 The Financial Powers of the Union and the States
Like the legislative and the executive powers financial powers are divided between
the Union and the states in such a detailed and complicated way that most
conuiientators on the Indian federal system have chosen to use the phrase 'financial
relations' rather than 'division of financial power'. This is mainly due to two
reasons. Politically speaking the revenues of the Union are far greater than the
revenues of the states making the states dependent on federal subsidies.
Constitutionally, on the other hand, the Indian Constitution makes a distinction between
the power to levy taxes and the power to appropriate them. There is no concurrent
jurisdiction in the matter of taxation.
Further, the division of financial powers has been subjected to four amendments: the
3rd (in 1954), the 6th (in 1956), the 46th (in 1982) and the 80th (in 2000). These
aniendnients have enhanced the Union's power to levy taxes but not necessarily to
appropriate them. There are three kinds of taxes in the Constitution, as a result:
1) Taxes and duties collected and appropriated by the states.
2) Taxes and duties collected by the Union on behalf of the states and assigned to
them.
3) Taxes and duties collected by the Union and distributed among the states
according to principles laid down by the Parliament.
Besides these taxes and duties the Union has unlin~itedpower to give grants-in-aid
to the states.
The States impose land revenue, agricrlltural income tax, succession duties and
estate duty on agricultural land, taxes on lands and buildings, taxes on mineral rights
subject to any limitations imposed by Parliament by law relating to mineral
development, excise duties on alcoholic liquors, opium, Indian hemp for non-medicinal
purpose, taxes on entry of goods for consumption and sales, taxes on consumption
and sale of electricity, sales tax on goods other than newspapers exchanged within
the State, taxes on advertisements except those on newspapers, radio or television,
taxes on goods transported by roads or inland watenvays and vehicles on road,
taxes on animals and boats, tolls, taxes on professions, trades, callings and
employments, capitation taxes, taxes in luxuries, amusements, betting and gambling
and fees in respect of any of the matters in the State List.
Federalisn~In India The net proceeds of taxes and duties that the Union levies, after being distributed
among the states as above, all loans received by the Union and all its receipts in
repayment of loans form the Consolidated Fund of India. All revenues, loans and
receipts in repayment of loans by a state govemment form the Consolidated Fund
of the State.
Such stamp duties and such duties of excise on medicinal and toilet preparations as
are mentioned in the Union list are levied by the Union government but collected
and appropriated by the states (Art. 268).
Taxes on sale and purchase of goods other than newspapers and taxes on
consignment of goods, where such sale or purchase or consignment takes place in
course of inter-State trade and commerce, shall be levied and collected by the
Union but assigned to the states according to the principles of distribution formulated
by the Parliament (Art. 269).
The other taxes and duties allowed under the Union list-tax on non-agricultural
incomes: customs including export duties, excise duty on tobacco and medicinal and
toilet preparations containing alcohol, opium and narcotic drugs, corporation tax,
taxes on capital value of non-agricultural assets of individuals and companies and
capital of companies, estate and succession duties on property other than agricultural
land, terminal taxes on goods or passengers carried by railways, sea or air, taxes on
railway fares and freights, taxes other than stamp duties on transactions in stock
exchanges and ktures market - are levied and collected by the Union. A percentase
of their proceeds will go to the Union govemment according to the order of the
President (i.e., the Union government ) after considering the recommendations of
the Finance Commission. The rest will be distributed amon3 the states ac$ording to
the prescription of the President after considering the recommendations of the
Finance Commission (Art. 270).
This leaves the Union with the power to charge fees on any matter relating to tlie
subjects in the Union list for its wholesale appropriation. Stamp duties other than
duties and fees collected by means of judicial stamps and fees imposed on the
subjects included in the Concurrent List but not including fees taken in any court
are collected concurrently. Taxes on the residual. subjects are exclusively under the
Union's jurisdiction.
At the same time, the property of the Union and the purchase and storage of water
and electricity by the Union are free from taxation of a state. The property and
income of a state is, on the other hand, free from Union taxation. Any tax iiiiposed
by a state on a Union property before tlie commencement of the Constitution would
continue to be collected by the state until the Parliament otherwise provides. Further,
Parliament, by law, may provide for imposition of tax on a trade or business carried
on by a state.
There is a special provisiori for grant in lieu of export of jute to the states of
Assani, Bihar, Orissa and West Bengal (Article 273). All other grants-in-aid are
governed by Article 275.
14.4.2 The Finance Commission
Every five years the President appoints a Finance Conunission. The Parliament by
law determines the qualification required for appointment to the Commission (Art
280). The Commission recommends to the President:
i) the distribution of the net proceeds of taxes between the Union aid the states
and the allocati~nof shares of such state proceeds among the states:
ii) the principles which should govern the grants-in-aid of the states revenues from
the Consolidated Fund of India; and
iii) the measures needed to augment the Consolidated Fund of a state to supplen~ent
the resources of the panchayats in the statcs.
The President causes the rccomnicndations to be prescntcd to the Parliament (Art.

28 I). It should, however. be noted that tlic recon~mendationsare not mandatory.
The President, that is: the Union government: is the final authority to decide on such
recommendations.
14.4.3 The Planning Commission and National Development Council
Unlike the Finance Commission. the Planning Con~n~ission is not a statutory body. It*
was set up by a f o n ~ ~ aresolution
l of the Union Cabinet in March 1950. The
Platu~ingConln~issionplays an important role in the formulation of India's dconomic
policies. The Prime Minister is the chairman of the Planning Commission. Some of
the important nien~bersof the Planning Coniniission arc Union Council of Ministers,
Cabinet Secretary and other distinguislicd pcrsons. It is an extra - constitutional
agency and works as an advisory body. It is responsible for the Five Year Plans of
the country.
The plans finalised by the Planning Con~n~ission arc discussed by the National
Develop~nentCouncil (NDC). It is the highest reviewing and advisory body in thc
ficld of planning. It was constituted in 1952. The member of the NDC arc Prime
Min~ster. Chief Ministers of all states. nlembers of Planning Conunission and all
Union cabinet ministers. It is an intermediary body between the Union, state and
local govenmient. Five Year Plans become operational after the approval of the
NDC.

ii) Check your answers with the model answers at tlle end of the unit.
1) How many types of taxes are there in the Constitution of India'?
2) Discuss the hnctions of the Finance Commission.
3) What is the rclationsliip between the Planning Comniission and the National
Developnlent Council?
14.5 THE UNION TERRITORIES
The Union territories are small and special areas directly under the administrative
control of the Union government. Many of tllc forn~erUnion territories have been
promoted to the status of states.
The President appoints an adnlinistrator for a Union territory, sonletinlcs designated

as Lieutcnant-Governor. The President nlay also appoint the Governor of an adjacent
state as the administrator of a Union territory. Such Governors. \vhile administering
the Union territories, are not advised by the Council of Ministers of their own
states.
In 1962 Parlimlcnt created a Icgislaturc and a Council of Minister for sonic Union
territories. All of them. except Pondicherry. have by no\\ become statcs. In 1991
Delhi was given a special status as a Union capital territory \vith a large nutonom!..
14.6 LET US SLIM UP

Federalisnl is a union without unity in political tenlls. I11 India this union is n result
of devolution of power from the central governnlent to the state governments. The
Constitution divides legislative, executive and financial poncrs bctcvecn tllc Union
and the states with a tilt towards the Union. The Indian judiciaq. is integrated but
the higllest court is also tllc federal court of the country. The state boundaries are
not fin11 and there are occasional Union-state and center-state tensions.

D. Basu, Introhction lo the finstittltion of India. New Dellli, Prentice-Hall.
Economic Refbrms: The Role of' Stales and the Fllture of' C'entcr-Stale /<elations,
New Delhi: Observer Rescarch Foundation, 1996
Ian Copland and John Rickard (eds.), FeLleralism: Con~paraliveI'e~spectives,from
India and Auslralio, New Delhi, Manohar, 1999.

EXERCISES
I) The Union
e
2) Unlike in the federation. \\hich is result of the agreemalt bet\ccen the constituent
units. in tllc "Union of States" the constituent units of the Indian union have no
sight to secede.
I) Three types of taxes; collected and appropriated by the states. collected by the
Union on behalf of the states and assigned to them. and. collected b! the union
and distributed among the states according to the principles laid down b!. the
constitution.
2) To reconlnlend to the President distribution of taxes between the Union and
states, principles governing the grant-in-aid of the state revenue fro111 the
Consolidated Fund of India, and measures to augment the Consolidated Fun of
India.
3) Plans finaliscd by the. Planning Conlmission are discussed b ~ the
. National
Devclopnlent Council (NDC).
UNIT 15 SPECIAL PROVISIONS FOR NORTH-
EAST. J & K. ETC.
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Special Provisions
15.2.1 Article 370 Regarding Ja~nmuand Kashmir
15.2.2 -
The Sixth Schedule for the North East
15.2.3 The Filth Schedule for the Scheduled Areas
Why Special Provisions'?
I 5.3.l Jammu a11d Kashmir
15.3.2 The North - East
15.3.3 The Scheduled Areas
15.3.4 Special Category Sti~teb(SCS)
Politics Relating to the Special Provisions
15.4.1 Ja~n~nu
and K>~shn~ir
15.4.2 North - East India
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Some Useful Books
15.0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit, you will be able to:
Identify the areas which are distinct from most other parts of the country;
Know the special constitutional provisions meant for these regions;
Give reasons for introduction of the special provisions; and
Understand the different perceptions of the special provisions witllin these regions.
15.1 INTRODUCTION
The Constitution of India provides for uniform rule over the whole country. 'But
certain regions of the country are governed by special provisions. These provisions
ensure the protection of cultural identities, customs and economic and political
interests of the original inhabitants of these areas. These regions include the tribal
hills of the North Eastern States, i.e., Assam, Arunachal Paradesh: Manipur: Nagaland,
Mizoram, Meghalaya and Tripura: the state of Jarnrnu and Kashmir and the regions
known as the "Scheduled Areas".
"The Scheduled Areas" are those tribal inhabited areas which are located in other
parts of the country than the North-East India. These areas are located in the
states of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar. Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Madlya
Pradesh, .Iharkhand, Maharashtra, Orissa and Rajasthan. Besides these areas, some
other regions of the country also are governed by the special provisions.
Furthermore: some states have been clamouring to be accorded Special Category
States (SCS), though there are no special provisions for them in the constitution.
Placement in such category would entitle then1 to get special assistance to
development - like increase in tile grant-in-aid in comparison to the loan. While the
loans have to be repaid to the lender, the grant-in-aid has not to be re-paid. Orissa:
Bihar and the newly created state of Uttaranchal have demanded to be included in
the SCS.
k 1ndIa
.@~ilurr(krw
15.2 SPECIAL PROVISIONS
Our Constitution has the following special provisions:
15.2.1 Article 370 Regarding Jammu and Kashmir

No law passed by the Parlia~iientregarding the state of Janimu and Kaslllnir call
be applied to the state without the Order of President of India in concurrence of tlie
state government. No such conditions exist in the case of other states. In the
original Constitution of Jamrnu and Kashmir, the provisions of Article 370 were
described as "temporary" measures. Under the agreement of 1975 signed between
Shiekh Abdullah and Indira Gandhi it was agreed upon that Abdullah will give up
the demand for plebiscite and special status of Janimu and Kashniir \ \ T i l l continue: it
would no longcr reniain a temporan. measure. But the agreement could not be
in~plc~iientcdowing to the differences and the Order of the President could ~iotbe
issued. Jan~niuand Kaslimir is the only state in the county having a Constitutio~lof
its own \vithin the franiework of Indian Union. The iniportant provisions of the
Constitution of Janin~uand Kashmir can be sununarised as follows :
i) Territory of Janimu and Kashmir consists of all those areas \\.\-hicIiwere under
tlie sovereignty of erstwhile ruler. These areas incl~tdethat territon which is at
present under the occupation of Pakistan.
ii) Out of 123 assembly seats of Jammu and Kashmir, 25 allotted to the Pakistan-
occupied portion of Kashmir. remain vacant because the situation is unsuitable
for the election there;
iii) Tliough the executive aid legislative powers of the State governriient cover the
entire state, yet these powers do not apply to those areas which come under
the jurisdiction of Parliament;
iv) The "peniiancnt residents" of Jammu and Kashmir enjoy all rights which are
guaranteed in the Constitution of the Countq/.
v) A majorit>.of not less than t11.o-thirds of the members' of the house can anend
the Constitution by passing a bill. But the bill can not niakc the changes in
provisions relating to the relationship between the state and the Union.
15.2.2 The VI Schedule for the North - East
According to Article 244 of the Constitution the VI Schedule lays down special
provisions for the protection of the interest and cultural identities of t4.e hill tribes of
North. The most important provision of the VI Schedule is creation of the Auto~iomous
District Councils. While tribals of some of the North - Eastern states have the
Autononious District Councils, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and greater part of
Mizora~ndo not. have this. The lnner Lines Regulation exist for three states: i. e.,
Arunachal Pradcsh, Mizoram and Nagaland, aid North Cachar district of Assam.,
The modern institution df the Autonomous District Councils are elected bodies.
They are controlled by the new generation which has benefited from modern means
of education. This placed the new elite in confrontation with the traditional elite who
have considered it as an enchroachment on their position. In fact: they have been
de~nandingits abrogation. Also a section of the non- tribals have been seeking the
removal of the Autonomous District Councils. They agrue that the VI Schedule was
introduced to protect the interests of the tribals while they would be constitue~itsof
Assam. But with the formation of separate states there was no need for tlie
Autonomous District Councils. Besides, there is no clear demarcatio~iof the jurisdiction
of the ADCs, which result in overlapping of the jurisdiction of the ADCs. state
legislature and the village councils. ,This causes inconvenience to tlic people.
Spceli~lP_rovihiol~sI'UI
Since the British days a system of ln~lcrLine was drawn up under the Bellgal North-E~bst,. I & l i , Etc.
Easten1 Frontier Regulation , 1873. It prohibits the travel of outsiders into the area I
beyond the Inner Line without the govcr~uncnt's permission. Ainled primarily at
protecting the people of the covered area from the esploitation of the plainsnlen.
this also preserved the British control there and hindered the integration of the
people of the hills and plains. The lnller Line is a subject of hot controversy in
northeast India.
15.2.3 The V Schedule for Scheduled Areas
For the protection of the interests and cultural identity of the tribals residing in parts
of the country other than hills of the North-East, there are special provisions in the
Constitution of India. These areas are lulown as the Scheduled areas and the
provisions regarding them are enshrined in the V Schedule of our constitution.
Parlianlent has powers to change these by ordinary legislation without amending the
constitution. The main provisions are as follows:
i) The executive power of tlle states extend to the scheduled areas;
ii) The Governor of these states has to subnlit the report to the president regarding
the administration of such areas on the a~ulualbasis or \vhenevcr required to do
so;
iii) Tribes Advisory Coullcils have to be constituted to advise the govenunent on
the nlatters relating to the welfare and advancement of the Sclledules Tribes -
these matters are those which may have bcen referred to the councils by the
Governor;
iv) The Governor is authorised to direct the state govetnmcnt not to apply in the
scheduled Areas any Act of Parlianlent of or the state Legislature or apply it
subject to exceptions or n~odifications;
v) The Governor is autl~orisedto nlake regulations to prohibit or restrict transfer
,f' land by or anlong the members of Scheduled Tribes, to regulate the allot~lle~~t
' . 4 2nd thg, business of money-lending. All such regulations made by the
"
, ;t llavc the assent of the President;

vi) . i'rcsrilent l?lay appoint a Comnlission to report on the adnlinistration of the
be.. cduled Arcas and Scheduled Tribes in thc state. As it was obligatory to
app~intslrch Colnmission at the end of first ten y a r s of the implenlentation of
the ( ' , , i ~ ,t~tution:the first Comnlission was appointed in 1960. The Conm~ission
submitted its report in 196 1.

ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of the unit.
1) Mention the special provisions which are meant for the North - East India.
15.3 WHY SPECIAL PROVISIONS?
15.3.1 Jammu and Kashmir
The whole state of Jammu and Kashmir enjoys special status anlong the states i11
India under Article 370 of the Constitution. This state enjoys special position because
of the special circumstances under which it was brought under the govern'mcc of
the Union of India. During the British period the state of Jammu and Kaslullir was
ruled by a hereditary king. Like many rulers Maharaja Hari Singh joined Dominion
of lndia by signing the I~cstruincntof Accession on October 26, 1947. India agreed
to accept the accession of Jammu and Kashmir on the request of Maharaja : who
had fourld it necessary following the attack of the Azad Kashmir forces in the
wake of the formation of Pakistan. Accordingly the subjects of Defence: External
Affairs and Comnlunication in respect of Jammu and Kashmir like other states
which joined lndia as per the lnstrument came under the jurisdiction of Dominion of
India. With the implementation of the Constitution in 1950, the state of Janu~luand
Kashmir was included in the Part B of the first Schedule.
Despite being a member of the Part B states, the part in which the erstwhile big
Princely states wcre placed, special provisions were devised for the govenlance of
the state of Janlrnu and b h n l i r . These provisions were different from' those meant
for other states of the part B. These were incorporated in the Article 370 of the
Constitution. According to thc provisions of this article: the state of Jammu and
Kashmir was given a separate Constituent Assembly. It consisted of the
representatives of people of the statc. The aim of the Constituent Assembly was to
\\rite the constitution of the state and demarcate the jurisdiction of Union of India
over the statc of Jammu and Kaslunir. The provisions of the Constituent Assembly
were applied as interim arrangements.
Even as in the cases of erstwhile princely states, the Government of India \\as
empowered to exercise control over all issues mentioned in the UII~OII List. in tliis
case thc Government of lndia had given public assurance that the Accession of tliis
state to the Union of lndia would be subject to the confirmatio~lbj! the people of
Jammu and Kashmir. The Government of India in turn put the condition on the
Maharaja that following the accession the Maharaja would introduce a popular
government. It meant that he would abolish the hereditary nile.The accession \\as
confinned by the people of Jarnnlu and Kashnlir through their representatives in the
Constituent Assembly of state. But it \\?as done on the condition that Jammu and
Kashnlir would be governed by different rules to be franled by the Constituent
Assembly. Thc suggestions of the Constituent Assembly of Janznlu and Kashnlir
were incorporated in Article 370 of the Constitution of India. The continuation,
amendment or the suspension of this article can not be done without support of a
majority not less than two thirds of the menlbership of legislation Assembl~~ of
Jammu and Kashmir, whi~hmans people of the state. The President of lndia
asscnted the recommendations of the Constituent Assembly by making Constitution
(Application to Jammu and Gshmir) Order, 1950, in consultation with the Govem~lent
of Jammu and Kashmir. This Order specified that the Parliament of India would be
competent to make laws relating to three areas - Defence, Foreign Affairs,
Conununication, i.e., issues agreed up011 in the Instrument of Accession. All other
issues were to be administered according to the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir.
Again, in 1952, an, agreement was'signed between the state govenlnlent and the
Union of lndia. This agreement brought all issues mentioned in.the Union List. not
only three issues of ~efence,Foreign Affairs and Comniunication, under the
jurisdiction of the .Union Qovernment, pending the decision of the Constituent
Assembly of Jamnlu and Kashmir. In 1954, the Constituent Assembly of the Janlniu
and Kashmir ratified the Accession to lndia as well as the agreenlent between the
-. .
state governmelit and tlie U~lionof India. Tllc President in consultation with the Splsrlill P r o v i a i o ~ ~[or
s
N ~ ~ r t l ~ - E l.l&K,
~ s t . Etc.
state government made the Constitutio~l(Application to Janullu and Kaslmiir) Order,
1954. This Order iniplenie~itedthe agreement of 1952 signed between the state
govenunent and the Unio~igovemilalt and ratified tlie Constitue~itAssembly. This
Order also superceded the earlier Order of 1950.
Tlie Order of 1952 expanded the scope of jurisdiction of the centre from just three
subjects of Defence, Foreign Affairs and Coin~iiunicationmentioned in the Instrument
of Accession of Jammu and Kashniir to all subjects mentioned in the Union subjects
in tlie Constitution of India. This Order was anlendcd seven times between 1963
and 1974. The amended Order brings the entire constitutional position of the state
of Janmiu and Kashniir within the framework of the Constitution of India, escluding
the Constitution of Janimu and Kashmir which wvas made by the Constituent Assembly
of the state.
The state of Januilu and Kasllnlir is tllc only state in tllc country wwlliich lias its own
Constitution. It is also the o n l ~ state,
f \\.hich llad a Constituent Assembly: wvliicli
drafted the constitutio~iof tllc state. The Co~lstituentAssembly of Ja~lmiu and
Kashrnir: was elected by tlie people of the state. Tlle Constituent Assembly met for
the first time on October 3 I : 195 1 .
Tlie Constituent Assembly of Jalnm~~

and Kashnlir perfornied two main functions:
i) It abolished the hereditary rule of Maharaja and replaced it \with the elected
head: Sadnr-l-Ri~n.~nt,this post later was changed into the governor's post. As
per the conditions of the Instruille~itof Accession, the Maharaja introduced a
popular interini governmait, after inviting Sheikh Abdulla, President of the All
India Jamniu and Kasluiiir Confere~lceto fonll tlle interini government. Later
the interim govenmie~itchanged illto a full-fledged cabinet, and Sheikh Abdulla
became its first Prime Minister. But Shcikll Abdullah wwlas not satisfied with it.
He wanted the Mallaraja Hari Sing11 to resign. Since abolition of the hereditary
post was one of the conditions of the Goveninle~itof India in the Instrument of
Accession, in June 1949. the Maharaja abdicated in favour of his young son
Yuvaraj Karan Singh. Tllc Co~lstitue~lt Assembly elected tlle Yuvraj as 'Sadar-1-
Riyasat' on October 3. 1951 However, b}' the Constitution of Jarnmu and
Kashmir, 6th Aniendme~ltAct -1965, the post of Sadar-I-Riyasat was abolished.
ii) It framed the Constitutioli of tlie state. Tlie Draft Constitutio~iof the Constituent
Assembly for state wvas adopted on Novcmer 17, 1957 and given effect from
January 26: 1957.

ii) Check your answer with tlie model answers given at tlle end of the unit.
I ) Mention the subjects which fell under tile jurisdiction of the Government of
India followi~igtlle signing l~lstrunle~lt
of Accession.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
15.3.2 The North - East

The V1 Schedule of tlie Co~istitutionof India created Auto~~omous Districts within
Assam in order to preserve tribal auto~iomyand protect the cultural and econoniic
interests of the hill tribes. The hill regions of North - East India have a history of
being governed by different criterion in co~nparisonto tlie rest of India. While ~iiost-
of India with the exceprion of the princely states was govenied by the standard
colonial administration, the hill regions of Assa~iiwere ruled by the British indirectly.
. The British did not interkrc with their the traditional system of authority. The issues
- relating to land, inheritance, forest, dispute resolutions, etc., were dealt with according
to the custoniary laws. and through the arbitration of clan and tribal chiefs. They
were declared "backward areas" according to the Governlent of India Act, 1919.
The Government of India Act, 1935 turned them into , "excluded" and "partially
excluded" areas. There was some difference between the "excluded" and "partially
excluded'' areas. The former were not represented in the legislature of Assam,
tliougli tliey were located in the province of Assam. Tlie "partially excluded" areas
were privileged to have some legislative experience within the state of Assam. The
"excluded areas" were administered by the Govemor -in- Council as liis '' reserved"
jurisdiction. On the "partially excluded" areas there was sollie authority of the
provi~iciallegislature. Jurisdiction of the courts of British India was limited in such
areas.
Tlie British India goveniment placed the hill region of Assaln in the "excluded'
category because of the expediency of their policy-orientation. Finding the cost of
adriiinistration not being compensated by the revenue returns: tlie British found it
more cxpedic~itnot spend on n~nni~ig tlie adniinistration of this region. Rather tlie
hills nfcre Icft to be govcmcd by their traditional rule, which did not cost them
an~thing.Besides, tlie people in this area had been averse to the liotion of any
outsider ruling over them. Any intrusion or its apprehension into their affairs \\as
met with oppositio~iand hostility.
In order to retain their distinctness, the British mooted a plan to bring all areas of
the North-East along with hills of Burnia under a "Crown Colony". .The plan to
create a "Crown colony" was a secrete plan and was known as the "Coupland
Plan" nanied after -Reginald Coupland. This suggestion was rejected by thc Indian
National Congress. But the need to retain the distinctness of this region was
recogiised by providing special provisions regarding their govcmance. These provisions
were included on tlie basis of the reconuiiendations of tlie North-East Frontier
(Assani). Tribal and Excluded Area Sub- Conunittee of the Advisory Conuiiittee of
tlie Constituent Assembly of India. The sub-conunittee was kno\\~~i as Bordoloi sub-
co~iimitteenanied after its chaimian Gopinath Bordoloi, a member of tlie Constituent
Assembly. and the then Prime Minister of Assam.
The niain rccornnic~idationof Bordoloi Sub-committee was establishment of the

Auto~ioniousDistrict Councils and Regional Cou~icilsin for the tribal areas with111
the state of Assam. With the commencement of the Constitution on January 26,
1950, Autonomous District Cou~icilscame into existence in thc hill districts of
Assani except the Naga Hills (suffering from the separatist violence) and extremely
backward Frontier Tracts. After the reorganisation of North-East India there was a
restructuring of the District Councils. In 1984 the VI Schedule was extended to
Tripura ( You will read about the story of reorganisation of North-East India in Unit
17.6.4)
Note: i) Use tlie space given below for your answers.
ii) Check Your answer with the model answers given at tlie end of the unit.
I) What were the reasons for introducing the special provisio~isfor the hill areas
of North-East India'?
Special Frtrvieicr#~ht o r
15.3.3 The Scheduled Areas Nwth-E;rut. .!&l$,
Etc.
As you have seen in this unit earlier the "Scheduled Areas" are those tribal-
inhabited areas which are located in states other than those of North - East India.
Like the tribals of the hills of the North - East: they are also protected by the
Special Provisions as enshrined in the V Schedule of our Constitution. This Schedule
provides the safeguards to their cultural identity and economic interests.
15.3.4 Special Category States (SCS)

Tlie Special Category States arc a purcly adniinistrative category and not the
constitutional ones. The states which arc backward in terms of the development of
tlie infra-structure or which have. suffered due to the national disasters like drought
or flood demand to be categorised as the Special Category States. Acceptance or
rejection of such denlands also depends on the political factors.
15.4 POLITICS RELATING TO THE SPECIAL

PROVISIONS
Despite the existence of special provisions for different areas, there has been
dissatisfactio~lon their relevance or ineficiency in alriiost all such regions of the
country where such provisions esist. Some oppose these provisions describing them
to be inadequate, others oppose them as unnecessary and violative of the minority
rights.
15.4.1 Jammu and Kashn~ir
Tlie accession of Jamniu and Kashniir wfas opposed by the pro-Pakistan forces
known as the "Plebiscite Front". Shcikh Abdullah also joined the movement of
"Plibiscite Front". He was incarcerated froni 1955 and released in 1964. But he
was arrested again in 1965. and estcrned from the state in 1971. He was released
in 1975 following an agreement between Shcikh Abdullah and Indira Gandhi: the
"Plebiscite Front" and the Union government. The National Conference led by his
so11 Farooq Abdullah has been demanding that in case of Janimu and Kashniir the
pre - 1953 position be restored. That meals the central government should have
jurisdiction on only three subjects which were mentioned in the Instrument of
Accession- Defence, Communication and Foreign Affairs. Recently the J a r n u and
Kashmir Legislative Assembly passed a resolution demanding autonomy of the i
state. This resolution has been rejected by the central government led by the NDA,
of wliich the BJP is tlie largest party aid National Conference is a partner. The
BJP is opposed to the continuance of the Article 370.
15.4.2 North-East India

Siniilarly there are reservatio~ison tlie VI Schedule frog1 various quarters. In fact,
Naga separatists had refused to accept the VI Schedule, as they thought that the
VI Schedule was an instru~nentof the integration of their district with India and
Assam.
The introduction of the Autonomous District Councils weakened the position of the
erstwhile ruling chiefs of the tribal society. The District Councils are controlled by
the new generation of leadership. Therefore, the opposition to the Councils canie
froni them. Thirdly, there are people who feel that the Autonomous District Councils
are constrained by limitations; their position should be strengthened. There is
overlapping of the jurisdiction of the District Councils, village Councils and the state
government. These bodies are also being accused as breeding ground for corruption.
Autono~nousDistrict Councils are primarily representative bodies, which have
legislative power over certain issues like nianagenient of unreserved forests,
inheritance of property. marriage and social custonis. and Govenior maj. confer
upon these Councils power to try certain suits or offences. Tlic Councils have
po\\!cr to assess and collect land revenue and to impose certain taxes which are
specified. It is obligaton to get the assent of the Governor for the laws made by
the Councils. The non-tribals consider these bodies to be unnecessary. They allege
that these are being used by the tribal vested interests to harass them. A large
section of them want their abrogation.
15.5 LET US SUM UP

After reading this unit you must have come to know that tllcre are certain regions
in India, which are governed by special provisions under the Constitution. These
areas are the llill regions of the North-East India, Janunu and Kashmir, and the
Scheduled areas hill arcas other than the North-East. The VI Schedule, article 370
and tlie V Sclicdulc of our Constitutions are embodied with the Special Provisions
for tlic liill area of North-East India. Jammu and Kashmir and tlie regions witliin the
Scheduled arcas rcspcctivcl>,.Tllc hill regions of the North - East \vliich fall within
the jurisdiction of the WI Schedule in the states of Assani, Arunachal Pradesh,
Manipur- Na3aland. Mizoram, Meghalaya and Tripura. '-The Scheduled Areas" are
located in tlic states of Andllra Pradcsh. Bihar, Gujarat, HinmAxtl Pradesh: Madhya
Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa and Rajasthan. The Spccial Provisions are ~neantto
protect the cultural identities and rights of the residents of the concerned regions,
especially from the encroachment of outsiders. According to these pro\iisions:
outsiders can not sell or purchasc the property of their residents, their affairs are
governed by their customary laws. In case of the North-East India. the Autonomous
District Councils and The Inner Lines Regulations are promulgated on the basis of
the VI Schedule. Janu~iuand KaShmir is the only state in the countn/. which has its
own Constitution. Any Act passed by India parlianient which is related to Jammu
and Kash~nircan not become a law unless it is passed by tlic President of India in
consultation \\rith the state assembly. However, there arc sollie contro\icrsies
regarding the need and eficicncy raised by both the supporters and oppo~ientsof
tlic Spccial Provisions fro111 cvcnf concerned region. Ncvcrthclcss, these provisio~is
have helped in sewing the purpose tlicy wcrc nieant for.
15.6 KEY WORDS

Special Provisions : Special provisions ensllrined in the Constitution
of India whicli are nieant for the certain
rcgions of the countq. on account of cultural.
historical, econoniic and political consideration.
Autonomous District Councils : District councils set up in the tribal regions of
North - East India under the VI Sclledi~leof
the Constitution for the protection of cultul-a1
identitics and political interests of the tribals
inhabiting these regions. .
Sadrr - I- Riyasat : An elccted head of the state of Janlnii~nrld
Kashmir \\.hich had replaced tlic hereditan.
n ~ l cof the Maharqia. Later on it eliangcd ~nto
the governor's post.

Chaube, S.K., Hill I'oli/ics in North-Ea.s/ India. Orient Longmen. New Dcllii 1999.
Basu, D.D., Introdz4ction /o the Consti/u/ion of India. Printicc: Hall. New Delhi. 1985.
Bakshi, P.M, I'he C'ons/i/lrtion c!flndia (with selective conllllents by the author).
Universal Law ~ u b l i s h i hCompany,
~ Delhi, 1999.
- - - - - - - - - - -

EXERCISES
1) The VI Schedule : Autonomo~~s
District Co~~ncils;
Inner Lincs Regulations.
1) Defence, Esternal Affairs and Conmiunication.
1) Preservation of identities of tlie inhabitants of tliese regions - cultural, social
and historical. and protection of their political and econornic interests.
UNIT 16 ISSUES IN CONFLICT AND
COOPERATION IN INDIAN FEDERALISM
I
Structure
16.0 Objectives
16.1 Introduction
16.2 Federalism and Centralisation
16.2.1 Centralisation
16.2.2 Changing Environment
16.3 Role of Governor
16.3.1 Appointment of Governor
16.3.2 Discretionary Powers of Governor
16.3.3 Reservation of Bills for Consideration of President
16.4 Use of Emergency Powers
16.4.1 Emergelicy Under Article 356
16.4.2 Contlict Over President's Rule
16.5 Financial Relations
16.5.1 Tawtion Powers
16.5.2 Issue of Gralits
16.5.3 Ecoliolnic Planning
16.6 Use of Electronic Media
16.7 Demand for Autonomy and Cooperation
16.7.1 Demand for Autonomy
16.7.2 Steps Towards Cooperation
16.7.3 Sarkaria Commission
16.7.4 Inter- Stnte Coulicil
16.8 Let Us Sum Up
16.9 Key Words
16.10 Some Usehl Books
16.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit deals with the areas of tension and cooperation that have emerged in India
due to constitutional provisions and more so working of federal system during last
more than fifty years. After studying this unit you will be able to:
Understand reasons and environment leading to emergence of conflicts cooperation

in union-state relations.
Recongnise the areas of tensions between union and states: their nature and
implications.
Understand various suggestions and recommendations made for improvement or
changes in the union-state relations to reduce conflicts and tensions.
Appreciate the emerging trends in the working of Indian Federalism.
-
16.1 INTRODUCTION
You have already read in unit 14 that though Indian Federal system was described
as one of "Cooperative Federalism", it was in fact a federation with a strong centre
and significant unitary features. It was so structured as to establish supremacy of
the union government while providing autonomy of the states in certain fields. The
,A/
scheme of Qistribution of powers in the legislative, administrative and financial fields
under the seventh scliedule of the Constitution was so effected as to make the lxnuex in C u l ~ t l i r t;IIIII
Cooper;~tiosill 111dio11
Union Government more powerful than the states. In addition the rcsiduaql powers Fcderulivn~
were also conferred on the Union govenunent. In the lialiie of eniergency provisions
even sweeping powers were given to the centre to exercise overriding legislative
and executive authority to enable it to transform the federal systeni into virtually a
/ unitary system. At the time of framing of tlie Constitiition (in the interest of national
unity and development) centralisation of powers was considered necessary. During
the working of the Constitution the central govcninicnt not only used the provisions
of the Constitution enoniiousl~~ but also kept on consolidating and increasing its
I
powers. After some time particularly fro111mid 1960s thcrc started emerging questions
about nature of Indian federalism. We are licrc discussing all these issues in the
context of their background, implications and future trends.
r
16.2 FEDERALISM AND CENTRALISATION
The political elite which inherited power after independence w7as niuch in favour of
a strong centre, strong enough not only to iniplcme~itcentre's policies but also to
maintain the national elite's position as definitely superior. Therefore, even the
centralised federation provided by tlie Constitution was considcrcd or found insufficient
b!. tlieni and the rulers at the centre ai~g~iie~itcd po\\crs further by means fair or
foul. The fact of one party in poucr both at the centre and in alniost all states
helped in this augnicntation.
16.2.1 Centralisation
The main justification provided for ccritralisatio~iat tlie Centre was that with the
experience of partition to niaintain tlie unity and integrity of tlie countql a strong
centre was necessarj. Also for a balanccd and planned dcvclopnient of ncwl!~
independent country centralised efforts were required. In practice attempts to
centralise were two: one to keep the doniillant party in po\jler in as many states as
~ossibleand. two to consolidate the central leadership's autlioritj within tlie party.
For this purpose various constitutional and extra-constitutional methods includ~ngthe
use of governors oficc and emergency provisions were used. The Centre developed
the role of a patriarch controlli~gand running tlic States through part! Chief Ministers.
At tlmes. some of the union's cstraordinary poners like imposition of President's
rule under Art. 356 nerc used to settle intra-party problems. During tlie era of one-
party doniiiiancc the Caitrc-State relations ncrc merely a reflection of relations
between the state branches of the Congrcss and its central Icadcrship. Thc federal
structure never had a cliancc to operate. nor the states to ai-joy their co~istitutio~ial
autonomy.
As a whole in the background of frccdoni niovcn~cntwhich itsclf was a unifving

force, the trauma of partition. one-party dominance. strong charisniatic leadership.
national planning and perception of the national political elite, the Constitution itself
was designed to centralist po\vcr. It \\as iniplcnicnted in al~iiosta unitary form. The
result was that Centre became superior in all domains. It felt free to hold up its
sanction to the States projects. It bccanic a nlonitor of the law and order situation
in the States. It started asserting a right to veto state bills. It dismissed state
governnients as and when it so wanted. It distributed grants to States at will. It
'
even iniposed Chief Ministers. Many observers suggested that in effect fcderalis~ii
was converted into a unitan. froni of goveninient with States as subordillate agencies
of the union government.
16.2.2 Changing Environment

The system of centre's prc-domination and process of centralisation worked \\itliout
iiiuch difficult~lor opposition till there \vas one party's rule at the Centre and in
I.'edernlisn~in lndiu alnlost all tllc states and Congress \\!as controlled by a set of leaders \\.I10 becai~sc
of their role in the freedon1 struggle were respected as natio~lalleaders. Tllerc n-as
also expectation anlong inasses of hlfillment of their hopes of dcvclopment. From
the mid 1960s; ho\vevcr, situatio~istarted changing. The cliarisn~aticleaders started
disappearing frorn the scene. The planned development's failurc to fillfil people.
aspiration started beco~iiingclear. There had emerged a powerfill niiddle class \\?it11
varying political ambitions. and conflicting econo~nic interests. As a result of
introduction of democrat): some land refonns and agricultural development tlicre
also rose a rich farnicr class interested in protection of their interests at Statc level.
All this culn~inatedin tlw change of party system. The Congress started losing its
image as a nationalist movcmcnt. In addition to the so-called national parties beco~ning
. faction- ridden tllcrc also e~iiergcdnew regional parties. In 1967 general elections
Congrcss not only bccamc weak at the central level but also did get the majority
part! in cight statcs. Witli this canlc up a new debate on Union-state relations. The
non-Congress govcmmcnts in Statcs, were not prepared to blindly accept the dictates
of the ccntrc. Sonlc statc govcninicnts like tliosc of Kcrala, West Bengal and Taniil
Nadu, in particular cnlphasiscd the need for maintaillilig intact tllc principle of statc
auto~iom~. The victories on non-Congress parties in several statcs also intensiticd
factional disputes within Congress and tliercforc questioning of the control by centl.al
leadership.
To begin wit11 debate on union-State relations was limited. Bj. 1972 the Coligress
party and the Union govcninlent regained their predominance. Ho\\,evcr, the situation
was not as before 1967. Now tlic process of ccntralisation bcca~licniore severe.
The Central governnlcnt adopted increasingly interventionist practices in tlle States.
Not only a niore ccntraliscd but also pcrso~laliscdprocess was set in. From 1977
omvards \\.it11 the cliangc in parties in power and conling of coalition governments
at tllc central Ic\lcl tllcre had been cmcrging nc\\! debates and processes in Union-
Statc rclations. But in general. in spite of challcngcs and nc\\: devclopmalts. U~lio~i
go\lernmalts Ilavc continued \\-it11 the idea of prcdon~inanccof centre, its right to
intcrvcnc in State's affairs and misuse of the office of go\:cnlor and PO\\-crto
inlposc President's ri~lc.TIILISthe general trend has bccn that of centre encroaching
steadily upon the state's domain. This increasing cc~ltralisatio~i and i~ltenlentionof
the ccntnral goveninlcnt has caused some nlajor tension arcas in Union-State relations.
Inlportant of tliesc are:
1) Role of Govenlor
2) I~i~position
of Prcsidalt's rule
3) Reservation of Bills for the consideration of the President
4) Sharing of Finances
5 ) Use of electronic Media
16.3 ROLE OF GOVERNOR

Governor has bccn described as the linchpin of the co~~stitutio~ial appartus of the
Statc Iia\ling kc!. rblc in Union-State rclations. The Co~istitution empo\vcrs the
Centre to appoint Governors in states to work as Centre's rcpresc~itativcand to
nlaintain coordination between the Centre and the States. Ho\\cvcr. in practice. the
position and role of Govenlor has become a sitbstantial issue of tension between the
Centre and the States.
16.3.1 Appointment of Governor

The starting point of tension*between Union govcrnnlent and states with regard to
office of Govcnlor. is that ccntrc appoints tlle Governor as if hclshc \\.as just a
representative of tlic centre in the Statc. In fact ruling part!. at Centre has found
the office of Governor as an effective instnlnicnt to recapture po\vcr for itself. The
result is. as Soli Sorabjce puts "It \ \ i l l not be an cxaggcration to say that no
~nstitutionor coiistitutional office lias suffered grcatcr crosio~ior degradation than
the office of tlie Govcnior". To makc sure that Governors act .on behalf of the
Central Governmelit the trend of appointing Govcnior after consulting State Chief
Ministers has also been relegated. At present there are sollie pressures for following
tliis tradition or consulting tlic Cliief Min~sterbcforc appointing the Governor of that
State. So far, it seems. tliat tlie Union Gover~uiient has followed no particular
principle and there is no fixed criterion for the appointniait of Governors.
The Sarkaria Co~iunissio~i in its report lias suggested that a person to be appointed /
as Governor should satisfy tlie followiiig criteria: he should be emincnt in sollie walk
of life, he should be a person from outside the State: he should not be intinlately
connected with tlic local politics of tlic Statc and lie should be a person who lias
not taken too great a part in politics gcncrall>,.and particularly in the rccciit past.
Ho\\cver. even after tlic subniission of the report of the Sarkuia Conimission the
Goveniors continuc to be appointed fro111 tlic active politicians of the n~lingparty
and without prior consultation \\fit11tlic Chief Ministers.
16.3.2 Discretionary Powers of Gover~lor
Apart from the noniial fi~nct~ons. \vliich tlie Governor exercises as a co~istitutio~ial
head. he exercises certain discret~onaqrpo\vcrs. Sonie of thcni have been expressly
conferred on hini while sonic others flotv bj, neccssay -implication. As far as the
discretionary poners by implication are concerned. these are significant particularly
in tliree matters. One is \vitli regard to tlie appoint~nentof Chief Minister when
neither a single party nor a conibination of parties enierges from the election with a
clear majority. Related to tliis is also tlie question of dismissal of Chief Minister on
tlie loss of majority support or otlicnvise. The second niattcr is with regard to
making a report to President under Article 356 about liis satisfaction that a situation
has arisen in cvliich the Goveniniciit of the Statc cannot be carried on in accordance
w~ththe provisions of tlie Constitut~on.thereby recommending the iniposition of
President's rule The issue of proclamation of President's n ~ l citself has become a
matter of serious tension bct\vccn union and state goveninients. This we will discuss
separately in para 16.4 of this unit. The third po\ccr is c\ith regard to reservation of
b~llsfor tlie consideration of Prcsidcnt.
16.3.3 Reservation of Bills for Consideration of President
Article 200 of the Constitution provides that certain types of bills passed by the -
State legislature may be reserved by the Govenior for the consideration of tlie
President. The President niay either give his assent or niay direct the Governor to
send it back for reconsideration by the State legislature along with liis comnents.
But even after tlie bill has been passed by the State legislature for the second time
tlie President is not bound to give his assent.
The main purpose of this provision is that the Centre can keep watch on the
legislation in tlie national interest. But Govcniors, and through them tlie central
Govemnent have used tliis provisio~ito serve the partisan interests The opposition
n~ledStates have from time to time raised a liue and cry against the misuse of
these provisions. This has specially been so in case where the Governor has
reserved a bill against tlie advice of tlie State Ministry. presumably under tlie
direction of the Central Govcninient. In its nicmorandum to Sarkaria Commission,
tlie Bliaratiya Ja~iataPart!. alleged tliat tlic bills ha\~cbeen rcscrvcd for consideration
of the President in order to create difficulties for tlie State govenuiients. The West
Bengal govenuiient in its reply to tlic Sarkaria Coniniission's questionnaire felt that
Articles 200 and 201 cithcr should be deleted or Constitutio~~ should clarify that the
Govenior would not act in his discretion but only on the advice of the Statc Council
of Mini. ers. At tlie opposition party's conclave held at S~rinagarin 1983. the
opposition parties denlanded that lcgislatures should bc cnlpowcrcd to enact la\vs on
subjects for \~hicIithcj. constitutionallj. have responsibility without having to seek
the President's asscnt. In recent !.ears with rcgiollal parties havins gained i~nportance
and pla~ingan important part in tlic fonnation and continuation of Central Govcninlcnt
the Govcn~orsarc not using this po\ver estensively. Nevertheless tlie issue renlains
~ n of
c contention in Union-State relations.
Check Your Progress Exercise I

ii) Clicck >,ouranswer with nlodcl answer given at the end of the i~nit.
I) Describe tlie factors that led to new debates in Union-State relations after the
1967 clcctions.
......................................................................................................................
Ho\v far is the role of Govcnlor an area of tension bctnccn Centre and Statcs.
.......................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................
16.4 USE OF EMERGENCY POWERS

You have already read that the Constitut~onprovides for tllrec types of emergency
that can be proclaimed by thc President. This in practice lncans tlie po\vers of the
central government. You have also read that proclamation of any type of emergency
affects tlie poncrs of tlic states. I n practice so far financial emergency has not
been declarcd. Nat~onalcmcrgency has been declared t~kicedue to estenial threats
( 1962 and 1971) and for internal la\\*and order situation once (1975). While the
emergency due to cutcrnal aggression has not raised an!, contro~crs!~as it is linked
\\ ith the National Sccur~t!.. proclamat~onof Internal cmcrsency has become a question
of serious controversy both in tcrnls of working of democracy in tlie country as a
\\thole as also III tcnns of union -State Relations. 1-he real issue of tension bet\\een
the Centre and the States has beconle emergency under Article 356 that glves
Ccntre power to disnliss a state government on the ground of failure of constitut~onal
nlacllinery in the Statcs.
16.4.1 Emergency Under Article 356

You have already read that tllc Proclamatio~l of emergency under Art~cle 356
means that President assumes to himself all or any of the fulictions of the Goveninlent
of the State including those bcloliging to the Govenlor or an!. other authority. It is
because of this that this emergency is popularly called "President's rule". Article
356 as such gives cstcnsivc po\vcrs to the union govenlnlent to interfere in the
working of the State Govenlmcnts. It has been suggested that provision for imposition
of Presidcnt's n ~ l cin Statcs \\.as niade to deal with the serious situations as a l~fe
saving device to be used as a nieasurc of last resort. Ho\vever, in practice the \\lay lbsues ill C0111lict :111d
C u o p c r n t i o ~III
~ 1ndi:ln
and nurnber of times this provision has becn used: it has bcconie the most contentious Fcd~rnlir~~~
issue in Union-State relations. The provisions. apart from genuine cases of instability
or national interest, have been used for:
a) Dismissing the state govenlnients having majority in the Assembly.
b) Suspending and dissolving tlic Assemblies on partisan consideration.
c) Not giving a chance to the opposition to forni governnient when electoral
verdict was indecisive.
d) Denying opportunit?. to opposition to fonii government \\lien niinistry resigned
in anticipation of the defection on tlic floor of the Housc.
e) Not allowing tlie opposition to for111 govcrlinient even after the defeat of the
niinistq- 011tlic floor of tlic Housc.
This use of po\vcrs under Art.356 Iias gcncrall!, been described as i~~i.j~~stificd
by
most observers and criticiscd by tlie States.
16.4.2 Conflict Over President's Rule
The Sarkaria Conuiiission drawing attention to thc repeated abuse of Article 356
lias pointed out tliat during the period fonii 195 I to 1987 of tlie 75 occasions \\:lien
the President's rule was imposed, only in 26 cases was President's rule inevitable,
18 cases were typical instancc of wliolesalc misuse of Article 356 for political
purposes, extraneous to tlie one for which tlie power has been conferred by tlie
Constitution. As early as 1953, Dr. B.R. Ambcdkar said in the Rajya Sablia apropos
tlic i~npositionof President's Rule in tlic PEPSU. tliat. " tlie people got a very
lcgitiliiatc ground for suspicion that the govcnimcnt is niaintai~ii~igtheir own party in
office ill all parts of India. Tliis is a "rape of tlic constitution". How liglitl!. tliis
en~ergencjrprovision lias been taken can be seen from the situations that soon after
coniing to po\\ler in 1977. tlic Janata govcnimait dismissed Congress Govcninie~its
in nine States at one go and in 1980. Mrs. Gandhi on rcti~rningto power repeated
tlie perfoniiance in ni~icStatcs govcr~icdby tlic Ja~iataParty. During 1980s use of
Articlc 356 was niadc so frcquait tliat it alniost slio\\.cd an intolerant attitude of the
Central Govemnient to\\:ards the non- Congress (I) Statc Goveninicnts. In Punjab,
President's Rule co~itinucdfor alniost fiw years (May 1987 to February 1992) at a
stretch. Conseqi~aitlyArticle 356 has beconie tlic niost abused and criticised clause
of tlie Constitution. In spite of the safeguards provided by the 44th Aniendnient
Act, it continues to be so and has beconie a sore and serious tension area in
Caitre-State relations.
The Supreme Court of India on Marcli 11: 1994 in the Bonuiiai case, gave a
significant judgement on the application and use of Article 356. Tlic Supreme Court
i~~ianimously and full-tliroatcdl\~upheld tlic disniissal of the BJP state governnients
of Madliya Pradesli. Ra.jasthaii and Himaclinl Pradcsli in Decc~iibcr 1992 because
their anti-secular actions \\.ere inconsistait \\.it11 tlic secular Constitution. But tlic
niajority held as unconstitutionnI t l ~Ccntrc's
: use of Articlc 356 in Nagaland (1998):
Karnataka ( 1989) and Mcgliala\.a ( 1 99 1 ).
In the Bo~nmaicase. breaking radicall!. nith past i~itcrprctationsof the constitutional

provision, the apes court laid doiw nc\v. demandin!: and c~iforccablcstandards for
the applicat~onof the knife against clcctcd State go\remnients with a majority and
against hiictioning Statc Assemblies. Thus tlie "Prcsidcnt's power to issue i~nder
Article 356 proclaliiation nit~st be i~ndcrstoodto be a conditional power: action
under the provision is judicially reviewable; the Presidents' satisfaction: \vhich is
necessarily subjective. niust be foniied on relevant tilaterial \diicIi can be scn~tinised
by the courts; no irreversible action like dissolution of legislative assembly. is
permissible unless both I-6ouscs of Parliament approve the proclamat/on: until then
the most tllc central csccutivc can do is to keep the assc~llblyin suspended animation:
and even after parliamentary approval. the courts can, in fit cases, restore the status
quo a1tc. The Supranc Court's decision, thus. has placed significant restrictions on
powers to proclainl President's rulc. This has given some leverage to President. For
instance President K.R. Narayanan first in October 1977 in case of Uttar Pradesh
and again in September 1998 in case of Bihar, using his power to ask the cabinet to
reconsider its decision, sent recommendations back for reconsideration by the cabinet.
It is hoped that both the Supreme, Court's decision and President Narayanan's
action in sending back cabinet reconlmendations will put reasonable check on the
Ccntral Govcrnmcnt's tendency to misusc powers under Art. 356 for partisan
-
purposes.
Note: i) Use thc space given belo\\l for your answers.
ii) Check your answer with nlodcl anscvers given at the end of the unit.
I ) Ho\v have po\vcrs under Art. 356 been misused by Ccntral Govcr~ullcnt
2) What safeguards arc suggested against the misuse of powers to proclainl

Presidcnt's rulc in states'?
16.5 FINANCIAL RELATIONS .

The Financial dimension of Indian Federal Polity is also one of the major;/ isS L I ~ Sin
- Centre-State relations. The demand of the Statcs for greater fiscal autonomy has
now become one of the no st debated issues. The tensio~lon this arises bccause of
a) comparative powers of tasation. b) statutory versus discretionary grants: and
C) econonlic planning.
16.5.1 Taxation Powers

Sources of revenue of thc Centre arc relatively elastic and expansive as against
those of the Statcs. The Centre also controls vast resources generated tllrouyh
deficit financing. loans from orsaniscd money nlarkcts in the countn. as well as
huge funds of foreign aid. Tllc residuary powers of taxation are also vested \\11th
the ccntral government. In addition to this, Constitution also authorises the Centre to
collect surcharges on taxes to raise additional fi~ndsIn tlmes of emergency. In
practice surcharge has bccon~ca pcrnlancnt feature of income tax structure. Another
loophole in taxation system on account of \\~hichstates suffer is the corporatb tax.
, \\*hich keeps on expanding and is tllc csclusive purview of the centre. IIICgap
between State revenues and their expenditure has been increasing. Of course one
reason for this is thc Stiltc's o\\n inability to ~nobilisceven those rcsources \\hich
they can, as also incurring wasteful expenses through populism. There is also the
central twist. The States. thcrcfore. have to be dependent on Ccntral assistance.
16.5.2 Issue of Grants Issues in c o l i n i c t and
C ' o o p c r i ~ t i o nIn l l i c l i ~ ~ n
Fctlcr~~lis~~~
For devolution of funds from the Centre to the Srates there are four methods:
(i) obligatory sharing of Union tascs on income: (ii) peniiissivc sharing of Union
excise duties; (iii) assignment of certain Union duties and tases wholly to the States:
(iv) provision for giving financial assista~iceto the States in the form of grants and
loans. With regard to sharing of resources and assignment of certain resources
entirely to the States. Articles 280 and 281 provide for tlie appointn~entof an
independent statutory Finance Co~iimissionevery fifth year or earlier as the President
of India desires. The provisio~i~ \\as in order to regulate,
for F i ~ ~ a ~ Co~ii~iiission
ice
co-ordinate and integrate tlie finances of tlie Go\crnnient of India and the State
Governments. Originally. the Finance Conunission was intended to cover all the
financial transfers froni the Centre to States. Hoivever, slowly the Planning
Conunission has also bccn brought in for tlie purpose and now it plays a rather
important part in dcvolutio~iof resources from the Centre to the States. Since the
Planning Cornn~issionis a completely central institution and is politically influenced.
the States have a sense of discril~~inatio~iin allocation of grants. In add~tion.provision
for grants-in -aid by the Centre is purely a political and arbitrary IIIC~IISof devolution
and Centre has been making use of this more and Inore and that too in a controversial
manner.
Centre gives grants-in-aid to States under Article 28 1 on its discretion for undertaking
schemes, nleeting natural calaniitics or for rcnioval of disparities etc. There is a
general feeling that tlic Centre discri~iiinatcsbct\\cai States being nllcd by different
political parties. H.A. Ghani points out that a close scrutiny of tlic Central relief to
the States affected b\. ~iatural calaniitics i~idicatcsthat no \\ell-considered norms
were followed in this regard. Tlie cc~itraltcalns pre-occupied by political considerations
have always assessed the danlagc dolie by droughts. flood. ctc. in an adhoc
perfinctory manlier.
Tlie States, therefore. havc sharply questioned the need for the Centre to wield
heavy financial clout in the sliapc of discretionary grants. There are misgivings
. about the inherent danger of their being used as a political weapon against a State
that happen to be out of favour with the centre. The States want more resources to
be earmarked for statutory devolution so that the trend of increasing allocations
through discretionary grants can be curbed.
16.5.3 Economic Planning
It is generally agreed that the process of planning in India has tended to push tlie
political system to greater centralisation due to both the ce~itralco~itrolover resources
for development and the prepondcrancc of the ccntralised planning ~riachinery.R.K.
Hedge points out that the gravest and niost hanilfill consequence of the atrophy of
the State's doniain in tlie ccono~iiicfield is in regard to industries and econon~ic
planning. For esaniple the schcnie of the Constitution is perfectly clear that industries
are essentially a state subject. Only those industries are to be regulated by the
centre the control of which by the Union is declared as cspedient in the public
interest by Parliament. But without an aniend~ncntto the constitution industries have
bee11 virtually transferred into a Union subject. More that 90 per cent of the
organised industries in ternls of value put havc been brought under the domain of
tlie Union. In practice, the regulation of industrial activity by the Union govemnent
has on several occasions inhibited the setting up of new industries. Similarly, it is
alleged that in the name of national planning, the Caitre for political considerations.
has been inordinately dela~vingviable and important State projects. On the contrary,
Ccntre has bee11 super inlposing its sclicnles on the Statcs which were deemed by
State govenunents to bc irrelevant to the conditions prevailing in the State. Owing
to this and other reasolis tlic opposition conclavc held at Srinagar in October 1983
in a conselisus stateliie~itsaid that the prcsclit authority of tlic Planning Commission
F r J e r u l i x ~i ~
n ~lndia and Union Ministy of Finance who offer discretionary grants to the States must be
drastically reduccd.
16.6 USE O F ELECTRONIC MEDIA

Electronic Media - the radio and T.V. are most powerful media of publicity and
propaganda these days. The world over governments and political parties use these
for political purposes both positively and negatively. In lndia as per the Constitution
legislative powers to control and regulate broadcasting rest with the Union goveninlent.
It has bwn alleged that the government and party in power at the Centre has used
the media on the one hand to black out anything critical of its pertbrmance and on
the other to nlalign tllc state governments being ruled by othe,r parties. Particularly
during the 1980. the opposition parties raised hue and cry against thc blatant nlisuse
of the All India Radio and Doordarshan for partisan purposes. It had been alleged
that tllc nicdia had been tllc mouth piccc of the union governmalt.
With the arrival of private channels and establislunent of Prasar Bharti that provides,
some autonomy to Radio and Doordarshan the govern~ncntalcontrol and Centre's
monopoly over media has been reduccd. Also in a 'situation of coalition govcrnmcnts
in which Regional parties are playing an important role the central govenunalt can
no longer ignore them. Still the powers to legislate, control and regulate the media
rest with the Union government and complaints about use and misuse of AIR and
Doordarshan for partisan purposes remain.
ii) Check your answers with model answer given at the end of the unit.
I) What arc the areas of conflict bctwvecn Union and State Govcnlnlcnts on issue
of grants'?
2) How has planning become an area of tension between Centre and State.
16.7 DEMAND FOR AUTONOMY AND COOPERATION

From the above discussion it becomes clear that there are many areas and issues of
tensions between Centre and States. Tlic framers of the Indian Constitution hoped
that federalism in India will be based on consensus and cooperation. They clearly
defined the powers of Union and State governnlents and espresscd that emergency
powers given to the Union government will be used rarely in the overall national
interest. Unfortunately the expectations of Constitution makers have been eroded
and the Union-State relations seem to have developed into politics of confrontation
I S S U L S i n C'o1111ic.t ;IIIII
rather than that of cooperation. Right fro111 the bcginni~igthere had been a trend ~ ~ 11ttIis111
C ' o t t p c r a ~ t i oill
towards ccntralisation and it has co~iti~iucd illspite of cliangcs in govcr~i~iicnts
at the Fcclcr;tli~~tt
Centre. The states have been dcvclopi~iga fccli~igof deprivation. As alread!.
nientioned till the ti~iicthere \\,as one part!, in power both at the Centre and in
al~iiostall the States there \\,as not much of a problem. But with the clncrgence of
different party govcmmcnts. succcss of regional partics. arrival of new groups and
sections in politics and non-fi~ltilmcntof peoples cspcctatio~isabout soico-economic
developnient and transfon~iatio~i tlicre had started a proccss of questioning and even
challenging central goveni~iielitsdoniination and interference,
As a result tlierc had emerged dcniands by various States and polltical parties for
grant of more powers or autonomy to Statcs as also efforts to reliiove areas of
tension and increase cooperation between the two levels of goverruiient.
16.7.1 Demand for A u t o ~ ~ o m y .
lnuiiediatcly after 1967 clcctions in the vicw of Congress los~ngpo\\cr in ciglit
States. non-Congress goverlilnclits that caliie to po\\cr startcd qi~cstio~iiligtlie cros~oli
of co~istitutio~ialpro\tisions \\it11 regard to Union-State rclations. On the other hand
the ruling party at tlic Cclitrc began fi~rtlicrmisusing tlic off~ccof tlic Governor and
aiiergcncy provisiolis i~lidcrArticle 356 in order to capture lost power. There
aiierged a strong criticism of tlic un~ongovernmait. In fact bct\\cai 1967 and 1972
fedcral~sniin India \\ it~icsscda period of significant taision. In nianj statcs. rcplaci~ig
tlie Coligress tlic regional parties liad coliic to pojvcr. Tlicsc partles ~n particular
raise the issue of Union-Statc relations at varioi~sIcvcls.
In 1969, the Taniil Nadi~govcni~iic~it appointed a comniittcc called Ra.ianialuiar

Co~mnitteeto go illto tlic Qucstio~iof Centre-State rclations. That coninlittee sub~iiitted
its report in 1971. Tlic major reco~iuiicndationsincluded readjustment of schcdi~lc
VII of the Constitution, to transfer residuary po\vcrs to tlic States, repeal of Article
249, modification of Fi~ianccConunissio~iand Planni~igconunission and review of
Article 356.
In December 1977. the Left Front in West Bcligal Gover~i~iicntpublished a

lne~norandunion Centre-State rclations. This liic~iiora~idu~ii cnipliasised that in a
country like India. \\it11 such diversities in race. religion. language and culturc.
~iational integrat~on call be achieved only tlirougli conscious voluntary efforts:
devolution of po\\'crs was ncccssar!* -to uard off fissiparous tendencies. The
~iie~iiorandunide~iiandedthat the word 'Federal' should replace the word -Union' in
tlie Preamble of the Constitution. It also suggested tlic repeal of Articles 356. 357
aid 360. According tlie Memorandum. the Statc's colisc~itsliould be made mandatory
for the forniation of new statcs and alteration of areas. boundaries or na~ncsof
existing stages.
111 1978 the Aka11 Dal released tlic revised vcrsion of Anandpi~rSaliib resolution.
or~ginallyadopted in 1973. According to this resolution. Centre's authority should be
co~ifinedonly to Dcfencc. Foreign Relations, Coniniunications, Railways aid Currency:
Entire residuary powers sliould be vested in tlic States. In the 1980s w~thregional
parties having bcconie significant. dc~iia~id for State autonomy has been put liiore
vigorously. Regional and sollie national parties separatcl~.and collectively had attacked
the central govcninicnt for c~icroacliiligupon the po\\crs of tlic Statcs. It is suggested
tliat tlie process of cc~itralisatio~i of po\vcrs and distortio~iof the Co~istiti~tio~i are
dangerous for national integration. In gc~icralsupporters of dcccntralisatio~iof po\\crs
and autono~ii~~ of statcs argue that the prcscwatio~iof ~iatiolialilllit! and tlic process
of co~isolidatingthe forces of liational integration presuppose the acceptance of the
~iianifolddiversities prcsclit 111 the natio~iand tlic ilrgclit need for realistic and logical
attenipts to lialidle tlicsc divcrsitics at tlic local Icvcl. b\. lianicss~nglocal initiatives
and utilising local talent. Ally attempt to tackle tlicsc divcrsitics fro111a central point
of control would onlj~scntc to liciglitcn the tcnsio~isin the system.
Federalism in Indin Tlicrc arc tliosc also who feel tliat for integration and unity of India tlicrc is nccd
for a strong centre. The fact llowever is' that a strong centre and ce~itralisatio~i of
powers are two different things. Evcnts both in India and in other parts of the \\odd
llavc slio\vn tliat it is the proccss of cc~ltralisation\\711icl~
tri~gersoff tlic process of
disintegration whereas dccentralisation aims at fulfilling the liopes and aspirations of
the people in a more pu$osive and mcaninghl manncr. All over tllc \\.orld the trend
is towards dcccntralisation. In India also various studies and reports of committees
and conlnlissions lia\li: pointed towards that.
16.7.2 Steps Towards Cooperation

Soo~iaftcr 1967 clcctio~is\\hen Union-State relations startcd bccoming arcas of
tension and dcbatc tlicrc startcd acadanic. politica1 exercises also to stud?. various
aspects of the issi~csinvolved. make policy sugestions and efforts to reduce the
tc~isio~isand acliicvc cooperation. Tlic Union govcnlnialt, in vie\\ of tllc \videspread
criticism also startcd looki~iginto tlic matter. To begin nith it asked the Administrative
Rcfonlis Commission (appointed in 1967) to look into the Centre-State administrati\le
rclatio~isalso. The Commissio~ircconlnlended that powers sliould be delegated to
the maximum estcnt to the Statcs. It also expressed the opi~iio~l tliat ce~itral~scd
pla~ini~ig had tended towards csccssive interfcrcncc in the freedom of Statcs to
work out their policies and programmes. The ~ o m m r s s ; o n rnadc some
rccommcndations \\.it11 rcgard to tllc off~ccof Govcnlor and also si~ggcstcdtllc nckd
to establish an Inter-State Council under Article 263 of tlic Constiti~tion.
The rccommeldatio~~s of the Comniission. ho\vevcr. rcrnai~iedon paper and the

proccss of ccntralisatio~lcontinued. In fact in 197 1 -72 \\ it11 the Congress co~iii~ig
back to po\vcr in many Statcs. the proccss of imposing Central control attained nc\\
hciglits. It is pointed out that tlic Statcs \\,ere reduced almost to tllc status of
dignified Municipalities. The Cllicf Ministers wcrc iniposcd from above. They had
no frccdonl to choose their collcagucs. As for tllc non-Congress n~lcdStates there
\\as continuous criticis111 by the Ccntrc both at the party and tllc go\~cnlmcntalIcbcl.
During a short period of Jailta Party n ~ l e(1 977-79), tlioi~glitlic U~iiongovcmntc~it

\\as verbally co~n~nitted to decentralisation the party leaders slio\\cd that if alloued
to have their own way. they would rather have had the same sort of centralised
rule. The decade of tlie eighties in particular wit~iesscda struggle to get the federal
issue on the nation's agenda. When 'the political cliallengc assi~~iicd new di~iiensions
and tensions bet\\ccn tllc centre and the states grew further. it bccamc neccssaq.
to case the situation somewhat. The Government of India on March 24. 1983
announced tllc appoint~iie~lt of a Coninlission to csa~nincand rcvlcv tl~cnorking of
existing arrangcllicllts bct\vcal the Union and the States in rcgard to poncrs fi~nctiol~s
and rcspo~lsibilitics in all spheres and rcconinlclld ap propriatc clia~igcsand mcasurcs.
The Commission came to be kno\\n as the Sarkaria Commission on Ccntrc-State
Rclatio~lsaftcr tllc name of its Chairnlan. Justice (Rctd.) R.S. Sarkaria.
16.7.3 Sarkaria Com~nission
The Sarkaria Co~llmissio~l was asked to review the working of existing arrangemaits
bct\vccn tllc Union and Statcs keeping in view tlie social and cco~lo~iiicdcvclopmcnts
that have takcn place over the years as also thc sclic~ncand tlic frame-\vork of the
Constiti~tio~land the need for the unity and intcgrity of the countn*.Ilic Commission.
after talking to various state governments, political parties and otlicr interested and
concerned quartcrs finally submitted it's report on October 27. 1987.
#
'The Sarkaria Com~llissio~l favoured a strong Ccntrc as the onl!. safeguard to ~iational
integrity \ihich \\as being ,threatened severely in the liglit of rcccnt tiss~parous
tendencies in the body politics. But tlic Commissio~ldid not cqilatc strong centre
\\fit11centralisation of pojvcrs. In fact. it vic\\tcd centralisation as dangerous for tlie
1 4 4 1 1 ~ sill C'4111flict :III(I
national integration. Tlic Comm~ss~on obscncd. "Man!, a time. the actions of the
C w ~ p e r a ~ t i qi tv1~IIIII~;III
~
centre. its discretionary approacll to\vards soriic Statcs. its lack of understanding of Fcdrrali\~n
local problems. its abject i~lscnsitivcncssand tlic blatrint misuse of authorit). vis-h-vis
the States have all distanced it from the people. This in tun1 has. it is believed.
reversed the process of national integration. the divisive tendencies have been
further compounded by such a short- sighted approach.
Tlie Sarkaria Conzniissions's reco~iuiic~idatio~is

arc primarily based on tlie preniise
that the existing constitutional principles and arrangenients are sound and what is
needed is to build a nlcchanism to aisurc a system of collcctivc decision-making. It
was not concerned \\it11 the politics of Caitrc-State relatio~is but only \\lit11 the
adm~nistration.It made a total of 265 rcco~li~ile~ldatio~ls
classified sub-jcct-uise under
twenty areas. It also c~llpllasisedthe need for amcndnlcnts to allo\v the Indian
Polity gro\\7 in federal principlcs.
A~nongthe niajor rcco~ii~llc~ldat~o~ls

arc those \\ it11 regard to appointnlcnt and \\ork~ng
for the Governor. use of Art~clc 356 and di\ision of ccononllc resources. The
coninlission reco~iinic~idcd
that a person onl!. of high integrit!. should be appointed
as the govcnior of a state Hc should not. on dcniitting his officc. be eligible for an).
other appointment or officc of profit. Articlc 356 should be used jJcr?/ sparingly i11
extreme cases as a liieasurc of last resort \\hen all ava~lablcalternatives fail.
Safeguards should bc incorporated in Articlc 356 to enable Parliament to review
continuance in force of a proclamation.
The Co~nmissionrecomnicndcd a review in the operational fcasibil~tyof the scope

for lewing taxes and duties. a constitutional a~iiendnlentto make corporation tax
sharable behveen tllc Union and tllc Statcs. rcfoniis in taxation and consideration of
tlie potential for resources ~iiobilisationb) the Union and the Statcs. It also suggcstcd
that the Inter State River Water Dispi~tcsAct niay be anicndcd to makc it mandaton
on the Union governmait to constiti~tca tribunal \\ithin one year of rcceipt of an
application fro111 a State and to niakc the a\\ard of tl~ctribunal effective \\ithi11 five
years.
Tlie Coni~iiissionalso rccommcndcd that tlic Planning Conl~iiissionand tlic National

Develop~iientCouncil be rcfor~iicdassuring at tlie same ti~iicof full and effective
consultation with the States at all stages of the planning process. The National
Development Coi~nc~l shoi~ldbe rcna~iicdand reconstituted as the National Econoniic
Develop~iieiitCouncil. It should be niadc to function niore effcctivcly and emerge
as the highest political lcvcl inter-governmental body for giving a direction and thrust
to planned development of the countr).. Tlic Comniission. reco~ii~iie~ided the
establishment of a permanent Inter-State Council under Articlc 263 of the Constitution
as a forum to discuss many of the problems of cornnion Union-State interests.
Many observers fccl that rcco~n~iicndations of Sarkaria Commission are liniited and.
inspite of bding in favour of dcccntralisation remain biased towards Ccntrc. Yet. it is
expected that if tlic Sarkaria Conimission's rcconi~llendations arc implemented
s~ncerelymuch tension in Union-State relations can bc reduced. Ho\\cvcr. so far
~iluclihas been done in this direction except the cstablishnicnt of tlic Inter-State
Counc~l.Of Course. with regional parties having become strong and a part of
coalition govcniliicnts at the Centre. the Central govcniliicnt is not able to interfere
~iiuch in State's affair. At the salnc time tllc active role b), the President and
judiciary has also put some check on tlic Union's discrction. But there are no
constitutional or structural cliangcs as yet. The federal systc~iias a \\hole remains
under strain.
16.7.4 Inter-State Council

From the hbove discussion it conies out that in the very nature of federalism there
n r imccihiliti~q
~ nf rliffr-rc-nrt>c 2nd trncinnc h[.t\vr.~n twn I ~ w e l cnf onvr-.nim~nt Tn
crisllre coopcration bctnccn them thcrc can be various mcclian~s~iis including tlic
Constitutional. The Indian Constit~itionprovides for sucli a mcclianism tlirough Articlc
263 making provision for an inter-state council. The ~11iio11 goveninient did not
appoint sucli a counc~lfor man> !cars. Tlic Administrative Refoniis Conunissioii in
its report submitted in 1969 rcconlnicnded the setting up of an Inter-State Council
But the Central Gownimcnt did not botllcr about this warning. One of tlic m~jor
coniplai~isof \,arious states bcfore tlie Sarkaria Conuiiission \\as lion-appointnicnt
of such a coi~~icil. The Sarkaria Conlniission in ~ t sreport rcconi~nendedthat an
Inter-State Council charged with duties set out in clauses (b) and (c) of Art~clc263
sliould be for~iicd.The commissio~ifelt tliat it was essential to avoid repeated
rcfercnccs to tlie Prcsidcnt for piecemeal orders under Articlc 263 by author~siiig
the Council to deal with specific issucs as and \vlicn they crop up. Tlic then Un~on
governnient rcniaincd luke\\anii to tlic Sarkaria Commission's rccornmendations in
general. Thcrcforc. no efforts \\ere niade to cstablisli such a council
Tlic National Front fonncd before 1989 clcctions in its manifesto proniised to
undertake a compreIicnsi\~crcvie\v of Union-State rclations in consultation with all
, Chief Ministers. In pursuance of this promisc the National Front Covcrniiic~it
cstablislicd tlic Inter- Shtc Council through a presidential notification on May 25: 1990.
Tlic Council \\.as to co~isistof the Pri~iieMinister, Cliief Ministers of a11 Statcs:
Chief Ministers or Adniinistrators of Union Tcrritorics and six niinisters of cabinet
rank of the Union Govcrnmcnt. Tlic Council is licadcd b!~ tlic Prinic Minister and in
liis abscncc b!. tlic cabinet ~iiinistcrnoniinatcd by him. Tlic council prcpnrcs guidclincs
for idcntifi.ing issucs to be brought bcfore it and liicets at least thrice cvcy \.car.
Its niectings are licld in Camera. It arrives at decisio~isby colisensus which arc
final and binding. Tlic council for its effcctivc functioning. has co~istitutcda sub-
coni~nittccconsisting of sollie Union Ministers and Cliief Ministers.
Needless to say that establishnicnt of Inter-State Council is an lliiportant step

towards coopcration in Union-State relations. But tlic fact reiliain that till no\v India
rc~iiainsa highly ccntralised state systcni. Froni the appointment of the Governor
arid the imposition of President's n ~ l cto the very large numbcr of subjects ~ncludcd
in the Union list. or in tlic concurrent list. it is basic all!^ a ccntralised stnicture. As
already nicntioncd. with regional partres liaving beconie si~~iificant and plali 11 an
inlportant role in fonnation and continuation of coalition govcniriicnts at tlic centre
as also tlic grontli of regional movements. the Centre's tendcncics to interfere in a
State's affairs and impose itself \ins reduced. The de~liandfrom various parties arid
states for ncccssan. a~iic~id~iicnts in the Constitut~o~i to ~iiakcUIIIOII-Staterelations
more a~iiicablccontinuc to be made. But uhat is inlportant IS acceptance of a
federal sp~ritand develop necessary conventions keeping in v~c\\tlic needs of
fi~lfillriicritof aspirations of varlous co~n~iiun~t~es. groups and regions. a pcoplc-
centred dsvclopriicnt and overall national interests.

Note:i) Use the space given bclo~vfor your answers.
ii) Check your ansH.crs \vith tlie nod el answers given at tlie end of tlie unit
I ) Why have tlic Statcs been denlanding Autonomy for thcniselves.'?
ISS~ICS ill C ' o ~ ~ I l i c;ItII%
2) Nanie sonic o f tlic steps that have bee11 suggested for i~iiprovcliic~it
in Union- ~ IIII~~;III
C ' o a t p e r ; ~ t i o ~ill
State relations. FC*IIC~:II~YIII
.......................................................................................................................
D
3) Wliy was Sirkaria Commission constituted and \\hat major rccommcndations

has it made.
4) Wliat is the rolc and utilit!. o f Inter-State Council.'?
I ......................................................................................................................
16.8 LET US SUM UP

In this unit !.ou have studied tlic \vorking o f Fcdcralisni in India. While the fra~iicrs
; o f the Constitution expected dcvclopmc~it o f coopcrati\lc federalism, tlic central
; govenlliient fro111 the v c n beginning saw fcdcralis~iiniorc in tcniis o f a po\vcrful
centre. Moreover the powers given to tlic Union govcrnnicnt for cmcrgency situations
I
were often used for partisan purposes. When ~iionopolyo f one part!. n ~ l cat tlic
Centre and in almost, all statcs caliic to an c ~ i din tlic ~ i i i d- 1960s there started
q i ~ e ~ t i o ~ ioi nf gtlic central govcnimait's intcrfcrencc and use and niisi~sco f po\vcrs.
This lias led to strains and tc~isionsin Union-State rclations. cliicrgclicc o f regional
~iiovenicntsand demands for dccc~itralisation and Auto~iom!~.Suggestions \\:ere
made at various Ic\!cls including b!. the Ad~iii~iistrati\~c Rcfornis Coniniissio~ito
make necessary clinngcs in the Constitution as \\-ell as practices. Somcho\\ the
Union govenimcnt did not pay m i ~ c hattention to tlicsc suggestions and process o f
centralisation and rcsulta~ittensions lias continued. In tlic 1980s. tlic situation scc~iis
to liave beconic grave. 111 I983 tlic then U ~ i i ogovcrnmcnt
~i nppoi~itcda Commission
under the Cliair~iiansliip o f Justice R.S. Sarkaria to revie\\. Union-State rclations
frcsli and make ncccssar!. rcco~ii~iicndatio~is. Tlic Sarkaria Co~iiniissio~i ~iiadc
significant rcco~iuiic~idatio~is wit11 regard to appoi~itliicnto f tlic Govcnior. use o f
eniergency provisio~isunder article 356. distribution o f financial resources and man!
other aspects illcluding cstablishnicnt o f an Inter-State Council as provided bjz
Article 263 o f the Co~istitutio~i. Most o f tlie rcco~ii~iic~idhtio~is
o f Sarkaria Commission
also rel~iainin' cold storage. The Govcmnicnt. however. cstablislicd an Intcr-State
Council in 1990. This is still \vorking and is being considered as an important step i n
nornialisation o f relations. With regional parties having gained importance and pla!.ing
signiticant rolc in the coalition govcr~imcntsat tlic centre tcndc~ic!~o f Central
go\lcrnment t o interfere in statcs and iniposing its \\ill lias reduced. A nccd for
constitutional clinngcs 'aid dctcloping healthy convaitions for cool,crntion bct\\ccn
Cc~itcand Statc is felt. -
16.9 KEY WORDS

Autonomy : Indcpcndcncc to take decisions on sub.jccts and nlattcrs
in jurisdiction of a person, institution. statc dr countn
without other's interference.
Corporation Tax : Tax lcvied on the income of co~npanics.
Finance Commission : A statutory commission appointed b\. Prcsidc~itc ~ c ~
fivc >,cars or early to reco~nnic~ldthe criteria for
distribution of rcvcnucs bct\\cen Union and States.
Fissipar.ous Tendencies: Tciidc~icicsfor disintcgratio~ior scparatioii

Abdulraliim P. Vi.jnpur (cd.) 1)itnension.s of' I.i.dec.l.crl Ncllion Hti~l~lin,q.
Ccntrc for
Fcdcral Studics and Manak Publication. Nc\v Dclhi. 1998.
A.S. Narang, lndicrn (;ovet-nmenl and I'olitics, Gitanjali. Ne\v Dclhi. 2000

EXERCISES
I) Your ans\vcr should develop follo\ving points.

a ) Elid of monopol!. of Congress n ~ l cin States.
b) Failure of planning to achicvc desired results.
C) Enicrgcncc of nc\v groups and classes i n politics.
2) a ) Controversial role of tlic Ccntrc in appointment and dis~nissal of Cli~ef
Minister in cases of doubts about ma.jorit!..
b) Using discrctiona~po\vcrs in rcsen/ation of bills for the assent of Prcsidcnt.
C) Interfering in da!* to day adn1inistration of go\lcrn~iicnt.
d) Reporting to President for proclamation of emergenc!r under Article 356.
I) Po\vcrs under Article 356 have been misuscd to:
a ) Disniiss tlic statc govcrnmcnts on partisan grounds.
b) Deny opposition parties chancc to fonii govcrnmcnt.
C) Settle internal part!. conflicts.
d) Scttlc scores \\it11 parties or statc govenimcnts not liked b!. tlic part!. in
po\vcr at tlic caitrc.
2) a ) Rcaso~isfor procln~nationof Prcsidcnt's n ~ l eslioi~ldbe 111adcpi~blic.
b) Statc asscmbl!. should not be dissolved till proclamation is approved b\*tlic
Parlia~ncnt.
C) Judiciary lias the po\vcr to rcvic\\~the proclamation.
d) Constitution should bo amcndcd to put restrictions on the use of pro\~isions
in the article.
7heck Your Progress Exercise 3
I ) a ) Sources of rcvcllilc of the Centre arc relatively elastic and cspa~~sive
tllan
tliose of statcs.
b) Grants of statcs arc gi\.cn oo partisan considcratio~~s.
C ) A part of the Finance Commissions po\\;crs have bccn abrogated b ~ tllc
.
Planning Commission.
2) a) Centre i~~iposcs
its dccisio~isabout pro-iccts and sche~ncson statcs
irrespective of tlicir ~lccdsor rcquirancnts.
b) It has been uscd b!* thcccntrc to interfere in Statc subjects.
c ) It has given cliorlnous po\\;crs to tlic Cc~itreto distributc grants to States
on partisan lines.
Check Your Progl-ess Exercise 4
1 ) See section 16.7.1
2) a ) Establishment of Inter-State Council
b) Making neccssan. arnc~~drnel~ts to tlic Constitution.
c) Developing Ilcaltlly con\lcntioos \\.it11 regard to appoi~lt~llc~lt
of governors.
use of article 356 and i~scof discrctionan* po\vcrs.
3) a) Sarkarin Coni~iiissio~i \\.as appointed to rc\lic\v tlic \vorking of Union-State

rclatio~lsin tlic contest of socio-cconomic and political dcvclopments.
b) The Co~ll~liission had ~iladc265 rccollimc~idatio~is for improvcmeot in various
areas. For tlicsc scc Sub-scction 1 6.7.3.
4) a ) Article 263 of the Constitution provides for the establisllmc~ltof Inter-State
Council to discuss \/arious issues of diffcrcnccs and coopcratio~~
bctwcen
Union and Statcs.
b) 'The Coi~~icil
is a i~scfi~l f o n ~ ~to
i i ~ ~ S C L I Svarious
S issilcs and acliicvc
Consensus bct\\,ccn Statcs and Unions.
c ) It also provides a c o n t i n i ~ o ~process
~s to scttlc disputes and acliicvc
cooperation.
UNIT 17 AUTONOMY MOVEMENTS AND STATES
REORGANISATION IN INDIA
Structure
17.0 Objectives
17.1 Introduction
17.2 The Theoretical Issues
17.2.1 Territoriality Versus Culture
17.2.2 Government in ti Multi-cultural Slate
17.2.3 Cross-cutting Cleavage
17.3 The Colonial Experience
17.3.1 'British' slid 'Native' Indians
17.3.2 From Preside~iciesto Provinces
17.3.3 Religion Versus Language
17.4 India after Partition
17.4.1 1:rorn Provinces to States
17.4.2 The, Backward Tracts
17.5 Linguistic Reorganisation of States
17.5.1 Creation of Andhra State
17.5.2 States Reorganisation, 1956
17.5.3 Cwation of New States
17.5.4 Reorganisation of North-East India
17.5.5 Upgradation of Union Territories
17.6 Analysis and Conclusion
17.6.1 l'ower and Benefits of Statehood
17.6.2 Identity and Statehood
17.7 Let Us Sum Up
17.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Excercises
17.0 OBJECTIVES
The objective of the present unit is to explain to you the reasons and processes
related to the reorganisation of states in India. After going througl~this unit, you bill
be able to understand:
8 The nature of this interconnection;
Some of the issues concerning the delimitation of the boundaries of a state:
The reasons why people seek statehood; and
The way nyw states are created and state boundaries are altered in India.
17.1 INTRODUCTION
.The Constitution of lndia empowers the Union government to create new states out
of existing states or two merge one state with other. This process is called
reorganisation of the states. The basis of reorganisation could be linguistic, religious,
ethnic or administrative.
17.2 THE THEORETICAL ISSUES

Modem states are mostly large states with several cultural and economic problems
Historical experiences add complexity to their problems. One of the most difficult
Lilal~engcsto statecraft lies in rationall!. organising tllcnl to suit the needs of
government and, convgrsclj; to adjust the proccss of government to n~cct the
complexity. -
17.2.1 Territoriality Versus Culture
One of the major problems of state managanent today is the incongruit!* bet\vccn
the territorial limits and the cultural front~crsof 111odcrn statcs. Modem statcs arc
nlostly large states and contai~lsc\cral religious. linguistic and ethnic (tribal) groups.
In son~ecascs they arc nliscd as in the United States of America. In sonic cascs
they are conccntratcd in distinct regions as in Canada or S\\itzcrland. When tllc
religious. the linguistic or the tribal groups arc conccntratcd in particular gcograpllical
arcas. they ma!. be tbrnlcd ~ntoprovinces or statcs and granted local autonom!..
This may be called the proccss of pro\ lnciallsatio~lor rcgionalisation.
Even when sucll provincialisation or rcgionalisation is possible. there always remain

in every province or region sections of popillation belonging to other cultures. This is
particularly true of the border areas of a province or a region.
The problem bcconlcs acute in the countries for~ncrly under colonial rule. The
colonial rulers annexed territories whcncvcr and \\herever they ruled. While governing
such territories they paid little attention to the cultural or ctll~iicspccificitics of the
pcoplc under their rulc. Most of thc provinces under their rulc remained multi-
lin~wal.multi-religious and multi-tribal.
17.2.2 in a Multicultural State

Goveri~rner~t
i
, A state where different cultural. li~lgi~istic and social groups live is known as a
I multicultural state. Even the colonial n~lcrshad to deal \\it11 people. Tllcy could not
perpetually ignore the people's cultural and ethnic aspirations. So they had to ad-just
the provincial boundaries to tllc cultural frontiers of the groups they lidcd i~~ldcr
their
I authority.
, In an independent. democratic state such adjustment becomes all the nlorc essential.
A government \vhich runs \\.it11 the conscnt of the people cannot ignore their
aspirations for long. As danocracj. takes firn~crroots. such aspirations also gro\\.
I
I
P
l'he hitherto neglected sections of thc populations rcalisc their O\\~II importance.
demand new provinces or states. \\ant nc\v borders and secure autonomy.
17.2.3 Cross-cu tting Cleavage
A COIIIIIIOI~ problc~llfor a colonial govcni~llcntand a free democratic govcn~mcntis

\\.hat is kno\v as 'Cross- cutting clcavagc' Rcligioi~sdivisions cut across lingi~istic
divisions and even tribal di\,isions. Hou. then. docs tl~csupreme govcrnnlcnt draw
the provincial or statc boundaries? Tllis is a problcn~that India faced throughout the
first half of the t\\alticth century and tinall!. led to the partition of the countn.. The
1
I 111ost common cross-cutting clca\lagc is bct\\ccn language and religion. Pcoplc

speaking the salilc language ma!. profess different religions. Pcoplc professing thc
sanle religion ma!r speak diffcrcnt languages.

Note: i) Use the space given belo\\. for !.our answers.
ii) Check your answers \\'it11 the nlodcl ans\vers given at the end of this unit.
1) What is the nlajor problem of statc nlanagcmcnt today'?
.......................................................................................................................
......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
What i s the niost c o l i ~ t i ~cross
o ~ ~ci~tting-cleavage'?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
17.3 T H E COLONIAL EXPERIENCE

Tlic Britisli anncscd India in stages and b!. parts. Till the!. left tlic countn. the!.
could not anncs tlic \\liolc o f the sub-continent. Conscqucntl!~. the!. c\iolvcd a
\~aricgatcdst!.lc o f adniinistration and control.
17.3.1 'British' and 'Native' l n d i a ~ ~ s
Till that timc India \\.as divided into 'Britisli India' and 'native India'. Britisli India
\\.as split into Govcnior's Pro\~inccsand Cllicf commissioncr's Pro\*inccs. Native
India was split into tn.0 t!,pcs - i ) 566 princcl!. states o f different sizes arid in
different kinds o f subordination to tllc British rulers. and ii) 'tribal areas' outsidc tlle
north \vcstcni and the north eastern borders o f British India. Though outsidc British
India tlic -tribal areas' \\.ere \/ent nlucll under the control o f the Governor-General
o f British India. tlicrc \\.ore sc\,cral back\vard districts in British Indian pro\~inccs
like Assam. Bcngal. Billar and Orissa \\.here distinct tribal groups lived. Scvcral
districts \\.ere forriicd \\.it11 nii~ltiplctribal groiIps. And. as \\.it11 the provincial
boundarics. the district boundaries also cut across several tribal groups. '
17.3.2 From Presidencies to Provinces

Tlic Britisli administration. initiall\.. \\.as organiscd through \vllat the!* called
-Prcsidcncics'. i.c.. properties o f the President o f thc Board o f Trade o f tllc East
India Cornpan!.. Thcrc \verc tllrcc Prcsidcncics' Bcngal. tllc largest. Madras and
Bombs!.. As anncsation \vent on. the British govcrnlllcnt constiti~tcdnc\\' provinces.
The Bcngal Presidaic! conipriscd today's West Bcngal. Biliar. Orissa. a part o f
Assa~nand Bangladcsli. In 1904 Lord Curzon, Governor-Gcncral o f Britisli Ind~a.
decided to split this Presidency for adnlinistrativc convenience. Hc put Wcstcrn
Bcngal including Bihar and Orissa into one province and joined eastern Bcngladcsll
(rouglily, toda!.'s Bengali spaking population) into two parts. l i e go\ eninlent justiticd
its action on the ground o f religion. Eastern Bcngal \\?as Mils1im-majorit!,. Wcstcrn
Bcngal Hindu-majorit!..
17.3.3 Religion Versus Language

Bengali fcclings \\ere scriousl! hurt. The Indian nationalists saw it as an attempt to
divide the Indian ~iationinto rival religious groups. l'llcre was a po\\crfitl anti-
partitioli agir;,ion based on linguistic scnti~licntand the govcnilllcnt liad to annul the
Bcngal partition. Ho\\rever. it scparatcd Billar and Orissa fro111Bcngal and constit~~tcd
tllern into a nnitcd province. In 1936. Bihar and Orissa ncrc scparatcd into t\\o
linguistic provinces.
Around the sa~nctime. ho\vcvcr. the govcmnlcnt separated the province o f Sindl1 . \ ~ ~ t \~I " \ c~' l l l~e l l f~\ ~illl'l
~ l ? '
5t;ttc' i t c * ~ b r z i ~ ~ ~ i si;n~ t i q ~ ~ ~
from Bombay mainlj. on religious ground. The British continued to regard religious IIIIIi : ~
division as lnorc inlportant than any otlicr di\lision and partitioned I!ldia on that
ground.

Note: i) Use the space given belo\\ for your ans\\ers.
ii) Check !.oiIr ans\vers \\.it11 the model ans\vcrs given at the end o f this unit
1) Into how many provinces \\as India di\.idcd during tllc colonial period'?
.......................................................................................................................
2) On \\;hat basis was Bcngal partitioned in 190j0?Elaborate.

.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
,17.4 INDIA AFTER PARTITION

The partition o f 1947 sent parts o f tllc provinces o f Assam, Bcngal and Punjab and
the whole provinces o f Sind. Baluchistan and North-West Fronticr Province into
Pakistan. On the other hand. 354 princcl~fstatcs joined India. One -tribal area' to
the nortlieast \vas joined \\it11 India.
1 17.4.1 From Provinces to States

I
The Constitution o f India. in 1950. regrouped tlic provinces \\llich csistcd during the
colonial period into '-states-'. It created four kinds o f 'statcs' \\tithin the federal statc
o f India. Tlle fonncr Go\crnor's pro\!inccs \\ere declared Part A statcs. The Chief
Conimissioncr's Provinces o f AAjmcr. Coorg and Dcllii. along \\it11 sonic o f tlic
fomlcr princely statcs that had been taken over for better administration. mere
niade part C statcs. The otllcr fonllcr princely statcs and groups o f princely statcs
becanle part B statcs and tlie extre~~~el!. backuard. Andanlan and Nicobar islands
were niade a Part D statc.
Part A states \\*ere placed under Governors \vhilc Part B statcs were placed'undcr
Rajpramuksh. They \vould havc legislatures. Part A statcs \vould have Co~~ncils of
Ministers responsible to the Icgislaturcs \vhilc the Part B statcs \\:auld havc Esccutivc
Councils. Part C and Part D statcs \vould be centrally administered. As the Go\~enlors
and Raipramukhs would follo\v the advice o f their Councils o f Ministers in the Part
A and Part B states, they ivould llavc the highest amount o f ai~tonom!~.Tlic
ce~itrally-administeredstatcs \vould havc tllc least or no autono~n!..
17.4.2 Backward Tracts

I n British India the Backivard Tracts inhabited b!. tribal pcoplc \vcrc specially
administered under tlic personal authority o f the Go\~cn~ors.
Under tllc Go\~crnmcnt
j
of India Act. 1935. tllcy \l.crc classified into 'Escludcd' a~id'Partiall!, Excluded'
Areas. They wcrc \vholly or partially cscludcd fro111tlic jurisdiction of tllc pro\li~icial
legislatures and provincial minister'.
Tlic 'Tribal Areas' the 'Excluded Areas, and the 'Partially Excluded Areas' \\.ere
all \~holl!. or mostl!. inhabited by the tribal people. But the 'Tribal Areas' were
outside British India and alnlost autonomous. Tlic 'Excli~dcdAreas' and thc 'Partiall!
Excluded Areas' \\,ere \\~ithinBritish India and very much under go\ cnlmcnt control.
Note:i) Use tlic space gi\:cn belo\\. for ).our ans\\er.
ii) Clicck \,our ans\\.crs ~viththe niodcl ans\\.crs given at tlic elid of this unit
1 ) Into ho\\ man!f t!.pcs of '-states" \\ere the provinces created according to
of India in 1950t?
Constit~~tion
17.5 LINGUISTIC REORGANISATION OF STATES .
During the work of tlic Constiti~cntAssanbly demands for li~igi~istic rcorganisation

of statcs \\.crc raised. But thc lcadcrs thought that. imnicdiatcly after partition,
crcation of li~iguisticstntcs ~iliglit crcatc further tcnsion. So the decision was
postponed. But Parlia~iicnt\\.as given the power to crcatc new statcs or nicrgc old
stntcs or parts of such statcs or nltcr tlicir boundaries in future.
17.5.1 Creation of Andhra State
Shortl!. after tlic making of the Constitution the agitation for an Andlira Statc began.
Potti Sriramali~.a respected Andhra Congress Icadcr. fasted unto death deninnding
crcation of Andhra Statc on the linguistic basis. As a result on October 1. I953 the
Andlira Statc \\as carved out of the Statc of Madras.
17.5.2 States Reorganisation, 1956
This Icd to further agitation's for linyuist~crcorganisation. Therefore. thc government

set up a three-maiibcr Statcs Rcorganisation Commission in 1953. Tllc comniission
\\as supposed to examine thc rcorganisation of the statcs of the lndia~lUnion taking
into co~lsidcrationtllc historical background. tlic contemporary s~ti~ation and the
language. ctc. Tlic Commission co~lsistcd of Fazul Ali. H.N. Kurjru and K.M.
Pannikar. The Co~ii~ii~ssion rcco~iunendcdcreation of new statcs in south on tlie
basis .of language. The Commission subniitted its report in 1955. I n 1956 the Statcs
Rcorgnnisation Act \\.as passed.
The Statcs Rcorganisation Act. ho\\cvcr. did not nlake a drastic rcorganisation. Thc
fonilcr Part B Statc of H~.dcrabadwas joined \v~tliAndlira Stsatc to fonii a larger
Andlira Pradcsli Statc. The fornicr Part B Statc of Mysorc tunicd into a larger.
State of Karnataka \\lit11 additional territories transferred from thc Statcs of Madras
(Tamil Nadu) and Bombay. The for~ncrPart B States of Madras (Tamil Nadu) avid
Bombaj.. The foniicr Part B Statc of Travancore-Cochin was ti~rncdinto tlic Statc
of Kcrala \vith new Tcrritorics acquired froni the Statc of Madras.
You have read in sub-section 17.4.1 of this unit that tlic Constitutio~iof India. in
1950, created four t!.pcs of statcs. I n 1956. thcsc statcs \\ere reduced into t\vo
types - ( I ) Statcs and (2) U~~ion
tcrritorics. The autonom~~ of statcs \\as larger than
that of the Union territories.
17.5.3 Creation of New States

It will be seen that the statcs Reorganization Coniniission of 1955 did not crcatc
any new state. The Commission actuall!. integrated several foniicr Princcly Statcs
on the basis of language. The Conl~nission\\as not in favour of many states though
it recommended the crcation of one nc\v statc - Vidarbha-by uniting contiguous
territories of Madhya Pradesli and the then State of Bombay. That reconiniendation
was not accepted by the governmait. On tlic other hand Bombs!, statc \Itas enlargcd
b!. transfer of territoy froni Madli~aPradcsh.
Crcatio~iof ne\v statcs started shortly thereafter. In 1960 the Bombay statc \\.as
partitioned hito Maliaraslitra and (311-jarat.In 1966 Punjab. A clii~nkof tlic territory
of the foniier Punjab statc \\.as joined \\.it11 the Union tcrriton. of Hinlaclial Pradcsli
to constitute it into a State.
There are. at present. a feu statehood ~iiovcn~cnts

l~kctliosc for Vidliarbha. Gorkliala~id
Harit Pradesh and Bhil\\ara - in different parts of India.
In the year 2000 tlircc nc\\ statcs \\ere crcatcd: Chliatt~sgarli.out of the hill area of
Madhya Pradesh. Jharkhand. out of the liill arcas of Biliar and Uttarakhand. out of
the hill areas of Uttar Pradcsh. Thcrc was a time thc hill areas of Bihar and
Madhya Pradesh \\.ere doniinatcd by people \\ho are no\\ called Scheduled Tribes.
Industrialisation and niigration lia\.c tunicd tlicni into minorities. Uttaranclial is alniost
entirely non-tribal.
All the necv states carved out of the old o~icssince 1972 can. therefore. be called
'hill states.
, 1 7 5 4 Reorganizatioil of North-East lndia

Mean\\lliilc in northeast India autonom! niovc~iicntsbccanic po\\crfi~lamong peoples
of se\~eralhills. In 1960 an Interim Go\crnmait \\as set up for tlic Naga hills. In
1963 the State of Nagaland \\as crcatcd. In 1969 McgIialaj,a bccanic an 'autonomo~ls
state' within Assani. In 1972 Mcglmla!.a bccanic a fi~ll-fledgedstate. T\\o Union
territories - An~nachalPradcsh and Mizoran; - \\ere crcatcd out of the tcrritorics of
Assani. while Manipur and Tripura \\.ere proniotcd to fill1 statehood. All the new
political cntitics had populations \\.ith large proportio~~sof schcdulcd tribes. The
scheduled tribes tlicnisclvcs arc. ho\\cvcr. man!..
17.5.5 Upgradation of Union Territories

No new state \\as crcatcd bctnccn 1972 and 2000 but Sikkini joined India in 1974.
In 1986 Arunachal Pradcsh and Mizoram bccanic filll-fledged statcs. In 1987 Goa
\\.as adniinistrativcl~.dctaclicd froni Danian and Dill and niadc a state \\ liilc Danian
and Dill rcniaincd a Union tcrriton
Note:i) Use tlic space gi\.cn belo\\. for >.our ans\vcr.
ii) Check your ans\\crs \\.it11 the model ans\\crs gibai at the end of this unit.
I) Discuss the factors \\:Iiich rcs~~ltcd
in the forniatio~iof linguistic states in South
India.
.......................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2 ) Sunimarisc the process of rcorganisation of the North -East India.
.......................................................................................................................
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17.6 ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSION

The reasons for dcniand of statehood appcar to be related to mainl! two
considerations- po\\cr and baicfits. and idaitity.
17.6.1 Power and Benefits of Statehood

Under India's federal set-up great political po\ver has been vested in states. Tlic
statcs control vital areas of the CCOIIOIII~. They also appoi~~t large ni~nibcrsof
officers. subordinate staff and tcaclicrs besides creating several political positio~is
like M inistcrs. M LAs aed M LCs. Cowicilors. Committee mc~iibcrsand PancIia!~at
functionaries. Tlicy control local trade arid busincss i~icludingbanking. Statehood.
therefore. is a major aspiration of any collccti\~ity.
17.6.2 Identity and Statehood
As statehood is a collective aspiration tlic collectivity itself has to be idaitifinblc. A

collecti\o identity is a cultural identity. The t\vo major strcanis of culture arc religion
and language. After the Partition of 1947 languagc bccanie tlic main vehicle of
culture. Language is also an iristru~nentof hegemony. Tlic language group. \\liicli
fccls doniinatcd by another group. tlicrcfore. demands autonom!. in the forrii of
statehood.
- -
17.7 LET US SLlM UP

In the colon~nl period territorial adniinistration \\.as based ~iiainl!. on the rulers'
con\cnicncc mid not cultural afiiliation of the people. The tn.0 broad strcams of
culture arc rcl~gionand languagc \\hicli often cut across cacli other. Tlic colo~iial
n~lcrsof India gave yrcatcr i~nportanceto rclig~onthan to languagc and partitioned
tlic count^. in 1947. Tlx: Indian nationalists gave grcatcr iniportancc to Ianguagc
than religion. The! undertook li~igi~istic reorganization of India. \~liicli.b!. no\\. is
alniost complctc. Ho\vcvcr. in tlic inter-state borders atid tribal belts statcliood
dcniands persist. Stateliood IS a political issue because it is a source of po\\cr and
benefits.
Paul R. Brass. i,cmg~tngc, Ijcligion trnd ILoli/ics in Indict. Nc\v Dcllii. Vikas
Publishing House. 1975.
Sliibani Kcndar C11;iubc. ( 'ons/i/l~crt/A.s.scmhl~v of' Indict: .Sl~ringhoc~rclr!f

Iicvolt~/ion.Manoliar. 20(!0
f
Hill I'o1i1ic.s in N~t-lh~.n.st
India. Calcutta. Orient Longman, l 973. . \ I I ~ ~ ~ I I ~ I I IAI I~~ I V ~ S I I I C I I ~ S i ~ ~ ~ t ~
S l i ~ t c *I t c t ~ r g i ~ ~ ~ i~
s I; I~ l i ~ ~ ~ ~
111tli11
, 'Elhnicity and dynamic.^ c!f'b-e.dercrli.sm in India' in A w l Kuniar
:
Muhopadhyaya (ed.), the Political Miscellany: Essays in Mc~iioryof Professor

1 Rarnesh Chandra Ghosh, Calcutta. K.P. Banclii & Co., 1986.

I
k
EXERCISES
1 Check Your Progress Exercise I
I 1) Cultural frontiers and tcrritional limits arc incongruous.

2) The niost coni~iioncross-ci~ttingIcnvnge is bct\\.ccn language and religion.
1) India was dividcd into tn.0 typcs of provinces. i.c. "British India" and "Native
India".
I
i 2) In 1905 Bengal was partitioned on tlie religious basis.
i

1) Into four typcs of "states" - A statcs, B states. C statcs, and D states.
i Check Your Progress Exercise 4
1
I ) Fast unto death by Pottli Srira~naluand Rccomnicndation of the States
Reorganisation Co~iiniissionin 1955.
!
2) See Sub-section 17.5.4 of this unit.
UNIT 18 LOCAL SELF-GOVERNIVIENT
INSTITUTIONS: RURAL AND URBAN
Structure
18.0 Objectives
18.1 Introduction
18.2 Historical Background of Rural Self - Government in India
18.3 Panchayati Raj in Post-Independence India
18.4 The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992
18.4.1 Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996
18.5 The Panchayati Raj Institutions in the Post-73rd Amendment Era: The Case
of UP
18.5.1 Gram Ptinchayat
18.5.2 Kshctra Panchayat
18.5.3 Zila Panchayat (Zila Parishad)
18.5 4 Relationships Between the PRIs and DRDAs
18 5.5 The PRls: An Assessment
18.6 Llrban Local Self-Government
18.6.1 Historical Background
18.7 The Post- 74th Constitutional Amendment (1992): Urban Local Self- '
Government Bodies
18.8 The Municipal Finance
18.8.1 Tax Revenue
18.8.2 Octroi
18.8.3 Non - Tax Revcnue
18.8 4 Grants-in-Aid'
18.8.5 Borrowings and Loans
18.9 Let Us Sum Up •

18.0 OBJECTIVES
The institutions of local-self governance are indication of the existelm of the grass-
root level democracy. After reading this unit, you will be able to understand:
The evolution of Local Self-Government (LSG) in India;

The structure and working of the LSGs in rural and urban areas of India;
Changes in the scope and powers of the LSG; and
Relationships of the LSG with the central and state governments.
18.1 INTRODUCTION
The political power in India is shared by three vertical units of governance - the
central government, the state government and the local government. The local
government includes the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) in the villages and the
Mu~~icipal and Metropolitan Councils in the cities. These are known as the institutions
of local ~elf-~-l~ernance (LSG). Local self-government is democracy at the grass-
root level. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments have widened the scope
of local self-governance.
1,ornl Srll'-(;o\cr11l11t-l1t
18.2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND O F RURAL SELF- 111atitutio11s: W U ~ ; I I ill111
1.rh;111
GOVERNMENT IN INDIA
Tlie pancIia!-ati raj. albcit in diffcrcnt for~ns.had a considcrabl! long histon going
back to the ancient period \vliai the rural con~n~~~nitics organiscd institutions to
manage tlicir o\vn affairs. The villagc ai~tononl!. \\.as considcrablc in Muglial era
and tliereforc the inipact of tlic Mugllal era on tl~clocal conlnlunitics \\?as minimal.
But tlie formal stn~cti~rc of tlic rural self- government \\'as introduced in 1882
according to Ripan's Resolution. Its nlain purposc \vas to provide tllc institutional
backing of the local l~idianclitcs to the colonial administration. Contemporary local
self-government in India can be dcc~ncdbe to nlorc a co~itinuationof tlie system
introduced under British rather than in prc-British era. Scvcral provincial Acts on
local bodies \\.ere passed and they provided framc\vork for man!. otlicr provi~icial
and central Icgislations. Tlic local self-govcni~iicntin tlic rural arcas kno\\~ias tlic
villagc pancha!.at. \\-as set up in tlic viI lagcs according to tlic rcconinicndat ions of
tlic Ro!.al Coniniission of Dcccntralisation in 1907. It ainicd to dcccntralisc tlic
po\\.er and associate the pcoplc \vi tli local adniinistration through tlic institi~tionsof
villagc pa~iclia!.ats. Unit of panclia!~at \\.as to be single village: only in case of \!cry
small villages it \\.as to be sc\~cralcontigi~oi~s \~iII;igcs. PancIia!~ats \Yere not to be
placed i~~ider the control of local boards but i~ndcrtlic dcpi~t!. co~iiniissio~icr. 1-lie
villages pancha!.ats c~!io!.cd ccrtai~iJudicial and administrative PO\\-crs.The) also
\\.ere entitled to a portion of land cases and special grants.
Tllc Rural self-govcnl~iicntBil I. 1 025. provided for a nine-nicnibcr villagc ai~tliorit!,
elected on tlic basis of restricted adult francliisc. A succcssfi~lvillagc authority \\as
to be given more polvcrs. Tlic pancha!nt could includc niorc tlimi one cadastral
\~illagc.It could be cntn~stcd\\it11 certain fi~nctionssi~clias \\atcr suppl!. nicdical
relief. and sanitation. Single nic~iibcr\!illage authority could also be put in place
\\.here no recognised fornls of villagc organisation csistcd.
18.3 PANCHAYATI RAJ IN POST-INDEPENDENCE INDIA

In Ja11~1at-y
1957 tlic Planning Coninlissio~iappointed tlic Co~nniittcc011plan Pro.iccts
headed b!. Baluant Rai G. Mchta. Nanicd aficr its cliainiian. tlic Committcc \\as
luiown as Mchta Committcc. Tlic Mclita Co~iinlittccaimed to:
i) Give report on tllc possible linkages bct\vccn \illage pnncha\.ats and liiglicr
level popi~larorganisations for ctticicotl!, implcmcnting Communit!~ Projccts and
National Estcnsio~lscn.icc.
ii) To determine in advance tlic stages of reorganisation of district administration:
it \vould hclp tlic dc~iiocraticbodics to take over the cntirc general administration
and development of tlic districts. or sub-division.
Tlie Melita Co~ii~iiittccconducted a nation\vidc survc!. and observed that tllc
Conuiiunity Projccts and tlic National Estcnsion Scrviccs did not involve pcoplc.
They hnctioncd in an ad lioc nia~~ncr. To o\icrcomc this lacuna the Mcllta Committcc
rcconiniendcd tlic cstabl islinic~itof rcprcscntativc and dc~nocraticinstiti~tionsin tllc
villages - tlic villagc pancIia!.ats. Tlic Mchta Coniniittec Rcport also rcconl~ncndcd
tlie village pancha!.ats sllould be vcstcd \\.it11 adequate po\vcrs and assigned
appropriate finances. The Mchta Coni~nittccRcport tlli~slligllliglltcd tllc nccd to
give financial tcetli of tlic rural i~istiti~tions\\-a!. back in 1957 as a nlcans to cvokc
local interests, and initiati\~csalbcit froni tllc point of \lic\v of dcvclopmcnt. Ho\\-ever.
it cnvisagcd tllcm as agents of tllc state g~\~crnmcnt in i~nplc~~ic~lti~ig
special
dcvclopnlcntal schcmcs. Such an cnlpliasis clcarl! i~ndcrlind tlic overriding and
i~ndcrstandablecollccrn \vitll implcmcntation of tlic state-dc\ciscd and state-sponsored
scllcnic for local dc\~clopmcnt.Tlic emphasis on tlic role of local bodics as institi~tions
of local dcmocrac!. and self-go\~cmancc\vas rather nii~tcddespite rcc01i11iie1idatio1is
to transfer certain vital admin~strati\lc and other fi~~ictioristo them. The Mchta
Co~ii~iiittcc Rcport. lioc\c\cr. cautioned against tlic pitfall o f csccssivc govcrliliic~it
co~itrol\vliilc empliasising tlic guiding role. Tlic latter. lio\\cvcr. liad all possibilities
o f dcgcncrating into petty intcrfcrcncc.
Tlic Mclita Co~ii~iiittccRcport suggested that furictioris of local bodics should co\cr
tlic dc\clopmcnt o f agriculture in all its aspects - tlic improvcmcnt o f cattle arid
local industries. public licaltli. \\elfarc nark. administration ot' priman scliools and
collcctio~iand maintaiancc o f statistics and act as a11 agent o f state go\enimcnt in
cuccuting special sclicmcs o f dc\~clopmcntc~itrustcdto it.
To prcscnic tlic relative autonomy o f tlic village co~ilniu~iitics tlic hlchta Co~iiriiittcc
Rcport suggcstcd that tlic rclatio~isliip bct\\~caitlic state and tlic Pa~iclia!ati R+i
bodics 'must not be cra~iipcdb!. too ~ i i i ~ cco~itrol
li by go\~crIiiiiclitand govcrlimcnt
agencies. It must Iiavc tlic po\\.cr to ~iiakc~iiistakcsand to lcar~ib! ~ i i a k i ~~iiistakcs.
ig
but it ~ i i i ~ also \\.Iiicli \\.illliclp it to avoid riiaki~igmistakes'. Tlic
s t receive gi~ida~icc
structures that cvolvcd. lio\\.cvcr. \\.ere those \vliicli cliictl!. pcrfor~iicddc\:clopmcnt
fi~nctions.
Oiic scliool o f thought argues tliat Panclia\.at Rqi lias not onl! failed to contribute
~iiuclito n ~ r adcvclopmcnt.
l but on the contran. lias also lii~idcrcdit. Tlicsc institutions
arc pri~iiaril\.c~igagcdin po\\.cr politics and distribution o f dc\~clop~iicntal patronage.
They lia\lc also disturbed tlic \,illage Iiar~iionythrough factional contlicts. On tlic
otlicr halid. so~iicacademics fccl that tlicrc is no i~ilicrc~it problaii and rather tlic
failures o f tlic Panclia>.at Rqi arc because of the lack of tinanccs. lack o f co-
operatio11from go\,cni~iic~it dcpartmcnts. half-licartcd policies and dcfcctiic stnlcturc
crcatcd tbr tlic i~iiplc~iic~itatio~i.
18.4 THE 73RD CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT ACT,

1992
As !rou lia\ic studied ill scctio~i18.3. tile introduction o f Pancha!.at Raj Institutions
follo\vcd the i~uplcmcntationo f tlic Community Dcvclop~iic~it and National Estc~isio~i
Scrviccs programmes. Bascd ~ i i a i ~ i lon ! ~ tlic Ga~idliia~i
philosopli!. tlic Commulut!
Dcvclop~iic~it Progra~iimcai~iicdat acliicving tlic all round dc\clopmc~ito f n ~ r a l
India. The programme crcatcd a large numbcr o f the govcriiriiclit fi~nctionaricslikc
tlic Block Dcvclop~iic~it Officers (BDOs) and Village Lc\,cl Workcrs (VLWs). But
tlic results o f tlic C o m ~ i i u n i tDc\~cIopmait
~~ Programmcs \\ere far from satisfacton..
Bal\\.ant Rai Mclita Conimittcc r c c o ~ i i ~ i i c ~ i dmcasurcs

cd for '-democratic
dcccntralisation'' in order to mcct the dcficicnc!. o f tlic Com~iiunit>.Dc\,clopmcnt
Programmcs and Estcnsion Scrviccs Programmcs. It suggcstcd tliat tile PO\\-cr for
dcvclop~iic~it slioi~ldbe located at tlic intcr~iicdiatcIc\~cl-tlic PancIia!.at Samiti. The
Mclita report cn\~isioncd crcation o f links bct\\.cai tlic pancIia).at sariiitics and
village Ic\lcl Pancha!.ats tlirough tlic services o f the Villagc Lcilcl Workcrs (VLWs)
or Gram sc\\faks. Tlic Mclita Co~li~iiittcc Rcport bcca~iicthe basis of cstc~isio~i of
tlic PRls all over India. But tlic PRls as established b!. Mclita Co~iiniittccRcport.
sutfcrcd fro111the factio~ialis~n\vitliin i t s mcmbcrs: feud in tlic villages and corruption.
Tlic clcctio~isto tlic PRls \Yere not licld for long. B\. scco~idlialf o f tlic 1970 tlic
\i~~cfficicncy o f the PRls liad rcaclicd its zenith.
Efforts to rcvitalisc tlic PRls \\ere riiadc again i n 1970s: tlic Cclitral Govcr~imcnt
Icd b!. 5; Ja:,ta Part). appointed Asliok Mclita Co~ii~iiittcc to assess tlic fi~nctioning
o f tlic PRls and rcco~li~iicndcd mcasurcs for tlicir impro\ cmcnt. Tl~ougliAsliok
Mclita Co~iianittcc likc the Bal\\ant Rai Mclita Committee Rcport b, *?vc liiorc
c~iipliasis to tlic d c l i \ l c ~~ i i c c l i a ~ i i sthan
~ i i to dcvclopmait. it niadc soiiic lie\\
suggestions. Tlicsc includcd need to allo\v tlic political parties to contest panclia!al
I,~ICIII S~~~'-(:~I\~~I.IIIIICII~
clcctions. \votncn to participate in the PRls. Tlic Asliok ,Mclita rcport drafted 43rd I ~ ~ n t i t ~ ~ t HIIPD~
i ~ b ~ ~;IIw
III :
Constitution Anicndmcnt Bill (1977) in order to incorporate its rccommcndations in \'VB:(II
tlie law. But the Ashok Mclita rcport \\as ignored aftcr the fall o f tlic Janata
Govcninic~it Ho\vcvcr. sonic statc go\crnnicnts n ~ l c dby tlic non-Congress partics
initiated niove to activate tlic PRls - Kar~iataka.West Bcngal. Andlira Pradcsli.
Tlie reconi~ncndations o f Asliok Melita Report. Iio\vcvcr. \\crc taken into
consideration by tlie Congress fro111 tlic I980 on\vards They found a place in the
73rd and 74th Constitution Anicndmcnts tliougli \\it11 some modifications.
The 73rd Amcndmcnt provides for more dcniocratisation. cmpo\\crnicnt o f

disadvantased groups and bcttcrmcnt o f tlic fu~ictioningo f tlic Pancha\'ats in tlic
countrl\. Tlie 74th A~iicnd~iicnts provides for siniilar gi1idcl111c.sregarding tlic urban
areas. Tliesc A ~ i i c n d ~ i i cActs
~ i t provided a franic\\ork and gi~idcli~ics to all statcs to
foniiulatc tlicir policies regarding tlic dc\olution to tlic Panclia!ats and the urban
bodies. All statcs. \\ere asked to ~iiakcchanges in the provlslons regarding tlic
Panclia! ats.
Tlie niain features o f tlic 73rd Co~istitutio~ial

(A~iicndnicnt)Act arc:
a) A tlircc-tier systan o f Panclia>.ati Raj at village. block (intcmicdiatc Icvcl) and

district Icvcls for all States lia\/ing population o f over 20 lakhs:
b) Pancliayat clcctions regularly cvcn. 5 \.cars: elections to be licld \vitliin sis
months aftcr tlic tcriii o f tlic csisting Panclia!.ati Raj cspircs:
C) Reservation o f scats for Sclicdulcd Castes. Sclicdulcd Tribes. womai (33%)
and gc~icralscats:
d) To appoint State Finance Coni~iiissio~i to make rccommaidations as regards tlic
financial po\vcrs o f tlic Panclia?'ats: and
e) To constitute District Plan~ii~ig
Co~iiniittccto prepare draft dcvclop~iicntplan for
tlic district as a \vliolc.
Tlie Constit i ~ t i o ~
aiipo\\
i crs tlic statc Icgislaturcs to enact laws in ordcr to cnablc
tlic PancIia!~ats to ai.jo\. tlic po\\.crs \\-liicli arc ncccssan, for tlic dcvolution. I t can
help tlie PancIia!ats to work as institi~tionsof sclf-govcniancc. The deviation o f
powers to Parlcha!.ats i s mainly related to:
i
1I a) the preparation o f plans for ccono~iiicdcvclopnicnt and social justice; and,
b) tlic implcmcntatio~iof such sclicnics for cconomic dcvclopnicnt and social
justicc as ma!. be c~itnistcdto tlic~iiincluding tliose in rclation to tlic mattcrs
listed in the Elcvaitli Sclicdulc. l'lic Elcvcnth Schcdi~lcconsists o f 29 subjects,
relating to agriculti~rc.land rcfoniis. minor irrigation. n ~ r ainfrastructure.
l poverty
alleviation. \vomcn and cliild dc\clopmcnt. \\.elfarc o f tlic ivcakcr sections and
primary. secondan. and non-foniial education.
' Tlic Pnnclia!~ats call be autlioriscd b!. tlic la\\ cnactcd b!. tlic statc legislature to:
i ) leg: collect and appropriate such tascs. dutics tolls and Bcs collcctcd b>- tlic
statc govcninicnt: ii) ,?\all o f tascs. dutics. tolls and fccs collcctcd by the statc
govenimcnt: and iii) to get grant-in-aid from tlic Co~isolidatcdfirlids o f tlic statc.
Tlic financial rclatio~isbct\\cai tlic statc and tlic PancIia!.nts arc govcnicd b!. the
State finance Commission. Tlic statc Finance Commission is supposcd to rcvic\v the
L
financial conditions o f the Panchayats. and dctcniiinc the share o f Panclia!.ats in
I
i thc lev\,. tolls. tascs. duties and fccs.
i 18.4.1 Panchayats (Extension of Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996
Tlie provisions o f tlic 73rd Amcndmcnt do not apply to tlic Sclicdulcd Areas. the
! statcs o f Nagaland. Mcghala~aand Mizoram. tlic hill areas the statc o f Manipur
and tlic hill arcas of district o f Darjccling (West Bcngal). Ho\\c\cr. tlic provlslons
of tlic 73rd Anicndn~c~it \\.crc cstcndcd to the Sclicdulcd Arcas as \\ell b!. tlic
Pancha!ats ( Estcnsion o f Schcdulcd Areas) Act. 1996.
Tlic pro\,isions of the Pancha!~ats (Estcnsion o f tlic Sclicdulcd Areas) Act. I996
ha\c conic into force on 24"' Dcccnibcr 1996. Tlic Act cstc~ldsPaticliayats to tlic
tribal arcas of eight statcs o f India. namely. Andlira Pradcsh. Bihar. Gujarat. Himaclial
Pradcsh. Maliaraslitra. Madli!.a Pradcsli. Orissa and Rajasthan. I t intends to enable
tlic tribal society to assumc control over their o\vn destiny. to prcsclvc and conscr\c
tlicir traditional rights over natural rcsourccs. Tlic statc govcninicnts I\ ere required
to enact their legislations in accordance with tlic Provisions o f the Act bcforc thc
cspiry o f one year. i.c. 23rd Dcccniber 1997.

Note: i) Use t11c space gi\iai below for !.our ans\\-crs.
ii) Clicck !.our ans\\;crs \\,it11 niodcl answers give11at tlic end o f tlic unit:~
1) Esplain the diffcrcncc in thc naturc o f PancIia~.atiRqi during and bcforc tlic
British period.
2) Wh!. was Bal\\.ant Rai Mchta Committee set up. and \\,hat \\,ere its
3) Identity tlic main features o f the 73rd Anicndnicnt Act regarding tlic
disadvantaged groups.
.......................................................................................................................
18.5 T H E 'PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTlTLITlONS 1N T H E

-
POST 73rd AMENDMENT ERA: THE CASE OF UP
Most o f the statcs co\rcrcd b!. the 73rd Anicnd~iicntAct have passed the conforniit!
Acts and h a w set up PRls in the light o f tlic pro\/isions o f tlic Act. Nirmal
Mukhcricc and Balvccr Arora considcr tlic PRls as tlic third Ia!,cr o f fcdcralism -
an cstc~isiono f tlic t\\;d-la!.cr fcdcralism bct\\.cal tlic Cclitrc and statcs.
E\cn bcforc tlic continnation and implc~ncntationo f tlie 73rd Amcndnlait Act five
statc ~ovcrnmaitshad introduced tlic PRls, i.e., \\cstcnl States o f Maharastra and
Gujarat: caster11 state o f West Bcngal. soutlicr~i States o f Andlira Pradcsli and I,~IC:II ~ l - i t ' - ( : ~ ~ l - ~ ~ l ~ ~ ~ t - ~ ~
I
It11ra11
IIIIII
IIISI~IIII~IBII%:
Kamataka. I 1.11~111
Tliougli there arc slight variations in the nonicnclaturc o f tlic stn~cti~rcso f the PRls
At various levels. the 73rd Anicndnicnt provides tlic common framc\\~orkfor tlic~ii.
This scction deals \\.it11 tlic stnlctilrc o f PRls in UP as o ~ i co f the csamplcs. The
PRIs in UP consist o f tlic follo\\ing structure:
18.5.1 Gram Panchayat
I t consists o f tlic grani sablia and mcmbcrs o f the village pancIia!ats directly
elected by tlic electorate. l~cadcdb!. the Pradhans. Tlic bod! \\.liicli consists o f all
adults o f the \.illages is kno\\-11as gram sablia (\!illage council). The la\\. c11.joins tlic
gram sablia to liold gcncral nicctings annuall!'. It can make rcco~ii~iic~idatio~is and
si~ggcstio~is to the grani pa~icIia!at 011 a far^^^^^ aspects. statcnicnt o f accoi~nto f tlic
gram panchayat on \,arious aspects related to tlic functioning o f the panclia!ats.
Tlic gralii pancIia!.at's Jurisdiction covers a11 29 sub.iccts ~iicntio~icdin tlic I 1 Sclicdulc.
Tlie pancliayats arc supposed to consist o f scvcral co~iiniittccsto help it in pcrforniing
various dutier,:TIicri <-:-;,:, tlic gram pancliayat has a \tide s\\.ccp o f f~~~ictions. if not
po\\!ers. Each gram pancIia!.at is cspcctcd to function tkrougli four co~ii~iiittccs, \iz.
Saniata Samiti (\vclfrik o f \vo~iic~i and cliildrcn and interests o f SCsISTs and
back\\~ardclassc3). .\iikas'qa~,liti (agriculture n ~ r ain
l dust^. and dcvclopmcnt sclic~iics),
Sliiksha Saniiti (education) and Lok Hita Samiti (Public licaltli. public work). Tlie
village panchayat has also a vi llagc pradlian. \\.I10 i s clcctcd indircctl! b!. tlic ~iicnibcrs
o f the village pancha!.at.
18.5.2 Kshetra Panchayat
Me~iibcrshipo f the Kslicttra Pa~iclia!at. tlic intcr~iicdiatctier. co~iipriscs all the

clcctcd pradlians o f the gram pa~iclia!.ats fro111 \vitliin tlic block: nicnibcrs clcctcd
b!~ direct elcctio~isfrom tlic territorial constiti~cncicsin the pancliayat area. apart
fro111MLAs and MLCs. and rcprcscntati\~cso f zila parisliad (Zila panclia!.at).
18.5.3 Zila Panchayat (Zila Parishad)

Like kslietra pancliayats, zila parisliad includes clcctcd mcnibcrs clioscn dirwtl!. in
territorial constitucncics_ MLAs and MLCs along \vitli tlie Par~iii~khs o f all kslietra
panchayats in the district.
The primary fi~nctionscntn~stcdto thc zila parishads arc to supcrvisc the activities
o f gram panchayats and Kslictra Samitccs. to classif\' fairs and fcsti\lals. and to
classifi~roads as \illage roads. district roads. ctc.. for maintcnancc. l'lic zila parishads
are en~oinedto prepare an annual district dc\,clopmcnt plan incorporating those o f
tlie kslietra panclia!~ats \\hicli in turn incorporate the ones prepared bj* tlic gralii
panchayats.
An ovcn\,heIming majorit! o f states have dircct clcctions o f the bftice bearers o f

gram panchayats. and indirect ones to that of zila panchayats and the intcniicdia~.
level. However, there arc a fc\c csccptions. For example. in Goa tlie clcctions for
all the ticrs are dircct.
18.5.4 Relationships between the PRls and DRDAs
The nature o f relationships bct\\tccn tlic pancha\ats and adniinistrativc stnlcturc is

an important aspect o f t l ~ cPRls. l'lic UP govcrnnicnt liad set up Baj;lj Coni~iiittec
in 1995 for sugscsting nicasurcs to strcngtlicn the relationship bctnccn tlic DRDAs
(District Rural Dcvclopnicnt Autlioritics) and the Pancha!.ats. The committee
suggcstcd the fi~nctionalintc~rationo f the Zila Panclia!.at and DRDAs. as the
merger \\as not feasible. Iii a sig~iificantnio\rc to dc\rolvc po\\crs. it nladc the zila
parisliad Cliairnia~ialso as tlic cliairpcrson o f tlic DRDAs. and the District Magistratc
as tlic Dcput!* Cliairnian. Tlic District Magistrate lias also bccri cscludcd fro111 tlic
stn~cturco f tlic pancIia!~at: instead. tlic Chief Dc\~clopnicntofticcr (belo\\ tlic rank
o f District Magistrate) has bccomc tlic chief Escci~tivcOfficer o f PancIia!.at. Tlic
Baja.1 Co~ii~iiittcc
also ~iiadcrcco~ii~iic~idatio~is for fi~nctionalintegration o f t\\o cadres '
o f villagc Ic\cl functionaries- GPAs (Gram Pancha!.at Adliikaris) and the VDOs
(Village Dc\,cloprncnt otticcrs). and rcprescntation o f the Block Praniuklis in tlic
DR DAs. But thcsc rcconinicndatio~isliavc not bee11 !.ct made effective.
18.5.5 PRls: An Assessmerlt
Tlic pcrforniancc o f the PRls ~iccdsto be asscsscd in the colitcst o f tlic social.
cco~ioniicand political mil icu in tlic vil lagcs. Tlic PRls Iia\,c contributcd to tlic
o\.crall dc\rclop~iiaito f the \ illagc socict!. to a significant. Birt tlicir pcrformancc lias
\aricd in ditTcrcnt circunistnnccs. Nc\.crtliclcss. tlicir ~iiostsig~iiticatio~i co~itribution
113s been in raising the Ic\,cl o f political consciousness o f the people.
Ra-ini Kotliari \\.anis. "mcrcl!. setting up local-self go\~cnimaitco~iiniittccsdocs not

ncccssaril!. amount to tlic advancaiicnt o f dcniocratic politics. On the . ~gntral?:
?>clC. 5 .
such an attcnipt may prove to be countcr-producti\.c. Tlic basic issue IS: Iio\v sliould
dccc~itralizcds!+stcms cnhancc tlic po\\.crs originall!. give11 to tlic~+,in turn. 'contain
po\\.cr o f dominant groups and musclc po\\,cr used tbr niqnipvl~tir~.g the clcctioli
process? The failure to understand such imperatives lias oficnd:l to'thk gro\\tli tlic
'mafia' plicno~iiaionon in local go\:cniancc \\hicli kccps tlic \wak frorii tlie
political process."
One o f the niain Iii~idranccsin tlic pcrfornia~icco f tlic PRls lias bee11 the lack the
\\ill on tlic part o f man! statc go\crlimcnts to dcvolvc po\\cr to tlicni. 111 statcs
otlicr tlia~iAndlira Pradcsh. rcgi~larclcction was not conducted to the \,illage
pancha!.ats. Pancha!.ats in the statcs likc Kaniataka. Wcst Bcngal. Kcrala and
Tamil Nadu havc sIio\\n bcttcr pcrfoniia~icc~ i i i ~ cbcforc
li tlic introduction o f the
73rd Amcndmcnt. Tlic TDP go\cmmcnt in Andlira Pradcsh and tlic statc gownimcnt
in Kaniataka introduced rcscnation o f scats in the PRls for SCs. STs. Backnard
classcs and \\omai in 1987 and 1985 rcspccti\~cl!.. Tlic panclia!ats haw a p l a ~ c d
pi\otal role in tlic implaiicntatio~io f lalid rcfoniis and n ~ r a dcvclopmc~it
l in Wcst
Bc~igal .
Follo\\ing the confir~nationo f tlic 73rd Constitutional Amendment b!. tlic~ii.a large
number o f statcs havc attcniptcd to dcvolvc po\\crs to tlic local bod~csin the 1990s.
M a d l i ~ aPradcsh. Rajasthall. Andhra Pradcsh and Kcrala liavc niadc special efforts
to in\lol\lc pcoplc in plannins. decision-making and iniplcmcntation o f tlic statc policies.
I n tlie era o f globalization. sigiificd b!, a collaboration bct\vccn tlic NGOs. panclia!.nts
and tlic DRDAs tlic PRls in tlicsc statcs havc contributcd to tlic dcvclop~iiaito f
\~illagcco~ii~iiunitics, i,n rural dcvclop~iic~it. education. licaltli. ctc. Bccausc o f tlic
usage o f the intcnict in tlic fi~nctio~iing village pancha!*ats in Rajastlian. Andlira
R~adcslii n d M a d l i ~ aPradcsli, tlic PRls arc involved in c-govcr~ianccalso
As nic~itionidearlier. though rcscnation for the SCs. STs. OBCs and \vonibn in tlic
PRls \\.as introduced c\.ai carlicr in sonic statcs, it has bcconic mandaton. in all
statcs follo\ving tlic passage o f 73rd Co~istitutio~ial Amcndmcnt. Tliosc statcs. \\~liicli
lia\.c been sinccrc in holding the clcction to the PRls, lia\lc cnnblcd SCs. STs.
OBCs, and \ v o ~ i ~ to a i bc participants in. and leaders o f tlic local bodies. The PRls.
lio\vc\~cr.ha1.c bccn facing serious cliallcngcs i.c. factionalis~n.castcism. corruption.
\\.liicli tli\vartcd tlicir dcmocratisation. liavc bccn tlicir bane. Wliilc bcforc tlic 73rd
Anicnd~iicntthe dominant coniniunitics in niost statcs higli-jacked tlic PRJs. in tlic
follo\\.ing period in niost cases tlic \\.omen panchayat nic~iibcrsha\c bcconrc prosics
o f the nialc nic~iibcrso f tlicir families. Transfer o f iniportant subjccts likc cduc~tion
to tlic PRls lias resulted in the ooliticisation o f the issues csuccinll\. in Wcst Bcneul.
Kcrala. Madliya Pradcsli. I t has ad\lcrscl!. a f i c t c d tlic proccss o f dcccntralisatio~i I,I,F:I .4~.11'-(:0~1.1~111111.111
I l ~ s t i t n ~ t i ~H
~ tl ~
~ \r: i ill111
~l
and govcniancc. I ~~:III
I
18.6 URBAN LOCAL SELF - GOVERNNIENT

18.6.1 Historical Background
I Tlic urban local govcninicnt o\\cs its gclicsis to Saniucl Laing. nicnibcr o f tlic
Viccro!.'~ C o i ~ ~ i c\\.I10
il proposed that local scnjiccs slioitld be based on local
I
resources. Lord Ma!.o's Rcsolution o f 1870 introduccd the concept o f clcctcd
represc~itedin the municipalitics. Eccri as tlic local govcniriicnt in tlic n ~ r a larcas
arc cal led panclia!.ats. tlic local govcrlinic~itin to\\,ns and citics is called Municipal
Govcmment. Tlic local i~istitutio~is o f governalice in tlic citics \\ere introduccd
al~iiosttwo cc~ituricsbcforc they \\.ere introduccd in the ru ral areas.
I
Municipal bodics in Indian citics \\.ere the crcation o f tlic British. Till tlic passage o f
i c ~ i t have been existing fi\z t!,pcs o f arban govcrlimcnts
74th A ~ i i c ~ i d ~ n tlicrc -
11 Municipal Corporations. Municipal Coi~ncils.T o \ ~ nArca Committccs. Notified Arca
Committccs and Cantonnicnt Boards. Madras \\.as first to ha\lc tlic Municipal
Corporation in 1687: it \\as follo\\.cd by Bomba! and Calcutta in 1762. Lord Ma!.o's
Resolution o f 1870 cncouragcd tlic i~itroductiono f an clcctcd president in tlic
municipalitics. Tlic present for111and structure o f tlic institutions o f local go\fcrliancc
I
0n.c tlicir csistc~iccto Lord Ripo~i'sresolution on local sclf-go\~cr~i~iicnt. adopted on
, I8 ma!. 1 882. Tlicrc \\ere about 200 municipalities in tlic British India by 1 870.
18.7 THE POST - 74TH CONSTITUTIONAL

AMENDMENT (1992): URBAN LOCAL SELF-
GOVERNMENT BODIES
T+c Govcninicnt o f India passed 74th C o ~ i s t i t i ~ t i 011 i c ~ i till I902 to
o ~ iA ~ i i c ~ i d ~ i Act
makc the institutions o f i~rbango\.crnancc more rcprcscntativc. accountable. cfticic~it
and transparent. 1-lie 74th Constiti~tionalAmcndmcnt Act \\.as c~iactcdon the basis
o f rccommaidation o f the Rural - Urban Rclationsliip Co~iimittcc.As nic~itio~icd
earlier in the prc\:ious scction o f this unit. bcforc the commcnccmait o f this Actt
tlicrc liad csistcd five t!.pcs o f bodics o f urban go\~crliancc.The 74th A ~ i i c ~ i d ~ i i c n t
replaced tlic five urban bodics \\.it11 tlircc - Nngar Panclin!.ats for arcas in tra~isitio~i
from rural to urban clustcrs: Municipal Councils in s~iiallcri ~ r b a scttlcmcnts. ~i and
Municipal Corporations in larger urban areas. The dccisio~ias to \\.liicli t!.pc o f the
i~rba~ bod!.
i lias to be introduccd in a tit!, is taken b!. tlic statc yovcnimcnt. Tlic
Municipal arcas \\.it11 popi~latio~i liiorc t l i a ~ .tlircc
i laklis also \\-ill have the \\.ard
committees. apart fro111 tlic municipal it ics. Tliis makcs 11rban go\lcrliancc a t\\.o-t icr
s!.stein.
Tlic nii~~iicipal bodics i~icludc- clcctcd rcprcscntati\:cs fro111 tlic clcctoral \\.ards;
~iie~iibcrso f tlic Lok Sablia and State Legislative asscniblics co\rcring wlioll! or
partly tlic niu~iicipalarea conccr~icd:the mcmbcrs o f tlic council o f states and tlic
statc Icgislativc council \\-I10 arc registered as voters \vitIiin tlic ~ i i i ~ ~ i i c i p al :
area
cliairpcrsons o f tlic co~il~iiittccs
o f tlic ~ i i i ~ ~ i i c i p
ai~tlioritics:
al and. persons Iiavi~ig
special knowlcdgc or cspcricricc in municipal administration sans right to \;otc in the
council.
Tlic scats arc rcscncd in the ~iiunicipal bodics for tlic \\-cakcr scctio~is o f the
-
socict! OBCs SCs. \\.omen. Tlic percentage o f scats rcscr\.cd for \\,omen is 3 3 .
The \lard co~ii~iiittccs
\\-liicli csist for the ~ i i i ~ ~ i i e i areas
p a l co\.cri~igniorc t l i n ~ tlircc
i
lakli population co~isisto f kbc ~iicmbcrsnominated b!. the statc go\.crlimcnt: clcctcd
mcmbcrs of tlic cou~icil\\.I10 rcprcsuits tlic \yard belonging to the \\-ard committee.
F c c l c r a ~ l i si ~
w ~111dii1
~ l l l c tcnilrc of the rili~llicipaliticsi s f i l e !,cars. 111 case tlicsc arc dissolved or
supcrccd~d.they lia\.c right to be heard. Within six r~lo~itlis o f supcrcisio~ior dissolution
of the ~lli~~licipalitics
tlic elections slloi~ldbe held. Tllc t\vclftll schcdulc o f the 74th
amendment contain I X items \\.hicIi arc:
1) Urban planning. including to\\'n pla~lrli~lg
2) Rcgi~lationo f lalid use and constri~ctiono f buildirigs
3) Plan~lirlgfor ccononlic arid social development
4) Roads and bridges
5 ) Water si~ppl!. for dci~iicstic.industrial and co~ll~llcrcial

purposes
6 ) Public Iicalth. sanitation conscnanc!. and solid \vastc rnanagcmcnt

7) Firc scn.iccs
8) Urban forcstn.. protection o f cnvironmcnt and pro~llotionof ccological aspcyts
9) Safcgi~ardingthe interests o f \\cakcr sections o f socict!.. including the disabled

and maltall!. retarded
10) Slum improvement and i~pgrading
I I) Urban po\tcrt\. alleviation

12) Pro\,ision o f urban anlc~liticsand facilities si~cllas parks. gardens. pla!.groi~ilds
13) Promotion o f cultural. educational and acstllctic aspects
14) Burials and burial grounds. crcnlations. crcnlation grounds and clcctl.ic
crc~ilatori
11111s
16) Registration o f births and deaths

17) Public amcnitics including strcct lighting. parking lots. bus stops and pi~blic
con\~c~~ie~~ces
IX) Rcgulatio~lo f slai~glltcrI~OLISCS
and tanneries.
The statc govcmlllcrits cnjo!. discretion regarding the tascs. dutics. tolls and fccs
\vhich ha\-c to be levied b!. n~i~nicipal bodies. and the grant-in-aicl to be given to
them. Tllc statc govcrnlncnt is si~pposcdto appoint a tinancc commission. every
i s si~pposcdto give rccommcndations regarding
tivc !,cars. The t i ~ l a ~ l ccomrllissio~l
c
principles o f sllaring o f the statc taxes. duties. tolls and fccs bct\\.ccn the statc
go\,enlmalt. municipalities and its distribution bct\\:ccn the municipalities.
The statc tina~lcccon~mission\\.auld also r c c o ~ l l ~ l i c tllc

~ l d principle o f tllc grant-in-
aid to be gi\.al from tllc consolidated Fund o f the statc. Thc statc go\.cr~lmcnts
\\.ere e~~joincd to adopt the 74th Constiti~tionalAmcndmcnt Act \\.it11 regard to tlicir
rcspccti\.c municipal bodics. The nc\\- a ~ l l c ~ l d ~ l provided
lc~lt for a direct clcctio~lof
the Mnjor fro111 the nli111icipal area for a pcriod o f five !.cars. A rilotion o f no
confidcncc cannot be moved against the speaker or Mayor \\.ithi11 a .period o f two
\,cars fro111 tllc date on \\.IiicIi I1e or slicc~ltcrsofticc. It canriot be mo\,cd if tlic
rc~llaini~lg pcriod o f a corporatioil i s less tllan six ~ l l o ~ l t l and
l s nccds a mqjorit!. o f
two- third o f tlic clcctcd councillors present and voting if si~clia mqjorit!. is morc
than half of the total nunlbcr o f clcctcd councillors. In casc o f the hIa!.or. it nccds a
majorit\. o f :*-ore than tu.0 third o f tllc clcctcd councillors. i.c.. Illore tllan two thirds
o f the total nunlbcr o f clcctcd councillors.
Tlic Municipal Corpohtio~lcan deal dircctl! \\it11 the statc gowrnmcnt \\licrc.?s the
Municipalities arc ans\\crablc to the District Collector and Di\,isional Comriiissioncr.
Tlic Gcncral Body o f the Municipal Corporation consists o f councilors. \tho arc
clcctcd for a tcnii of tlircc to fi1.c !.cars. The!. arc cithcr dircctl! clcctcd or I.~IC:II Sc.ll'-(;4,\ VI.IIIII(.III
l ~ ~ s t i t t ~ t i ~ Ib< ~I It~s; :I IA I I I ~
nominated coi~ncillors\\ it11 somc spccialiscd kno\\.lcdgc in municipal fi~nctio~is. l V ~ ~ I I I
Statutory Coniniittccs arc set up by tllc statute uliich co~istitutcstlic Corporation.

si~clias esccutivc committcc. standing committcc. planning comniittcc. licalth
committcc and cducatio~lcommittee. Non-Statuton Coniniittccs include transport
committee. \vomcn arid chi Id \\ clfarc committcc. ctc. The Standing coni~iiittccof
tlic Corporation acts as tlic steering coniniittcc cucrcisiug csccutive. supervisory.
financial and personnel poucr.
Tlic Council elects. fro111alllong tlic councillors. a President \vhose tern1 ma!' be co-
tcrnlini~s\\;it11 that of tllc council. I n certain statcs Prcsidcnts arc clcctcd dircctl! by
tlic citizens. Hc cnjo!.s considcrablc authorit!* and po\vcr both in tllc dclibcrati\~cand
csccutive organs of the municipalit!,. He convenes and presides o\cr the mcctings
of the Council. gives his n~lingson all contro\~crsialmatters and cscci~tcsits decision
as its Cliicf Escci~ti\,cOftiscr. His po\\.cr depends on the support of tlic nia.jorit!..
Coniniittccs can be formed b!. the Municipal Coi~ncil.I-llc Standing Committee is
tlic ~iiostimportant of all committees. Tllc poucrs and fi~~lctions of tllc Municipal
Council Coni~nittccsarc tllc sanic as tllosc of tlic Municipal Corporation. Cantonnicnts
arc prcdominantl! militan.-occi~picdareas along \\-it11 a sizeable civil population that
nccessitatcs the 1lii11iicipalisatio11 of its administration. Tlic Caritonnicnt Board is
special fonn of i ~ r b a go\,crnmcnt.
~i constituted under dlc Ca~itonnicntsAct. 1924.
Local Bodies arc rcspo~lsiblcfor tlic cff~cicnc!. of programmes and services. raising
local resources and providing meaningfill planning and services at the local level.
Tlie fi~nctions. duties arid responsibilities of tlic municipal govcrnnicnt arc both
obligatory and discretionan.. Obligatorl\. fi~nctionsincludc supply of potable water:
constn~ctionand niaintcnancc of public strccts: lighting and cleansing of public
strects, sc\vers etc.: maintaining public hospitals: cstablisliing and niaintaining primaq.
schools: registration of birth and naming strccts and numbering Iiouscs. Discretionary
fi~nctionsmay include scci~ringor rcnlo\~i~lg dangcroi~sbuildings or places: constn~ctio~l
and niaintcnancc of pubic parks. gardens. libraries. museums. rest houscs. lcpcr
homcs. orplianagcs and rcscilc honlcs for \\.omen. ctc.: planting and maintcnancc of
roadside and otlicr trccs: housing for lo\\. inconic groups: organizing public receptions,
public csliibitions. pi~bliccntcrtain~llcnt.ctc. Co~iipi~lsoq~ Prinian. Edi~catio~l is the
rcsponsibilit!~of the local bodics in a large numbcr of states.
18.8 THE MUNICIPAL FINANCE

There is no scparatc list of tascs for nli~nicipalbodics. This fall \\.itllin tlic discretion
of respective state go\lcrnI~icnts.Man!. bodies l ikc tlic Local Financc Inquir!.
Coni~nittee(1 95 1) and Taxation Inquiry Conuiiission (1953- 1954) liavc bccn set up
from time to tinic to look into the issue of municipal finance. Municipal Rcvcnucs
arc basically of tlic follo\ving t!.pcs:
Tas revenue:
Octroi:
Non-tax rcvcnuc:
Grants-in-aid:
Borro\\.ings or loans.
18.8.1 Tax Revenue
Major tascs lcvicd b!. i~rbanlocal govcnimcnt arc tlic follo\ving:

Tas on propert!. including sen ice Icv! for water suppl!:
Conservancy. drainage, lighting and garbage disposal:
Tau on Professions:
T ~ on
S vehicles (other than niotor vcliiclcs).
The scope of hsation of Municipal Corporations is broader: tlic Municipal Corporations
arc gaicrall! cmpo\\.crud to iniposc or incrcmc tascs \vitliin the limits laid do\\n in
the State Acts. Propert!, tas is one csamplc of such tas. Gaicrall!. propert!. tas is
the largest single source of rcvcnuc for niunicipal bodics in the states \\here tlicrc
is no provision for octroi. Propert!, tas is lcvicd on buildings and land on tl~cbasis of
rental value.
18.8.2 Octroi
Tas on cntq of goods Into a local area for consumption or sale tlicrcin is popularly
kno\vn as octroi. Octroi is the niost traditional tas and a niqjor source of local
revalue. It accounts for about 60 to 80 per cent of total rcvcntlc of tlic urban local
bodics wlicrc it is imposcd.
18.8.3 Non-Tax Revenue

Municipal Acts pro\.idc for issuance of liccnscs. E\.cq. local authorit! is anpo\\crcd
to charge and collect fees both rcgulaton. (for license issued) and for scniccs
provided. A ilscr tkc is to be charged for public utilities. parking. cnty tkcs for pla\
ground. s\\ininiing pools. ctc.
An important clcnicnt of n~i~nicipal finance is grants-in-aid. TI~crcarc tn.0 t!.pcs of

grants: a General-Purpose Grant (GPG) and a Specific purpose grant (SPG). The
foniicr augments tlic rcvcnuc of the local bodics for discharging their normal
fi~nctions.Tlic latter is used for specific purposcs, c.g., the increase of \ ~ d g cbills
due to inflation: education grants, public health, road maintcnancc ctc. Grants arc
ad-hoc and discrctionarl\ in nature.
18.8.5 Borrowings and Loans

Municipal bodics can borrow fro111tlic state governnlent and otlicr agencies under
Local Autlioritics Loans Act. ( 19 14). They can borro\\~tbr dc\clopment acti\,itics
and for rcpa! I I I C I I 9~ f debt. Tl~cscborrowings can be for tl~cpurposcs of
Co~lstruction:
Pro\ ision of rclicf and relief nark during scarcit!. or famine:
Outbreak of any cpidcmic:
Land acquisition:
Rcpa!,niait of outstanding loans.
With tlic addition of ciglitcc~ifunctions in the T\\clfIh Sclicdulc after the 74th
Amaidmait. thc fi~nctionalrcsponsibilit~csof municipalities lia\lc increased. The!.
participate in the preparation of plans for local devclopmcnt and in thc iriiplc~nentation
of dc\~clopmaitpro.jccts. apart froni providing civic amcnitics. Illus the!. rcqulrc
incrcascd firiancjal allocations.
./
'
#
Note: i) Use the space given belo\\ for your ans\ver
ii) Cl~cck>,ourans\\.crs \\.it11 niodcl ans\vers given at tlic end of tl~cunit.
I) What is tlic coniposition of a grani pancha!.at'?
2) Identity tlic urban bodies o f local self-go\cniancc \\llicll csistcd bcforc and
I after the 74th Constitutional Anicndmcnt.
!
18.9 LET US SUM U P
1
Local Self- Goccmmcnt is o f broadly trio t!.pcs n ~ r a and
l -
urban. The n ~ r a sclf-
l
I govcninicnt i n India goes back to the ancient period but \\.as rcniodclcd b\. the
! British rulers. lndcpcndcnt India Iau~iclicdthe dri\.c f o r its dcniocratisation and
e~iipo\\cniicnt. Tlic 73rd anicndnicnt integrated it \\.it11 the co~istiti~tional s\,stc~n.
Modern i ~ r b a nL S G began \\.it11 the Britisli n ~ l c .I t is no\v elaborate and \,aricd in
structiirc according t o tllc size o f an l ~ r b i l ~illlit. i T l i c 74th A ~ i i c n d n i c n t I I ~ S
co~istiti~tio~ialiscdtlic s!.stcm o f i ~ r b a nlocal sclt'-go\cr~inncc.
18.10 S O M E USEFUL BOOKS
Jlia. S. N. and Matliur. P. C.. ( cds.). I~ecen/rtrlil.tr/io~i

crml 1,octrl I'oli/ics. Sagc
Publications. Nc\v Dcllii. 1999.
Lictcn. G . K . and Srivast\a. Ravi. ~l/icyiiol1'orlncr.s: 1'orc.e~1<eltr/io/t.s,I)evolil/ron

ontl /level(~pmcn/rn ( / / / o r1'rtrtIc.sh. Sagc Publications. Nc\\ Dcllii. I 9 9 9
I
, Pinto, Marina. Me/nll~oli/crn('r/jj (;overnortcc rn Indio. Sage Publications. Nc\\
Dcllii. 2000.
18.11 ANSWER T O CHECK \'OUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
C h e c k Y o u r Progress E x e r c i s e 1
I) Tliaugli tlic PancIia~.atiRqj s!.stc~ii liad csistcd c\.cn bcforc tlic Britisli pcriod.
tlic Britisli madc it ditfcrcnt fro111 earlier s\.stc~ii i n tlic scnsc that tlic\r liad
fornialiscd it.
2) To rcvic\v the fi~nctioningo f the Communit\. Dc\.clopmcnt Progra~iinicsand

National Estcnsion Scnliccs Progranimcs.
I t rcconinicndcd setting up 1.illagc Panclla\.ati \\.it11 adcqitatc political and financial

powers \vitli tlic ail11 to bring out the overall dccclopriicnt o f tlic village society.
3) I t introduced rcscwation for \\omen (33'%,). OBCs. SCs & STs and tlic general
categories to clisurc their rcprcscntation i n the P Rls.
I) A gralil panclia\at co~lsistsof the gram sabha and clcctcd ~ilctilbcrsof thc
\illage panchayats. It is hcadcd b\. the village pradhan. A granl pancha~athas
also an indircctl!. clcctcd up - pradlian.
2) Tllcrc csistcd five t!,pcs of municipal bodies bcforc thc introductio~iof tlic 74th
Co~lstitutio~lal
A~llc~ld~llc~~t- Mu~licipalCorporations. Municipal Councils. T o ~ n
Arca Committees. Notified Arca Co~ll~llittcc and the Cantonment Boards. Thc
74th A I ~ I C I t~ has ~ C I ~tllcnl into t hrcc - Nagar Panchrt!,ats. Municipal
~ I ~rcdilccd
Cou~icilsand Municipal Corporations.
3) Tax rcvcnuc. Octroi. Non-tas rcvcnucl Grants-in-aid and Borro\\.ings or loans
UNIT 19 NATURE OF PARTY SYSTEM IN INDIA
Structure
19.0 Objectives
19.2 Nature of Party System-First Two Decades After Independence

- ...
19.2.1 Evoluti6n froni Political Centre
19.2.2 Dominant Party System: Basic Characteristics
19.2.3 Centrality of Congress
19.3 Changed Socio-Economic Profile: Dislocation of Political Centre
19.4 Party Systems After 1967
19.5 Loss of Centrality of Congress and Emerging Party System
19.6 Conteniporary Party System
19.6.1 Party System at the Central Level
19.6.2 Party System at the State Level
19.7 Let Us Sum Up
19.8 Some Usefill Books and Articles
19.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit deals with the nature of the party system in India. It aims at familiarising
the student of Indian politics with tlie fundamental features underlying the evolution
of the party system in the post-independence period. After studying this unit, you
should be able to:
Understand the nature of the party system in India and identify its various
characteristics;
Analyse the changing nature of tlie party system and explain the emerging patterns;
and
Discuss the socio-economic and the political factors underlying the changing
nature of party politics.
19.1 INTRODUCTION
Indian party system is unique. It does not fit in any kind of classification that is
generally used to categorise the party systems. Tt is defined by the singular nature
of Indian politics on tlie one hand and the nature of the state-society relationship on
the other. In the last two decades, there has been a substantial change both in the
nature of politics as well as in nature of relationship between the state and the society.
One of tlie very important manifestations of change is visible in the context of the
politicisation of greater ~ i i ~ ~ n of
b e rpeople, especially those belonging to the less
privileged sections of society. That explains the change in the nature of the party
system as well. The distinctive features that defined the party system of India in the
fist two decades after independence are no more to be seen at present.
In order to understand tlie present nature of the party system, it is important to trace
its I~istoryand to refer to its political logic in the context of the changing state-society
relationship.
Party System and Elccfions
i n India 19.2 NATURE OF PARTY SYSTEM - FIRST TWO
DECADES AFTER INDEPENDENCE
19.2.1 Evolution from Political Centre

Rajni Kotliari has argued in his 'Politics in India' that the party system evolved from
an identifiable political centre. This political centre, carved during the nationalist
movement, was comprised of the political elite sharing common socio-economic back-
ground i.e. educated, urban, upper-caste people belonging mainly to middle and upper
classes.
The common social background o f the elite resulted in the homogeneity that became
a defining feature o f tlie political centre as well as o f tlie party system. The ruling
party and the opposition, both coniing fro111 tlie same social background, shared the
social perceptions and converged on many issues. A consensus, therefore, existed
within the system around the basic values.
The Indian National Corigress was the institutional ma~iifestationo f this political
centre. Not only was it an important expression o f the nationalist movement but was
also a dynamic political organisation that formed the indigenous base for the political
system. Accommodating almost all-political groups o f political importance, it provided
a very crucial political space for political negotiations and bargaining.
19.2.2 Dominant Party System: Basic Characteristics
1) The party system during the first two decades after independence was termed
as the Single Dominant Party system. I t was a multi-party system where the
ruling party played an overwhelmingly dominant role. Although a number o f other
mlitical parties existed and operated politically, yet the central space o f politics
was occupied by the Indian National Congress only. The dominance o f the
Congress was determ hied by its immense organisational strength as well as its
capability to capture large number o f seats both in the Union Parliament and the
state legislatures.
2) Dominance o f tlie Congress as the ruling party did not niean absence o f com-
petition. The numerous parties in opposition provided competition. Yet, such
competition did not result in effectively clialle~igingthe dominant position o f the
ruling party. Morris-Jones aptly described this phenomenon as 'dominance CQ-
existing with competition but without a trace o f alteration'. In electoral terms, it
implied that although a number o f opposition parties entered the electoral arena
but none o f them singly or in combination could secure substantial nuniber o f
seats to replace the Congress as the ruling party. These parties were fragmented
and poorly represented in the Unio~iand the state legislatures. Congress contin-
ued to return its candidates in large numbers, in fact, in proportionately large
numbers tlian the votes polled in its favour.
3) Due to their inability to provide an alternative to tlie ruling party or even to.
cliallenge its position o f dominance, the opposition parties did not play tlie tradi-
tional role o f opposition. On the contrary, their role was limited to that o f
coristaritly pressurising, criticising tlie ruling party. The parties in opposition,
therefore, operated as the parties o f pressure.
4) .One o f tlie important features o f the Congress party that helped it to sustain its
position o f do~nina~icewas its capacity to represent divergent social groups and
\
interests. As it drew its support from different sections o f society, it played the
role o f a great umbrella party. During the nationalist movement it had accom- Nature of Party System in
India
modated diverse groups into its fold and had stressed on the need for their unity
within the same organisational structure, I t had therefore assumed the character
o f a broad coalition. In the post-independence period, it continued to absorb the
dominant social elements and balance different interests that helped it to maintain'
its unchallenged position o f power. Through its accommodative and adaptive
politics, it could curb the role and relevance o f opposition.
5) Being a plural party representing diverse interests and ideologies, the Congress
had a number o f factions. O f these, some were relatively more dominant and
played important role in the decision making o f the party. Others were the
dissident factions. several of these factions of the Congress were also ideologically
closer to some o f the opposition parties. The reason for this being, that almost
each o f the party in opposition had been a part o f the Congress at one time or
the other and while choosing to form an independent party outside it, had left a
faction of similar ideological orientation within it. Therefore, there always remained
continuity between the politics o f the Congress and that o f the opposition parties.
This continuity made it possible for the opposition parties to put pressure on the
Congress and influence its decision making.
6 ) The party system, therefore, worked on the basis o f a consensual model. I t was
a politics o f broad consensus round the political values shared by all the political
actors whether operating from within the ruling groups or from the opposition.
Ideological divisions within the Congress or outside it were blurred.
19.2.3 Centrality of Congress
Due to the unique position of dominance o f the Congress party, it was known to be
the Cental institution o f Indian politics. 'The Centrality o f Congress was reflected at
various levels:
i) At one level, it occupied the most central space o f electoral politics, thereby
monopolising it and not allowing other parties to seriously challenge its position
o f power in the centre and the states.
ii) At another level, its centrality was outlined in its occupation o f the pivotal space
between the state and society. Representing diverse interests o f society,. it re-
mained the most important formal mediating institution o f the state. It therefore,
provided the most crucial space for political negotiations and bargaining.
iii) At the third level, the,centrality o f the Congress was reflected in its ideological
standpoint. Being an un~brellaparty it had space for all kinds o f ideological
groups. Hence, it pursued a 'centrist' ideology even when it contained ideologi-
cal viewpoints o f the 'left' and 'right'.

I
i
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end o f this tinit.
1) What was the socio-economic background o f the political elite at the time o f
India's independence?
Party System and Elections
in India
2) What is meant by 'dorninance coexisting with competition but without a trace
of alteration'?
3) Why were the opposition parties known mainly to be the parties of pressure
before 1976?
4) Why was the Congress party called an umbrella party?
.......................................................................................................................
5) What is meant by 'Centrality of Congress?
19.3 CHANGED SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE:

DISLOCATION
OF POLITICAL CENTRE
Change in the nature of part$ system in the decades after 1960s' according to Rajni
Kothari, was the consequence of the 'changed socio-economic and demographic
profile of the polity'. Such a change in the profile of the polity was a consequence
of the political mobilisation of the masses as well as the emergence of newpolitical
classes. The political mobilisation of the masses was a logical consequence of the
electoral politics based upon the principle of universal adult franchise. Frequently held
elections helped in increasing the political consciousness of mass of Indians, especially
those belonging to the backward and lowe castes.
f
The emergence of the new political classes was directly related to the rise of the
proprietary peasant class in rural India i n the backdrop of the land reforms. By the
beginning of the seventies, the land-owning socially dominant sections belonging mainly
to the backward castes had attained sufficient economic strength to demand a share
in political power. The entry of these castes into the competitive power politics had
far-reaching consequences for the Indian politics. Firstly, there was an increase in
the number of those aspiring for a share in power. The domination of the traditional
political elite, therefore, was serioi~slychallenged. Secondly, there was also greater N a t u r e of ''art). System i n
India
~iia~iifestation o f a variety of conflicting interests. These new entrants did not share
the political blues o f the traditional elite. They liad not only different demands and
different expectations from tlie political system but they also used a different political
language. This liad tlie effect o f posing a serious threat to tlie consensual politics o f
the traditional political elite in general and that of the Congress, in particular. Unable
to integrate and balance varied interests, the Congress was dislocated from its position
o f centrality.
Tlie changed context of politics was also tlie result o f the assertion o f the lower
castes. I n the politics o f numbers, the lower castes and Dalits were brought into
politics, initially, in tlie context o f tlie patron-client relationship. As clients ofthe locally
dominant castes, tlieir numerical strength was used in tlie interest o f their patrons.
However, as the molnenti~mto the participatory politics was created, the nature o f
lower caste politics was also changed. Tlie lower castes and Dalits started acquiring
more autonomous role in politics and tlieir tnobilisation now came to be related to tlieir
political interest. I n ternis o f party politics, this led to tlie formation o f parties
reflecting tlie support and interest o f these newly mobilised castes. Formation o f tlie
BSP, Samajwadi Party and Jariata Dal are tlie exaniples o f such political formations.
These parties clearly reflected the interest o f tlie Dalits and the Backward castes.
Note: i) Use tlie space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at tlie end o f this Unit.
1) What was the impact o f tlie electoral politics based on the principle o f Universal
Adult Franchise on the politics o f India?
2) Wliy was the Congress party not so successfill in integrating various interests for
1967?
3) Give some examples o f the political parties that were formed for pursuing the
particular caste interests.
i n India 19.4 PARTY SYSTEM AFTER 1967
'The nature of the Indian polity as well as the party system underwent a substantial
change after 1967. This cllange has been described in varied terms. According to
Kothari, this was the beginning of the decline of the dominant party system. While
Morris-Jones attributes this to the emergence of 'a market polity' in which the
number of opposition parties were brought 'fully into the market place, and compe-
tition that had previously occurred within the Congress, was now brought into the
iealm of inter-party conflict.' A number of new political forces and formations started
emerging-making the electoral politics more competitive. All this led gradually to the
decline of Congress.
The change in the nature of party system, initially, was much 111ore visible at the state
level where the hegemony of the Congress party was cllallel~gedthrough the forma-
tion of a number of non-Congress government. The Fourth General election led to the
beginning of the politics of coalitions. This election produced truncated majorities of
the Congress party. Hence, coalitions were formed in many states with Jana Sangh,
SSP, CPI, CPI (M), and a number of regional parties joining the government.
Meanwllile the Congress also started showing signs of its weakness at the central
level. One of the initial indicators of the weakness of the Congress was the cllanging
nature of factionalism and the sharpening of the dissidence within tlle party. Acute
factionalism ultimately led to the split of the Congress in 1969. This split, though an
internal affair of the party has far reaching consequences for the Party system of
India. One of the major consequences of the split was the decline of the consensutrl
ntotlel of Ittrlirrrt politics and of the party system. Thcold organisational structure
of Congress that was relatively more democratic and wit11 greater linkages at the
societal levels, was replaced by a more centralised organisational set-up. This new set
up was pyranlidal in nature. The decision making within the organisation was per-
sonalised and there was no space for democratic dissent. All this had the effect of
rendering the Congress orgallisationally very weak.
'The decline of the consensual model of Indian politics was not only a manifestation
of the organisational problems of the Congress party but also of the changing nat"ure
of the state-society relationship. The homogeneity that earlier cllaracterised the nature
of the elite was no more available after the mid-sixties. This was also the time when
the new classes had started becolning more assertive, specifically clain~inga share
in political power. It was the impact of sucll a changed context of elite politics that
the Congress failed to maintain its electoral dominance in a ni~lnberof states.
By tlle end of the decade of the seventies, the party system both at the central level
as well as the level of the states was marked by flux. This was due to the fragmen-
tation that was taking place in political parties. It was a process that was to continue
for quite some time. Yet, despite the flux, the con~petitivenesswas a distinct feature
of the party politics. The ~lilmberof political parties that entered the electoral arena
was also increased. All this meant that the period of the dominance of the single party
was already over. A multi-party system, instead. has evolved.
At the central level of politics, the new context of politics was reflected in the
emphasis on consolidation of the opposition parties against t l ~ eCongress. With the split
of the Congress, a 'Grand Alliance' was formed between the Congress (0), SSP,
Jana Sang11 and the Swatantra. The logic of the alliance was the unity of non-
Congress parties with a view to challenge its position of power. This logic led to the
formation of the Janata Party in 1977. This party was itself a coalition of five
erstwhile parties, the Congress (0). the Jana Sangh, Socialist Party, the Bllaratiya Lok
Dal (BLD), CFD. This new party was successful in breaking the col~tini~ity of the
I Nature of Party System in
Congress in power in the Centre for the first time, after the sixth general elections
t
I held in 1977. This had the effect of further bringing about substantial changes in the India
nature of the party system. The position of the Congress party further declined and
its organisational structure was further weakened. It was no more capable of integrating
varied social groups. Its organisational structure was fast decaying due to lack of
inter-party democracy, on the one hand, and its insensitivity towards the changing
context of civil society, on the other. Although it was still the only major institution of
political bargaining (and the only party capable of capturing power and retaining it in
i the Centre, at least for another decade), yet its position of power was very precarious.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of unit.
1) What was the outcome of the 1967 elections at the state level?
.......................................................................................................................
2) What was the impact of Congress split on the party politics of India?
.......................................................................................................................
3) What was the major change brought out by the 1977 parliamentary elections?
19.5 LOSS OF CENTRP&LITYOF CONGRESS AND

EMERGING PARTY SYSTEM
It was in the period starting with the 1989 parliamentary elections that the Congress
was displaced from its position of centrality. Such displacement of Congress from the
position of the centre has various implications:
1)' Firstly, Congress has ceased to be the dominant political party. It is no more the
single major political party that dominates the political scenario. A number of
other political formations have also had their effective presence. For the last two
decades, there has been an ascendance of non-Congress political formations.
The major non-Congress formations that have been playing a crucial role in
Indian politics include the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Left Parties, and a
Party System and Elections number of other national and regional parties. The central political space, earlier
i n India
dominated by the Congress party, is now being shared by a number of politicai
parties.
The loss of centrality of the Congress, in another perspective implies a decline

in its capacity to represent a consensus. It is no more capable of acco~nmodating
varying interests. As the nature of state-society relationship has changed and
consequently emerging interests have been sharpened, the societal co~iflictsand
contradictions have become more pronounced. The central space needed for
defusing such conflict is not available with the Congress. The traditional methods
of co-option or bargaining that helped it to deal with the conflicting interests do
not work any more.
3) The decline of Congress has not led to the emergence of an alternate national
party tliat could o ~ c u p ythe central space. In other words, tlie single party
dominant system has not bee11substituted by a two-party system. The rise of the
BJP in tlie early eighties had led some analysts to hope tliat it might work as an
alternate national party and that there miglit develop a bi-party system with a
direct competitio~iof power between the Congress and tlie BJP. Yet, it could not
be possible. While tlie Congress continued to decline from its position of strength,
the BJP could riot attain the majority on its own.
4) Failure of tlie large national parties like the Congress and the BJP to get majority
of seats in Parlia~nenthas brought liumerous smaller parties to tlie central stage
of Indian politics. The large parties have been depending upon these smaller
parties for the fonnation of governments. Instead of single party majority
governments, we have been having minority coalitions. In 1991, tlie minority
government of Congress was installed [which attained majority subsequently].
The 1996 Parliamentary elections led to the for~nationof a minority coalition of
thirteen parties of tlie United Front, supported by Congress and the Left Front.
This coalitio~iwas replaced in 1998 by another coalition led by the Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP). The 1999 Parliamentary electio~isagain resulted in tlie
coalition government of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) with BJP as
the largest membef of tlie coalition.
19.6 CONTEMPORARY PARTY SYSTEM
19.6.1 Contemporary Party System - Party System at the Central Level
1) The party system as it is operating at present is based upon multiplicity of

politicpl parties. As already observed, since 1989, there has been a definite
increase in the number of political parties entering the political arena. Numerous
regional and small parties have filled in the vacuum created by the Congress. The
strength of the major national parties has been decreasing and that of the smaller
parties has been increasing. The composition of Parliament since 1989 is a reflection
of the changed party scenario.
2) The kind of the p w y system that is available at present is not hegemonic but
conyetilive with sufficient scope for alternririon. However, due to the inability
of any single party to attain majority, the alternation takes place not between the
individual parties but between the groups of political parties.
3) The compulsion of the electoral mathematics and the requirement of coalition

governments have resulted in the politics of alliance. Alliance takes place among
a number of political parties that come together for co~itesti~ig elections and
forming the government.
4) The politics of alliance has liad a number of co,iisequences for the nature of party Nature of Party S ~ s t e l
lgdk
politics. The contpetitive political space lras been widened with greater number
of political parties having a bearing on power politics. Rather than one party
hegemonising power (as in case of pre-1967 level of politics), or even two or
three parties making serious claims on political power, there are a number of
political parties which enter the political arena. As part of tlie one or the other
alliance structure, these numerous political parties have a serious stake in the
process of elections and in tlie formati011of government. Politics of alliance,
therefore, has its direct consequence on the nature of government. Governance
is based upon a wider clispersal of power among the alliance partners.
The nature of alliance to begin with, was simply on the basis of exigencies of
power politics. Gradually, over the period a pattern seems to have evolved in this .
context. Rather than tlie alliances formed after the election, now there is almost
tlie accepted practice of having pre-poll alliances. Initially, alliances were amorphous
with me~iibershaving come together without ally common objectives, except the
one related to power. But of late, tliere has been some kind of effort at
drawing some conrmon ntirtintunr progrcmrme acceptable to all partners of the
alliance.
6) Acceptance of common programme among the alliance partners does not necessarily
mean that the alliance partners share cornillon ideology. Ideological cohesiveness,
in fact, does not characterize the nature of alliance. Ideological positiorl of the
parties that come forward to join an alliance, at times, is quite paradoxical. What
causes these ideologically dissimilar parties to form an alliance is the logic of
political power. Otherwise, these are non-icleological political fronts.
7) The politics of allia~icehas led to tliepolcrriscition ofpcirties. In tlie initial years,

such polarizatio~itook tlie shape of tliree allia~icestructures. Political parties, in
the period after 1989 seemed to be organizing themselves around tliree poles, tlie
one led by the Congress, the second led by the BJP and the Third, which was
termed as the Third Front/United Front. 'l'he third pole was later weakened.
Comprising of the Ja~iataDal, tlie Telgu Desam, the Left Parties and many other
&ional and state parties, it liad been successful in forming the government in
1989 but it could not sustain either its unity or its political strength for long time.
It was very soon fragmented and its number in the Parliament was substantially
reduced. Many of the parties representing the Third Front regrouped around the
Congress or tlie BJP. The way alliances have been formed in last few Parliamen-
tary elections, there has emerged a bi-polcrrify. The Congress and the BJP are
the two parties around which varied political parties have been grouped in recent
elections.
8) The contemporary pcrrty systenr is (i reflection of tlre complexity ant1 tlte

Iteterogeneity tlrcit prevciils witlr tlte Inclicr~tsociefy. It is a representat ion of tlie
diversity of political interests and opinions. It also reflects the wider reach of the
participatory politics that has politicized diverse groups and articulated their politi-
cal voice. This extensive nature of politicizatio~ihas resulted in an accommodative
nati~reof party politics. The power politics is no more dominated by tlie big and
Iiegemonic parties. On the contrary, there is sufficient importance of smaller
parties. As partners in multiparty governance, tliese small parties have developed
tlieir bargaining power. That is the reason that tliese parties not only share power
but also get a voice in tlie political decision-making. As represe~itativesof diverse
groups including hose who have been hitherto excluded from power politics arid
minorities, tliese s~naller parties also he1p create more democratic political space.
9) Seen from this perspective, there is a greater fehralised context of party

system. This federalized context has been provided by the complex relation be-
Pnrty System a n d Elections tween the national and the regional party system and signifies assertion of the
in India
regional parties, on the other. In the -past two decades, a number of regional
parties with their focus on regional demands have emerged. These regional par-
ties, besides occupying significant political space at the state level are also playing
crucial role in the central politics. It is due to their active presence at the national
level of politics, that the party system is really acquiring a federal character. As
the national parties are dependent upon the regional parties for the fortnation of
government, the latter have increased their bargaining power. With the result,
there has been mainstreaming of regional parties. The distinction that existed
earlier between the regional and the national party has also been blurred. The
National parties have become regional in character and the regional parties are
increasingly participatery in national politics and thereby acquiring national stature.
The Congress and the BJP, the two national parties, for a long time now, have
'regional' rather than 'national' sphere of influence. '
10) As the 'national' parties are acquiring regional character, tlte regiorral parties
rrre p/aying important role in setting tlre national agenh. What is more
important, the regional demands are being forcefully voiced in the national space
of Indian politics. Earlier, this was not possible because the regional demands
were placed i n opposition to the national demands, and therefore, were considered
as a threat to the national unity. With the entry of the regional parties at the
national level of politics, this is no more the case. The regional and the federal
issues are an important part of the political agenda at the national level of party
politics. Region or the regional assertions are no more treated as dangerous for
the nation.
1 1) This has important ilnplications for the Indian federal structure. With the shift fro111
the single-centred dominant party system to a multi-party system with lot of space
, for smaller parties located in the states, there is also a definite shift in the centre-
state relations. The emerging party system has an esserrtial conrponent of
partnersltip between the national, regional and tlre state level parties. There
is, therefore, a basis for a more egalitarian relationship between the centre and
the states. Party system itself is providing the institutional set up for the
representation of the interest of the states. Many of the regional parties that are
playing important role in party politics have been de~nandinga reorganisation of
the centre-state relationship with greater autonomy for the states. With their
ascendance, there has developed greater sensitivity towards the regional issues
and there has emerged greater consensus on federalism. Even those national
parties that have been traditionally favouring a strong centre have been forced to
accept the logic of federalism. The dependence of the BJP on Akalis, DMK,
TDP, Trinamul Congress, Samta Party and the National Conference, for instance,
has resulted in its flexible attitude towards the issues related to centre-state
relations.
19.6.2 Party System at the State Level
The federal context of the party system makes it imperative not only to emphasise
the complexity underlying the relation between the national and the state level party
system, but also to analyse the nature of party system at the state levels. Although
some similarities can be perceived between the national and the state levels of party
politics, yet it is important to note that each of the state may be having its own
peculiarities. -
At the level of the states, therebas been, for quite some time, a keen competition for
political power. Yet, there are variations in the way this competition operates. In many
states, there is an alternation of power between at least two parties. The party
potirics, in these sates may be described as the two-party politics. I n many dlier N a t u r e of P a r t ? S?stem i n
India
states, politics'is not neatly divided between the two parties. There is a multiplicity of
parties with tlie parties bunching themselves in two groupslpoles. he party politics
of these states may be defined in terms of bi-polarity. There are other states also
having a multi-party system but which cannot be neatly classified either as two-party
system or systems of bipolarity.
I
There is, therefore, a lot of fluidity in party politics at the state level. This fluidity
operates not only in the nature of party competition but also in the way the political
parties are placed in the states. Regional parties are important political actors at the
level of the states but that does not mean that national parties do not operate at the
level of states. 'There are different patterns of competition between the regional and
the national parties. I n some of the states, regional parties are very crucial political
actors, but in otlier states, regional parties do not play that important role. There are
., some states where ~iatio~ial parties do not have significant presence. In some states,
party competition takes place mainly among the national parties while there are states
where tlie power alternates between a national and a regional party. In some of tlie
states, the national parties have acquired a regional character and compete with tlie
national or the regional parties. Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Assam, Punjab, Kerala,
Jammu and Kashmir, are the states with a strong tradition for regional parties, while
UP, Himachal Pradesli, MP, Kar~iataka,Orissa and Rajastlian have been the states
where tlie competition has bee11taking place between tlie national parties. Regional
parties have also made strong inroads in Maliarashtra and Andlira Pradesli.
Note: i) Use the space give11 below for your answer.
ii) Check your answers with the ~iiodelanswers given at the elid of this unit.
1) What do we mean by Bi-Polarity in terms of party politics?

.......................................................................................................................
....
........................................................................................................................
i
.......................................................................................................................
2) Wliy is tlie co~iteliiporaryparty politics more representative and more plural?
i"
.......................................................................................................................
3) Why have the regional parties gained more bargaining power?

''art)' SYstcnl and Elections What is tlie impact of the contemporary party system on the centre-state rela-
4)
ill lndia
tions?
19.7 LET US SUM UP
The party system in lndia has undergone major transfonnation in the last five decades.
As a legacy of the National Movement, the Party System in 1947 was characterised
by an overwhelming domihalice of the Congress party. As the central political institution
of India, the Congress completely co~itrolledthe power politics for the first two
decades after independerlce. The strength of the Coligress lay in its organisational
structure and in its ability to accommodate diverse political interests. This peculiarity
of tlie Congress was linked with the homogeneous nature of the political elite whether
belo~igi~igto the Congress or the opposition.
1 The party system changed substantially after 1967 with the change in the nature of
the socio-economic profile of Indian polity. With the politicisation of the masses as
well with the assertion of the new socio-economic groups, mainly the middle peas-
antry, the backward castes and the Dalits, the party system also changed. The
inability of the Congress to accommodate conflicting interests and tlie erosion of its
organisational structure led to its decline. By the end of the 1980s, the Congress had
lost its centrality. A multi-party system replaced the Congress System.
The contemporary party system is defined by its multiplicity. A number of national and
regional parties have filled in the vacuum created by the withdrawal of Congress from
its central position. The regional parties have become more assertive as they have
joined the national politics as the allies of the national parties. This also has strength-
ened the federal structure of India.
19.8 SOME USEFUL BOOKS AND ARTICLES
Morris-Janoes, 'Dominance and Dissent: 'Their Inter-Relation in the Indian Party

System', in Morris-Jones, Politics Mainly Indian, Orient Longman, Madras, 1978.
Kotliari Rajni, Politics in India, Orient Longman, Delhi, 1970.
Kotllari Rajni, 'The "Congress System in India", in Party System and Elections
Studies, Occasional Papers of the Centre for Developing Societies, no.], Allied
Publishers, Bombay, 1967.
Manor James, 'Parties and the Party System', in Atul Kol~li,India's Democracy: An
Analysis of Changing State-Society Relations, Orient Longman, Del hi, 1988.
Pai Sudha, 'The Indian Party System Under transfonnation: Lok Sabha Elections
1998'. Asian Survey, vol.XXXVlILNo.9, Sept. 1998.
- -
N a t u r e of Party System i n
19.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS India
EXERCISES
I) They shared colnliiori socio-econo~iiicbackground, i.e., educated, urban, upper

middle class belonging to the ~niddle and upper classes.
2) Existence of the congress as a dominant party along with a large number of parties.
3) They were not able to provide alternative to Congress. Rather they were more
parties of pressure.
4) It drew support from different state of tlie society
5) It occupied the central positio~iin tlie party system of India.

1 ) Political mobil isation of tlie masses.
2) New groups establislied tlieir own parties.
3) The Ja~itaDal, tlie Samajwadi party and tlie BSP

I ) Decline of tlie Congress and emergency of tlie competitive politics.
2) Decline oftlie corisensual model of Indian politics.
3) united the non-congress parties, and further eroded the orga~iisato~i
of Congress.

I) Polarisation of tlie party alliances between two major parties - The BJP and the
Congress.
2) It is more reflective of the heterogeneity in tlie society.
3) Due to the active presence in the national politics
4) The regional and federal issues have become an iniportant part of the political agenda.
UNIT 20 NATIONAL AND REGIONAL PARTIES
Structure
20.0 Objectives
20.1 Introduction
20.2 Meanings o f a National and a Regional Party
20.3 National Parties
20.3.1 The Congress (I)
20.3.2 The Bharatiya ~anataParty
20.3.3 The Communist Parties
20.3.4 The Bahujan Samaj Party
20.4 The Regional Parties
20.4.1 The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and The All lndia Anna Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam (AIADMK)
20.4.2 The Shiromani Akali Dal
20.4.3 The National Conference
20.4.4 The Telugu Desam Party
20.4.5 The Assam Gana Parishad
20.4.6 The Jharkhand Party
20.5 Let Us Sum Up
20.7 Answers to Clieck Your Progress Exercises
20.0 OBJECTIVES
'This unit deals with the national and regional political parties in India. After going
through this unit, you will be able to:
Know tlie meanings o f the regional and national political parties;

Understand tlieir ideologies, social bases and the organisational structures; and
Their significance in the politics and society o f our country.
20.1 INTRODUCTION
Political parties play cruciaT role in the functioning o f Indian democracy. Democratic
systems can not fulictioli in the absence o f political parties. They work as link
between state and people. Political parties contest elections and aim at capturing
political power. They function as a link between people and government in a repre-
sentative democracy. If a political party fails to form government, it sits in opposition.
The role o f the opposition party is to expose the weaknesses o f the ruling party in
order to strengthen tlie democratic processes.
20.2 MEANINGS OF A NATIONAL AND A REGIONAL

PARTY
India has a multi-party system. There are both national and regional parties. The
Election Commission recognises a party as a national'party, if it f i ~ l f i l sone o f the two.
\ conditions: (!),it secures 3.33% of votes or seats in electio~isto the le islative
assemblies, and (2) it secures 4% o f votes or seats in Lok Sabha electionLfour
states. The national parties can also be called All lndia parties. Their
1 policies, ideologies and strategies have a national focus. They have their presence in National and Regional
Partie3
most o f the parts o f the country in terms o f maintaining organisatio~lalstructures and
contesting elections. A regional party is limited to a geographical region which may
cover a state or a couple o f states. They come into being to defend and preserve
religio-cultural identity o f a region. They may also come into being on the issue o f
?
neglect*of a region which causes its economic backwardness. Regional parties are
often seen promoting regionalism -giving primacy to narrow local interest. Some
people see them as a threat to the idea o f a strong nation but at the same time there
i
are people who do not have such a negative approach towards them. They believe
the strong regional parties ensure that the region they represent gets a fair deal by
the central government. The year 1989 ushered in the phase o f multi- party system
at the centre. This has meant a definite role for regional parties in the national politics.
20.3 THE NATIONAL PARTIES
The period from the 1960s onwards has been significant in Indian party system
because o f the existence o f a large number o f national and regional parties. The
earlier decades were known the phase o f the one party dominance, i.e., the dominance
o f the Congress. In this unit you w i l l study some national parties - the Congress (I),
the Bharatiya Janata Party, the Communist Party of'lndia, Communist Party o f lndia
(Marxist), and the Ballujan Samaj Party. You will also study the main regional parties
- tlle National Conference, tlie DMK, the AIADMK, the Akali Dal, the Assam
Gana Parishad, the Jharkhand Party and the Telugu Desam Party.
20.3.1 Congress (I)
The Congress (I)has emerged from the Indian National Congress which was born
in 1885 in Bombay. The latter had succeeded in bringing together different classes
o f Indian society in the Indian National Movement. I n the beginning Congress was
an elite organisation and under the Gandllian leadership it became a mass organisation.
The Non-Co-operation, Civil Disobedience, and the Quit lndia Movements were the
important milestones in the history o f Congress Party during the pre- l~ldepe~ldence
period. The provision o f Provincial Autonon~yunder the government o f India act 1935
provided an opportunity t o the Congress party to acquire some training in the art o f
running the administration between 1937- 1939.
After tlie Independence the Congress Party became the ruling party as the British
transferred power to this party. Between 1947- 1967 the Congress Party dominated
the Indian political scene. The outcome o f the fourth general election , which was held
in 1967, dented the Congress dominance in a, big way. The Congress party was voted
out o f power in eight states. Even at the centre it could secure only a slender majority
in the Lok Sabha. I n the year 1969 the Congress party split for the first time into a
new Congress led by lndira Gandlli and an old Congress led by S. Nijalingappa. The
new Congress led by lndira Gandhi swept the parliamentary elections o f 1971 and
assembly elections o f 1972 in most o f the states. The sixth general election in 1977
resulted in the defeat o f the Congress Party and comfortabIe majority for the Janata
Party. The defeat o f the Congress party was seen as a rejection o f lndira Gandhi's
style o f politics. After the defeat in 1977 election there was another split in the
Congress Party. There emerged two Congresses - one led by lndira Gandll\ and the
other led by Swaran Singh. This is how the congress led by lndira ~ a n b h or i the
Co~igress(Indira) or the Congress (I)was born in 1978. Generally tlie Co~igress
(I) and Congress are used synonymously. The Janata experiment at the centre failed
within two years ~nainlydue to personality clashes among the leaders and factional
fights. I n 1980 the Congress (I)retunled to power restoring Congress dominance with
two third majority in the Lok Sabl~a.After Indira Gandhi's assassi~lationin 1984, Rajiv
Party System and Elections Gandhi became the Prime Minister. I n 1985 General Election he led the party to an
i n India
unprecedented victory. The Congress Party together with its allies won four hundred
and fifteen Lok Sabha seats. The ninth general election witnessed a tough fight
between the National Front, a combination o f opposition parties and the Congress (1)
in alliancekith the AlADMK and the National Conference. The National Front
entered into seat adjustment with both the left parties and the Bharatiya Janata Party
in their areas o f influence. This ensured straight fights in most of the constituencies.
The Congress (I) emerged as the single largest party getting 197 seats. No party
could secure clear majority in the Lok Sabha. In 1991 Lok Sablla election there was
a triangular battle among the Congress (I),the Janata Dal-National Front combine
and the BJP. The Congress (I) won 232 seats. Rajiv Gandhi was killed during
electoral campaign. P.V.Narasimha Rao became the Prime Minister. [n 1996 and
1998 Lok Sabha elections the number o f seats won by the Congress (I)came down
to 140 and 14 1 respectively. In 1999 the number o f seats won by the Congress (1)
in the Lok Sablla came down to 114.
The Ideology
The Congress Party has been committed to socialism, secularism and democracy. I t
subscribed to the idea o f democratic socialism that is why economic policy o f the
Congress Party introduced state control o f the commanding heights o f the economy
like basic industries, banking and insurance. The party stood for rural and urban land
ceiling. I t was against the monopolies and was for promotion o f medium and small
industries. At Avadi session in1956 Congress proclaimed its commitment to socialistic
pattern o f society. I n 1971 election the Congress gave the slogan o f Garibi Hafao
(remove poverty). Even the 20 -point programme under emergency had a strong
socialistic component. In the 1980s Congress shifted to the right. The 1984 manifesto
did not mention socialism or the need o f curbing monopolies. The 1989 election
manifesto en~phasisedthe need to empower people through Panchayati Raj. ln1999,
the Congress election manifesto advocated the need o f a capitalist economy integrated
with world capitalist system. I t also favoured abolition o f public monopolies except in
the fields o f defence, and encouragement to the private sector. I n 1999 the election
manifesto o f the party reaffirmed its commitment to secularism and strengthening
Panchayati Raj Institutions.It also promised doubling expenditure on poverty alleviation.
I n foreign policy the party has stood for the Non- Alignment.
The Social Base
The party had started as an elite organisation o f the educated urban middle class. I n
the 1920s it acquired a mass base. I n spite o f a mass base the leadership o f the
Congress was in the hands o f upper caste big landowners, urban intelligentsia and
businessmen. After independence the Congress Party won three general elections
without much o f a challenge. This was because of the support it enjoyed among rural
and u!ban, educated and uneducated, upper caste and lower caste, rich and poor
almost all over the country. It was the shift o f the middle caste votes, especially from
the later half o f the 1960s onwards, away from Congress that led to its losing
elections in many states. The main support base o f Congress has been the upper
caste more particularly the ~rahmins,Scheduled Castes and the Muslims. In 1991 the
-
Co~igresswas virtually wiped out from Gangetic belt U P and Bihar. The BSP and
the Samajvadi Party in UP have snatched the Scheduled Caste and Muslim votes
from the Congress. Similarly in Bihar the Muslims and lower castes have shifted to
the RJD, while the upper caste votes in both these states have shifted to the BJP.
Organisation
The constitution o f the Congress party provides for an elaborate organisational network.
'The party president heads the organisational set up o f the party. There is a working
committee to assist the president. The A l l India Congress Committee, which is a
deliberative. body, supplements their functions. The central office of the party is National and Regional
. Parties
situated in New Delhi. The central office supervises the functions of the Pradesh
Co~lgressCommittees, District Congress Committees and Block Congress Committees.
The District Congress Committees maintain records, raise funds and recommend
candidates.
20.3.2 The Bharatiya Janata Party
The Bharatiya Janta Party came into being in 1980 in the wake of split in the Janata
Party on the issue of the dual membership, i., e., whether those members of the
Janata Party who also were the members of Raslitriya Swayamsevak Sangh (R S S)
should silnultaneously retain their memberships of both these organisations or not. The
controversy on this issue resulted in the exit of the Bharatiya Jana Sangll constituent
or the RSS members from the Janata Party. After leaving the Janata Party, the
Bharatiya Jana Sangh constituent launched the Bllaratiya Janata Party (BJP). 'The B
J P is aptly seen as reincarnation of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. Syama Prasad
Mukherjee founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangll in 1951. The RSS founded by Kesllav
Baliram Hedgewar in 1925 has been an organisational backbone earlier for the Bllaratiya
Jana Sangh and then the Bllaratiya Janata Party. I n 1984 the first Lok Sabha electio~l
after its birth the B J P got only two seats but in 1989 it obtained 88 seats. In 1991
election this party secured 120 seats and emerged as tlie second largest party in the
Parliament. In 1996 Lok Sabha election the BJP emerged as single largest party *
securing 162 seats. The President invited Atal Behari Vajpayee to form the government.
The government lasted for only thirteen days as it could not face the Parliament
because it did not have the majority. In1998 Lok Sabha election the BJP made
strategic alliance wiih regional parties and secured 180 seats. The BJP formed the
government but the government did not last long. There was another election in 1999.
The BJP contested this election as a partner of the National Democratic Alliance
(NDA).
The Ideology
In the beginning the BJP attempted to project a different image from the Bharatiya
Jana Sangh. Atal Behari Vajpayee, the first President of the B.IP, had linked the
emergence of the BJP with Jay Prakash Narayan's vision of a glorious India in the
first convention of the party held at Bombay. The BJP is also seen as a reincarnation
of tlie erstwhile Bllaratiya Jana Sangh, the Hindu Nationalist Party founded by Shyanla
Prasad Mukherjee in 1951. The Jana Sangll aimed at rebuilding Bharat (India) as a
modern democratic society according to religious precepts. Ideologically the BJP is
committed to five principles- nationalism and national integration, democracy, positive
secularism, Gandhian socialism and value-based politics. The BJP proclaimed to make
these policies the core of its development strategy and to build national consensus
around them. The party rejects both capitalism and socialism because they promote
concentration of economic powers either in the hands of private individuals or state
officials. In 1984 the party laid stress on the develop~nentof both agriculture arid
industry. It also empllasised reduction of taxes and introduction of employment guarantee
programme and recognition of right to work as a fundamental right. In 1996 the BJP
kept repeating its commitment to swadeshi economy but it actually appropriated the
Congress (1)'s slogari of liberalisation. In 1993 while addressing the Confederation of
Indian Industries, L.K.Advani said that if the BJP came to power the basic direction
of the economic policy would remain unchanged. The B.IP's policies as senior coalitiori
partner in the NDA government gave clear indication of its acceptance of the policies
of liberalisation. In 1999 at its Chennai meeting the BJP gave clear indication of
leaving behind the agenda of aggressive Hi~iduismand swadeshi. The BJP has accepted
the principle ofjustice to all by agreeing to reservation on caste lines. It promises 33%
reservation to women in parliament and state assemblies.
Party System and Elections The Social Base
i n India
'The BJP, like its predecessor the Bharatiya Jana Sangha, has enjoyed support base
in the Hindi belt. I t also has strong presence in Gujarat and Maharashtra. Since 1989
the party has been trying t~ penetrate into south India. BJP's traditional support base
was among upper castes, small and medium traders and shopkeepers. Among minori-
ties it gets votes largely from the Sikhs. I t i s mainly seen as a Hindu Party. From the
1990s, its base has broadened in rural and urban areas, and among the larger numbers
o f social groups.
The Organisation
At the national level the BJP has a Party President and the National Council and
party plenary or special session. At the state level the party has a Council and the
State Executive followed by Regional Committees, District Committees and Block
Committees. The BJP also has front organisations like Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha
and Bharatiya Janata Mahila Morcha. They function according to the guidelines o f the
National Executive.
20.3.3 The Communist Parties
The main communist parties which exist in lndia are: tlie Communist Party o f lndia
(CPI), tlie Communist Party o f India ( Marxist) or the CPI(M), and several Naxalite
groups. The CPI was fou~ldedin Kanpur in 1925. At the time o f Independence there
emerged two political lines within the Communist Party o f lndia about the nature o f
the Indian state, the freedom struggle and the question o f how to bring revolution in
lndia according to the tenets o f Marxism and Leninism and the future course o f
action. One line advocated by then the secretary o f the CPI, P.C. Joshi viewed the
Independence as real and thus wished that the Communist Party should support
Nehru. The other line held by B.T.Ranadive and Gautam Adhikari'held that this was
not real independence. Real independence could only be achieved under the leader-
ship o f the Communist Party o f India. So they were o f the view that tlie Party should
fight against the Congress Party. In the early 1950s a change could be noticed in
the Soviet Union's attitude towards Nehru and the Congress government. This change
was also reflected in the' attitude o f the Communist Party o f India. A draft party
programme o f the CPI called for building a broad anti-feudal and anti-imperialist front
embracing nationalist bourgeoisie led by the working class. I n 1962 with the Chinese
attack on India the two Ilines within the party came to the surface again. A group
within the CPI even refused to condemn the Chinese aggression in the name of
proletarian unity wliile the other group supported the stand o f the Gover~imento f
India. Finally in 1964 tlie CPI split into Communist Party o f lndia and Communist
Party o f lndia (Marxist). After 1964 the CPI was seen closer to tlie Communist Party
o f Soviet Union and tlie CPI(M) to the Communist Party o f China. A group within
the CPI(M) approving the path o f armed revolution broke out from the CPI(M) in
1968. They were called Naxalites because they started their experiment o f capturing
power through armed revolution from a place called Naxalbari in Bengal. The Naxalites
led by Cliaru Mazumdar formed another Communist Party known as Communist
Party o f India (Marxist-Leninist). Not all the Naxalite factions joined this party.
The CPI started participating in electio~~s from tlie very first election held in 1952.
The Communist Party o f lndia continued getting around 9% o f votes in general
election. Even after tlie division in 1964 tlie two Co~nmunistParties together co~iti~iued
to poll around tlie same percentage. The CPI(M) secured 33 and 35 seats respectively
in 1989 and 1991 elections. The CPI won 12 seats each in both these elections. I n 1996
elections the CPI(M) secured 33 seats while the CPI got onlyl3. In t k last Lok
Sablia election heM in 1999, the CPI(M) secured 32 and tlie CPI got only five. So
/'
far as the state assembly elections are concerned.the left parties have done well ill Yational and Regional
Parties
three states Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura. The CPI came to power in Kerala
after 1957 election. The left front led by the CPI-M has been ruling West Bengal for
almost twenty years.
The Ideology
The Indian communist parties believe that only the establishment o f a socialist society
according to the revolutionary principles o f Marxism and Leninism can enable the
country to overcome the problems o f backwardness, inequality, ignorance and poverty.
This goal can be achieved if the working class captures political power. They believed
that to achieve this goal lndia needed an anti- imperialist and anti -feudal democratic
revolution. I n the light o f this understanding the CPI assessed the Nehru government
and supported Indira Gandhi government even during emergency. The electoral debacle
in 1977 election made the Communist Party of lndia reassess its role in the Indian
politics and its attitude towards the Congress Party. I n the post-1977 phase the anti-
Congressism became an essential part o f CPI'S policy. I n line with its goal o f
National democracy the CPI even joined the coalition government at the centre in
1996.The CPI(M) believes in complete destruction o f the Indian state and establishment
o f People's Democracy. Establishment o f a front led by the working class could
achieve this objective. This front will also include agricultural labourers the poor
peasants and middle peasants. A t its Vijaywada Congress in 1982 the CPI(M) decided
to work for an anti- authoritarian front including even the BJP. The party has taken
note o f the danger posed by Communalism. It has emphasised the need o f an India
as a self - reliant economy, free from the clutches o f the World Bank and IMF. I n
the 17th Congress o f the CPI(M) held at Hyderabad in March 2002, the party has
called for building the People's Front as a secular democratic alternative to the N D A
at the centre. The CPI(M) has decided to co-operate with the Congress Party without
having an alliance with it. The Party has also held that minority fundamentalism is not
the correct response to majority fundamentalism.
The Social Base
Apart from their strongholds o f Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura the Communist
Parties have pockets o f influence in some other states like Bihar, Andhra Pradesh,UP,
Punjab, Maharaslltra and Tamil Nadu. The Communist parties get support largely
from the working class, middle classes, agricultural labour and small peasants.
The Organisation
A l l India Party Congress is the supreme party organ for the CPJ and CPI(M). I n the
case o f the Communist Party o f lndia it is convened by the National Council and in
case o f the CPI(M) it is convened by the Central Committee. The Party Congress
discusses and acts on the report o f the National Council in case o f the CPI and the
Central Committee in case o f the CPI(M). The Party Congress also decides the Party
line. Between the Party Congresses the National Council and the Central Committee
are the top most executive bodies respectively for CPI and CPI(M). To work be-
tween the two sessions o f the Central Committee, it elects a Polit Bureau from its
members. Similarly the National Couqcil of the CPI elects a Central Executive to
carry on with the work o f the National Council between its two sessions. The
~ i t i o n aCouncil
l o f the CPI and the Central Committee o f the CPI(M) also elect a
secretary each for the two communist parties.
20.3.4 The Bahujan Samaj Party
Kanshi Ram founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) on April 14, 1984.The party
claims itself to be the party of the majority section or the Bahujan Samaj. The
Party System and Elections assumption behind this claim is that that S ~ A ~ M & ~ L ~ - L - d
i n India
Castes and minorities constitute 85% o f India's population. They constitute the majority
or the Bahujan Samaj o f India. The BSP argues that the minority high castes have
been using the votes o f the Bahujan Samaj to rule over them. Since, in democracy
the majority should rule, the BSP strives to establish the regime o f the Bahujan Samaj.
Before actually taking the form o f a party, the BSP existed in the form o f social and
cultural organisations like the BAMCEF (All India Backward and Minority Employees
Federation) and DS4 (Dalit Soshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti). 'The BSP contested
election in 1985 when its candidate Mayawati fought a by-election from Bijnore Lok
Sabha constituency in Ugtar Pradesh. The BSP candidate came third after the Congress
and Janata Dal candidates. But the BSP candidate'sphowing was quite encouraging.
She polled 6 1,504 votas against Congress cangdate's 1.28 lakh and Janata Dal
candidate's 1.22 lakh. In the U P assembly election that year the BSP did not win
any seat but it polled fotq percent o f the popular votes. In 1989 UP assembly election
the BSP won only 13 seats but it polled 9.33% o f the popular votes: Gradually the
BSP has become$ ne o f the important players in the political life o f the country in
P
general and the politics o f states like UP, Haryana, MP, Punjab and Rajasthan in
particular. In 1996 Lok Sabha election this party secured 20% votes in UP. 8% in
M P and 3% in Rajasthan. This party won five Lok Sabha seats from UP and one
from Haryana in 1998 b k Sabha election. The BSP won 14 seats from UP in the
1999 Lok Sabha election. This party lias been widening its base by giving tickets not
only to the dalits but also to backward Muslims and even the upper castes. In the
2002 UP assembly election this tactic o f the BSP has paid rich dividends. The party
has ~ecured98 out o f 403 assembly seats.
Note:i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end o f this unit.
1) What has been the social base o f the Congress (I)?
........................................................................................................................
2) In which way the name o f J a y Prakash Narayan is associated with the BJP?
3) Narrate the background o f the split in the CPI in 1964.
A
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National and Regional
20.4 REGIONAL PARTIES Parties
The faotors that give rise to regional parties may be cultural, economic and political.
Which o f these factors play more important role depends on the political circumstances.
I t may vary from case to case and time to time. lndia is a multi- lingual, multi -
religious and multi ethnic country. The cultural minorities may harbour the fear o f
being absorbed in majority culture and losing their distinct identity. A desire to maintain
this cultural distinctness has been at the roots o f the regional movements led by the
~ r a i i d Munnetra
a Kazhagam (DMK), A l l lndia Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
(AIADMK), the Akali Dal, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) and the AGP. The
realisation that developme~ltalneeds o f any region have been ignored for a long time
may also give birth to regionalism and regional parties. Politically, the regional parties
may be seen as a movement against centralisation and in tune with the spirit o f a true
federation.
20.4.1 The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and The All India Anna
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK)
The origin o f the D M K is traced to the anti-Bramhin movement in the Madras

presidency in the early part of the last century. The Congress was seen as an
instrument in the hands o f the Brahmins to perpetuate their domination in administration
and other professions. There was a realisation alnong the non- Bramhins that for their
social advancement the Bramhanical do~ninancehad to be checked. 'The Non-
Brahmin Manifesto o f 19 16, South lndia Peoples' Association o f 19 1 7 and the birth
o f the Justice Party in 1923-24 to contest election against the Congress Party were
result o f such consciousness. E.V. Ramaswarny Naicker founded €he Self-Respect
Movement in 1925.This movement touched the masses in a big way. The Justice
Party and the Self-Respect Movement merged to create the Dravida Kazhagam
under the leadership o f Naicker. A section o f the youtll was alienated because o f its
opposition to the Congress, anti -north lndia feeling and the desk6 to celebrate the
independence as a day o f mourning. These alienated people broke away from Dravida
Kazhagam and formed tile D M K under the leadership o f C. N. Annadurai in 1949.
Since its beginning the focus o f the D M K has been the interests o f the lower castes
and classes. I t has also donned tile mantle o f the vanguard o f the Tanlil identity. The
D M K blamed the Aryans, the north lndia~lsfor the backwardness o f the Tamils. I t
has been against imposition o f Hindi. The D M K entered the Lok Sabha for the first
time in 1956. I t won the assembly election making Hindi imposition as an election
issue. I n 1972, the D M K split over the issue o f the expulsion from the party, o f MGR,
a Tamil film hero and the party treasurer. This paved the way for the formation o f
A l A D M K in the memory o f Annadurai. It followed the principle o f electoral alliance
with national party and won the 1977 asse~nblyelection. I t won twelve seats in the
1984 Lok Sabha elections. This did not mean political oblivion for the D M K . Power
kept alternating between the two Tamil parties. The D M K is now being led by M.
Karunanidhi.
Under the MGR's leadership the A l A D M K followed the policies o f assuaging the
Tamil pride and populist measures o f doling out largesse to the poor. After the death
of MGR in1988 tile A I A D M K also faced splits. I n the1989 assembly elections the
D M K led by Karunanidhi became victorious. The unification o f A I A D M K splinter
groups under the leadership o f Jayalalithaa and an alliance with the Congress Party
returned it to power in 1991 assembly election. 1111996election the D M K won the
election. Jayalalithaa faced many corruption charges but in spite o f these charges, her
party became victorious in 2001 election to the state assembly.
Party System and Elections 20.4.2 The Shiromani Akali Dal
in lndia
-
The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) emerged in the 1920s as a movement o f the Sikhs
against the corrupt practices o f the Mahants in the Gurudwaras. I n 1925 the government
passed the Sikh Gurudwara Act. This Act gave the right o f management and control
o f Gurudwaras to Sliiromani Gurudwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC). The Akali
Dal tried to keep a firm grip over the SGPC arguing that in Sikh tradition the Church
has not been separated from the state. The SAD projected itself as the sole spokesman
of the Sikh interest devoted to their uplifiment and fighting against injustices done to
them first by the British and then by the Indians. 'The partition and independence in
1947 provided the Sikhs with an opportunity to organise on the territorial lines; there
was also dream o f a free Punjab with Sikli majority. The SAD leadership wanted a
state where Sikh religion would be safer. In 1966 Master Tara Singh as a spokesman
of the SAD demanded the Punjabi Suba. The central government created a Sikh
majority state in November 1-966 by separating Haryana from Punjab. Among the
other issues raised by the SAD from time to time have been tlie demands for full
regional autonomy to Punjab, protection and promotion o f the interests of rich farmers,
better deal in distribution o f river waters and declaration o f Amritsar as a holy city.
The main focus o f tlie Anandpur Saheb declaration o f 1973 was more autonomy to
Punjab. This declaration demanded that the central government should have power
only over defence, foreign affairs, com~nunicationand currency; rest o f the powers
should be given to tlie states. A section o f the Akali Dal even supported tlie idea o f
- secession from the Indian Union. The Operation Blue Star and the anti-Sikh riots in
the aftermath o f Indira Gandhi's assassination wounded the Sikli psyche. The Rajiv-
Longowal Pact could not assuage the hurt feelings o f the Sikhs. The SAD split
between Badal and Tohra factions both o f them putting forward identical demands
like the transfer o f Chandigarh to Punjab and the release of the Jodhepur detenus..
The disintegration o f Akali Dal conti~iuedas United Akali Dal was born headed by
Joginder Singh, the father o f Bhindrawale. Similarly, the 1989 Lok Sabha election
was fought by Akali Dal (Man@ headed by Simaranjeet Singh Mann. This outfit
openly espoused tlie cause o f ~nilitancyand won ten out o f thirteen seats in Punjab.
I n 1997, the Akali Dal in alliance-with the B.IP won tlie assembly elections. The Akali
Dal led by Badal has lost 2002 assembly election and the Congress Party won the
election. Captain Amri~iderSingh o f tlie Congress Party has become the new Chief
Minister.
20.4.3 The National Conference
The origin o f the National Conference can be traced to the political ferment in the
state o f Jammu and Kaslimir in the1920s and1930s when a Hindu Maharaja ruled it.
An organisation in tlie name o f Anjumane-e-lslamia came up in 192 1 with the objective
o f promoting educational and social welfare o f tlie Muslims. In1931 tlie Muslim
Conference was born to articulate tlie interest o f the majority co~nmunityin the state
-the Muslims. Under the influence o f the nationalist leaders, Sheikh Abdullah opened
the doors o f Muslim Conference for non-Muslims also in 1939 and the nanie of the
party also changed to All Jammu and Kaslimir National Conference. Later it was
again renamed as the National Conference. Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah emerged as
the most powerful leader o f this party who resisted Pakistani tribal invasion and
played a key role ill Jammu Kashmir's accession to the Indian Union in 1948. The
National Conference (NC) government came to power in the same year. Among the
major successes o f the National Conference was the abolition o f big landed estate;
and inclusion in the constitution o f lndia article 370 giving Jammu and Kashrnir almost
a quasi -autonomous position within the Indian polity. I n 1965 the National Conference
and the Congress Party merged. After his release from prison in 1975, as a part o f
-. the Indira-Shcikh accord, Abdull2h revived the National Conference. 'The NC formally
i
1
!
denounced the two- nation theory, affirmed its faith .in secularisni, socialism and
democracy. I n the style o f dynastic succession before his death in 1982, he got his-
N a t i o n a l and Hegionnl
PCrties
, son Farooq elected to the Presidentship o f the National Conference. After the death
o f his father Farooq became Chief Minister. G. M. Shah the son-in-law o f the Sheikh
joined hands with the Congress Party in toppli~igFarooq's government. I n 1984
parliamentary election and 1987 assembly election Farooq led National Conference
and displayed its continued hold over the Kashmiri people. I n 1990 President's rule
was imposed in Kashmir and Farooq Abdullah's government was dismissed. The
National Conference recaptured political power in the state in 1996 after winning tlie
assembly elections.
20.4.4 The Telugu Desam Party
F+ The Telugu Desam Party (TDP) was established in 1982 by the matinee idol N T
Ramarao (NTR) in Andhra Pradesli. I n 1983 asse~nblyelection it came to power in
state assembly elections. The dramatic rise o f tlie TDP was possible on account o f
the general disenchantment o f the people with the Congress due to the imposition o f
unpopular Chief Ministers in the state by the central leadership, large-scale corruption
and the charismatic leadership of N T Ramarao.. 'The rise o f the TDP i s also seen
as a political ascendance o f the Kamma caste at the cost o f tlie Reddies and
Brahmins in Andhra politics. Taking a leaf from EV Ramaswamy Naicker in Tamil
Nadu, NTR talked o f restoration o f the Telugu pride which was eroded under the
Congress rule. N. T. Ramarao felt that there was the need o f a regional party to
understand the complexities o f the problems faced by the state. He supported land
reforms, favoured ceiling on urban income, low priced rice and other populist meas-
ures. The Telugu Desam has never talked o f separation of Andhra from the Indian
Union. I n 1989 it became part o f the National Front government at the centre. It lost
assembly elections in the same year and it won only one o f the twenty two Lok Sabha
seats. I n 1994 and 1999 assembly elections the party defeated the Congress party.
I n 1995 ~handrababuNaidu the son-in-law o f NTR became the Chief Minister. The
electoral alliance with the BJP benefited the TDP in winning the 1999 assembly
election and improving its performance in terms o f Lok Sabha seats. I n the era o f
coalition politics the TDP has emerged as a major player even in national politics.
t
20.4.5 The Assam Gana Parishad
The Assam Gana Parishad (AGP) i s a product o f a vigorous student movement led
by A l l Assam Students Union (AASU) and its political wing the A l l Assam Gana
Sangram Parishad (ASGPC). The students raised the issue o f large-scale migration
to Assam by Muslim Benglis from East Pakistan, which became Bangladesh in 1971
and also by the Nepalese and Biharis. They developed the fear o f being swamped
in their own land by migrants. They were disenchanted with the central government
and the Congress party for treating the migrants as vote banks. The AASU and the
AAGSP became the syAbol o f the aspirations o f the Assamese educated middle
class. They found the possibility o f upward mobility clogged due to Bengali dominance
in the bureaucracy and the Marwari dominance in the business. /in 1985 the central
government signed an accord with AAGSP which stated that constitutional, legislative
and administrative safeguards as may be appropriate shall be provided to protect
preserve and promote the cultural, social, linguistic identity and heritage o f the Assamese
people. The Assam Gana Parishad was formed in1985. I t contested and won the
assembly election in 1986 under the leadership o f Prafuila Kumar Mohanta. The AGP
and BJP alliance won the 1996 assembly election. I n 2001 assembly electio~isthe
AGP won only 20 seats while the Congress returned to power winning 71 seats.
Party System and Elections 20.4.6 The Jharkhand Party
in India
The roots of the Jharkhad Party can be traced to the Adivasi Mahasabha founded
in 1938 for the preservation of the ethnic identity and protection and promotion of the
economic interest of the Adivasis. According to their understanding the reason of
their social and economic backwardness was firstly the British rule. They also put the
blame on the m'oneylenders and contractors for their exploitation. The government
was also to blame for its apathy towards their genuine problems. The Adivasi
Mahasabha was transformed into the Jharkhand party in 1950 with the objective of
forming a separate state for the tribals. The Party emerged as the main opposition
Party in Bihar legislative assembly in 1952, 1957 and1962 elections. The merger of
Jharkhand Party with the Congress Party in 1963 proved to be a big blow to the
$harkhand Movement. Several splinter groups and individuals attempted to reorganise
the party to figlit strongly to achieve the long cherished goal of separate state but they
could not unite them. In the post -1963 phase there emerged many parties-Jharkhand
&
Party of ~ndia,All Itrdia, arkhand Party, Hul Jharkhand Party, Jharkhand Mukti
Morcha and the Jharkhan oordination Committee. The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
has emerged the main pa& I n 1980 general election it won most of the seats it had
contested. The JMM regrouped with the Jharkhand Party to renew the struggle for
a separate state. In the year 2000 the state of Jharkhand including the tribal areas
of Bi har, was created.
Check Your Progress Exercise ' 2

ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of this unit.
1) What are the main dema~idswhich the Shiromani Akali Dal has raised from time
to time?
2) What were the reasons for the birth of the Telugu Desam Party in Andhra
Pradesh?
..............................................................
b.........................................................
3) Which factors led to the foundation of the AGP?

National and Regional
20.5 LET US SUM UP Parties
You have read about four sets of national political parties and six regional parties in
this unit. These national parties are the Congress (I), the Bharatiya Janata Party, the
Communist Parties and the Bahujan Samaj Party. The regional parties discussed in
this unit are DMK and the AIADMK, the SAD, the NC, the TDP, the AGP and the
Jharkhand Party. Committed to the principles of socialism, secularism and democracy,
the Congress (I) has a social base largely consisting of the high castes, minorities
and the Scheduled Castes. There has been a shift in its social base recently. A
successor of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, ideologically, the BJP is committed to five
principles - nationalism. and national integration, democracy, positive secularism,
Gandhian Socialism and value based politics. The communist parties believe in the
establishment of a socialist society based on the revolutionary principles of Marxism
. and Leninism. This is possible if the working class captures political power. 'The social
bases of the communist parties mainly consist of tlie working class, middle classes
and the poor peasants and the agricultural labourers. The BSP believes in empower-
ing the majority section of the society or the Bahujan Samaj consisting of the dalits,
OBCs and the minorities.
The regional, cultural and develop~nentalfactors play more determining roles in the
programmes and mobilisation strategies of the regional parties.
Kothari, Rajni, Politics and People, New Delhi, Ajanta Publications,l989.
Hartman, H., Political Parties in India, Meerut, Meenaksh i Prakashan, 1982.
Banerjee, K. ,Regional Political Parties in India, New Qelhi; B.R. Publication, 1984.
Narang, A.S., Indian Governn~erttand Politics, New ,Delhi, Geetanjali Publishing

House,2000.

b EXERCISES

hP
1) The social base of the Congress (I) largely consisted of the rural and urban poor,
the Scheduled Castes, the upper castes and the Muslims.
I 2) Atal Behari Vajpayee, tlie president of the BJP had linked the rise of the BJP
I
with the Jay Prakash Narayan's vision of a glorious past of India at its first
convention held in Bombay.
3) Two political lines within the CPI -one, which viewed Independence as real, and
advocated by P C Joshi wished to support the Congress, another, which held the
Independence was not real, advocated by B T Randive and Gautam Adhikari
wanted to oppose the Congress; their different understandings of the Soviet
1 Union and China provided background to the split in the CPI in 1964.
1) These are full regional autonomy to Punjab, protection and promotion of the
interests of rich farmers, better d k l in distribution of river waters and declaration
Part: System and Elections of Amritsar as a holy city. Some of the maill demands - especially more
in India
autonomy to Punjab was included in the Anandpur Saheb declaration of 1973,
This declaration demanded that the central government should have power onlg-'
over defence, foreign affairs, communication and currency; the rest of the pow--
ers should be given to the states. (A
<&#
;i.$
3) The general resentment of the people with the Congress due to imposition of theF
unpopular chief ministers by the central leadership, large scale corruption and the
charismatic leadership of N T Ramarao.
4) The large scale migration of Muslims - Bengalis, from east-Pakistan, Nepaplis

and Biharis, deconomic domination of the Marwaris, fear of being swamped
by the outsiders, their disenchantment with the central government and the
Congress.
UNIT 21 ELECTIONS
Structure
2 1.0 Objectives
2 1.1 I~ltroduction
21.2 Election System in lndia
2 1.2.1 Who is Allowed to Vote?
2 1.2.2 Who Can Contest Election?
21.3 History of Indian Elections
2 1.4 Who Conducts Elections?
2 1.5 Election Procedure
21.6 Increasing Number of Candidates
21.7 How Does the Voting Take Place?
21.8 Voter Turnout in lndia Elections
21.9 Who Forms the Government?
21.10 Elections and Social Change
21.1 1 Let Us Sum Up
21.13 Answer to Check Your Progress Exercises
21.0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit you will be able to understand:
The significance of elections in lndia and its relationship with democracy;
Election system in India;
'The factors which smootlien and hamper the election processes in India;
The role of caste, class, religion, etc., in tlie elections;
Tlie issues in tlie elections; and
The changing social profiles and elections.
21.1 INTRODUCTION
Elections are the most significant means of realising the aspirations of the people in
a democracy. Tliese enable every adult citizen of the country to participate in the
process of the government formation. In lndia those who have attained the age of
18 are eligible to vote and elect their representatives. This was not possible before
the implementation of our Constitution. Earlier only the privileged sections of the
q c i e t y had the role in the formation of the government in our country. The grant of
&ing rights to all adult citizens belonging to all social groups - castes, sects, tribes,
religions and genders has enabled them to elect their representatives, and indirectly
participate in the process of governance. All sections of the society have participated
in the elections by contesting as the candidates or as the voters. Reservation of the
seats to various legislative bodies for the SCs, STs and following the passage of the
73rd and 74th Constitutio~ialamendments for women (33%) and OBCs in the insti-
tutions of local governance has further deepened tlie democracy in India. You have
already read in unit 10 about the strength of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.
i n India 21.2 ELECTION SYSTEM IN INDIA
Elections to the Lok Sabha and the Vidhan Sabha are carried out using the first-past-
the-post electoral system. The country is divided into different geographical areas,
known as the constituencies. Different political parties contest the election, though
there is no ban on independent candidates for contesting the election. During election
different political parties put up their candidates and people can cast one vote each
for a candidate of their own choice, to elect their representatives. The candidate, who
gets the maximum number of votes, wins the election and gets elected. So election
is the means by which the people elect their representatives.
21.2.1 Who is Allowed to Vote?
While there is no maximum age prescribed for the voter, as per the original provisions
of the Indian Constitution, all Indian citizens, above the age of 21 years are entitled
to vote at the time of elections. The minimum voting age of the citizens was reduced
to 18 years by the constitution 61 st amendment act in the year 1988, by the then
Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, which came into effect since 28th of march 1989.
Besides to be registered as a voter in any constituency, one should not be disqualified
under the law on grounds of non-residence, or a person of unsound mind or disqualified
on the grounds of crirne or corrupt or illegal practice.
21.2.2 Who Can Contest Election?
You have already studied in unit 10 as to who is eligible to contest election for the
Lok Sabha, Vidhan Sabha, Rajya Sabha and the Vidhan Parishad. All contesting
candidates have to make a deposit of Rs. 10,000 if contesting for the Lok Sabha
election and of Rs. 5,000 if contesting for the Vidhan Sabha elections. This is considered
as the security deposit of the candidates. The security deposit for candidates belonging
to either tlie Scheduled caste or the Scheduled tribe community is Rs.5,000, if contesting
the Lok Sabha election and Rs. 2,500 for contesting the Vidhan Sabha elections. This
security deposit is returned to all those candidates who get more than one-sixth of the
total number of valid votes polled in that constituency. All other candidates lose their
security deposit.
Further, the nomination must be supported by at least one registered voter of the
constituency from which the candidate wishes to contest, in case of the candidate
being sponsored by any registered political party, and at least by ten registered voters
in case of independent candidate.
21.3 HISTORY OF INDIAN ELECTIONS
In India, we have a federal form of government, where we have two sets of

government, the Central Government at the national level and the State government
at the state level. As you have read in unit 18, under the Constitutional 73rd Amendment
Act, 1992, the local self-government had also been given the constitutional status for
the third-tier of government. At the moment, we also have the third tier of government
form of Village Panchayat in the rural areas and the Municipality in the urban
in t%
areas. A these three levels of government are the popularly elected government, and
people vote to elect theirlrepresentatives for all these three bodies, the Parliament, the
Assembly and the Village Panchayat. Here we would concentr_ate only on the
Parliamentary and the Assembly Elections held in our country.
I
As per the provisions o f the Indian Constitution, tlie routine election should take place Elections
after every five years, but in case o f tlie untimely dissolution o f the house (Lok Sabha
in case o f Parliament or Vidhan Sabha in case o f State Assembly) for whatever
reasons, the next election should take place as soon as possible. The first general
i elections (Parliamentary Elections) were held in our country in the year 1952. Since
I
then there have been 13 General Electio~is(Lok Sabha elections) till 1999. Thougli
most o f the Lok Sabha elections have been held after tlie completion o f tlie five years
j
o f term o f the house, yet there have been elections much before the schedule. When
elections are held much before the scheduled, it is considered as the "Mid-tenn
!
Election". The Lok Sabha elections o f 1980, 199 1, 1998 and 1999 were the mid -term
I elections held much before the schedule. Though the 1971 Lok Sabha election was
b
held only four years after the 1967 Lok Sabha elections, this was not a mid-term
election. I n the history o f Illdial1 Elections, o ~ i l ytlie 1977 Lok Sablia elections was
deferred for about two years on account o f tlie proclamation o f tlie National emergency
i in the country.
Most of tlie states were created at tlie time o f independence, but tliere are states,
which liave been created even after that. As yo11 have read in unit 17 tlie most
recent addition to tlie list o f states had bee11that o f Uttaranchal, Chattisgarli and
Jliarkliand created out o f the states o f Uttar Pradesli, Madliya Pradesli and Bihar. At
present tliere are 28 states and 7 Union Territories in India.
I n some o f the states, there is the bi-camera1 house, tlie Lower house is called the
Vidhan Sabha and tlie Upper House i s called the Vidlia~iParishad. The states, which
have bi-camera1 legislature, are Biliar, Ja~nmuand Kashmir, Karnataka, Maharashtra
and Uttar Pradesh. I n all other states, the state legislative assembly constitutes o f one
single house the Vidhan Sabha. As per the constitutional provisions, the total number
o f seats in the lower house in any state assembly should not exceed 500, and at tlie
same time the house should not be less than 60 members. The states o f Sikkim,
Mizora~nand Goa are expectation to this as the number o f seats in the Vidlian Sabha
is less than 60 in all these three states.
As per tlie total number o f members in tlie upper house in tlie state assembly (Vidlian
Parishad), it should not be liiore than one third o f the total numbers o f members in
the lower house (Vidhan Sabha), but at the same time it should not be less than 40
members (Article 1 7 1). Wliile tlie nleni bers o f tlie Vidhan Sablia are directly elected
by tlie people, tlie menibers to the Vidlian Parishad are indirectly elected by an
electoral college.
The total strength o f the Vidlian Sabha varies f o r n state to state. The Uttar Pradesli
t fi
has tlie largest number o f 403 Vidha~iSabha seats in tlie assembly arid the lowest
number is that o f in the state o f Sikkim, which has the total o f 32 seats in tlie Vidhan
Sabha.
If we look into the State Assembly elections, there liave been 263 state assembly
elections held in this country till the year 2002.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at tlie end o f tlie unit.
1) What did the 61st Constitutional Amerid~ne~lt

envisage?
........................................................................................................................
Party System and Elections 2) Wliat do you mean by 'Mid-term Election'?
in lndia
........................................................................................................................
21.4 WHO CONDUCTS ELECTION?
The Election Com~nissiono f lndia is the liigliest co~istitutio~ial autliority to co~iduct

elections in India. Tlie power of superintendence, direction and co~itrolo f the preparation
o f the electoral rolls for co~iductingall elections to Parliament and to tlie Legislature
o f every state and also o f tlie election to the office o f the President and the Vice-
President are vested wit11 this constitutio~ialauthority.
/'
'The Election Commission shall consist o f the Chief Election ~olnlnissiol6rand such
number o f other Electio~iCommissioners, as tlie President may from time to time fix
and make appointment. As per the elections laws, if the Election ~ommiss'ionbecomes
the multi-member body, the Chief Electio~iCommissioner has to act as the Chairmail
o f tlie Electio~iCommission.
Fro111 tlie beginning, tile Electio~iCommission consisted o f the Chief Electio~i

Commissio~ieronly. But it was o ~ i l yin the yeat 1989, few weeks before the 9th Lok
Sabha elections, tlie Election Commissio~iwas made a multi-member body by the then
Congress goverlinient! Tile National Front government amended the rules in the year
1990 to again make the Election Commission, a single member body. But in the year
1993, when Congress came back to power, it promulgated an ordinance to again make
it as a multi member body. The two Election Commissioners were appointed and since
then, tlie Election Commission liad remained to be a three-member body. Till date,
tliere liad been12 Electio~iCommissioners in India. Mr. Sukuniar Sen, was tile first
Electio~iCo~iimissio~ier o f India. At present Mr. J.M. Lyngdoli, is tlie Cliief Electio~i
Com~nissionero f India, wlio succeeded Dr. M.S.Gil1 in June 2001.
Besides, tlie Electio~iCommission o f India, tliere i s one Chief Electoral Officer in

each state, wlio i s the overall in-charge o f conducting the electio~isin the state.
7
21.5 ELECTION PROCEDURE
Tlie entire election procedure takes a couple o f months to be completed. Though the
scliedule for holding tlie election is announced by the Election Co~nmissiono f India
well in advance, the actual process begins by a formal declaration by the Election
Commission o f India calling upon a co~istituencyto elect its representative. This is
what is referred as the Notification.
Tlie second stage i s that o f Filling o f the Nontinarion by those desiring to contest
elections. Earlier, ten days period was given to all tile candidates for filling o f their
nomillation papers. But with tlie co~istit~~tio~ial 40th a ~ n e ~ i d ~ iact,
i e ~ i 1961,
t tlie total
number o f days for filling o f nomi~iatio~i had bee11reduced to seven. As o f now, the
7th day from the day of notification is tlie last day for filling o f the ~iomi~iation papers.
In case the 7th day i s a haliday, the day immediately after that is considered as the
last day for f i l l i ~ i go f tlie niomi~iatiolipapers.
Elections
The tliird step is tlie Scrutirry of Nonrinations. Earlier tlie second day after tlie
nomination was fixed for scrutiny of nominations, but with tlie constitutional 47th
amendment act, 1966, the day immediately after the nomination is fixed for the
scrutiny o f the nominations.
The next step is Withdrawal of Candidates, which was earlier fixed for the tliird day
after tlie scrutiny o f tlie nominations, but later a~iiendedin tlie year 1966. At present,
tlie second day after tlie scrutiny is tlie last date for the witlidrawal o f tlie candidates.
I n case that day happens to be a lioliday tlie day immediately after that is fixed as
tlie last day for withdrawal.
Tlie next stage of election before tlie voting takes place is that o f Carrlpaig~lir~g.Tliis
is tlie time when tlie political parties put forward tlieir candidate and arguments witli
which they hope to pers~~ade people to vote for tlieir candidates and parties. Earlier
tlie campaign period lasted for tliree weeks, but since 1996, tlie time o f canipaign
period liad bee11reduced to only two week's time. As o f now, tlie official canipaig~i
lasts for two weeks from tlie date when tlie final list is put LIP by tlie Electio~i
Commission and officially ends 48 hours before tlie polling takes place. During the
carnpaig~iperiod, tlie political parties and co~itestingcandidates are expected to abide
by a model code o f conduct evolved by tlie Electio~iCommission o f India on the basis
o f a consensus among political parties. Tlie model code lays down broad gi~idelines
as to how tlie political parties and contesting candidates sliould conduct themselves
during the election campaign. I t is intended to maintain the election campaign on
healthy lines, avoid claslies and conflicts between political parties and tlieir supporters
and to ensure peace arid order during tlie canipaig~iand till tlie results are declared.
Tlie campaigning is carried out in tlie for111o f slogall shouting, distributing pamphlets
and posters, rallies and meetings in tlie constituency. During this period, tlie candidates
try to travel through their constituency, to influence as many voters as possible to vote
in liis favour.
I n the recent times, the Electiori Coniniission liad granted all tlie recognised Natio~ial
and State parties, free access to tlie state owned electronic media, tlie A l l India Radio
(AIR) and tlie Doordarslian to do tlieir campaigning. Tlie total free time is fixed by
tlie Electio~iComniission, wliicli is allotted to all tlie political parties keeping in view,
tlieir performance during tlie last electio~iin tlie state.
T l i o ~ ~ gtlie
l i Electio~iCommissio~iprovides free access for a liniited time to all tlie
recognised National and State parties for tlieir campaign, yet this does not nieali that
political parties do not spend anything on tlieir electio~icampaign. Tlie political parties
and the candidates contesting election spend large sum o f money on tlieir election
campaign, but tliere is a legal liniit 011 liow 1iiu11cha candidate call spend on liis
election campaign. For most o f tlie Lok Sablia constiti~encies,tlie legal limit for
expenditure campaign has bee11fixed for Rs. 15 Laklis though in soriie states tlie limit
is o f Rs.6 Laklis. The legal limit for campaign expenditure for tlie Vidlian Sablia
electio~iliad bee11fixed for Rs. 6 Laklis and in sollie states it has bee11fixed for Rs.3
Laklis.
Tlie final stage o f election is tlie Voting. Witli regard to polling, tlie earlier practice
liad been to have single day polling, but tlie recent practice have been for tlie phased
polling in whicli polling takes place on niore tlia~ione day witli a gap o f couple o f days
between tlie two days o f polling. Tliis facilitates tlie movement o f security forces
from one place to another, wliicll i s engaged in nia~iagingthe law and order siti~ation
during the polling.
21.6 INCREASING NUMBER OF CANDIDATES

I t should also be noted that, during tlie past fifty years, there liad been enorliious
increase in tlie number o f candidates contesting tlie Lok Sablia elections in India.
''arty S!stcnl and Elections During the first Lok Sabha election only 1874 candidates contested tlie election, which
i n India
went up to 13,952 during tlie 1996 Lok Sablia elections. But during this due to some
changes in tlie election law, like increasing the security deposit etc. there liad been
a steady decline in tlie number o f candidates during tlie last two Lok Sabha elections.
The total number o f contesti~igcandidates was 4753 in 1998, which, further went
down to 4648 during tlie 1999 Lok Sablia elections.
'The average number o f candidates contesting the Lok Sablia election was only 3.8
candidates per constituency, which did not increase much till the year 1977, but went
up to as high as 25.7 candidates per constituency. It Ilas further gone down to 8.5
candidate per Lok Sablia constituency during tlie 1999 Lok Sablia elections.
Graphic I: Average number o f candidates per constituency in L o k Sabha elections, 1952-1999
18Candidates I
Sozrrre: CSDS Data IJnil
21.7 HOW DOES THE VOTING TAKE PLACE ?
We, in India, have tlie syste~iio f secret ballot, wliicli implies that tlie vote o f all the
voters is kept secret. Tlie traditional pattern of voting liad bee11tlie use o f tlie ballot
papers and the ballot box, wliicli in tlie recent times are being replaced by tlie use
o f Electronic Voting Macllines (EVM).
I t is the duty o f the Electio~iCommission to make all necessary arrangements so that

tlie voters can cast tlieir vote. Tlie Electio~iCommissio~itries to ensure that a polling
bootli is located not more than a distance o f 2 kilometres o f every voter and the
polling bootli sliould not have more than 1200 registered woters. On tlie polling day
all tlie polling bootlis are expected to be open for at least 8 hours. W l i e ~tlie i voters
go to vote, tlie entry o f liis iialiie in tlie voters list is checked and then allotted a ballot
paper and a rubber stamp. Tlie voters are required to stanip the sy~nbolo f tlie
candidate they would wish to vote, fold tlie ballot paper and then put tlie ballot paper
in tlie ballot box. Once tliis process is completed, the voter liad cast his vote. I n the
recent times, with the introduction o f tlie EMV, the voter is required to push tlie button
for tlie sy~nbolo f tlie candidate one wislies to vote and liis vote is registered.
21.8 VOTER TURNOUT IN INDIAN ELECTIONS
Tliougli all the eligible voters wliose nanies appear in the electoral rolls in a particular
constituency are expected to vote during the time o f voting, practically that does not
happen and the large nu~nbero f registered voters who do not vote due to different
reasons. The percentage o f those who vote is referred to as the polling percentage
popularly called the ''Turnout o f Voters". If we look at the figures o f the last 13 Lok
Sabha elections held in our country, we would find that the voters tunlout has increased
to a great extent in tlie 80's and 90's compared to the elections held during the early
days. The lowest voters turnout o f only 45.7 per cent was recorded during the first
Lok Sabha elections held in the year 1952 and the highest turnout o f 64.1 per cent
was recorded in the year 1984 when the Lok Sabha election was held following the
assassination o f the then Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi. During the last two Lok
Sabha elections held in the year 1998 and 1999 the turnout had been fairly high as
62 and 60 per cent respectively. There is no urliform trend in the voter's turnout in
the state assembly elections. While some states do register the voter's turnout as high
as 90 per cent, we do have asse~nblyelections when the voters tur11out remains as
low as nearly 45 per cent. Generally the smaller states, and specially the North
Eastern 11 ill states had sllow~lhigher voter tur~loutcompared to other states.
Graphic 2: Turnout (%) in Lok Sabha Elections. 1952-1999
Sorrrce: CSDS ( Centre for the Studics OF Developing Societies. New Delhi), Data Unit
After the polling is over all the votes are counted constituency wise. Earlier, when
only ballot paper was used, all the votes were ~nani~ally counted and the counting o f
about 5 laklls votes for one Lok Sabha co~lstitue~lcy ,used to take couple o f days, but
with the introduction o f the electronic voting ~nacllines,the counting llas become much
simpler and faster.
On counting the votes, one, who gets tlle maximum ~u.mberof vote, gets elected given
tlie system o f first past the post, which we have adopted in our country. The majority
vote is not required in order to win an election either fbr the Lok Sabha or for the
Vidhan Sabha. There are few candidates'wllo win election polling more than 50 per
cent o f the valid votes.
_ ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end o f tlle unit.
1) Mention the stages through wllich the election process passes.

Party System and I':lectiuns
2) Wliat is tlie alternative to tlie traditiorial pattern o f voting - use o f ballot paper
i n lndia
and ballot box?
21.9 WHO FORMS THE GOVERNMENT?
Tlie political party which has a simple majority, wliich implies tliat the party sliould
have won at least one seat more than half the total number o f seats in the Lok Sabha
in case o f the Centre or in tlie Vidlian Sabha in case o f tlie State forms tlie government.
Tlie results o f tlie 13 Lok Sablia elections held in our country indicates that it is the
Congress party wliicli won the majority o f seats in l ~ i d i aelectio~i
~i on Inany occasions,
but the party has never managed to get more than 50 per cent o f tlie valid votes polled
in tlie election. Tlie most spectacular victory for tlie Co~igressparty liad been in the
1984 Lok Sabha electio~iwhen the party won the highest tally o f 4.1 5 seats, but still
it could Inallage to poll only 48 per cent votes. 111 fact that liad been the best ever
perfornlance o f ally political party in tlie electoral liistory of this country.
But there lias been a niajor shift in tlie trends in India11politics especially in the 1990s.
l'liere liad been four Lok Sablia e l e c t i o y i n lndia during last decade, but no political
party managed to get tlie majority. Tlie best perfor~nanceeven during these elections
was that o f the Co~igressparty during tlie 1991 Lok Sablia elections, wlie~iit won 244
Lok Sablia seats and polled 36.6 per cent o f tlie popular votes. When no political party
gets the nlajority o f seats in tlie house, it is considered as the "Hung House". Under
such circumstances, two or more parties j o i ~ i t l yform tlie governliielit or tlie political
party, with tlie maximum number o f seats, forms tlie government and is s~~pported by
otlier smaller political parties from outside. W l i e ~two i or more parties jointly form a
government, it is coilsidered as tlie Coalitio~iGover~i~iient. YOLI will read about the
coalitio~igoveniment in unit 23. But, if a party for~iistlie gover~inienteven if it does
not have the majority and gets out side support fro111 otlier political parties, it is
considered as the Minority Government.
21.10 ELECTIONS AND SOCIAL CHANGE
You w i l l study in tlie illlit 3 l that the elections- periodic elictions voters' turn out and
large scale participation o f tlie people have deepened tlie democracy in India.
Reservation o f seats for tlie SCs, the STs at all levels o f tlie legislative bodies -
national, state and tlie local, and with tlie passage o f the 73rd and 74th Constitutional
Amendments has enabled even the wolneli and tlie OBCs to get elected to tlie seats
reserved for them in tlie village panchayats and municipalities. 'These sections have
not only been elected to various legislative bodies but have become the Cliief Ministers,
~ninistersand the President of tlie cou~itryPolitical Scientist Asliutosli Varsli~ieyhas
argued tliat with tlie entry o f the groups like dalits and OBCs into tlie electoral
processes, India lias become more democratic. However, women's entry lias not
been a smooth process. In fact, in large number cases, especially in the village
panchayats, tlie women elected nlembers are the proxies o f niale members o f their
fan1iIies.
But tlie deniocratic essence o f the elections get lialnpered due to tlie social and
econo~nicinequalities. crimes and corruption. 1-hose wlio do not possess the resources,
have n o coririections w i t h the criminals, etc., f i n d i t difficult t o contest elections or
some time vote. Generally the candidates are given tickets b y the political parties on
the considerations wllether the candidates call muster the support o f n u ~ n e r i c a l l y
larger castes and c o ~ n ~ n u n i t i eand
s possesses enough resources. Even the electorates
vote o n the caste and communal lines. A large number o f elected representatives
have criniinal background or have criminal cases registered against*tIiem. The
relationship between the politicians and criminals exists i n the elections at a l l levels
- parliamentary, state legislative assemblies and councils, and panchayats and
niunicipalities. Such nexus became conspicuous, especially since tlie 1990s. This is a
reflectiotiof erosion i n the credibility o f tlie democratic values. Y o u w i l l also read i n
unit 32 that the V N Volira sub-committee also pointed out that there exists a nexus
between criminals, bureaucracy and politicians. Because o f tlie decisive role o f the
crime, caste, com~nulialisniand corruption, the real proble~nso f the people - law and
order, development- liealth, education, basic needs o f the people are relegated to tlie
secondary position. Though tliese issues are also raise b y the politicians i n every
election, i t is mainly done as a rhetoric.

ii) Check your answers w i t h the model answers given at tlie elid o f the unit.
1) What impact have tlie elections i n India liad o n tlie weaker sections o f tlie
society?
2) What are the main coristrairits o f tlie electoral politics i n India?
21.11 LET US SUM UP
Elections form an integral part o f tlie denlocratic polity. I n India every adult citizen,
w h o has attained the age o f 18 has the right to participate i n tlie elections. The
elections are conducted b y the Election Co~nriiissiorio f India. From 1952 several
elections have been held i n Independent India for electing the representatives t o the
parliament, state assenlblies and councils as w e l l as tlie local bodies. Tliese have
.enabled all sections o f the society including dalits, STs, OBCs and women to elect
tlieir representatives and t o get elected as the representatives. 'I'liis is an indication
o f the positive relationship between the elections and tlie social cliange. B u t the
democratic essence o f electio~isi n India is marred b y the increasing role o f tlie crime.
money and other unfair means. O n the wliole, elections i n India have made treniendous
contribution t o the social change.
in India 21.12 SOME USEFUL BOOKS
Bliambhri, C.P., Elections 1991: An Analysi.~, B R Publishing Corporation, Delhi,

1991.
Mitra, S. K. and Chiriyankandath, James (eds.), Electoral Polifics in India: A

Changing Landscape, Segment Books, New Delhi, 1992.
Mitra, S. K. and Singh, V.B. (eds.), Derttocracy and Sociul Change it1 brdia: A
Cross Sectional Analysis of the Electorute, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1999.

EXCERCISES
-
1) Tlie 64th Constiti~tio~ial

Amendment reduced the voting age o f citizens to 18
years. v
2) When election are held much before the schedule, it is called the 'Mid-term
Election'.
1) The election process passes through the following stages in a" order: notification,
filling o f tlie nomination, scrutiny o f ~&iiiinations. withdrawal o f candidates,
-
campaigning and voting.
2) It is the Electronic Voting Machines (EVM).
Check Your Progress.Exercise 3
I) Tlie elections in India have enabled tlie weaker sections like the SCs, STs, OBCs
and tlie women to participate in tlie democratic Decision-making by electing their
representatives, and by getting themselves also elected as the representatives. It
has deepened the democracy in India.
2) Tlie maill constraints o f tlie electoral politics in lndia are - crime, black money,
corruption, and social and economic inequalities.
UNIT 22 CASTE, CLASS AND POLITICS IN INDIA
Structure
22.0 Objectives
22.1 Introduction
22.2 What is Caste?
22.3 Main Features of Caste
22.4 Dynamic Relationship
22.5 Regional Variations
22.6 Caste and Class
22.7 Stratification within Caste
22.8 Pressure Group: Caste Association
22.9 Political Parties
22.10 Caste in Voting Behaviour
22.13 Answers to Clieck Your Progress Exercises
22.0 OBJECTIVES
Tlie purpose of this unit is to acquaint you with (a) nature and role of caste in Indian
politics and (b) in tlie process how both caste and politics undergo changes. After
going till-ough this unit, you should be able to understand:
To wliat extent and in wliat ways caste influerices politics;
Interrelationship between caste and politics; and

How politics irifluences caste.
22.1 INTRODUCTION
Theoretically speaking caste and democratic political system stand for opposite value
systems. Caste is hierarchical. Status of an individual in caste-oriented social system
is determined by birth. It has religious sanction by various holy texts, reinforced by
priests and rituals. Traditionally, upper castes enjoy certain privileges not only in
religious sphere but also in economic, education and political spheres. Customary laws
differentiate individual by birth and sex. 'That is, certain rules are harsli to women and
Shudras and soft to males and Brahmins. On the otlier hand, democratic political
system advocates freedom to an individual and equality of status. It stands for rule
of Law. No one irrespective of status is above law. Indian democratic system under
tlie Constitution stands for liberty, equality and fraternity among all citizens. It strives
to build egalitarian social order.
However, politics notwithstanding the ideals in any society does not function in vacuum.
It operates within social milieu. Therefore, it cannot be devoid of the prevailing social
forces. At societal level, politics is related to struggle for and distributio~iof political
power and resources. One of tlie importa~itfunctions of politics is to govern society.
~his'callsfor resolving conflict among various interests. It identifies needs of society
at a given point of time. Needs are prioritised: what is important and immediate to
attain and wliat can wait. I n order to meet the needs of society, nature of production
system has to be decided - whether tlie factories, farms or mines are owned privately
Party System and Elections by individual for profit or they be owned and managed by colnmunity or state or
in lndin
combinatiol~o f the both. For tliat rules are made and executed. In sliort wlio gets
what, when and how iri society is the central concerli o f politics. Though such,
decisions are taken by the state, people get involved in decision making process in
democratic system. They elect their rulers. While electing their representatives people
express tlieir material and non-material needs, expectatiolis and aspirations for today
and tomorrow. Their expectations are for themselves and also for commuliity -
immediate primordial group, caste and larger society that iliclude region, and country.
People also build pressure on decision-makers through organised oranorganised
struggles, personal colitacts and Inally otlier ways. Political leaders cannot ignore
social forces, as tliey tliemselves are part o f them. It is imperative for the decision-
makers in democratic system to seek and extend support o f the constituents for
obtaining and preserving tlieir political power.
I t however, does not lneali that politics i s just a proxy or a blueprilit o f societal forces.
I t sets goal and priorities. I t has a vision for change, a better social order than the
existing for the larger good. Politics introduces new values such as equality and
freedom; i~istitutionssucli as political parties and trade unions; gover~ilne~it policies
like abolition o f za~iii~idari
system or untouchability undermines the traditional social
order and value system. I t shifts location o f power in society from one group to
another. Moreover competitive politics like elections encourage several i~idividuals
fro111a group to aspire for political positions. 'rliey compete alnolig themseives so tlie
caste ~iie~iibersalso get divided. In tlie process caste cohesiveness gets weaken; and
new formation takes place. Thus, not only caste influences politics but the political
system also influeoces caste arid induces clia~igesin it. 'l'liere is no one way traffic.
Both influence each otlier. It is to be seen: to what extent and in which way politics
attain its objective o f social tralisfor~natio~i and to what extent it is influenced by
prevailing social forces, particularly caste?
India became a Republic in 1950. For the first time in history all adult citizens o f tlie
coulitry liave gained tlie right to vote and elect tlieir represe~itativesfor decision
making bodies from village Paricliayat to Lok Sablia. They also liave tlie right to
contest electiolis so as to become rulers. As a result, large number o f social groups
wlio were liitllerto deprived of political power begall to realise tliat they could compete
with traditio~~ally dominant power elite and also wield power so as to express their
grievances, needs, priorities and aspirations. Thus they decide their destiny. Politics
has become competitive and open. Moreover, tlie state lias u~idertakena number o f
social and eco~io~nic programs, which have developed lnolietary and contractual
relatio~isllipaffecting traditional social ties and monopoly of privileges. And, judicial
authority o f caste paucliayat lias bee11replaced b y state judicipry systeni.
22.2 WHAT IS CASTE?

,,
Caste i s an English translatioli o f l~idialiword Jati. As Indians we all know what is
Jati because we all liave a tag o f Jati by birth. This applies to non-Hindus also. But
meaning o f Jati i s not tlie sanie among the Hindus and non-Hindus. Caste does not
liave religiol~ssanction alnolig tlie non-Hindus. I t is a social stratum. Alnong the
Hindus, it is believed tliat one's Jati is due to one's Karlna (deeds) in previous birth.
This is not so alnolig tlie nowHindus.
Meaning o f Jati for olieself and for others is not always unifor~nand consistent
among all. It varies from purpose to purpose for which the tag is used. Jati has a
specific social ~iiealiiligidelitifyi~ig
one's place in social order in village society where
one interacts everyday with other menibers of the local community. For instance in
a village in central G~!jarat its inhabitant, say Mr. X identifies himself as Klia~itwhen
lie interacts with another villager o f lieiglibouring locality who calls'liimself a Bareeya
for inter-dining purpose. Mr. X would introduce himself as Ksliatriya when lie attends Caste. Clnss and Politics
in India
political party meeting at taluka or district place. He would call his caste as OBC
(Other Backward Caste) wlien lie visits government office to get loan or subsidy for
government sponsored program or to get scholarship for his son. Tliere is one meaning
o f Jati for matrimonial and kinship relationship, a different meaning for economic
interaction and a third meaning for political purpose. One does not necessarily have
the same meaning when one exercises vote for village pancliayat than Lok sablia
elections.
Thus it is difficult to give precise meaning o f caste applicable in all situations. I t is

partly a subjective category. Social construct o f caste by actors and observers varies
from context to context.
22.3 MAEN FEATURES OF CASTE
Notwithstanding difficulties in arriving arprecise definition o f caste as a unit, there is

a consensus among the scholars regarding general characteristics o f caste system as
a social order. Most sociological writings on caste conclude that homo hierarcliicus
is the central and substantive element o f the caste system. The phrase is used by a
French sociologist Louis Du~nontto differentiate Hindu social system from other
-
social systems particularly that o f the western society. Hierarchy is the central core
o f the caste social order. I t includes hierarchy o f status, values, custolns and behaviour
on the basis o f purity and impurity, i~iterpersonalrelatio~ishipamong individuals in
terms o f blood, food and occupation; and rituals divided into two orders: pure and
impure. Certain occupations or type o f food are considered as pure for certain castes
and the same are impure therefore forbidden for other castes. It is obligatory for each
Hindu to confine relatio~isliipand i~iteractio~i within tlie restricted circle called Jati, as
to maintain purity in marriage relatisnsliip; exchange o f food and pursui~igcaste based
occupation.Thereare four essential features o f tlie caste system. Tliey are: (I) hierarchy;
(2) commensurity; ( 3 ) restrictions on marriage; and (4) hereditary occupation.
22.4 DYNAMIC RELATIONSHIP
N o social system remains static. Social system changes from time to time with tlie
changing social, economic and political circumstances. This i s also true for the caste
system. At the empirical l&el the caste hierarchy lias never been static throughout
history. Theoretically, all Jatis are liierarchically placed within a prescribed social
status. Some Jatis enjoy high status and some occupy low status. Place o f tlie Jaii
in the social order in the hierarchy is determined by its ritual status based on the
observa~iceo f customs for interpersonal relationship. Some scliolars believe this value
system - acceptance o f one's station in the life is tlie result o f previous birth - lias
consensus among all Hindus including tlie Untouchables. But it is not true. 'rhough tlie
upper castes try to maintain their higher status, tlie middle and lower castes have
successfully tried to change their status. Having improved their economic condition,
a dominant section o f some o f the low castes, including the groups, which were at
one time treated as u~itoucliables,imitated customs and norms o f the upper castes
residing in their vicinity. Sociologists call this process as sanskritisation. One also
comes across instances o f some castes or even individuals who have succeeded in
improving their status even without adhering to tlie norms and rituals o f tlie upper
-
castes. Acquiring political authority facilitates not only power holder - ruler but arso
his kin and relatives to elljoy higher social status in caste hierarchy. One call cite
instances in history, which show that Shudras and ati-shudras having occupying position
o f power have acquired status o f Kshatriyas even without following tlie path o f
sanskritisation.
Party System and Electinns 'The process of sanskritisation which was prominent among the lower castes at one
i n India
point o f time, particularly in the 19th and early 20th century, has been slowed down
in the 'sixties and 'sevenhies'. Earlier many castes hesitated to be called 'backward'
despite the poor economic condition o f the members. They feared that they would not
be able to improve their social status by identifying themselves as 'backward'. But
this is no longer true now, as the State has provided certain benefits to the backward
castes. These castes have realised that they could improve their status by improving
their economic condition rather than observing rituals followed by the upper castes.
N o w there is competition among the castes to be called 'backward'. Even some o f
the Brahmin and Raiput Jatis have approached the Government to be classified as
'backward'. The Kolis o f central Gujarat followed the rituals o f the Rajputs and
struggled for three decades to be acknowledged as Kshatriyas. In the past, they used
to feel insulted if they were called Kolis. But now they have started calling themselves
as Kolis so that they could get material benefits which is the surest way to improve
social status. Social status based on the observance o f the rituals has increasingly
become redundant.
Traditionally caste members have been forbidden to accept cooked food from persons
belonging to the Jatis that they considered lower than theirs. These rules have been
weakened, particularly i n public spheres in urban areas during the last five decades.
I n their bid to gain broad support base the political elites at district and state level do
not hesitate to take food with the caste members belonging to lower strata.
Most of the Jatis are endogamous. A few follow hypergamy generally within the
caste cluster. The earlier restrictions on marriage have become flexible. Marriage
circles are expanding in sbme castes. With education and urbanisation, instances o f
inter-caste marriages among the upper and middle castes have somewhat increased
though such cases are still1 exceptions.
22.5 REGIONAL VARIATIONS
Caste structure in terms o f hierarchy and boundary for interaction between the social
groups is more or less neat and identifiable at the village level. But it is not so at
regional level. And to draw empirically based macro picture o f castes at the national
level is all the more difficult and hazardous. Caste structure has not developed
uniformly in all regions o f the sub-continent. Assam has developed a loose caste
structure with less rigid hierarchy than that o f Uttar Pradesh or Bihar. I t is the same
regarding observation o f caste specific rules.
The number o f castes also varies from region to region. Gujarat has a larger number
o f castes than West Bengal. Different llistorical experiences have contributed to
shaping o f the present day socio-political processes in different regions. Moreover,
there is and had been uneven economic development in the country and also within
the states. Some regions had zamindari and some had royatwari land tenure system.
Generally, Rajputs in Rajasthan or Brahmins in Tamilnadu were enjoying dominance
in the farmer and peasant castes like Marathas in Maharashtra and Patidars in
Gujarat were dominant castes. A l l castes do not have i~niformnumerical strength and
spread. Some have a larger number of memberk and some are very tiny. Some are
scattered tllroughout the region and some are heavily concentrated in a few geographical
pockets. Hence, the role and position o f caste in relation to politics varies from time
to time, area to area and'caste to caste.
Caste, Class and Politics
22I-6 CA$TE+MD CLASS in India
According to some scholars, caste system is essentially a class system. I t was

essentially so in the early formative years. The classes were: Rajanyas or the
Kshatriyas, the aristocracy, the Brahmins, the priests, the Vaishyas, the people at
large, mainly peasants and traders, and the Shudras, the service communities. There
are various theories o f the origin o f the system. Some believe that the system was
created by the Divine Power for maintaining harmony in society. Accordingly, one
gets birth in a particular caste because o f one's karma o f the previous birth. Others
believe that the system has been evolved in course o f time with the development o f
economic surplus. It came into existence with economic divisions; or the invaders to
subjugate the local tribal population created it.
A number o f village studies o f different parts o f the country carried out in the post-
independent period show a certain amount o f overlap between twin hierarchies o f
caste and land. M.N. Srinivas observes, " The village community consisted o f
hierarchical groups, each with its own rights, duties and privileges. The caste at the
. top had power and privileges, which were denied to the lower castes. The lower
castes were tenants, servants, landless labourers, debtors and clients o f the higher
castes." Data from two Tamilnadu villages collected by Sivkumar and Sllivkumar in
the late 'seventies show that 59 per cent o f Mudaliyars (upper castes) and 4 per cent
o f Palli (untouchable castes) are rich peasants or landlord households. N o Mudaliyar
is engaged as an agricultural laborer, whereas 42 per cent o f Palli households earn
their livelillood as farm labourers. A study of six Rajastllan villages carried out by
K.L.Sharma in the 'seventies offers a similar pattern'. "Only 12.5 per cent o f the
lower class .households belong to upper castes, 60 per cent o f the higher cIass
households belong t o the upper castes, 24 per cent o f the upper castes belong to the
higher class, whereas among the intermediate and lower castes only 6.2 per cent and
1.3 per cent belong to high class respectively."
The Anthropological Survey o f India in its Project on "People of India" has studied
4635 communities/castes. The study confirms that the highly placed castes are marked
by "(i)a higher position in the regional socio-ritual hierarchy, (ii)better control over
land and 'other resources, and (iii)non-commercial relations with other communities
o f inferior status.... (The low castes) are placed at the bottom due to their : (i)abject
poverty caused by less possession of land and less control over economic resources
(ii)socio-ritual degradation based on the notion o f purity and pollution, and (iii)traditional
engagement in occupations which are co~lsideredritually unclean.
Aggregate data at regional and national level on caste and occupation\land llolding
give us a similar picture. Table I presents caste and occupation data collected by the
National Sample Survey (NSS) collected in 1952, analysed by K.N.Raj. The data
sllows that there is a positive relatio~lshipbetween caste and occupational status. The
small and marginal farmers.and agricultural labourers mainly belong to the low or
backward castes and ex-untouchable (scheduled) castes. There is a marginal
diversification o f occupations among the members o f low and the lowest castes in
rural areas. However, one should not ignore that a small proportion o f lower and
scheduled caste households are rich peasants who hire labour and produce marketable
surplus. According to the survey carried out by Centre for Social Studies, Surat in
Gujarat, 10 per, cent o f the lower caste and 5 per cent o f the scheduled caste
households own more than 15 acres of land. The reverse is also true. According to
the NSS data I per cent o f the upper castes and 12 per cent o f the middle castes
are agricultural labourers. Moreover it may also be noted that there are a few upper
castes in some parts o f the country wllose nlajority members do not belong to the
upper class. Rajputs (upper caste) o f Giljarat are a case in point. Their condition in
terms o f land ownership and other occupation is not significantly different than many
OBCs.
t
Party System and Elections Table 1: Occupational Distribution o f Different Caste-Groups ++
in India Among Hindu Rural Households
(Millions)
Occupation* Upper Middle Lower Scheduled Total

castes castes castes castes
Agriculture Farmer 1.09 0.93 1.69 0.18 3.80

(24.38) (6.95) (1.54) (7.35)
Cultivator 1.96 6.52 10.20 3.19 2 1.67

(43.91) (53.30) (4 1.79) (27.05) (4 1.35)
Share cropper 0.17 0.76 1.51 1.OO 3.44

(3.91 ) (6.18) (6.1 7) (8.50) (6.50)
Agri. Labour 0.05 1.46 4.1 1 4.27 9.89

(1.09) (1 1.91) (16.85) ' (36.19) (18.70)
Forestry, 0.02 0.17 0.8 1 0.28 1.28

Fishing & (0.62) ( 1.39) (3.3 1 ) (2.38) (2.42)
Livestock +
Total: 8.29 9.84 18.32 8.92 40.37

Agriculture (73.91) (80.35) (75.07) (75.66) (76.33)
Othcrsg 1.17 2.39 6.09 2.87 12.52

(26.09) ( 19.65) (24.93) (24.34) (23.67)
Total: All 2.26 12.23 24.4 1 1 1.79 52.89

(1oo.00) (1oo.00) ( I00.00) ( 100.00) ( 100.00)
Notes: Figures in brackets represent percentage o f All-India average in each case.

* The main farming occupations are classified into four groups:
I
a) Farmer - a tiller who cultivates his own land, mainly with hired labour:?(b)
Cultivator - one wlio cultivates land mainly owned by him and sometimes land
taken on lease or sharecropping system, with the help of other household
members and partly with hired labour; (c) Sharecropper - one who mainly
takes up cultivatio~~ of others' land on a sliarecropping basis and cultivates
without hired labour; and (d) Agriculti~rallabourer - one wlio cultivates others'
land either for wages or for customary payment.
+ Includes wood cutters, plantation labour, gardeners, fishermen, animal breeders,

cattle grazers and Ilerdsmen.
@ Includes l~ousel~olds in the rural sector engaged in administrative and professional

services, teaching and medicine, manufacturing - specially of food products
arid textiles - trade and commerce, transport and communication, construction
and sanitation, and mining.
++ According to the NSS, " The upper castes were defined as those who, according
to custom, usek the scared thread, the middle as those from whom.the Brahmins
take water by jradition and the lower as the other castes who were not
scheduled."
22.7 STRATIFICATION WITHIN CASTE
Industrialisation and penetration of market economy in rural areas have affected

traditional occupation of several castes. In most of the castes some members have
given up their traditional occupation. As early as 1950, F.G. Bailey observed in a C'as"* Class bosfics
in India
village situated in a relatively backward state like Orissa, "Not every person works
at his traditional occupation. The distillers do not touch liquor. The Knod potters (?)
/ do not know how to make pots. Tlie fishermen do not fish. Tlie warriors are cultivators.
1 Everywhere there is a scope for practising a hereditary occupation not all members
of caste engage in tlie work ". In the 1950s, Kathleen Gougli also observed a similar
pattern in Tamilnadu. She noted, "The caste community is no longer liomoge~ieousin
occupation and wealth, for caste is today a limiting rather than a determining factor
in the choice of tlie occupation. Exactly half o f Kumbarpettai's adult Brahmins are
now employed in towns as Government servants, sclioolteachers or restraint workers.
Of the reminder, some own up to thirty acres o f land, others as little as three. One
runs a grocery store and one a vegetarian restaurant. Among tlie non-Brahmins, tlie
fisherman, toddy-tapers, Marathas, Kallans, Koravas and Kuttadis have abandoned
their traditional work ". Village studies carried out in tlie fifties and sixties from
different parts o f the country bear out tlie same trend. And. diversification of occi~patio~i
in non-farm sector lias increased within most o f the castes with tlie spread o f tlie
green revolution.
But there are still several Jatis whose members liave more or less similar economic
condition. One can firid such i~ista~ices
among several Scheduled Castes and numerically
'small other backward castes. Such castes have still less than 10 per cent rate o f
literacy and all the households depend on mariual labour for their livelihood. On the
other hand there are number o f castes which are illternally stratified. There are three
types o f economic differentiation within different castes: ( I ) A caste characterised by
sharp polarisation; (2) A caste liavi~iga majority o f members from upper strata; (3)
A caste with a majority members belongi~igto poor strata. Rajputs and Thakurs o f
Rajasthan, LIP and Gujarat fall in tlie first category. A few lioi~selioldsow11 large
estates and factories and a large number are agricult~~ral labourers. Most o f tlie
households o f the several upper castes such as Bralimins, Baniyas, Kayastlias are
well off. On the other hand a large number of tlie Backward castes liave overwhelniing
majority households who are small and niargi~ialfarmers, tenants and agriculture
labourers. Economic stratification affects their cohesiveness on political issues.
Dominant stratum projects its interests as the interests o f tlie caste; and gives it
priority while bargaining witli tlie government.
Note: i) Use tlie space given below for your answer.

ii) Check your answers witli tlie model aliswers give11at tlie end o f the unit.
I) What are the main features o f caste?
2) -what i s the relatio~isliipbetween caste and land ow~iersliipin rural India?

Party System and Elections 3) Give example o f one caste showing intra-stratification.
in India
........................................................................................................................
4) What is the difference between social caste and political caste?
22.8 PRESSURE GROUP: CASTE ASSOCIATIONS
Numerical strength o f a group is important in a democratic polity. All the Jatis do not
have equal numerical strength and spread in a geographical region - village, cluster
of villages, taluka or district. A few are very large, some are small and some are
minuscule. Some are concentrated in a villageltaluka and some are scattered in four
to five households in a village. Numerically large Jatis have an edge over others in
political bargaining with the government and political parties. Jatis confined to
endogamous character alone cannot muster a very large number at district levels and
beyond for political activities. Some o f the leaders o f such Jatis form caste associations
called Sabha or Sangam consisting o f cluster o f Jatis having similar social ranking in
a region. A few caste associations are also consist o f multi -castes having different
social ranking in traditional order. They may be called caste "federation".
It should be remembered that caste association i s not tlie same as caste pancliayat
or council. Generally the office bearers o f caste council enjoy hereditary position. This
i s not tlie case with association. Often tlie latter has written constitution specifying
power and responsibilities o f different office bearers. The former has judicial authority
dealing with ritual and social aspects related to marriage, divorce and otlier family
disputes o f tlie members. Its decisio~isare binding to all caste members. Caste
associa\ions carry out economic, educational and political programmes. All caste
mates are not members o f tlie Sabhas. 'The decisions o f the Sabha are not binding
on all caste members. It is not so with caste panchayat. In that sense caste association
is closer to voluntary organisation. Many caste associations though hold an objective
"to promote and protect tlie interests and rights o f tlie com~iiunity,"do not ~iecessarily
directly involve in electoral politics. Some caste associatio~isare active in electoral
politics at one time or another. Rudolph and Rudolph call the participation o f caste
associations in politics as "tlie democratic incarnation o f caste". Kothari calls it
"democratisation" o f castes.
\
The history o f caste associations goes back to tlie late 19th century, though their
number has increased after Independence. They are found in all states. Let us take
a few illustrations. As the Government decided in the early 1880s to debar Kulmis
as Kul~niso f Uttar pradesh from being recruited in the police service. The government
servants belo~igi~ig to Kurniis formed tlie "Sardar Kurmi Kshatriya Sabha" in 1884 to
protest against tlie decision. Another exa~iiplecan be cited o f Nadars o f Tamilnadu.
In order to enhance their economic development, tlie wealthy Slianars o f Tarnilnadu
formed the Nadar Maliajan Sangam in 1895. In Gujarat, the Rajputs after independence
!laving lost political power as rulers and ownership o f land under land reforms realized Caste. Class and Polities
i n India
a need for a larger numerical support base, as they constituted only 4 per cent o f the
population. Some o f the political aspirant Rajputs formed Gujarat Kshatriya Sablia.
The caste organisation embraced various Jatis o f Kolis who aspired Kshatriya status.
Caste pride and sentiments were i~ivokedthrough various ways aliiolig the Rajputs
and the Kolis as the Kshatriyas brethren. Caste associations make representation to
the government dema~idiligeducational facilities, la~dilpwnerslii~ and its distribution,
government jobs etc. for their caste members. Some o f them submit memoranda or
organise public ~neetingsdemanding infrastructure facilities like irrigation, electricity,
loan and subsidy for fertiliser for agriculture development.
22.9 POLITICAL PARTIES
Several castes join together and lau~iclimovements. Non-Brahmin ~ n o v e ~ n ein ~it

Tamilnadu and Maharashtra are the examples. Jyotirao Pliule started Satyashodhak
Samaj in 1873 challenging Bralitniliical hegemony. I n Tamilnadu several peasant castes
such as Vellala, Gaunda and Padayachi, trading castes such as Chetri, artisan castes
- Tachchan (Carpenter), Kollan (Blacks~nitli),and Tattan (Goldsmith), individually and
jointly initiated non-Brahmin movement. Tlie movemelit followed several caste
associations such as Parayan Maliajan Sablia, Adi-Dravin Maliajali Sablia in tlie '
1890's. In 1916 the Non-Brahmin nianifesto was brought out liighligltting doniina~ice
o f the Brahmins in governnient services and injustice to non-Brahmins who co~istituted
a vast majority. Tlie formati011o f tlie Justice party followed in 1916. The party sent
a delegation to Eligla~idin 1919 to present tlie non-Brahmin case before the joint
Parliament Co~nmitteewliicli was responsible for preparing tlie Government o f India
Bill. D M K is its offshoot. Two factions Valiniyaakkula Kshatriya Sangam o f the
Nadars fornied Ta~iiilnaduToilers' Party and Colii~iionwealtliParty and fought the
1952 elections. Tliey the11 bargained with tlie Co~igressfor positions in tlie state
cabinet. Scheduled Caste Federation was formed in tlie forties by Dr. Ambedkar and -
the Republican Party fornied in 1956 by Dalit leaders. Tliey primarily remained tile
parties o f and by the Dalits. harkhalid Party fornied by Adivasi leaders o f Biliar, has
primarily remained a party o f Adivasis. Baliuja~iSa~iiajParty launched by Kansliiram
is a party of Dalits ainiing at forming allialice o f Dalits, minorities and OBCs. '
After Indepe~idencesome caste associations were formed with political objectives to

compete in elections. I n Gujarat sollie o f tlie leaders o f tlie Ksliatriya Sablia
co~iteliiplatedin tlie early fifties to for111 tlie party o f tlie Ksliatriyas. Tliey soon
realised that they could not muster enougli support to contest elections olily on tlie
stre~igtliof the Ksliatriyas. Similarly, political elite o f tlie Kurmis. Yadavas and Koeris
for~iiedthe Biliar State Backward caste Associati011in 1947 to contest elections. Tlie
plan did not take-off tlianks to tlie resistance o f tlie Congress leaders belo~igingto
these castes.
Sucli caste associations are asserted with different leading political parties to see that
their caste members get party tickets in electioi-1s. Tliese parties i~iitiallyresisted such
pressures because o f tlie counter pressure from the dominant castes that cotitrolled
the party. 'The latter accused tlie former as castiest or comniunal. But as tlie competitio~i
among the parties intensify and as the caste association successfully mobilised tlie
members for political activities, all parties began to woo leading aspirants o f tlie caste
who could mobilise caste votes. Sucli political aspirants join different political parties.
As they are primarily interested in gaining political positions for the~nselvesrather tlian
serving social or ritual interests o f the caste, they either launcli a new associati011or
split the existing one. For them caste association is among several instruments to gain
political power. '
Some o f tlie political parties identify with certain castes for ~iolninatio~i
o f tlie party
candidates and mobilisatio~iin elections. B1ia;atiya Kranti Dal evolved an allia~iceo f
Party System and Elections four major peasant castes o f LIP in 1969 elections. The alliance was called AJGAR;
in India
that is, Ahirs, Jatsb Gugars and Rajputs. In 1977 in Gujarat tlie Coligress (I) formed
K H A M alliance o f Ksliatriyas, Hariians, Adivasis and Muslims. Lok Dal was identified
with Jats in Uttar pradesh in I977 and I980 parliamentary elections. Sa~najwadiParty
in Uttar Pradesli was identified with Backward castes in general and Yadavas in
particular in 1997 state assembly elections. BJP is generally identified with upper
castes and tlie Congress with the middle and backward castes. That reflected in their
support base in tlie eighties in Gujarat and Maliarashtra. ln tlie nineties tlie BJP has
followed the strategy of the Congress o f accommodating tlie backward caste candidates
in the elections and successfully getting support o f their caste fellows.
There are three consequences o f such interaction between caste associations and
political parties. One, caste members particularly poor and marginalised who were
hitherto remained untouclled by tlie political processes got politicised and began to
participate in electoral politics with an expectation that their interests would be served.
Second, caste members get split among various political parties weakening hold o f the
caste. Third, numerically large castes get representation in decision-making bodies
and strengtli o f tlie traditionally dominant castes get weaken. Tliis explai~istlie rise
o f middle and backward caste representations in most of tlie state assemblies. Table
2 presents caste composition o f M L A s in Gujarat Assenibly from 1957 to 1990. The
table sliows that the strength o f Bralinlins and Vanias lias declined colisiderably over
a period o f time, whereas tlie Kolis and Rajputs together as tlie Ksliatriyas increased
their strengtli by double. In Uttar Pradesli proportion o f the upper castes in the State
Assembly lias gone down fro111 42 per cent to 17 per cent between 1967 and 1995;
whereas the liienibers o f tlie OBCs have increased fro11124 per cent to 45 per cent
during tlie sanie period.
Table 2: Caste Composition of the MLAs in Cujarat Assembly from 1957 to 1995
Caste First Second Third Fourth Firth Sixth Seventh Eighth

57-62 62-67 67-72 72-75 75-80 80-85 86-90 91-95
Brahmin 18(16) 25(18) 20(14) 17912) 14(8) 20(10) 14(8) lO(6)
Vania 19(17) 16(12) 21(15) 17(12) 96(14) 13(10) 13(7) 7(4)
Patidar 26(24) 27(27) 32(23) 35(25) 49(27) 37(20) 39(22) 44(27)
Kshatriya I
(Rajput 13(12) 14( 10) 19(20) 2417) 32(18) 38(21) 44(25) 40(25)
and Kolis
Muslims 4(4) 9(7) 3(3) 3(2) 5(2) 11(6) 7(4) 30)
SCs 1q9) ll(8) Il(8) l(8) 14(8) 13(7) 13(7) 14(9)
STs 15(14) 21(15) 22(15) 22(15) 27(15) 29(16) 29(16) 30(19)
OBCs 5(5) 30) 32) 9(7) 14(8) 16(9) . 18110) 14(9)
N.A. 22 18 26 30 I 5 20
Total. 132 154 154 168 182 182 182 182

Caste. Class and Politics
22.10 CASTE IN VOTING BEHAVIOUR i n India
Role o f caste in elections has two dimensions. One is o f the parties and candidates
and the second is o f the voters. The former seeks support o f the voters projecting
themselves as champions o f particular social and economic interests, the latter while
exercising their vote in favour o f one party or candidate whether people vote on caste
consideration. And if so, how exclusive is it?
As mentioned above different parties acco~nnlodatecertain castes in distributing party

tickets. While nominating candidates parties take into consideration caste o f the
aspirant candidate and numerical strength o f different castes in a constituency.
Caste leaders also ~nobilisedtheir followers on caste lines so that they could sllow
tlleir strength. In the fifties wherever caste associations were able to ~naintaintheir
unity and did not formally align with ally one party they appealed to their members
to vote for their caste fellows irrespective o f their party affiliation. In Rajastllan
Meenas were asked "Do not give your daughter or your vote to anyone but a
Meena." Similar slogan was used in Tamilnadu: " tlle Vanniya vote is not for anyone
else". But wherever caste association aligned with a particular party the caste leaders
asked caste members to vote for that party. The Kshatriya leaders o f Gujarat in 1952
elections asked Kshatriya voters that it was their Kshatriya dhar~nato vote for tlle
Congress because it was "the great institution and working for the develop~ne~lt o f the
country". I n the subsequent elections as the caste leaders split some Ksllatriya
leaders appealed, " I t is our pledge that tlle Ksllatriya o f Gujarat vote for tlle Congress,
and not for anyone else." The otllers appealed that it was tlle dllar~nao f the Kshatriyas
to vote for the Malla Gujarat Janata Parisllad (a regional party).
T l ~ o u gthere
l ~ is a trend among the caste members to vote for a particular party, there
is never a co~npleteen bloc caste voting. Some castes identify with a particular party
as their party. I t was expected that it would protect their interests. Jats in Western
UP identified Lok Dal as their party just not only because tlle leaders o f the party
were the Jats, but also the party raised the issues concerning the peasants. But'all
the Jats did not vote for the party because there were some who were traditional
supporters o f the Congress, or they perceived their interests differently than other jat
peasants which the Jats predo~nina~ltly are.. In UP 5 1 per cent o f the SC voters voted
for the BSP in the 1998 state asse~nblyelections. 18 per cent voted for the BJP. Tlle
vast majority o f the BSP SC voters belonged to poor strata and o f the BJP from the
middle class. While a~lalysingtlle election data, Pushpendra observes, " Occupationally,
the BSP's voters are mainly u~lskilledworkers, agricultural and allied workers, artisans,
and small and marginal fanners. Perso~lsengaged in business and white collar jobs
constitute only 2.6 and 1.6 per cent of tlle ESP voters (in LIP)."
I n the National Election Survey o f the 1972 carried out by Center for tlle Study o f
Developing Societies a question was asked, " What was your considerations for
voting this candidatetpartytsymbol?" For a very insignificant ~ l u ~ n boe fr respondents
(less tlla~l1 per cent) candidate's caste was the main consideration. Some o f the
respondents might have voted for personswho llappened to belong to their caste. But
it was not caste voting. They voted for tlle candidate not because hetshe was o f their
caste irrespective o f his party and ability. Tlley,voted for himther because hetshe was
the candidate o f the party to wllicll the respondent felt closer for variety o f reasons
including the feeling that the party would "protect histher" interests or the party had
done good work for tlle people like himther. Or, they were in touch with the candidate
who might have helped them or they feel that he would help them when they need.
Their primary consideration is their perception o f their interests. In a given alternative
partiestcandidates they consider as to who would serve their interests better than
others. If the candidate happens to be o f their own caste and his/her party is the party,
which they identify as theirs, they vote for himther. If they feel that the candidate
Party System and Elections belongs to that party w l ~ i c l iis either not able to serve tlieir interests or liostile or
in lndia
insignificant in electorate politics, tliey do not vote for that candidate even if he
belongs to their caste. That is tlie reason why several caste leaders lose the elections
in tlie constituency predominantly beacause o f tlieir caste members at one time or
anotlier when they change the party or their party loses popularity. Therefore there
is no one to one relatiorisliip between candidate's caste and that o f the voter's caste.
check Your Progress Exercise 2

Note: i ) Use tlie space given below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with tlie model answers given at tlie end o f the unit.
I)' What is the difference between caste panchayat and caste sablia?
........................................................................................................................
2) Explain "democratic incarnation o f caste".
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) How does caste influence voting beliaviour?
4) Give names o f tliree parties, which are closer to particular caste.
22.11 LET US SUM UP
Politics does not function in vacuum. It operates in society in which it-is_influenced

by social forces. Politics influences social forces and change tliern. If political institutions
and political leaders make conscious effort in intervening in social forces tliey call
infli~enceand bring clianges in social order and relationsllip to a considerable extent.
Democratic politics in lndia has been influenced by caste but it also changed the
traditional caste system and its values. Wliile participating in electoral processes at
different levels structure and functions o f caste has changed. Its traditional aspect o f
purity and impurity has been co~isiderablyweakened. Caste has provided i~istitutional. C"stC. C I m s I'olitiCs
in India
niechanism to tlie poor and traditio~iallydeprived groups for political participation.
Caste has been politicised to pursue economic and social rather than ritual coricerli
o f the members. I n that sense it is a democratic i ~ i c a r ~ i a t i oonf caste. But tliis process
has reached an impasse and caught into vicious circle. Political leaders use caste
consciousness for ~ n o b i l i s a t i o ~but
i d o not pursue vigorously, e c o ~ i o ~ n and
i c social
proble~nstliat the majority ~ n e ~ i i b eor sf tlie caste face. Caste framework lias its ow11
limitations. It is divisive and hierarchical. This is a challenge before tlie caste-oriented
politics.
Beteille, Andre, Essays in Con~yaruiivePersyeciive, Chapter 4, Dellii, O x f o r d

university Press, 1992,
Centre For Social Studies, Custe, Casre Conflict und Reservation, Chapters 1,2 and
8, Delhi, Ajanta Publication, 1985
Kothari, Rajni, Caste atld Poliiics it1 Itlr/ia, Hydrabad, Orient L o ~ i g n i a ~1970;
i
Rudolpli L.1. and Rudolpli S.H. The hfoclert~iiyof Tradiiion, Dellii, Longman , 196 1
Shall, Gliansliyam, Caste it1 Itlrliut1 Poliiics, Dellii, Permanent Black 2000.
22.13 ANSWERS T O CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
I ) These are four, i..e., ( I ) liierarcliy, (2) com~iiensurity,(3) restriction on marriage,

and, (4) hereditary occupation.
2) There is a positive relationsliip between caste and land. Tlie main trend about tliis
relationship shows tliat tlie l o w or tlie backward castes and the ex-untouchables
belong to the agricultural labourers, small and marginal far~iiers,and tlie liigli and
intermediate castes belong to tlie ricli and ~ i i i d d l epeasants. However, there are
instances where the liigli castes belong to tlie poor agricultural classes, and the
l o w castes to the ricli and middle peasants.
3) One example o f intra-caste stratificatio~iis tliat o f the Ra-jputs and Tliakurs o f

Rajasthan, UP and Gujarat. Majority o f them belong to the upper strata, some.
o w n land and a large number o f them are agrici~lturallabourers.
4) Tlie social caste denotes tlie operatio11 o f tlie caste at the social level - its role
is co~ifinedto tlie social and cultural spheres. When caste becomes tlie synibol
o f ~nob,ilisationeither i n electio~iso r for ally otlier political purpose it becomes a
political caste.
1) A l l members o f a caste are ~iiernberso f the caste sabha; its leadership is hereditary;
it lias judicial authority dealing with rituals and otlier social aspects like marriage,
divorce and other disputes i n tlie falllily. N o t all ~ i i e ~ n b eor sf a caste on tlie otlier
hand are members o f the caste associations; its leadership is not hereditary: its
decisions are not binding 011a l l members o f the caste; these have economic,
educatio~ialand ~ o l i t i c a Proerammes.
l
Party System and Elections Tlie participation o f tlie caste associations in politics is ternled as "the democratic
in India
incarnation o f caste" by Rudolph and Rudolph.
The influence o f caste in tlie voting behaviour call be visible in two ways - by
allotmelit o f tickets to tlie candidates, and by casting o f the votes by tlie voters
on the caste lines. Generally voters o f a caste vote for a party or the candidate
on the consideration o f caste. But there is never a complete en block voting.
i) The Congress (1) in Gujarat was identified with the K H A M - an alliance o f

Khatriyas, Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims,
ii) The Bharatiya Krariti Dal in UP was identified with tlie AJGAR - an alliance
o f Ahirs, Jats. Gujars and Rajputs; and,
iii) Bahuja~iSa~iiajParty is identified with tlie dalits.

I UNIT 23 COALITION POLITICS
Structure
I 23.0
23.1
Objectives
Introduction
23.2 Forms of Coal itioh Politics
b 23.3 Coalition Behavioy \
b
23.4
23.5
23.6
\
boalition Governm nt: A Comparative Study
Coalition Politics in ndia (1947- 1967)
Emergence of ~ o a l i t + nGovernments in India ( 1 967- 1977)
23.7 E~nergenceof ~oalitihnGovernment at the Centre (1 977-1 979)
23.8 The Decline of Coalition Politics (1980-1989)
23.9 Coalition Governments and Coalition Politics (from 1989)
23.10 Working of the Coalition Govern~nentsin India
23.12 Some Useful Books ,
23.13 Answer to Check Your Progress Exercises
',
-23.0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit, you should be able to:
U~lderstandthe meaning of coalition;

Discuss different forms of coalition politics; and
/
Discuss the nature and emergence of the coalition governments at the state level
after 1967 assembly elections.
The term coalition has been derived from the Latin word 'Coalitio' which is the verbal
substantive of "Coalescere'-co together, and 'alescere'-to grow up, which means to
grow or together. Coalition, thus, means an act of coalescing, or uniting into one body:
a union of parties. In the specific political sense the term coalition denotes an alliance
or temporary union of political forces for forming a single Government. As such
coalitions are direct descendants of the exigencies of a multi-party system in a
democratic regime. Coalition governments are co~nmonlycontrasted with single party
Governments, in which only one party forms government.
A coalition is a grouping of rival political actors brbught together either through the
perception of a comlnon threat, or the recognition that their goals cannot be achieved
by working separately. In general terms a coalition is regarded as parliamentary or
political grouping which is less permanent than a party or faction or an interest group.
23.2 FORMS OF COALITION POLITICS
Constitutional framework and electoral system of a country determines the forms that
coalition politics takes. 'These are three in nature: parliamentary, electoral and
governmental.
Party System and Elections Parliamentary coalitiori may occur in a situation when no single party erijoys an over
i n India
all majority. The party which is asked to forill a govern~iieritmakes an atteliipt to rule
as a m i ~ i o r i t ygovernment, relying upon an arrangemelit with other party or parties for
its survival. Tlie Ja~iataDal government led by V.P. Singli in 1989 was such a
gover~imetit.Sucli a gover~imenttilay seek support from tlie oppositio~ipolitical parties
for different items o f legislatioil or tlie government may survive merely because tlie
oppositio~iniay not like to defeat tlie gover~ilile~it either to gain political advantage or
not to be deprived o f their existing political base. The Congress government led by
Narasimha Rao in 1991 was sucli a government in its early tenure.
Electoral coalitions represent two or more than two political parties who enter into an
agreement which provides for a mutual withdrawal o f candidates in an electio~iSo that
tlie co~icer~ied parties can avoid splittirig o f votes in the co~istitue~icies where they are
strong respectively. Sucli coalitio~isare difficult to be for~iiedwhen the parties having
strong local base and organisatio~ido not wish to surrender tlieir rights to put up a
candidate. Sucli electoral coalitio~ishave become colnliioli in India in recent past in
tlie form o f f o r ~ i i a t i o o
~ if United Front and National Democratic Alliance.
CoaP'tiongoverliliielits are commonly contrasted witli single party government, in

wli h one party holds office. Sucli gover~i~iie~its sliould also be distinguished from
not,-partisan governments, within wliicli tlie members o f tlie Council o f Ministers do
not act as represe~itativeso f political parties. Coalition governments are tlie party
governments. The membership o f a coalition gover~imentis conventionally defined as
those parties tliat are represented in tlie Cabinet. Some parliamentary governments,
however, also co~isistelitlyco-operate witli parties tliat are not represented in tlie
Cabinet.
A t tlie government level, there car1 be different tyl?es o f coalition. Tlie first type is
tlie ~ i a t i o ~ igovernment
al in wliicli mbst, if not all, o f the maill parties join togetlier to
meet a ~ i a t i o ~ iemergency
al arising out o f war or eco~io~iiiccrisis. Tlie ratioiiale behirid
the formation o f sucli a goverlilnelit is tliat ~iationalcrisis necessitates tlie suspension
o f party strife and requires tlie conc$ntration o f all forces in a c o ~ i i ~ i idirection.
o~i Tlie
coalition gover~imentsled by ~ s ~ u i and i l i Llyod George during tlie First World War
and by W i ~ i s t o Cliurclii
~i 1 1 during S/econd World War in U~ i i t e dKingdom were tlie
exa~iipleso f national goverliments. ,
Power-sharing coalitio~igoverli~iieiitsare fornied when two or liiore than two political

parties wliicli are not able to secure majority o f tlieir ow11join togetlier to form a
~iiajoritygover~iment.United Front as well as BJP -led coalitio~igoverliliielits in the
iiiiieties were sucli coalition goverliments. Power-sharing coalitio~igovern~nentsstrive
to ill1pleliie~itSIICII policies and prograliilnes as agreed up011 among the coal ition
partners. Continental Ei~ropea~i coi~ntrieshave experienced such Governme~itsquite
often.

Note: i) Use the space give11 below for your answer
ii) Compare your aliswers witli tlie model answers given at the elid o f tlie unit.
1) Briefly explain tlie meaning o f coalition.

-- . . -..-
<:orlition Politics
2) Explain the different fornis o f coalition politics.
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.......................................................................................................................
23.3 COALITION BEHAVIOUR
A study o f coalitio~ibeliaviour puts forth the following questions: Wliat are the distinct
circunistances wliicli lead to different political parties joining coalitions? Why does a
particular party prefer to enter into coalition witli otlier parties? Wliat are the
advantages a political party can expect to gain by its entering into a coalition?
A comparative study o f the coalition beliaviour drawn from tlie liistorical experiences
of coalitio~ipolitics in different countries and at different times reveal the following
trends:
First, all tlie political parties who enter into a coalition always aini to tiiaxiniise their
long term influence over decision-making process.
Second, because o f the awareness concerning the re-distributive consequences o f a

coalition, tlie member parties often conipete against eacli otlier over tlie allocation o f
redistribution benefits.
Third, the cotnpetitiori among the coalition partners is restricted by tlie degree to
wliicli eacli partner is willing to tolerate conipetitive demands on the part o f the allies.
Fourth, in a situation wliere the tolerance among tlie coalition partners remain o f liigli
level, co~npetitivenessis rewarded witli disproportionally liigli returns ill terms o f
political influence.
23.4 COALITION GOVERNMENTS: A COMPARATIVE

STUDY
I n pure or modified t w o party political systems, such as the United Kingdom, N e w

Zealand and Canada, coalition governments are rare in the peace time. In tlie countries
witli lnultiparty systems, sucli as Belgium and tlie Netherlands, almost all the
governtnerits liave been coalitions. There are ~ h e European
r countries witli multiparty
systeni like Denniark and Sweden wliere the governments altertiate between coalitional
or single-party (often minority) one. I n the normal circumstances the coalition
governments are formed by t w o t o five parties. However, the countries like India in
tlie recent past liave seen tlie coalitioli goverliliielit being formed on tlie basis of as
many as eighteen parties i.e. Vajpayee led Government in 1998. Switzerland is a
unique case where all major parties are regularly included in tlie coalition governments.
Coalition governments are essentially features o f parliamentary form o f governments,

but they have been formed also i n the countries like France and Switzerland wliicli
have 'modified' parliamentary or 'semi-presidential' system. I n tlie developed countries
almost all tlie parties follow centrist ideology. Power sharing is mostly tlie main basis
o f the formation o f sucli governments. However, in the developing countries like
India and Sri Lanka the coalitio~igover~imentsliave been fornied on ideological basis.
Some developed countries like Italy, Denmark, France and Sweden liave also
experienced coalition governments formed on the basis o f ideological homogeneity.
I'artg S ~ s t t mand Elections Despite tlie widespread presence o f coalitio~igoverlilnerits in both developed and
ill l n d i n
';,developing countries. tliere are not silfficielit colistiti~tionalprovisions regarding the
',process o f fonnulatio~iand dissolution o f coalition governments. German constitution
\s a significant exceptio~iwliicli has provisio~iswhicli make it i~npossiblefor irresponsible
q,rlianie~itarians to overthrow a government without being ready to support all
qlternative. In Sweden, 1974 instrument o f government attempts to describe tlie
pi;ocess o f forriiatioll o f coalitioli'government in some details.
Check Y o u r Progress Exercise 2

ii) Compare your answesr witli tlie model aliswers given at tlie elid o f the unit.
1) What are tlie different trends in tlie coalitio~ibeliaviour?
2) Are there any co~istitutio~ial

provisio~isregarding tlie process o f the formation and
dissolution o f coalition governments? Explain.
23.5 COALITION POLITICS IN INDIA (1947-1967)
Indian politics in the period betweeti 1947 to 1967 was coalitional in nature. This was
at tlie level o f political parties or political formations. Functionalist political scientists
like Rajni Kotliari, Morris-Jones and Myron Wei~ierdeveloped a theoretical model for
this level in tlie late sixties tlirough the idea o f a one-party do~ni~iant system or
Congress system. The dominance o f Congress was reflected both in terms o f tlie
ninnber o f seats tliat it held in parliament at centre and the governments it formed
in tlie states as well as in terms o f its formidable organisational strength outside the
legislative bodies. Thus in the first three general electio~lsCongress w o ~aroundi forty
five per cent o f tlie votes atid seventy five per cent o f the seats in tlie parliament.
The Co~igressbarring brief interludes continued to rule in almost all tlie states and at
centre. The Congress system, argued Morris Jones, reflected 'dominance co-existing
witli competition but without a trace o f alter~iation'.Such a coldssal dominance o f
Co~igresso f the political system reduced other parties to marginality.
It follows tliat tlie Indian political system during this period could not be understood
in accordarice witli tlie standard textbook forniat o f government and opposition. It
was tlie big Congress versus small and frag~nentedforces o f opposition at the State
as well as tlie natio~iallevel. Congress succeSsfully defined Maurice Duverger's law-
whicli expected two party system to emerge in a plurality electoral system by
incorporating political competition and consociational arrangemelits within its boundaries
and yet holding it together through a delicate nianagenient o f factions. Creating and
sustaining such a broad coalitio~io f factio~iswas greatly helped by the colnplexities
and ambiguities o f l ~ i d i asociety
~i which did not allow polarisatio~ior the formation o f
contradictions that might have fractured such an all-embrac~ngalliance. I t was also Coalition Politirs
,
I helped, according to Myron Weiner, by traditional values and roles o f conciliation that
I
t Congress party astutely took up. I n a similar vein, R a j ~ iKothari
i has also highlighted
the colisensual politics based on pluralism, accom~nodatioliand bargaining followed by
Co~igressparty.
/ Thus, around a central disproportionately large party o f consensus were arranged

much similar opposition parties o f pressure, which ilnposed a coalitio~iallogic on both
the ruling party and the opposition parties and groups. The enonnous organisational
size, regional spread, and ideological diversity o f the Coligress transformed congress
I
in a loose organisation with ideologically diverse groups. These ideologically and
I regionally divergent groups played the role o f opposition in tandem with the oppositio~i
parties with whom they shared homogeneity in terms o f ideology arid interests. The
1 small sire o f the oppositioli parties ensured that they could influelice tlie political
system only by functioning more like indirect pressure groups. As Kothari argues
'Congress system has always been a systeni o f coalition multi-group in character, and
informed by a coliti~iuousprocess o f internal bargaining and mobility'. The coalition
logic was not olily imposed on the groups inside tlie Congress but on the oppositioli
I
I
parties also. During this period the Governmelital policies came to be decided Inore
by cross party blocs rather than by inner party voting or a coliverltiolial division lilies
o f Government and Opposition.
I
I
The coalitiolial nature o f Indian politics was evident when tlie Congress leadership at
the centre often 'transferred a decisioli from tlie space within the party to the space
o f tlie political system as a whole if they were sure o f tlie support o f winning
coalition'. I t was in this manner that Congress crises were solved as Max Zins's study
o f Coligress reveals.
23.6 EMERGENCE OF COALITION GOVERNMENTS

IN INDIA (1967-1977)
The 1967 elections witnessed the coalition politics in another for~n,now i~ivolvingthe
non-congress opposition parties. Opposition parties were able to defeat coligress in
the assen~blyelectiolis in six States by joiliilig into an electoral coalition. The econolilic
difficulties, the declining legiti~nacyand the fact that Coligress had never received an
absolute majority in ternis o f votes polled explains the setback to Congress.
1967 electiotls; according to Morris-Jones, led to the emergence o f a 'market polity'

leading to a 'pretty regular and continuous defectors market'. Thus the formatioli o f
power sharing coalitio~iby tlie oppositio~iparties and tlie defection o f the congress
factions led to the formation o f non-congress coalition Goverlilnents in nine States.
However, the coalition technique which worked so well for Congress did exactly the
opposite in case o f the oppositio~iparties. This can be explained by the fact that the
opposition parties with divergent ideologies did benefit electorally from the widened
support base. However the same factor led to tlie crisis in governance leading to the
failure o f coalition governments.
Congress, thus was able to collie back to power in most o f the States where it had
lost power in 1967 elections. However, tlie post-1967 congress followed a new
political process which was marked by the replacement o f consensual politics by tlie
confrontationalist politics towards opposition. 'This liad to do both with tlie
'marketisation' o f polity as well as tlie over-cent~.alisatio~i
o f power in tlie party. The
Co~igressthus adopted a plebiscitary liiode o f electoral politics which led to the
institutional decline in the party. This explailis tlie inability o f the State leaders o f
' congress who were 'nominated' rather than 'elected' in holding the political equilibria
Party System and Elections i n tlie States b y creation and manipulation o f interest coalitions and factio~ialpolitics.
in' India
Destructio~io f State-level Congress organisations by an over centralised political
leadersliip led t o tlie eloiergence o f genirine conipetitiori t o tlie congress at tile State
level.
Altliougli the Congress led b y lndira Gandlii reached an unprecedented electoral

victory i n tlie 1971 eleiction it was initially seen as the restoratio~io f the Congress
dominance, i n retrospect it is obvious tliat tlie apparent continuity o f tlie Co~igresswas
deceptive. Tlie Congress that Indira,Gandlii led t o power i n 197 1 was i n many ways
a new party that had t o negotiate a new terrain o f electoral politics marked by tlie
presence o f a great many new entrants from tlie 'middle' peasant castes and the
regional groups into tlie ganie o f electoral politics t i ~ r n i n git into truly competitive.
I t follows tliat Congresg was n o longer a single donii~iantparty but tlirougliout tlie
1970 and 1980's it co~itinuedto be tlie natural party o f gover~iance,tlie pole around
wliicli electoral conipetition was organised. Thereafter, the success o r the failure o f
tlie attenipts b y the oppositio~iparties to put up an electoral coalition against Congress
made a decisive difference t o tlie electoral outcome.
23.7 EMERGENCE OF COALITION GOVERNMENT AT

THE CENTRE (1977-1979)
Tlie tliird phase i n tlie evolution o f coalition politics was niarked b y tlie defeat of tlie
Co~igressi n 1977 parlianientary as w e l l as assembly elections (in as niany as six
States). Tlie i n t r o d u c t i o ~o~f populist. bureaucratic and authoritarian mode o f politics
i n tlie party had led to tlie emergency imposed by tlie Congress government. Botli tlie
emergelicy and a liastily assellibled c o a l i t i o ~ oi f oppositio~iparties were tlie main
factors responsible for electoral debacle o f Congress both at tlie central and state
level.
Ja~iataParty was fornied after four oppositio~iparties-the Congress (0).tlie Jana

Sangli, tlie Bliartiya L o k Dal and tlie Socialist Party merged. Ja~iataParty subseqiiently
entered i n a c o a l i t i o ~w
i i t h tlie opposition parties at tlie regional level like Akali D a l
to figlit tlie 1977 General elections on a comnioli election symbol and a single list o f
contesting candidates.
Tlie c o a l i t i o ~ igovernnielit led b y Morarji Desai could not last its fill1 term as the
i party retained tlieir ideological differences - a legacy
co~lstituentfactions w i t l i i ~ tlie
o f tlieir pre-merger days. W i t h tlie twin objectives take11 during emergency being
fillfilled once tlie coalition government was fornied and a~nendnientbills were passed
- tlie a~nbitionso f its leaders saw tlie split i n the party and tlie government fell in 1979.
Defections - an offslioot'of tlie marketisation o f Indian polity introduced since 1967

elections-from tlie Ja~iataParty led t o tlie forniation o f a c o a l i t i o ~governnient
i o f Lok
Dal and Congress (S) led b y Charall Singli with tlie outside support o f tlie left parties
as well as Congress. Tliis coalitional arrangement was again marked b y ideological
incompatibility and i t was no surprise that tlie governnient fell witliin three weeks o f
its formation as Congress withdrew its support.
C h e c k Y o u r Progress Exercise 3
Note:i) Use tlie space given below your answer.

ii) Clieck your? answer with the model answers given at tlie end o f tlie Unit.
Coalition Politics
1) Explain tlie coalitional nature o f politics during tlie one party dominant system in
India.
........................................................................................................................
/
........................................................................................................................
2) What was the nature o f tlie coalition Governments which were for~iiedin tlie
states after 1967 assembly elections?
........................................................................................................................
3) Why did not Janata coalitio~igovernment complete its full term?
23.8 THE DECLINE OF COALITION POLITICS (1980-

1989)
The failure o f coalition experiment in the form o f failure o f Janata coalition government
to complete its full tertii gave an opportunity to Congress-recovering from a split in
1978- under the leadership o f Indira Gandlii to capture power in the 1980 elections.
Congress received a massive victory in 1984 general elections also. 'rlii~s for a
decade the coalition politics came to an end at the centre. At tlie state level, however.
the coalition politics continued. Congress, for instance, entered in to an alliance witli
National Conference in J and K and witli the DMK in 1980 and witli AIADMK ill
1984 elections in Tamil Nadu. The left parties-led coalition governments were formed
in the States o f Kerala, Tripura and West Bengal during this period.
I t was during this period that the seeds o f future coalition politics emerged. Co~igress
despite its electoral triumphs in tlie plebiscitory electioris was continuously losing its
ideological and institutional base. As sucli it was unable to respond adequately to the
demands arid aspirations o f the de~nocraticallyawakened rural social groups wlio had
been becoming increasingly aware o f tlie significance o f their electoral power. Moreover,
tlie over centralisation o f power in Co~igressled to the heightened level o f Centre-
State tensions.
The ruralisation and regionalisation o f Indian politics led to tlie emergence o f regional
parties whicli were supported by tlie numerically strong and economically powerfill
rich peasant castes. Telugu Desam in Andha Pradesli, Akali Dal in Punjab, AGP in
Assam were aniolig the regional parties which ensured a freer competition between
political parties and increased alternation o f a tendency towards personalised cotitrol
o f parties and fragmentation o f the parties into splinter groups etc. All these factors
paved tlie way for the end o f the Coligress dominance at tlie State level.
Party System and Elections What emerged in tlie States was a bipolarity as along witli tlie regional parties
in India
Congress even now retained a salience in tlie party system. It was because Congress
continued to command greater popular support that1 any otlier party at the national
level and also tliat it was the core around which the party systelii was structured.
That bipolarity at tlie state level did not, however, yield a bipolarity at tlie National
level as well as becanie evident from 1989 General elections.
23.9 COALITION GOVERNMENTS AND COALITION

POLITICS (FROM 1989)
In tlie run-up to tlie 1989 elections a~iotlierhastily assenhled coalition was formed in
the form o f formation o f Janata Dal wliich came into existence as a resi~lto f the
merger o f several parties like tlie Janata Party, Lok Dal (A), Lok Dal (B), Janata Dal,
subseqi~entlyfornied an electoral alliance witli tlie parties like DMK, Co~igress(S),
AGP, CPI, CPI (M) and other small regional parties. This electoral coalition came
tb be called National Front wliich entered into an agreeliie~itwitli tlie BJP on sharing
seats in tlie 1989 parliamentary elections. As the Congress and its allies did not stake
claim to forni the Government it was tlie National Front led by Janata Dal which was
invited by tlie President to form the coalition Government o f National Front led by
V.P. Singli which was sup orted froni oi~tsideby BJP and left parties who did not join
the Government.
l'
National Front niinority Goverrinient was tlie first real coalition Government at tlie
Centre as the ~anataGovernment was a coalition Government by Proxy and Charan
Sigh led coalition Government Lok Dal and Congress (S) fell before proving i t s
majority in the Lok Sabha.
National Front Government failed to laydown a strong foundatio~io f consensual polity,

based on democratic power sharing at wider level. It suffered from internal crisis
because o f cliange o f leadership in Haryana Janata Dal Goveninient. Tlie external
crisis built up over tlie co~ifrontationwitli the BJP over Ayodliya issue. The intense
competition for leadersl~ipwithin Janta Dal finally led to the split in Janta Dal. The
newly formed Janata Dal (S) formed a niinority Governtilent led by Cliandra sliekliar
with the outside si~pporto f Congress after tlie National Front Govern~iientwas
defeated in tlie confidence vote in the Lok Sablia after tlie withdrawal o f support o f
BJP. Janata Dal (S) niiriority Governmelit fell as Congress withdrew its support in
1991.
Tlie Parlianie~itaryelections in 1991 again produced a 'hung' Lok Sablia. Congress

emerged as tlie largest party but nowhere near the majority mark. With no coalitions
being possible, Co~igressformed a minority Govern~ne~it led by Narasi~nliaRao. Tlie
minority Government displayed a great skill in Parliamentary Manoeuvres in order to
stay in power. After effecting a split in the Janata Dal in its favour as well as victories
in the by elections tlie Gover~ime~it was able to secure a majol-ity o f its own.
\
However, the assenibly elections' between 1993 to 1995 decisively brduglit to an end
the one party do~ninantmulti-party systeni o f an earlier era. Co~igressno longer
remained the core aroi~ndwliich tlie party systeni was structured. These elections
marked the i~ite~isification
o f tlie process o f bipolar consolidation all over tlie Country
barring few States like Kerala and West Bellgal where coalitio~ipolitics still survived.
Thus in as many as twelve States, non-Congress Govern~nentruled by tlie end o f
1995.
Increasing tendency towards a bipolar polity at tlie State level Icd to a situatio~itliat
a two-party systeni at tlie national level beca~iieimprobable. With the effective
niarginalisation o f tlie Congress from the real arena o f co~npetitionin U.P. and Bihar
Coalition I ' o l i t i c s
- the two largest States - it was now obvious that Co~igresson its ow11 could no
longer hold its positio~iin tlie centre (both in tlie sense o f occupying and defining tlie
middle ground and being most significant) o f tlie ltidia~ipolitical system. W it11 tlie
emergence o f distinct regional party systems in tlie States sig~ialledtlie rise o f parties
like Bahujan Samaj Party, Telugu Desam Party, Asoni Gana Pgrisliad, Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam, Akali Dal at tlie regional level, the Co~igresswas now one o f tlie Inally
parties with a position in several o f those regional systems. I t was no longer a pole
against which every political fonnation was defined. Even in those States where tliere
was a direct race between the Congress and its rival, tlie Congress was no longer
tlie natural party o f governance.
The above tendencies were confirmed in tlie par1iamentary electio~iso f 1 996. The
BJP made a strong sliowi~igin tlie Northern and Wester11States especially in Biliar
and U.P. and emerged as tlie largest party in tlie Lok Sabha. Tlie party formed a
minority Govern~neiitwliicli barely lasted two weeks before losi~igvote o f confidence
in Lok Sabha. Tlie regional parties i.e., TDP, DMK, AGP and the Tamil Manila
Congress in alliance witli Janata Dal fonned National front comprising o f the communist
parties. The resultant United Front-was able to form a coalition Gover~imentled by
H.D.Devegowda first and then by 1.K.Gujral witli tlie outside support o f the coligress
and the left parties (CPI for the first time in Parliamentary history joined tlie
Government). The UF coalition Gover~iinentcollapsed after tlie withdrawal o f support
from Congress in 1998.
B.IP taking a less011from its 1996 experience entered illto electoral coalitio~iwitli tlie
regional parties like A I A D M K in Tamil Nadu, Samata Party in Bihar, Trina~iiool
Congress in West Bengal, Akali party in Pulljab etc. Subseque~itlythese parties
(eighteen in number) for~iieda coalitio~iGover~imentwliicli lasted barely for one year
as A I A D M K withdrew its support it1 1999. l'lie 1999 parlia~iie~itary
elections,say that
the two parties Congress and BJP, had electoral allia~icewitli tlie regional parties in
such a manner that coalition G o v e r ~ i ~ n ebeca~iie
~it inevitable to emerge.
A comparative study o f tlie results o f the 1996 electio~isand the 1998 or 1999
elections reveals a rnajor difference between the two. l'lie 'hung' Parliament wliicli
emerged after 1996 elections was not just a matter o f no single party getting a
majority but rather of no party or a clear alliance o f parties being in a position to
govern. I n 1998 and 1999 elections, however, BJP and Congress have show11that
despite no party getting a majority on its own, two 'poles' have become visible-the
Congress and the BJP- within tlie regional ised multi-party system. I t is natural then
that both have been gradually accepting tlie imperatives o f coalition politics a,id
alliance building.

Note: i) Use the space give11 below for your answer.
ii) Check your answers witli model ariswers give11 at the end o f tlie Unit.
1) Wliat factors contributed in the emergence o f tlie regional parties?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................1...................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
in India .
2) Wliat are the new trendsvisible in tlie coalitio~ipolitics after 1993- 1995 assernbly
elections?
23.10 WORKING OF THE COALITION GOVERNMENTS

IN INDIA
I t has been traditionally, accepted that the principles o f collective responsibility,

ho~noge~ieity and secrecy have bee11a must for effective fi~nctioningo f Gover~iment.
Coalition Governtne~itsfortiled in India especially at Centre liave been found lacking
in this respect. Tlie working o f tlie Coal ition Govern~iie~its has been affected by tlie
need to secure inter-party Consensus. The lieterogetieity o f tlie Coalitio~ipartners in
terliis o f tlieir social basis and ideologies ofteri has been resultitig into disagreements
between the Cabinet ~iiinisterson political and departmental matters. This has beeti
hampering the deliberative atid decision-making process o f the Cabinet. The parties
entering into coalition either under tlie umbrella o f United Front or National Democratic
Alliance had been confro~itedwith a sititation o f preserving tlie i ~ n i t yo f Government
as well as tlieir separated identity as a partner in tlie Coalition. Tlie Coalition
Governments at centre have been formed, not on the positive basis o f ideological or
progratiimatic homogeneity but on the negative basis o f capturi~igpower (like BJP led
coalition Gover~i~iie~it in 1998) or to keep Congress and BJP out o f power (like United
Front Government in 1996). This factor lias contributed to the lack o f efficacy as well
as stability o f tliese Gover~iments.Tlie presence o f regiotial parties it1 tlie Coalition
has also led to a perception that the national outlook has often sought to be over
sliadowed by a regional outlook and also that persolla1 or party gains have often
received precedelice over collective ones. The Steering Co~ii~iiittee o f the Coalition
partners, rather than Cabinet often 'acts as the de-facto deliberative body thus
undermining the process o f Govertiance. Tlie Governalice also has suffered because
o f tlie weakened position o f the Prime Minister in the coalition Gqvertinients formed
in the recent years. Prime Minister has been in no positio~ito clioose those as
ministers in tlie Council o f ministers who do not belong to his own party as they are
chosen by tlieir respective party leaders. Tliis has undermined tlie autliority o f the
Prime Minister more so as lie feels cotistrained even to disliiiss them without inviting
the wratli o f the concerned party.
In tlie recent past tlie coalition governments liave bee11formed on the basis o f a
comtnon agreement by tlie coalitio~ipartners to iniplenielit a Co~iilnonMinirnuni
Programme (CMP). However, tlie bickering alllong the coalition partners lias been
often obstructive to the process o f it's implementation. Moreover the very fact that
the elections in 1996 atid 1998 threw up unwieldy, unstable and short-lived coalition
Gover~i~nelits was to a great degree responsible for non-implementation o f tlie CMP.
23.11 LET US SUM UP

l'he coalition politics operates in two ways - one, by the coalition o f the political
parties outside tlie government; two, formation o f tlie goverlirnent by two or more
political parties. 'The latter is knowh as a coalition government. The basic aim o f a
coalition governlnelit is to ensure n~ajoritycontrol o f the legislative assembly/ parlia-
mentary as well as the iniplemelitation o f comnion minimum programme. Coalition
Gover~i~nents rnay receive support from outside also. Tlie party systeni and the C o a l i t i o n Politics
political system i n India i n tlie first twenty-five years or so after Independence was
completely dominated by Congress both in the electoral and organisational sense.
Congress acting on its historical legacy represented a broad-based social coalition.
Tlie 'Congress system' was based on coalition in political sense also as it followed
coalition logic in its relationship with tlie opposition parties i n tlie process o f govern-
ance. The.period from the later half o f tlie 1980s onwards witnessed tlie erosion o f
the central role o f tlie Congress in niai~itainingand restructuring political consensus.
TIILIS tlie process o f political mobilisation and political recruitment heralded the iniita-
tion o f a more differentiated structure o f party competition. Rapid mobilisatio~iand
politicisatio~io f new regional and social groups resulted in to tlie growth o f a new
genre o f parties and alignments, many o f these focusing on individual leaders, wlio
were able to identity with specific castes and communities. Tlie 1990s in particular
witnessed a decisive end to tlie do~iiinantmulti-patty systeni o f tlie earlier years. I t
signified a move towards a competitive multi-party systetii both at tlie central and
state levels. Tlie General electio~isin 1989 and tlie State assembly electio~iso f 1993-
1995 confirmed this trend. Along witli an upsurge o f new social groups and identities
tlie growing regionalisation o f tlie national parties (not excluding tlie Congress and
BJP) also explai~isthe for~iiatiorio f a large number o f parties. Consequently, tliere has
I been a blurring o f lines between tlie national and state patty system. and the process
o f 'federalisation' in tlie party system. I n this coriiplex and interlocking relationship
between tlie national arid state patty systems. the change in tlie latter have been
I
ilicreasi~iglyinfluencing the former. Tlie coalitio~ipolitics and tlie coalition Govern-
ments are related to tlie ongoing process o f translbrmation fro111a single doniinant to
a region based multi-party system. TIILIS there has been an emergence o f a bipolarity
at tlie Centre supported by the regional partics - tlie Congress and tlie BJP being tlie
two 'poles' - i n an increasingly regionalised multi-party system.
Bogdanor, Veroti, The Blacknfell Eticyclopeditr of Politicd Itis f iftrtiotis, B lac kwe ll
Reference, Oxford, 1987.
~ h a t t e r j e cPartlia,, Stcrte rrtirl Politics iri Iritlicr, Oxford U~iiversityPress, N e w Dellii.

1998.
Kariltia Karan, K.P., Coalifioti Govertitrre~~t

iri It~cliu,Indian Institute o f Advanced
Studies, Sliimla,1975.
Kotliari, Rajn.i, Po1itic.s iri Ir~licr,Orient Longman. Bornbay, 1970.

EXERCISES

1) Coalition means a ilnion o f parties. I n political sense it the term alliance denotes
an alliance or teniporary ilnion o f political forces to form tlie government.
2) There are three types o f coalition - parliamc~ltary,electoral and governmental.

Parliamentary coalition is formed when no single party elljoys tlie niajority to
form the government. Electoral coalition is fornied when two or more political
parties ~ n u t i ~ a lagree
ly to withdraw candidates in an election in order to avoid
splitting o f votes in tlie constituencies wliere they are strong respectively. This
type o f coalition is made when political parties for111tlie governliient i n a s i t i ~ a t i o ~ i
Party System, and Elections o f national eliiergency i n a country. I n s i ~ c l case
i the parties Strive t o suspend
i n India
a
tlieir differences f o r colnrnon nation cause.
1) Tliese are: a l l parties forni a coalition; rnenibers o f tlie coalition compete w i t h

each other over tlie allocatio~io f redistribution benefits; tlie co~npetitionamolig
tlie coalition partners is restricted t o a degree; and, competitiveness o f tlie coa-
lition partners is rewarded w i t h disproportinally liigli returns i n ternis o f political
influence.
2) l'liere are n o slrcli provisions, w i t h tlie exception o f G e r n i a ~ constitution.

i
1) D u r i n g tliis pliase tlie Congress was tlie d o ~ i i i ~ i a nparty

t both at the centre and
i n tlie states. The nature of tlie coalition o f that period can be explained i n the
light o f tlie nature o f the Congress. According t o Rajtii Kotliari it was co~isensual
based on plural isni, acconi modat ion and bargaining.
2) Tliis period saw tlie formation o f tlie coalition o f tlie non-Congress Coalition
goverliments i n nine states. U ~ i l i k etlie coalition o f tlie Co~igresssystem, this type
o f coalitioti was f o r ~ i i e db y tlie parties w i t h d iverpent ideologies arid si~pport
bases.
3) The Janata coalition did not coniplete its terms because o f tlie f o l l o w i n g reasons:
ideological differences between tlie members o f tlie coalition, arid tlie a m b i t i o ~ i s
o f leaders o f constiti~entparties.
I). The ruralisation and regio~ialisationo f Indian politics gave rise t o tlie emergence
o f regional politics. '1-lie regional parties liave supported largely tlie rural rich w h o
have large nunierical strength.
2) Tliese are- elid o f tlie one party dominant multi-party system; intesification o f
bipolar consolidatio~iin most part o f tlie country; and, emergence o f distinct
regional parties.
1
Unit 24: WOMEN

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
STRUCTURE
24.0 Objectives
24.1 Introduction
24.2 Reforms for women in the 19th and early 20th centuries
24.2.1 Against “Sati”
24.2.2 Widow remarriage
24.2.3 Rehabilitation of the prostitutes
24.2.4 Arya Samaj
24.2.5 Prohibition of Child Marriage
24.3 Education for Women and Women Emerging with Identity

24.3.1 Women in Literature and Literature by women
24.3.2 Women for Rights
24.3.3 Women for Women
24.3.4 Women in Nationalist Struggle
24.3.5 Women for Equality
24.4 Women’s Independent Political Identity

24.4.1 Discrimination against women in politics
24.4.2 Women’s initiatives in politics
24.4.3 Women “terrorists”
24.5 Major Issues confronting women’s unity or united movement

24.5.1 Communalism and Casteism
24.5.2 Daily encounters with oppression
(i) against alcohol
(ii) against dowry
(iii) against sexual abuse
24.5.3 Environment and livelihood
24.6 Women in politics or politics ‘by’ women

24.6.1 Telengana movement
24.6.2 Bodh Gaya movement
24.6.3 Dalit women’s movement
24.6.4 Adivasi women’s movement
24.6.5 Movement through literature, theatre ad other forms of expression
24.7 Key words

24.8 Some useful books
24.9 Answers to check your progress exercises
24.0 OBJECTIVES
The Unit deals with the role and contribution of women in the various social and political
movements in India. After going through this unit, you will be able to know:
1
2
• The historical background of women’s movement in India.

• Major issues confronting women’s unity; and
• Role of the women in Politics.
24.1 INTRODUCTION
It will be easier to understand the role of women in the social and political movements of
India if we divide the study into the following categories
First, we shall try to have a panoramic view of the role of women in the 19th and the 20th
centuries, i.e. in the pre and post- colonial era.
We shall next, look into these movements from two broad angles, viz, (i) “for” women
and (ii) “by” women. (i) The period of reforms and nationalist struggle can be categorised
as “for” women since all the benefits and opportunities for advancement were fought for
and gifted by social reformers who, inevitably, were men. Women had eager and sincere
participation in India’s struggle for freedom, but the leadership was in the hands of men
only. Yet, this period is extremely significant as the “beginning of freedom” for women.
(ii) In the post-independence period women concentrated on their own freedom. The
foundation for this movement had been laid in the anti-British Raj days when women had
started discovering their identity through literature and their activities as “terrorists”.
They slowly became part of the world’s women’s movement and their role in the social
and political movements in their own country started becoming more and more
prominent.
24.2 Reforms for women in the 19th and early 20th centuries
The 19th century could well be called an age for women. Their rights and the wrongs
done to them, as well as their capacities and potentials, used to be the subjects of heated
discussions in Europe and even in the colonies. By the end of the century, feminist ideas
were in the minds of the “radicals” in England, France, Germany and even Russia. In
India, the wrongs against women began to be deplored by social reformers. Such
movement of ‘for’ women, ‘by’ men originated in Bengal and Maharashtra.
24.2.1 Against Sati
The Indian bourgeois class, that was born out of Westernisation, sought to reform the
society by initiating campaigns against caste, polytheism, idolatry, animism, purda, child-
marriage, sati and the like. These, to them, were elements of ‘pre-modern’ or primitive
society. The foreign missionaries had branded these as examples of “Hindu
barbarism” thus creating enough grounds for the colonial powers to rule. Ram Mohan
Roy and Bidyasagar managed to receive the required administrative and legal support
because of this. In 1817, Pandit Mrityunjay Bidyalankar declared that sati had no
2
3
“Shastric” sanction. One year later Governor william Bentinck prohibited Sati in his
province, viz, Bengal. It took 11 years for this prohibition to get extended to other parts
of India as the Sati Prohibition Act of 1929.
24.2.2 Widow Remarriage
In 1850s Pandit Ishwarchandra Bidyasagar, like Pandit Mrityunjay, proved from the
Shastras that the re-marriage of a widow is allowed. His was a long, difficult journey
through debats with orthodox pandits and banter from some of the pillars of then Hindu
society. The Vernacular (Bengali) press got filled with songs and satires both in support
and against. Such verses appeared in the designs of the woven cloths. They created
turmoil in society. Bidyasagar submitted a petition to the Governor General in 1855.
A Widow Remarriage Association had started in Madras in 1871, but was short lived. In
1878, Virasalingam started the Rajamundri Social Reform Association, focusing mainly
on widow re-marriage. In 1892, the Young Madras Party or the Hindu Social Reform
Association was launched. Aryan Brotherhood Conference, of which Ranade and N.M.
Joshi were members, once declared in one of its meetings, “let us no longer live in a
fool’s paradise in the fond belief that because we have managed to survive so long ..
under our present social arrangement, we will be able to survive for ever…”
Forty odd years since the Act was passed, there had been 500 widow re-marriages only,
though social reform organisations, championing the cause, had mushroomed all over
India. The majority of them were child or virgin widows. Widows from the upper caste,
who were not virgins, could not and did not- re-marry.
24.2.3 Rehabilitating of Prostitutes
Other notables, who fought for reforms in anti-woman socio religious customs, were
Jyotiba Phule, Dayanand Saraswati, Karve and women like Pandita Ramabai, Sister
Nibedita and Tagore’s sister Swarnakumari Devi. Bengal had witnessed rebellious spirits
like Madhusdan Datta and Henry Derozio. They both were powerful poets also. They
had invited the wrath of the reformers even by attacking male morality. Madhusdan
organised the prostitutes and inspired them to choose the profession of acting, instead.
According to a report in Amrita Bazar Patrika of 1869, 90% of Calcutta’s prostitutes

were widows, of whom a large number came from Kulin Brahmin families. The
“Kulins” were the most detestable group of Brahmins whose socially sanctioned
livelihood was to go on marrying and collecting dowries. Their day to day living was
also totally free as they kept on visiting their wives’ paternal homes as these ‘mararied’
women had to continue living in their fathers’ house. The number of such ‘wives’ could
very well exceed 100. So, with a single stroke of death (of one husband) at least 100
widows were available in the market as prostitutes.
We must make special note of the fact that Bidyasagar, the first and the greatest
protagonist of widow re marriage felt a moral repugnance towards this scheme of
rehabilitation of the prostitutes and did not think of stopping this abhorrent practice of
polygamy. Strangely, he could not realise that the number of widows will drastically
decline and thus the problem will become much less formidable if polygamy could be
strictly stopped.
24.2.4 Arya Samaj
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Swami Dayanand was rather revolutionary for his time. He disowned the caste system
and prescribed equal treatment to women quoting from the shastras. His Arya Samaj did
not impose any duties or obligations on women, which could not be applied to men
according to the Hindu lawgivers. In his representative book, “Satyartha Prakash”
Dayanand insisted that polygamy, child marriage and the seclusion of women did not
exist in Aryan India. He called for compulsory education for boys and girls both and that
there should be equal stress on tradition and modernity through the compulsory learning
of Sanskrit and English. He raised the age of marriage for girls and boys to 16 and 25,
respectively.
But Arya Samajis like Lala Lajpat Rai and Lal Chand opposed higher education for
women. They believed that if at all, ‘the character of girls’ education should be different,
because ‘the education we give to the girls should not unsex them’ Apart from basic
literacy, Arithmetic and some poetry, Arya Samaj religious literature, sewing,
embroidery, cooking, hygienic, drawing and music were the subjects taught. The Brahma
Samaj that started as a protest against idolatry and the backward pulling norms and rituals
of Brahminical Hindusim, was not free of this stereotype notion about girls and women.
The notion continued till the latter stages of our freedom movement. They only dissident
voice was of Subhas chandra Bose. Herin lies the justification behind dividing the ages
into “for” and “by” women. The women, at that time, had neither the awareness nor the
sensitivity to demand everything that were allowed to or given to men.
24.2.5 Prohibition of Child Marriage
In 1860 an Act was passed fixing the age of consent at 10. Behram Malabari, himself not
a Hindu, (a Parsi) started a campaign in support of this Act towards the end of the
century. He could manage to convince a good number of lawyers, doctors, teachers and
public servants. They believed, which was echoed in the statement by the Jessore Indian
Association, that “early marriage weakens the physical strength of a nation; it stunts its
full growth and development, it affects the courage and energy of the individuals and
brings forth a race of people weak in strength” and determination. In 1891, Tilak had led
an agitation against the Act and a modern visionary like Tagore had opposed in words
and deed!
Reform movements were so strong in the Bombay-Poona cultural belt that a few had the
courage to question even Brahminism the very base of Hinduism G.H. Deshmukh, a
socio-religious reformer for example, had argued in the 1840s that the “Brahmins should
give up their foolish concepts; they must accept that all men are equal and that everybody
has a right to acquire knowledge…”. But in 1871, he succumbed to threat to outcaste
him. As a consequence, he mellowed down.
CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 1
Note: i) Use the space below for your answers

ii) Check your answers at the end of the unit
1. Why can the 19th century be called the age for women?
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2. What do you know about the various attempts enforce widow re-marriage.?
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3. What was Dayanand Saraswati’s contribution?
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24.3 EDUCATION FOR WOMEN AND WOMEN EMERGING WITH

IDENTITY
24.3.1 Women in Literature and Literature by Women
By the late 19th century, social reform movements were beginning to show effects;
confidence and determination started getting observed in the life and work of some
women. Novelists like Nirupama Devi and Anurupa Devi started getting referred to in
the Bengali literary circles and were even given memberships of literary clubs which
were dominated by men. Tagore’s novels and short stories are full of women characters
who excel their husbands and other male admirers. A few examples are “Gora” and
“Gharey Bairey” by Tagore, “Anandamath” and “Debi Choudhurani” by Bankimchandra
and “Pather Debi” by Sharatchandra. In Tagore’s “Char Adhyay”, a nationalist woman,
seeking identity, is criticised and crushed by male ldadership-typical of politics even
today, which has largely remained a male domain. Almost all women activist were
literary writers also; literature and writings with literary flavour were commonly used as
side weapons with most of the male freedom fighters also. Some of the noted names
among women were Nagendrakala Mustafi, Mankumari Basu and Kamini Roy. Kashibai
Kanitkar was the first woman novelist from Maharashtra. Others were Mary Bhore,
Godavaribai Samaskar, Parvatibai and Rukminibai. In South, Kamala Sathinandan, the
editor of Indian Ladies Magazine, was a writer also. Sarala Debi, Kumudini Mitra and
Madame Cama had made marks in Journalism to promote the cause of revolution.
24.3.2 Women for Rights
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Madame Cama had the honour of unfurling a ‘Bande Mataram’ flag at 1907 Congress of
the Socialist International at Stuttgart, and, in 1913, Kumudini Mitra, more known as a
“terrorist”, was invited to the International Women’s Suffrage Conference at Budapest,
Hungary. Sarojini Naidu waited upon the committee, headed by Montague and Lord
chelmsford to demand a series of reforms in the condition of the Indian women. Sarala
Debi made representations before the committee on behalf of Bharat Stree Mahamandal.
At the sixth National Social conference in 1892, Hardevi Roshanlals, the editor of
“Bharat Bhagini” insisted that this platform was ‘more important’ than Congress, because
the former understood that:
The woman’s cause is man’s

They rise or sink together,
Dwarfed or god-like, bound or free.
Anandibai Joshi was the first woman doctor. She and Kantibai were stoned when they
dared wearing shoes and carrying umbrellas on the streets. These were symbols of male
and caste authority. Was women’s position better than that of the lower castes or the
untouchables? In 1882, Tarabai Shinde’s book, Stree Purush Tulana generated heated
discussions all over. She insisted that the faults, commonly ascribed to women, such as
superstition, suspicion, treachery and insolence, could be as much found in men. She
suggested to the women that, by the strength of their firm will, they remain always well
behaved, pure as fire and unblemished internally and externally. Tarabai also suggested
that men would have to hang their heads down in shame.
Mai Bhagawati, an “upadeshika” of the Arya Samaj had the confidence to speak in a
large public gathering in Haryana. In 1881, Manorama Majumdar, educated at home by
her husband, was appointed dhama pracharika by the Barisal Brahmo Samaj. As
expected, lot of heated debate followed questioning the ‘wisdom’ of carrying the issue of
women’s equality a little too far. Regular participation in the nationalist campaigns and
organisations had generated such a spirit that a group of Brahmo women walked through
the streets of Calcutta singing and speaking against the evils of purdah. These are
indisputable instances of initiatives or movements “by”women. But Indian National
Congress and other political parties were not yet prepared to acknowledge that potential
among women. Though the women delegates were allowed to sit on the dias, they were
not allowed to speak or vote on the resolutions.
24.3.3 Women for Women
Rabindranath Tagore’s sister Swarnakumari Debi launched “Sakhi Samiti” with the aim
of training widows to learn, to teach and thus become the most powerful agents of
spreading education among women. The Samiti organised crafts fairs in order to promote
women-centric cottage industries as a means of developing self-confidence (atmashakti)
and nationalism. Congress discovered great value in this kind of “meals”, but the male
leaders could not think beyond organising a separate women’s section.
Swarnakumari Debi’s daughter, Sarala Debi, was strikingly rebellious. She wanted to
flee the ‘cage’ or ‘prison’ of home and establish her right to an independent livelihood
like men. She started a gymnasium in 1902, where women were trained in the use of
sword and ‘lathi’. She can be called the architect of militant nationalism or even
revolutionary terrorism.
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24.3.4 Women in Nationalist Struggle
The 1905-8 Swadeshi movement in Bengal reflects the beginning of a women’s

participation in nationalist activities on a larger scale. Many of the wives, sisters and
daughters started forming support groups for the movement. Middle class nationalism
inspired women and girls who gave away jewelry as well as money. In the villages,
Handfuls of grains came as contributions. Militancy became such a feature of the
‘samitis’ in which women had active involvement that five such in East Bengal, viz
Swadesh Bandhab, Brati, Dhaka Anushilan, Suhrid and Sadhana, were banned in
January, 1909.
Purani Agyawati, a woman member of Hissar Arya Samaj, toured almost all over Punbaj,
pleading mothers to bring up their sons not for government service but as independent
manuacturers and traders of ‘swadeshi’. She also tried to convince that strict and blind
observance of caste norms prevent the mothers from giving great sons to the nation. In
Delhi, Agyavati opened a '‘Vidhava Ashram" to organise widows not only against
oppression and for their right to education, but also to train them in militant nationalism.
She was described as “a very bold woman” by the government, which was sufficiently
alarmed by her activities.
24.3.5 Women for Equality
Speaking to the Indian Social conference at Calcutta in 1906. Sarojini Naidu said,
“instruction may mean accumulation of knowledge, but education is an immeasurable,
beautiful and indispensable atmosphere in which we live and move and have our being…
How then shall a man dare to deprive a human soul of its immemorial inheritance of
liberty and life? Your fathers, in depriving your mothers of that birthrith, have robbed
you, their sons, of your just inheritance. Therefore, I charge you restore to your women
their … rights… you are, therefore, not the real nation-builders… Educate your women
and the nation will take care of itself…”
That there was a sense of great achievement among women and of new spaces opening
up for them was beautifully put by the Tamil nationalist poet Subramanya Bharati in his
poem, “The Dance of Liberation”, in 1920
Dance! Rejoice!
Those who said
It is evil for women to touch books
Are dead.
The lunatics who Said
They would lock women in their houses,
Cannot show their faces now.
A discourse on equality began to develop, in the late 1910s and 1920s, amongst women.
They used nationalists’ arguments to defend their demands for equal rights. Urmila Devi,
a militant woman, defined ‘swaraj’ as self-rule and ‘Swadhinata’ as the ‘strength and
power to rule over oneself’. Amiya Debi rightly felt that ‘Swadhinata’ cannot be given, it
has to be taken by force…. If it is left to the “well-wishing” men, then women’s adhinata
(dependence) along will get strengthened. The nationalist leaders, who were the first to
call women outside their home and household, believed in complementarity and not
sameness, which the revolutionary women demanded. The reformers and the ‘givers’
believed that women’s rights should be recognised because of women’s socially useful
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role as mothers. Women demanded equal rights because, as human beings, they have the
same needs, the same desires and the same capacities as men.
Prabhavati worked for a group in U.S.A called “Freedom for India and Ireland” and
Renuka Ray was associated with the “League Against British Imperialism” in England.
Pabhavati married M.N. Roy, the pioneer of communist movement in India, and got
equally involved with the revolutionaries and the communists. She joined hands with
Muzaffar Ahmad, poet Nazrul Islam and Hemanta Kumar Sarkar to organise the
scavengers as a member of the Workers and Peasants Party.
Note: i) Use the space below for you answers

ii) Check your answers at the end of the unit
1. Write, in brief, women’s first fight for rights during the colonial period.
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2. What was the role of Purani Agyavati in the nationalist struggle?
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3. How did women define “Swaraj” and “Swadhinata” during freedom struggle?
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24.4 WOMEN’S INDEPENDENT POLITICAL IDENTITY
24.4.1 Discrimination Against Women in Politics
No woman was chosen by Gandhi in his long list of 71 marchers to Dandi. Well-
recognised women, like Khurshid Naoroji and Margaret Cousins, protested strongly. But
the leader remained firm on his decision arguing that he had allocated a “greater role to
women than the mere breaking of salt laws”. But Sarojini Naidu defied and joined the
march at Dandi at the final stage and was the first woman to be arrested in that
movement. Once defiance cleared the path, and thousands of women joined the salt
satyagraha. This is generally remembered as the first time “the masses of Indian women”
got involved in the struggle for independence. Husbands now started getting proud of
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their wives in the jails; but they resented if their wives had not taken prior permission. A
few notable amongst these wives were Kasturba Glandhi, Kamaladebi Chattopadhyay,
Nellie Sengupta, Basanti Debi (Roy), Durgabai Deshmukh and Aruna Asaf Ali.
24.4.2 Women’s Initiatives in Politics
Lilabati Mitra helped Bidyasagar in 1890s to perform widow re-marriages by sheltering

willing grooms. Kamini Roy was active in the Ilbert Bill agitation, organising girls at the
Bethune School to hold meetings and wear badges supporting the Bill. She worked with
Banga Mahila Samiti in their social reform projects. Aghorekamini Nari Samiti mobilised
opinions against the ill-treatment of women workers by the tea planters. Prabhavati
Mirza had got inspired by Aurobindo’s terrorism.. At the age of ten only she fasted in
protest against Khudir am’s hanging and later turned out to be a committed trade uninist
of the 1930s.
24.4.2 Women “Terrorists”
Kumudini Mitra had organised a group of educated Brahmin women who liaised between
the revolutionaries in hiding. Women got increasingly involved with revolutionary
groups, popularly known, feared and revered as “terrorists”. In December, 1931, Shanti
Ghosh and Suniti Chowhhury shot a district Magistrate, Mr. Stevens, who had harassed
women more than the law, perhaps, permitted. Mina Das had atempted to shoot the
Governor of Bengal, Stanley Jackson in 1922. They had all acted on their own and the
first two were sentenced to transportation for life. Preetilata Wadedar led a raid on a club
that the Europeans frequented. The bomb killed one and injured four. Preetilatae,
clothed in male attire took cyanide to avoid arrest. A paper stating that the raid was an
“act of war” was recovered from her person. On the same day pamphlets were
distributed exhorting teachers, students and the public to join the campaign against the
British rulers and the Europeans. Sarala Debi and Sister Nibediata were also closely
related to and inspired by the Bengal terrorists.
24.5 MAJOR ISSUES CONFRONTING WOMEN’S UNITY
24.5.1 Communalism and Casteism
The issue of communalism was taken up by All India women’s Conference (AIWC) in
the thirties. In 1932 both their district branches and the annual conference organised
protests against the reservation of separate seats for women in the legislatures applying
communal criteria. The Bombay branch, for example, got involved in riot relief and the
Andhra Pradesh branch started a campaign against religious prayers in the schools. The
organisation was, perhaps, the first to raise demands for uniform civil code so that
women cannot be subdued and tortured by religious dictums and caste obligations. They
demanded exactly the same law for all women of India- whatever may be their caste or
religion.
Unfortunately, by 1940s communal tensions manifested among the members themselves,

as a result of the increasingly hostile relations between the congress and the Muslim
League. By 1944 most of the Muslim women left AIWC. After partition and migration
to Pakistan, they formed All Pakistan Women’s Conference, thus belying the very
purpose of this organisation. The AIWC in India continued to work against
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communilsim, casteism and patriarchal oppression and started getting members from all
religious groups, though the Hindu and the Dalits are many more in number.
Communalism and casteism have taken a horribly violent and ugly form ever since the
carving out of the country on communal lines; Intolerance of the lower castes and of the
religious and racial minorities has increased by leaps and bounds; mobilisation among
women in protest and self-defence has also become stronger and wider. The other modes
of oppressions, related to and born out of patriarchy and the concetration of wealth and
power in the hands of a few, have also motivated the women’s movement in India. The
number of such organisations is so large and the area of their activities is so vast that it is
simply impossible to make individual note of them within the extremely limited scope of
this lesson. The students will have to rely on their general knowledge and daily
newspaper reading.
24.5.2 Daily Encounters with Oppression

i) Against Alcohol
Bhil women were the first known to have raised their voice against the alcohol menance
by breaking liquor pots in 1972. We know of so many such after that, the most sustained
and successful having been The Anti-Arrack Movement in Nellore in Andhra Pradesh.
Alcoholism is understood by women and the men who fight for women’s cause, as a
major cause behind wife-beating and family violence. Unending or increasing
impoverishment of a family is also mainly because of man’s income being wasted on this
menace. That is why all women’s bodies take up alcohol as a major issue, apart from
dowry and sexual abuse, in fact all anti-liquor movements gradually get involved in all
other problems facing women. Even the movements for environmental protection, e.g
the Chipko movement, the movement for equal land rights, e.g the Bodhgaya, and the
movement for a separate political entity, like. Uttaranchal, could not separate itself from
the age-old day to day problems that have not allowed women, from the socially and
economically backward section particularly, to see the light of freedom.
ii) Against Dowry

Progressive Organisation of women, Hyderabad was the first to organise powerful
movement against dowry in 1975. It used to attract more than 2000 men and women in
their demonstrations and the anger had spread to Maharashtra, Karnataka, Madhya
Pradesh, Gujarat and even to as far as Punjab and Bengal. But the movement took deep
and permanent roots in and around Delhi because the problem was, and is, much more
acute and gruesome in this clutural belt. Mahila Dakshata Samiti was the pioneer body in
Delhi in this regard. Now its scope, like in case of all other similar organisations, has
spread over to all other areas concerning women’s oppression and subjugation.
iii) Against Sexual Abuse Rape and other forms of sexual abuse are the most
common and frequent of crimes against women and yet, the most unreported.
This is the most easily available and ego-satisfying weapon in the hands of male
power not merely to overpower women, but even to overpower men from the
deprived and oppressed communities. Apart from rapes within the family or due
to personal lust or enmity, rapes are quite common occurrence in communal and
caste tensions and in police custody. The agitation against rape, for the first time,
started against police rape. The rape of Ralmmeza Bi in police custody became a
symbol. The movement is ever-increasing in area, support and anger, yet the
upward trend in the number of incidents is not getting checked. Shakti Shalini,
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Sasbala Mahila Sangha, Janvadi Mahila Samiti are some of the striking names in
this field. The last named has been organisaing women in their political battles
also. The latest over-riding issue for women of all categories, of course, has been
the reservation of seats in the highest decision- making bodies of the land.
All forms of male domination, in fact, were based on women’s economic dependence.
The two primary structures of women’s oppression were thus, the sexual division of
labour and the culture and politics that rationalised it. On the other hand, Mahilal Samata
Sainik Dal, like most other women’s bodies, believed that men’s base desire for sexual
pleasure had led them to enslave women. What is fascinating about the movements
against various forms of violence and women’s movements have basically sprung as an
urge to resist and protest is how these have woven together several different kinds of
attitudes towards women: from feminist to anti –patriarchal to anti capitalist to utopian
patriarchalism. The last is held mostly by men who feel it is their duty to protest and care
for their women.
A whole new set of personal relationships developed in the feminist movement of

friendships which cut across class, caste and cultural barriers, even though, to some
extent, these friendships remained unequal. The middle class women, who usually were
the leaders or organisers, acted more out of a sense of duty, and the poor from a position
of helplessness and gratitude. Yet, the growth of a new sense of ‘individuality’ was
clearly visible.
24.5.3 Environment and Livelihood
As explained by Engels, ownership of land and the means of production controls all
categories of human relationships and is, therefore, the basis of patriarchy. Even in the
age of highly advanced science and technology, food and all that a human being needs
come from Nature and environment. We also know that from the day one of human
existence, women have been the food gatherer and food provider; and therefore, women
are the worst affected as a result of environmental degradation and indiscriminate robing
of Nature. That is why, women’s movement has been most powerful with regard to their
and their family’s livelihood and the conservation of Nature. It started with women
breaking forest laws in pre-independence India. Chipko and Narmada Bachao
movements are good examples in this regard. ‘Self-employed Women’s Association
(SEWA)” is the fist known organisation in India and South Asia, which united the
women workers in the unorganised and the home-based sectors. This perhaps, is the
most successful and sustained women’s movement since it got closely tied up with
‘Mahila Kosh’ or women’s co-operative bank. It has inspired many similar movements
in Bangladesh, Nepal and elsewhere in South Asia. The Self-employed Women’s Union
of South Africa has copied the model in totality and these two, to gather, have been able
to influence ILO to enact international laws, giving recognition and protection to the
home-based workers (the majority of whom are women from the most deprived sections
of a economy). The ‘Grameen Bank’ of Bangladesh had become another widely
acknowledged model for women’s economic independence.
Note: i) Use the space below for your answers.

ii) Check your answers at the end of the unit.
1. Write what you know about the activities of a few women terrorists.
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1. Explain why alcoholism has been taken as a major cause for violence against
women.
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2. What do you think is/are the basic reason/s behind violence against women?
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24.6 WOMEN IN POLITICS OR POLITICS ‘BY’ WOMEN
In section 24.4 you have read, in brief about women’s independent political identity or
initiative. In this section you will be able know a few instances where such initiatives
looked more pronounced.
24.6.1 Telengana Movement
Women’s participation was significant in the Telengana movement for land and related
Eco-political rights. Though the leadership was with men, the movement could have died
early if not for the strong and sustained motivation from the women. It started against the
injustices for the British Raj (1941), and continued against the continuation of the
injustices even under their own government (till 1952).
24.6.2 Bodh Gaya Movement
Another landmrk movement for land, i.e., livelighoold, or economic rights “by” women
was the forceful acquisition of the ‘patta’ by the peasant women, who had collected from
in and around Bodh Gaya (Bihar). The men were not putting in enough efforts or
resources into the land due to drinking and other bad habits. The unexpected success
became a terrific inspiration for all united efforts by women. But, the success here was
unique and exceptional; in most other cases success was not in their fate, and Bihar
continues to be one of the top States in social injustice and oppression of women.
24.6.3 Dalit Women’s Movement
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It will not be wrong to say that the Dalit women got first organised by a self-taught Dalit
couple, the Phules, in Maharashtra. They (Phule couples) can also be called one of the
founders of the movement for women’s rigshts in the 19th Century. At present, Janvadi
Mahila Samiti is the strongest supporter of this movement. The Dalit women felt the
need to organise themselves separately, both from their men and the other women,
mainly because of two reasons: (i) Dalit men, however oppressed themselves, do not stop
oppressing their own women; and (ii) The non-Dalit women, however sincere, fail to
comprehend the ‘double’ oppression that a Dalit women invariably suffers.
24.6.4 Adivasi Women’s Movement
In the North Cachhar hills of Nagaland, Gudiallo, affectionately called ‘Rani’, became
famous for her role in the civil disobedience movement. She got involved at a very early
age of 13, inspired by her male cousin Jadonang, who was active in mobilising the
villagers in Manipur. In 1931-32, Gudiallo led a ‘no tax’ campaign, having taken over
the reins of leadership from her cousin brother who was hanged by the Raj. These
villagers stopped paying the compulsory levies on porterage and started refusing to work
as forced labour.
This is one of many such indigenous and spontaneour peoples’ movements which used to
be strongly discouraged and disowned by the ‘mainstream’ nationalist politics. This
trend and the attitude of deciding what is good and what is necessary for the other or
others is the foundation of patriarchy and capitalism (and, of course, imperialism), and
continues to this day even after independence. That is why the adivasis, the dalits and the
women are continuing to fight their battles even after more then half century of India
attaining freedom. At present, the war against environmental degradation is fought
mainly by the adivasis or the sons and daughters of Nature, because robbing of Nature
means robbing of their livelihood and culture. The mainstreem government of
independent India does not realise that our country is, once again, getting colonised by
the world market forces.
24.6.5 Movement through Literature, Theatre and other Forms of Expression
Section 24.3.1 has given us a brief idea about women’s contribution to their own
movement through literature during the pre-independence social reform and political
movement period. There was a bit of a lull in the first few decades after independence.
May be the women took a little time to realise that 1947 did not bring any independence
for them. Lately, with the rising strength in the women’s movement for equality, there
has been a spurt in writings, films and plays by women and on women. Powerful women
writers like Arundhuti Roy, are trudging the ‘women only’ field and taking up the cause
of humanism or universal human rights much more forcefully than men. Women are
making men realise that their good lies in women’s good and that women’s good lies in
the good of the entire humanity.
Note: i) Use the space below for your answers

ii) Check your answers at the end of this unit
1. What is the very special problem faced by a dalit women ?
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24.8 SOME KEY WORDS
Colonial: relating to or characteristic of a colony. A colony is a territory and a people,

occupied and ruled over by an imperialist power or imperialist mentality
Reform: amendment of what is defective, vicious, corrupt or depraved;

removal or correction of an abuse, wrong or errors.
Feminist ideas: ideas born out of the belief that women are equal to men with
regard to political, economic and social rights.
Gender: the socially established division between man and woman with the
implied belief that women are inferior to men in every aspect of
life.
Radicals: marked by a considerable departure from the usual or traditional; a

political group associated with views, practices and policies of
extreme change.
Bourgeois: one with social behaviour and political views influenced by private
property interests and consumerism.
Westernisation: conversion to or adoption of the traditions and the latest culture of

the highly industrialised countries, generally in the western
hemisphere.
Polygamy: the custom of having more than one wife at the same time.
Suffrage: the right to vote (in political matters or for the formation of a
government).
Kumar, Radha, The History of Doing, Kali for women, New Delhi, 1993.
Sanghari, Kumkum and Vaid, Sudesh (eds.), Recasting Women: Essays in colonial
History, Kali for women, New Delhi, 1989.
Liddle, Joanna and Joshi, Rama (eds.), Daughters of Independence: Gender, Cast and
Class, Kali for Women, New D`elhi, 1986.
Gail Omvedt: Cultural Revolt in a Colonial Society
Gail Omvedt : We will smash this prison
24.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXECCISES
Check Your Progress Excercise 1
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1) It was called so because attempts to introduce the social reforms for the
improvement of the conditions of the women were made during this period. The
evils which were sought to be eliminated included tradition of sati, child marriage,
ban on the widow-remarriage, purda system, etc.
2) Pandit Ishwarchandra Bidyasagar and Pandit Matrunjay proved that the the
Shastras approved the widow-remarriage; widow-remarriage associations were
formed and the widow re-marriage ruled were made.
3) He founded the Arya Samaj which attempted to fight the caste system, tradition of
polygamy, child marriage, and for the compulsory learning of Sanskrit and
English.
1) These instances were: in 1907 Madan Cama unfurled the “Bande Matram” flag at the
Congress of Socialist International at Stuttgart; in 1913 Kumudini Mitra was invited
to the International Women’s Suffrage Conference at Budapest; Sarojini Naidu, Sarla
Debi and Hardevi Roshalal were also among the first women to raise the issues of the
women.
2) As a member of the Arya Samaj she toured almost all over Punjab pleading to the
women not to encourage their sons to join the government jobs but to become the
“swadeshis”.
3) According to them the “swaraj” and “swadhinata” meant self rule , and the “strength
and power to rule over oneself “ respectively.
1) They participated in the Indian National Movement by killing the British officers,
and by appealing to students, teachers and public to revolt against the colonial
system.
2) Alcoholism has the adverse impact on the entire family. The women revolted
against it by launching the Ant-Arrack Movements in several parts of the country,
especially Andhra Pradesh and Uttaranchal.
3) The violence against women get expressed in the form of rape, dowry death,
domestic violence, etc. The main reasons for this lie in their vulnerable social,
economic and educational conditions, and the values of the people.
1) The dalit women face dual problems of discrimination: they face the general
problems which are faced by the women belonging to all castes, and the problems
which are faced by the dalit women due to their caste status.
15
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UNIT 25 DALITS
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Structure
25.0 Objectives
25.1 Introduction
25.2 Who is a dalit and what is a dalit Movement?
25.3 Dalit Movement in India
25.3.1 Dalit Movement in the Colonial Period
25.3.2 Dalit Movement in the Post – colonial Period
25.3.3 Causes of dalit Movement
25.4 Let Us Sum Up
25.5 Key Words
25.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercise
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25.0 OBJECTIVES
_________________________________________________________________
After reading this unit, you will be able to:
• Understand the meaning of dalit movement in India;
• To identify the issues/problems involved in the dalit movement;
• To know various forms of dalit movement;
• To know phases through which the dalit movement has passed; and
• Analyse the role of dalits and their organisations in the electoral politics.
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25.1 INTRODUCTION
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Last few decades have seen a spate of dalit movement in various parts of the
country. This is reflected in their social, cultural and political activities at various
levels, i.e., state, local and all India. A large number of social and cultural
organisations of dalits, their political parties and leaders have emerged in various
2
parts of the country. Though in most parts of the country they are not able to
assert themselves, yet in the areas where favourable situation exists dalits are
asserting themselves. They have become a decisive force in the social and
political processes of the country. The contemporary dalit movement is taking
place along with the social and political movements of various other social groups
like women, tribals, environmentalists, workers and peasants.
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25.2 WHO IS A DALIT AND WHAT IS A DALIT MOVEMENT?
_________________________________________________________________
Dalits are those groups of people who have faced social discrimination including
the untouchability. They largely belong to the economically disadvantaged groups
of our society. They are placed in the Scheduled Caste categories in our
constitution. The category of dalits was first used by Jyotiba Phule in the
nineteenth century. It was first popularly used by the Dalit Panther in the 1970s.
But it has come in currency quite recently – from the 1980s onwards. It has
almost replaced the category of harijans used for the dalits or Scheduled Castes.
The term Scheduled Castes was in common use till the term of dalit became more
popular from the 1980s onwards. There are special provisions for the protection
of their interests in our constitution – reservation in the public jobs, scholarships,
legislative bodies, etc. Universal adult franchise and other constitutional rights
have enabled them to participate in political activities.
Dalit movement raises issues of caste-based discrimination and economic
inequality. It is a struggle for social justice. The issues on which dalit movement
is launched are: self – respect, harassment of women, payment of wages, forced
labour or begar, disputes over land, implementation of the reservation policy,
promotion in the job, denial of democratic rights like casting of votes, disrespect
to Dr. B.R. Amebedkar/his statue, etc. Dalits protest and agitate on these issues
in various ways which include mainly informal ways, at individual basis, through
the organised ways, satyagraha and litigation, by getting these raised either in the
parliament or in the legislative assemblies. Dalit movement/agitation is also
expressed through collective action like demonstration, rallies, procession;
through signature campaign, protest literature, etc. Some times their agitation
result in the clashes between dalits, police and the those elements in the society
who are inimical to the interests of dalits.
3

Note: i) Use the space below for your answer
ii) Check your answer with model answer given at the end of unit.
1) What do you mean by the term dalit?
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2) What the main issues raised by the dalit movement?
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25.3 Dalit Movement in India
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Dalit movement in India is taking place at various levels such as those of villages
and towns, state and all India (nation). It is taking place in those areas where
dalits are in a position to agitate, as still in many parts of the country they are not
able to raise their voice. Therefore, certain trends can be identified in the dalit
movement in the country from the regions where it has been taking place. Dalit
movement in India can be divided into two periods; pre- Independence period and
post – Independence period.
25.3.1 Dalit Movement in the Colonial Period

During the pre-Independence period, there were dalit movements at both levels
in India – the national and the provincial. At the national level M K Gandhi and
Dr. B R Ambedkar attempted to take up the problems of dalits. But Ambedkar
and Gandhi followed different approaches to solve them. Gandhi found
untouchability as a corrupt form of Hinduism, and suggested that it can be solved
by moral reform of the Hindus. He coined the term “harijans” with the purpose to
4
say that dalits or untouchables were also “people of God” like those of the high
castes. Ambedkar on the other hand saw the real cause untouchability in the very
nature of Hinduism and suggested that only solution to the untouchability or caste
discrimination lay in abolition of Hinduism or conversion of dalits into other
religion, preferably Buddhism. Before actually questioning the tenets of
Hinduism or advocating conversion Ambedkar had tried to eradicate
untouchability within the fold of Hindu region. Regarding this he launched the
temple entry movement. The most important incident which drastically changed
attitude Ambedkar about the Hindu religion was the Mahad Satyagrah of 1927 in
Maharastra. In this incident Ambedkar led a large number of dalits to enter into
the Chowdar water tank which was banned for the untouchables by the orthodox
Hindus. Ambedkar’s move was opposed by the orthodox Hindus, who ritually
purified the tank. The reaction of the orthodox Hindus forced Ambedkar to burn
the Manusmriti, and remark in 1935 “ I have been born a Hindu but I will not die
a Hindu“. He realised that the basic problem lay with the Hinduism and for dalits
to be liberated from the menace of untuchability, conversion was the only
panacea. This conviction of Ambedkar resulted in his conversion to Budhhism in
1956 with a large number of his supporters.
There were leaders at the provincial levels also who were involved in combating
the problems of dalits. There were also single caste movements in different parts
of India – of Nadars, Pulayas, Ezhavas in South; of Namsudra movement in West
Bengal; Adi Darm movement led by Mangoo Ram and Adi Hindu movement led
by Acchutananda among the Chamars of Punjab and Uttar Pradesh respectively,
Narayana Guru led movement among the Ezahavas in Trivancorer and Ayyakali-
led movement among the Pulayas of Kerala. These movement were committed to
self-reform in the rituals, advancement of their education, gaining access to
employment under state. Dalit movement of Pulayas traced their origin to the pre-
Aryan period and described them as the original residents of the country –
Hindus or the high castes had come later on. Mangoo Ram traced the religion of
the untouchables prior to the Hindu religion. According to him the untouchables
were the original inhabitants (Adi) of India; they had their own religion - the Adi
Dharm. The Adi Dharmis had been pushed to the subordinate positions by the
later arrivals. He tried to revive the Adi Dharm. By the mid-1930s the movement
had petered out. Sri Narayana Guru (1857-1928) developed a critique of
Hinduism in Travancore which had influence beyond his own Ezahava
5
community to Pulayas, etc. His philosophy was “one caste, one religion and one
God for man”. With the emergence of Ayyakali (1863 – 1941) Pulayas also
became effective. Pulayas were later attracted towards the Marxists and
Gandhians in Kerala. In Hyderabad princely state, P R Venkataswami attempted
to mobilise the untouchables. The main plank of his mobilisation were self-
reform, education and equality. Dalit movement in South and West during the
1920s and 1930s also focused on permission to enter the temples.
The provincial level dalit leadership also responded to the social reform
movements of North India which took place in the early decades of the twentieth
century like the Arya Samaj. But finding the leadership of these movements
belonging to the high castes, too patronising and their notion of equality too
restricted, they parted company with these movement. This was followed by their
independent course of action. It happened in UP and Punjab. Similarly in Madras
MC Raja found the Non-Brahmin Justice Party inimical to the interest of the
untouchables.
Apart from these, the dalits, especially the Chamars, of Madhya Pradesh
(Chhattisgarh) had already been under the influence of the Satnami movement
since the 18th century inspired by the legacy of the leadership of Guru Ghashi
Das. The Satnamis questioned the notion of social and ritual hierarchy in two
simultaneous ways: by rejecting the Hindu gods and goddesses, and by rejecting
the puja and purohit within the temple. The was in line with the Bhakti tradition.
With the entry of Ambedkar and his conflict with Gandhi over separate electorate
to the untouchables, catapulted Ambedkar to national level politics of the
untouchables in India. From the 1930s onwards – Amdedkar started his
movement with the issue temple entry.
A major area of difference in the earlier years of the twentieth century between
Congress and Ambedkar was regarding the issue which had be given priority
over the other in the programme of the Congress. Ambedkar believed that the
Congress should accord the social issues priority over the political issues. He felt
that political rights can not be enjoyed without establishing social equality.
Congress on the other hand believed that once political rights have been given to
the people, social equality can be established.
Dalit politics in the following period was marked by the conflict between
Ambedkar and Gandhi. The occasion when the differences between Ambedkar
and Gandhi came to the fore was Round Table Conferences of 1930-31. By then
6
having understood the futility of the temple or tank entry movement, Ambedkar
focused on the need for giving representation to dalits, as a separate and minority
community in various public bodies.
Ambedkar sought into national prominence following his differences over the
nature of electorates at the Second Round Table Conference of 1931 in London;
the conference had met to discuss the Simon Commission Report which had
suggested joint electorate and reservation for the Depressed Classes. Ambedkar
was one of the two Depressed Classes representatives invited to the Conference.
Ambedkar demanded separate electorate for the Depressed Classes. Ambedkar’s
claim was supported by another representative of the Depressed Classes from
Madras – MC Raja. But Gandhi opposed Ambedkar’s proposal for the separate
electorate for the Depressed Classes. Raja changed his position and entered into
an agreement with Munje, President of the Hindu Mahasabha to support the joint
electorate. Raja – Munje pact divided the leadership of the untouchables.
Ambedkar was supported by the Mahar leaders from Maharastra, Adi Dharm
Mandals from Punjab and one of the organs of the Bengali Namsudras. Raja’s
supporters included prominent Chambhar leaders from Maharastra. Gandhi on the
other hand set on fast unto death on September 20, 1932 against the Communal
Award of the British which advocated the separate electorate. In order to avoid
unpalatable situation which could result following fast of Gandhi, Ambedkar
relented and entered into a Pact with Gandhi known as Poona Pact. According to
it separate electorate was removed and instead reservation was introduced in the
legislative bodies for the untouchable castes. The recommendations of Poona Pact
were incorporated in the Government of India Act, 1935. As a result there was
reservation in the legislative assemblies during the election of 1937. Ambedkar’s
party Independent Labour Party contested this election. He later converted ILP
into the Scheduled Caste Federation (SCF). Later on, Raja had become supporter
of Ambedkar. After his death, the supporters of Ambedkar formed Republican
Party of India (RPI). On the other hand, Congress and Gandhi were patronising
towards the untouchables; Jagjivan Ram emerged from such patronage.

7
1) Discuss the dalit movements at the provincial level during the colonial period.
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2) Discuss the nature of relationship between Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, M.K. Gandhi.

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25.3.2 Dalit Movement in the post – colonial Period

Dalit movement in the post – Independence period in India can be divided into
three phases, i.e., phase I (1950s – 1960s), phase II (1970s –1980s); and phase III
(1990s onwards. There has been a common feature of dalit politics through out
the post – Independence period, especially from the 1960s onwards, e.g., to strive
to have a party of their own or a party led by the dalits. The shift in dalit support
from the Congress to RPI in the 1960s, to the Janata Party in 1977, the Janata Dal
in 1989 and to the BSP in the 1990s onwards are examples of this desire of the
dalits. Several factors have contributed to the rise of dalit movement, especially
from the 1980s onwards. These include emergence of a new generation among
dalits, which is conscious of their rights, explosion of mass media and the impact
of the ideas of Dr. B R Ambedkar.
Phase I (1950s – 1960s)
Implementation of the universal adult franchise, reservation in educational and
political institutions, and in jobs for the Schedules Castes as per the provisions
of the constitution enabled a large number of them to take advantage of these
facilities in the period following independence. Along with these the state in India
introduced several programmes for the betterment of the disadvantaged groups of
the society, especially the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Though in
Most parts of the country the Scheduled Castes could not benefit from the
measures introduced by the state due several practical reasons, yet these did help
them wherever suitable conditions existed for them. Besides, the political parties,
8
especially Congress party attempted to mobilise them as its vote bank. Despite the
difficulties in availing of their right to vote in many parts of the country,
politicisation of the dalits took place to a considerable extent. Such process made
them conscious of their rights. The policies and strategies of the Congress helped
it create its social base which consisted of Dalits as major social group. The
politicisation of dalits during this phase took as a constituent of the social base of
the political parties, especially the Congress. Meanwhile, there emerged the first
generation of dalit leadership borne after independence, which included educated
middle class professional as well. This group became critical of dominant
political parties and the cultural ethos, especially the Congress and the Hindu
belief system. They started feeling that the Congress was using them as the vote
bank; the high castes were holding the leadership of this party and not allowing
dalits to get the leadership. On the cultural front they felt that the Hindu religion
does not provide them a respectable place. Therefore, in order to live respectfully
they should discard Hindu religion and convert to Buddhism. The advocates of
this opinion were influenced by the ideas of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. They formed
Republican Party of India (RPI) based on the ideas and principles of Ambedkar.
In the late 1950s and 1960s RPI launched a cultural and political movement in UP
and Maharastra for achieving political and cultural autonomy form the dominant
formations. A large number of dalits got converted to Budhhism. The RPI
emerged one of the important political parties in the assembly and parliamentary
elections held in UP during the 1960s. But the RPI could not remain a force in UP
after the 1960s because its main leadership got co-opted into the Congress, a party
against whom it had launched movement in the preceding decade.
The Second phase (1970s – 1980s)
This phase was marked by the combination of class and caste struggles. In the
rural areas of West Bengal, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh the naxalite movement
launched a struggle against the caste and class exploitation. In the cities of
Bombay and Pune, the Dalit Panther launched the similar kind of movement.
Dalit Panther Movement
An educated group of dalits – young dalit writers and poets, in two major cities
of Maharastra set up an organisation known as Dalit Panther in 1972. Influenced
by Amedkarism, Marxism and “Negro literature”, they aimed at rejecting the
caste system, which according to them was based on the Brahmincal Hinduism.
Spreading their ideas through the media and communication network, through the
9
discussions and debate in the public space, i.e., offices, houses, tea shops, public
libraries, dalit writes and poets provided the critique of the Hindu caste system
and exploitative economic system.
The origin of the Dalit Panther can be traced to a controversy which centered
around the articles and poems written by dalit writers in a socialist magazine,
Sadhana. Raja Dhale’s writing was most controversial of these writings. The
controversy centered around two points; his comparison of a fifty rupee fine for
molesting a dalit woman with hundred rupees – fine for insulting the national
flag; another point was repetition of the points which were made earlier at the
publication ceremony of the collected poems – Golpitha, of Namdev Dhasal,
another noted dalit - Marxist writer. The Golpitah poems were also related to the
exploitation of women.
The high caste middle class felt outraged by the articles and demanded banning
of the issue of Sadhna which carried the article by Raja Dhale. Dalit youths in
reaction also organised a defence march holding a red-on-black Panther flag. In
order to give up the conventional organisational nomenclature, they gave a new
name to their organisation Dalit Panther. The activists of Dalit Panther belonged
to first generation educated youth, whose parents were poor peasants and
labourer, who had inherited the lagecy of Ambedkar movement.
Initially the movement proclaimed to have an alliance of exploited people –
dalits, backward classes, workers and peasants. Its programme centered around
the problems of women, rejection of Brahaminical principles of purity and
pollution, and fight against all kinds of political and economic exploitation. In the
tradition of Ambedakarism, they aimed at achieving the political power.This
movement grow in the wake of the failure of the Republican Movement of the
1970s which suffered because of the personality differences of its leadership.
With its main leadership having joined either the Congress or any other
formation, the RPI movement had become almost an insignificant force. But the
seeds sown by this movement resulted in the formation of Dalit Panther and its
movement. But like the RPI movement, it had to suffer from the split. Two main
leaders of the Dalit Panther Raja Dhale and Namdev Dhasal developed
differences on the ideological ground. The former an ardent Ambedkarite accused
Namdev Dhasal, a marxist of ignoring the caste problem and helping the
communists to peneterate the Dalit Panther movement. This ultimately resulted in
expulsion of Dhasal from Dalit Panther in 1974. Raja Dhale formed a separate
10
group of Dalit Panther. In 1976, the younger members of Dhale group led by
Arun Kamble and Ram Das Athavale formed a new organisation Bharatiya Dalit
Panther, in an attempt to give it an all India face. It took up the issues relating to
education system, facilities to the Buddhist converts, renaming the Marathwada
University at Aurangabad as Ambedkar University, and “nationalisation of basic
industries”. But this also could not make any dent.
The Dalit Panther could not be able to make an alliance of all exploited. It got
divided between the Ambedkarites and Marxists, particularly after the 1974 by
election to the Bombay parliamentary constituency.
Naxalite Movement in Bihar
Unlike the dalits of west UP or Maharastra, those of Bihar did not experience
anti-caste movement in the colonial period. While the non-dalit peasantry was
mobilised by different peasant or caste organisations in Bihar, dalits largely
remained the vote banks of political parties. Jagjivan Ram did not make any
efforts to mobilise them excepting for getting their votes. It was only since the
late 1960s that dalits of central Bihar were initiated into the political movement.
But it was not the exclusively on the caste lines; it was on the mix of caste and
class exploitation. In Bihar there seemed to one to one relationship between caste
and class to a considerable extent. The landlords formed their caste senas (private
armies) in order to protect their class interests. The dalits got organised there on
the caste and class lines. It was a backward class leader a koeri, Jagdish Mahto
who made first attempts to mobilise the dalits of Arrah district. Influenced by the
dual ideologies of Marxism and Ambedkarism, he started a paper called
“Harijanistan” (dalit land) in Arrah district. He believed in the violent methods,
including murder of the landlords in fighting the cause of the dalits. He raised the
issues of low wages to the land less workers, protection of izzat of dalit women
and social honour. He was murdered in 1971.
Dalit mobilisation in Bihar got momentum again in the 1980s following the spade
of attacks by the private army of the landlords such as “Bhoomi Sena” (of the
Kurmis), “Lorik Sena” ( of the Rajputs) on dalits. In reaction to this the labourers
formed “Lal Sena”. As the larger number of the victims of the landlords sena
included dalits, they formed the larger chunk of the supporters of the naxalism.
The naxalites attempted to unite the middle caste and the middle peasants. They
11
set up organisations like “Liberation”, “Party Unity” in Patna and Jehanabad

districts. Party Unity set up an public organisation Mazdur Kisan Sangram Samiti
(MKSS) in collaboration of ex-socialist Dr. Vinayan. The MKSS along with
another organisation (Bihar Pradesh Kisan Sabaha – BPKS) which was formed at
that time organised demonstrations in 1981. These two organisations formed
underground armies and fought against the gangs of the landlords. They also
fought among themselves. In 1983 the Liberation group formed another public
front, The Indian Peoples’ Front (IPF). The IPF contested 1985 election. This
showed a change in the perspective of the naxalite groups, which changed from
emphasis on the “agrarian revolution” to “taking state power”.
Dalit movement in Karnataka
In Karnataka also dalits organised into the Dalit Sanghasrsh Samiti (DSS). It was
an organisation which was set up in 1973 and set up its units in most districts of
Karnataka. Like Bihar it also took up caste and class issues and attempted to build
an alliance of diverse groups of the exploited classes. It also brought dalits of
different persuasions – Marxism, socialism, Ambedkarism, etc, under the banner
of a single organisation. During 1974 and 1784 it took up the issues relating to
wages of the agricultural labourers, devdasi and reservation. It held study groups
to discuss the problems of dalits. The DSS was formed following the resignation
of a dalit leader Basavalingappa, who was asked to do so by the chief Minister
Devraj Urs. This leader referred to the literature of the high caste with Bhoosa
(cattle fodder). This outraged the students belonging to the high castes, leading to
the caste rights between the high castes and dalits. Incensed by consequences of
the remarks of the minister the chief minister had asked him to resign. The
Bhoosa controversy set a strong anti-caste tendency, which was represented a
journal Dalit Voice set up by a journalist Rajshekhar. Dalit Voice attacked
Brahmins as “Nazis” and the left movement as “ Brahmo –Communist” and
termed dalits as “born Marxists”. According to the editor of Dalit Voice the main
issue in the dalit-OBC mobilisation is not the alliance between the dalits and the
OBCs, the leadership of dalits over the OBCs.
Phase III ( 1990s onwards)

12
The 1990s have seen the proliferation of dalit organisations in in different states
of the country. The case of the BSP in Uttar Pradesh is most important. Though
the RPI had been influential in Uttar Pradesh like Maharshtra since the 1950s, the
rise of the BSP has been the most striking feature of dalit identity and politics in
Indi. It has been able to lead the government in Uttar Pradesh thrice with a dalit
woman Mayawati as the chief minister. The BSP was founded on April 14, 1984
by its president Kashi Ram. Before forming the BSP Kashi Ram mobilised dalits
under the banner of two organisations, i.e., the BAMCEF (All India Backward
and Minority Employees Federation) and DS4 (Dalit Soshit Samaj Sangharsh
Samiti). These were social and cultural organisations with their focus on the
mobilisation of the dalit middle classes. With the formation of the BSP, Kashi
Ram changed the social and cultural organisations into a political party – the BSP.
The BSP aimed to mobilise the majority other sections of the society, the Bahujan
Samaj, consisting of the dalits, backward class and religious minorities which
excluded the high castes like Brahmans, Rajputs, and Banias. The BSP believes
that the minority high castes have been using the votes of the majority
communities or the Bahujan Samaj. They did not let them become the leaders or
the rulers. As in a democracy it is the majority who should rule, the Bahujan
Samaj should become the ruling class. There was a need to reverse the pattern of
power game in the country; the Bahujan Samaj should no longer allow the
minority high castes to use them as the vote banks. Rather the Bahjan Samaj
should be the rulers. With this perspective the BSP contested the assembly and
parliamentary elections in several states in the country from 1985 onwards. The
BSP made its present felt in North Indian states, especially Punjab, UP, Rajasthan
and Madhya Pradesh.
The BSP has been able to consolidate its position among dalits mainly for its
strategy of electoral alliances and the public policies. The most important case of
the BSP’s electoral alliance has been in the state of UP, though it has attempted
electoral alliances in other states as well . From the 1993 assembly election of UP
onwards, the BSP has entered into alliances with the major political formulations
like Congress, the BJP and the Samajwadi Party in UP or the Akali Dal and
Congress in Punjab, which could help it win the assembly and parliamentary
elections or in the post-poll alliance which help it form the government. The first
alliance which the BSP made was with the Mulayam Singh Yadav-led
Samajwadi Party in UP in 1993 election.. The this alliance was considered as an
13
example of the unity of the Bahujan Samaj – the BSP identified with the dalits
and the Samajwadi Party with the backward classes and the minorities. This
alliance, however, continued only till the BSP withdrew support from the
Mulayam Singh Yadav-led SP-BSP government in 1995. The fall of Mulayam
Singh led-government was followed by its alliance with the BJP, which enabled
Mayawati to become the first dalit woman Chief Minister of any state.
Immediately after becoming the Chief Minister, Mayawati declared that her party
serve the serva samaj; it was shift from her earlier position where she vowed to
fight for the Bahujan Samaj. It was beginning of the BSP’s change in the electoral
or alliance strategy. In the subsequent elections, contrary to original principles, it
gave tickets even to the high castes Brahmins, Rajputs, Banias and Kayasthas
gave them representation as ministers in her government.
However, during her Chief Ministership, Mayawati introduced special policies
for dalits. The most important of these included: – Ambedkar Village
Programmes consisting of the special programmes for the welfare of the weaker
sections in the villages identified as the Ambedakar Villages on the basis of the
substantial dalit population in such villages, and naming of the public institutions
after the low caste historical personalities. It also took prompt action against those
who involved in the discriminatory activities against the dalits. The rise of the
BSP has imparted a sense of pride and confidence among the dalits in the country.
Especial focus of the BSP-led coalition governments in UP on the dalis in its
policies has created caused resentment among the non-dalits both the high castes
as well as the backward classes. The BSP has been able to counter this by change
in its alliance strategy. Unlike its initial strategy, the has been giving tickets to
high castes. In fact in the elections held in 2002 to the UP assembly election, the
largest group of the MLAs in the UP legislative election belong to the high castes.
The main criterion for forging alliance seems to be the ability of the candidates to
win the election, which could made possible by an alliance of dalits and high
castes candidates who are given tickets by the BSP.
Though the BSP contributed to the politicisation of dalits to a large extent, it
could not maintain the unity of the Bahujan Samaj. The main reason for its
success lie in the electoral strategy of the BSP.
14
1. What were the basic features of dalit movement in India during the 1950s and
1960s?
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2) Discuss the factors responsible for the rise of Dalit Panther.
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3. Describe the basic features of dalit movement during the 1990s.
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25.4 Let Us Sum Up

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The social groups which have faced discrimination including untouchability are
called dalits. Last two decades have seen emergence of dalit movement in various
parts of the country. Dalit movement forms a part of social and political
movements of other social groups like environmentalists, tribals, women and
peasants and workers. Large number of organisations of dalits – social, cultural
and political have emerged in various parts of the country. The BSP is one of the
examples of such organisations. These organisations are autonomous and raise the
15
issues of dalits exclusively. The reasons for the rise of dalit movement include –
rise of a new generation of dalits which is more are articulate and conscious of the
their rights, explosion of mass media and impact of the ideas and life of Dr. B R
Ambedkar. The BSP is the most important example of a dalit party which has
carved a niche for it in north India. In Uttar Pradesh it been able to head the state
government thrice. The success of the BSP depended on its electoral strategy and
pattern of mobisation.
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25.5 KEY WORDS
_________________________________________________________________
Dalits: The social groups which have faced discrimination including
untouchability are called dalits.
Dalit Movement: It means the protest of dalits against their discrimination of all
kinds and for protection of their rights.
Social Justice: It means an absence of social and economic discrimination;
conditions which are for the protection and preservation of equality, self-respect
and other rights.
_________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________
Dube, Saurabh, Untouchables pasts: Religion, Identity, and Power among a
Central
Indian Community, 1780-1950, State University of New York Press,1998.
Omvedt, Gail, Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and Socialist
Traditions in
India, M. E. Sharpe, England, 1993,.
_, Dalits and Democratic Revolution : Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in
Colonial India, Sage Publications, New Delhi,1994.
Mendelsohn, Oliver and Vicziany, Marika, The untouchables:Subordination,
poverty and
the in modern India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,1998.
Pai, Sudha, Dalit Assertion and the Unfinished Democratic Revolution: Bahujan
Samaj Party in
Uttar Pradesh, New Delhi, Sage Publications, 2002.
16
_________________________________________________________________
25.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercise
_________________________________________________________________
1) Dalits are those groups which have social discrimination including
untouchability. They largely related to the economically disadvantaged groups
of the society. They belong to the Schedules Castes as enshrined in our
constitution.
2) These are related to social justice, and some of which include protest against
the discrimination of all kinds, struggle for protection of the self-respect,
payment of wages, against the forced labour, dispute over land,
implementation of the reservation policy, fight against disrespect to Dr. B. R.
Ambedkar, denial of democratic rights like casting of votes, etc.
1) These were single caste movements, i.e., of the Nadars, Pulayas and Ezhavas
in South; of Namsudra in West Bengal; Adi Dharm movement in Punjab and
Adi Hindu movement in UP; and Satnami movement in Madya Pradesh.
These movements were committed to self-reform rituals, advancement of
dalits’ education and access to employment under state.
2) Gandhi and Ambedkar differed in their approach to the problem of caste and
Untouchablity. According to Gandhi the untouchabilty was a corrupt form of
Hinduism and it can be eradicated by moral reform of Hindus. Ambedkar
thought that the real cause of untouchablity was the nature of Hindu religion,
and suggested that the untouchabilty and casteisms can be eradicated by the
rejecting Hinduism – in the coversion from Hinduism to other religion,
preferably Buddhism.
1) These were: rise of the beneficiaries, among the dalits, of the state policies
like the implementation of the universal adult franchise, reservation in the
educational and political institutions and in the government jobs. During this
phase dalits did not emerge as an independent political force; rather they were
mobilised by the major political parties like the Congress. However, a large
number of them had come under the influence of the RPI in UP and
Maharastra.
17
2) These were: the impact of Ambedakarism, Marxism and “Negro literature”,

and a controversy which arose from the articles and poems written by the dalit
intellectuals in Maharastra and reaction of the high castes.
3) This period has seen the rise of dalits as an independent political force
signified by proliferation of dalit organisations in variuos parts of the country.
The rise of the BSP in the North India, especially in UP is the most important
example of the their rise as an independent political force.
1
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Unit 26 TRIBALS
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Structure
26.0 Objectives
26.1 Introduction
26.2 Tribal Society and Economy
26.3 Social and Political Movements in India
26.4.1 Pre - colonial period
26.4.2 Post – colonial period
26.5 Characteristics and Consequences of Tribal Movements
26.6 Let Us Sum UP
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26.0 OBJECTIVES
________________________________________________________________________
This unit deals with one of the social and political movements in India, i.e., the
movements of the tribals. After going through unit, you will be able to understand:
• The meaning and main features of tribals in India;
• Their socio -economic conditions;
• Their movements in the pre-colonial and post-colonial periods; and
• The reasons and consequences of the tribals movements in India.
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26.1 INTRODUCTION
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Tribe is a colonial concept, introduced in the 19th century, by colonial authorities and
ethnographers to describe all communities of India. In the latter half of the same century,
the concept of tribe was narrowed down to the primitive groups as distinct from castes. It
was under the Government of India Act of 1935 and the Constitution of India that the
2
nomenclature of the Scheduled Tribe fully emerged. The Constitution of India does not
define a tribe. The notion of the Scheduled Tribe has two aspects. It is administratively
determined inter alia by the criteria of backwardness and remoteness – people living in
forests and on hills. They are also called adivasis – the natives. The tribals like many
other social groups have launched social and political movements for the reddressal of
their grievances.
Most of the regions except the Southern pockets, the North –western region and the
islands have witnessed several agitations of the tribals during the colonial and post –
colonial periods. During the pre-colonial period tribals rose against the regional power of
the Marathas or Rajputs. They resisted against the zamindars and non-tribal
administrators. During the colonial period they struggled against the British rule for their
autonomy. Birsa Munda revolt in Central India is best known example of this. There were
also regio-political movements resisting against the non-tribal cultural authority through
religious ideas
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26.2 TRIBAL SOCIETY AND TRIBAL ECONOMY
________________________________________________________________________
However, tribe in India today subsists on a single techno-economy of production. Most

of them subsist on a combination of five modes or even more, of subsistence. The
primitive technology, namely, hunting, food gathering and shifting and terrace
cultivation is confined to the heavy monsoon zone covered by the tropical forests in the
north-east, parts of eastern and central regions, the Nilgiris and the Andaman Islands.
Pastoral economy which constitutes about 10 per cent of the tribal economy survives in
the high altitude of the sub-Himalayan regions, the arid zones of Gujarat and Rajasthan,
and in a small pocket in the Nilgiris. More than three quarter of tribal workers are
engaged in the primary sector of economy, of which a majority are cultivators followed
by agricultural labourers. A large number of them are engaged in livestock, forestry,
fishing, hunting etc., and as workers in construction sector, mining and quarrying.
Though barter is reported among tribal communities on a significant scale compared to

the non-tribals, almost the entire tribal economy today is in the vortex of market forces.
There has been a marked shift among the tribal communities from the traditional to the
3
new occupations. For instance, a number of communities practising hunting and

gathering has declined as forests have disappeared and wildlife has diminished.
Ecological degradation has severely curtailed the related traditional occupations of the
tribal communities. However, there is a rise in horticulture terrace cultivation settled
cultivation, animal husbandry, sericulture and bee-keeping. The tribes are moving away
from their traditional occupations and settling down as peasants and that they have taken
up new vocations to augment their income and raise productivity. We also find evidence
of diversification in the tribal economy. There is a sharp rise in the number of tribals
employed in government and private services, self-employment, etc. Many of the
traditional crafts have disappeared and spinning, in particular, has suffered. Related
activities such as weaving , dyeing and printing have similarly suffered. Skin and hide
work, etc. have undergone changes; stone carving has declined. But the number of tribals
employed in mining and masonry has gone up steeply which suggests a new mobility.
The tribals are also craftsmen. Carving and body tattooing consist of the forms of arts
and crafts prevailing among the tribal people. Wall painting and drawing have emerged
as other major forms of art in recent years. In fact there has been a significant revival of
these forms of art on a commercial scale among the Warlis, Rabaris, Rathawas and
others. Basketry involves the largest number of tribes , followed by those engaged in
weaving, embroidery and pottery.
The impact of development processes, particularly education, has created a new stratum
of entrepreneurs/businessmen , teachers, administrators , engineers/doctors and members
of defence services among the tribals. Development process has also created division in
tribal society. Disparities have increased. With the loss of control over resources and
growth of population, demographic growth rate has been higher among tribes than the
national average, poverty among the tribals has also increased manifold. Barring a few
tribes or a few sections among them, the tribals remain among the most backward and
poorest sections of our populations.
26.4 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS OF TRIBALS

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4
26.4.1 pre- colonial period
In the pre-colonial period some of the tribes founded states in the territories extending
from the north-east, through middle India to western and southern India. Where they did
not found states, they were accommodated within regional political system, retaining a
great deal of autonomy and freedom. Elsewhere the tribes were reported to be in
disturbed conditions on the eve of the colonial role. For example, in western India the
tribes such as Gonds, Vills and Kolis were reportedly in a disturbed state. The tribals
often rose against regional powers such as the Marathas, Rajputs etc. The Mughals had
put down the Kolis and the Marathas had dealt with the Bhils and Gonds, with a heavy
hand. All this radically changed during the colonial period that witnessed the first major
assault on tribal autonomy and tribal's control over their resources such as land, forest,
minerals, etc. Colonialism also witnessed the dismantling of pre colonial political
structures built up by the tribals or those that accommodated them. Therefore, tribals
rebelled more often and organised movements and protests on a larger scale than any
other community during the colonial period.
The First Phase (1795-1860)
The rise and establishment of the British rule saw the beginning of the first phase (1795-
1860) of the tribal uprisings which may be described as primary resistance movements.
The Santhal insurrection (1855-6) represented a transitional phase marked by the agrarian
resistance and revivalism.
In the North-East the sub-phases of tribal rebellions could be similarly
demarcated. The Garos and Hajongs who submitted to the British rule to
escape the tyranny of their zamindars, came under the influence of the Pagal
Panthi. Their chief, Tipu who became the leader of the oppressed peasantry,
founded a kingdom and was arrested. The Khasis were engaged in acts of
depredations in the plains they raided from 1787 to 1825. The Singphos,
Mishmis, Lushais, Khamptis and Daflas raided plains and killed people. The
Khasis opposed the construction of the road, and the confederation of Khasi
chiefs resisted the British attempt at the occupation of their country, led by
Tirot Singh. The British sent out expeditions to punish the Lusahis, Mishmis
etc. In middle India, this phase ended with the revolt of Maniram Dewan and
Saranga Raja of Assam in 1857.
5
The Second Phase (1860-1920)
The second phase (1860-1920) coincided with the onset of the intensive period of
colonialism, which saw a much deeper penetration of merchant capital, a higher
incidence of rent, etc., into tribal and peasant economies. It intensified the exploitation of
the tribes. As a result of this, there were not only a larger number of movements,
represented by such evocative native terms as mulkui larai, fituri, meli, ulgulan and
bhumakal, involving many tribes but also a far more complex type of movement, which
represented a curious mix of agrarian, religious and political issues. The Bhakti
movement with its teneth of monotheism, vegetarianism, cleanliness, abstention from
liquor, etc., was introduced by mendicants (gossainess) artisans and peasants moving into
tribal areas. Christianity also arrived and under its impact a new tribal middle classes
emerged, which was educated, conscious and self- respecting. Both Christianity and
Bhakti movement contributed in this phase to the rise of millenarian movements. The
tribal movements demonstrated, in varying degrees, tribal resistance against the assaults
on their system and their attempt to prop up its mouldering edifices. They were followed
by the socio-religious or revitalisation movements, viz, the Kherwar movement among
the Santals (1871-80), the Sardar revivalistic movement among the Mundas and
Oraons(1881-90), the Tana bhagat and Haribaba movements in Chotanagpur, the bhagat
movement in Madhya Pradesh and Bhil revivalism, which were expressive of the tribals
urge to create a new order. These two lines of the movement, through the length and
breadth of the sub-continent, revealed striking similarities, a basis unity of response to
almost the same complex of challenging forces.
The movement led by Birsa Munda (1874-1901) is the best known of the
socio-political movements of this phase because the movement sought to
establish Munda raj and independence. In its socio-religious aspects, it was
like any other bhagat movement, with the difference that it was also
influenced by Christianity, and it used both Hindu and Christian idioms to
create the Munda ideology and world view. The rebels attacked police
stations and officials, churches and missionaries. Though there was an
undercurrent of hostility against the dikus (outsiders), there was no overt
attack on them except in a couple of controversial cases. The uprising was
quelled, but its lessons were acknowledged in the passing of the
Chotanagpur tenancy act. It sought to protect the Munda land system,
6
prohibit transfer of tribal land recognise tribal right to reclaim land and
create a new administrative unit. Their revolt forced the Mewar durbar to
sign a 21-point agreement.
The Third Phase (1920-1947)
In the third phase from 1920 to 1947 we see three trends in tribal movements. The first
trend is the impact of the freedom struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi who mobilised some
of the major tribal groups in the national movement and reconstruction programme. The
second trend is represented by the movements centering on land and forest revival and
reform of tribal society. The third trend is reflected by the rise of movements seeking
autonomy, statehood, separation and independence led by the tribal middle class.
We may describe in brief three movements, the Tanabhagat movement among the
Oraons, the Haribaba movement among the Hos and allied tribes, and the Rajmohini
movement among the Gonds. To the Hindu peasantry steeped in the medieval bhakti
tradition, the Mahatma appeared like a bhakti preacher, and to the tribals like a bhagat.
The best known of bhagat movements was the Tanabhagat movement which started in
the manner of a nativistic movement. On April 21, 1914, an Oraon youth in his 20s, from
the Dharmesh, the Supreme God, in a dream, together with the divine power and
supernatural gifts necessary for the restoration of the Oraon raj ( this sentence to be
redone). While the tribes accepted the nationalist programme and joined the mainstream
of the national movement, they resisted against their economic and cultural exploitation.
Swaraj meant not only freedom from British rule, but also freedom from the oppression
of the dikus, money-lenders, zamindars and feudal-overlords.
In the princely states where tribals were more backward, the Praja Mandals launched
movements against the feudal order by mobilising the tribals. The tribes who responded
particularly to these movements were the Bhils, Gonds, Kharwars, Mundas and Khonds.
Most of them had a notion of property, private or communal, in land, which had been
threatened by the colonial system and feudal exploitation. The agrarian issues which
excited them were the demands for begar or veth (compulsory labour without payment)
rasal or magan (free supply of provisions for visiting officers), and exactions other than
rent (abwabs).
Two nativistic movements sought to revive the pure and pristine elements of tribal
culture. The Seng Khasi, a socio-cultural organisation of the Khasis had ben established
7
as early as 1889 to preserve the Khasi way of life. Through its platform the non-Christian
Khasis have tried to strengthen the ancient system of clan relationship, which was
disturbed by the large-scale conversion of the Khasis to Christianity. The second, the
Zeliangrong movement, started as a religio-cultural movement under Jadunang. It
assumed a political overtone and became the only movement to have established linkages
with the national freedom struggle. Under Gaidinliu it remained strongly nationalistic,
promoted tribal solidarity and demanded creation of a separate administrative unit for the
Zeliangrong people to be formed out of the territories inhabited by the constituent tribes
in the contiguous regions of Manipur, Assam and Nagaland, to which these states did not
agree.

Note: I) Use the space given below for your answer.
11) Check your answer with the given at the end of the unit.
1) What is the Seng Khasi?
2) Identify the main trends of the tribal movements in India during 1920-1947.
- - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - -- - - - - - - -- -- - - - -- - - - -- - - - - - - - - --- - - - - - ------- - -- - - --
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26.4.2 post-colonial period
The post-colonial period witnessed intensification of the exploitation of resources of the

land of the tribals and their marginalisation, immiseration or paupersation, despite
progress in education and employment, representation in politics and share in power, and
affluence of a section of tribal middle class. Therefore, this period witnessed the rise of a
larger number of movements centered on the issues of identity, equality, empowerment,
self-rule, etc. Tribal movements may broadly be classified into:
(a) Political movements for autonomy, independence, state formation, and self
rule .
8
(b)Agrarian and Forest-based Movements: movements for control over resources,

such as land and forest or the movements directed against land alienation, and
displacement and against restrictions in forest and for forest conservation.
Political movements
There been attempts at articulation of the aspirations for political autonomy among the
Gonds and Bhils during the period that followed independence. The Raj Gond leaders
such as Raja Naresh Singh demanded the formation of a separate state for the adivasis to
be carved out of the tribal areas of Chattisgarh and contiguous districts of Rewa region
and Vidarbha, in a memorandum submitted before the States Reorganisation
Commission. On 19 May 1963 Narain Singh Ukey, President of the Condwana Adivasi
Seva Mandal reiterated the demand for the formation of the Gondwana state, consisting
of the Gond and other tribal regions of the Chattisgarh and contiguous districts of
Vidarbha in Maharshtra.
It was in Chotanagpur - Santal Pargana region of Bihar that the movement for political
autonomy and formation of a state really developed further. The Adivasi Mahasabha was
wound up and merged with a new regional party, the Jharkhand Party, in 1949. Behind it
were the experiences of the failure of the militant movements and of the framing of the
Constitution of India. The Jharkhand Party was thrown open, at least, in principle, to all
residents Chotanagpur. There was thus a transition from ethnicity to regionalism as the
formative factor in the movement. The period from 1952 to 1957 was in many ways the
peak period for the Jharkhand movement and party, which had emerged as the major
party in the Chotanagpur-Santal paragana region. The second general elections in 1957
had seen it extend its influence to Orissa, where it captured five seats and held the
balance of power in the state politics which was plagued by instability. It displayed
remarkable unity, laid down the law in the tribal region, could mobilise thousands of
people and take out mammoth processions at short notice. The decline of the party which
began in the early 1960s. The reasons for its decline were the following:
involvement of the tribals in the process of development;rivalry between the
advanced Christian tribals and backward non-Christian tribals arsing out of
competition on education, employment and control on the resources for
development; and, shift in the support of the non-Christian tribals from
Jharkhand to the Congress and Jana Sangha.
9
The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha emerged as a major political force in the industrial and
mining belt of Chotanagpur and in state politics after the 1980 general elections. It sought
to broad base the separatist movement by including with its ambit the peasant and
working classes. The Jharkhand is described by its ideologues as an internal colony
which is being exploited by outsiders. Even though the region accounts for 28 percent of
minerals it avails itself of only 15 per cent of the state's budget for development. The
development process itself is exploitative of the local inhabitants and outsiders have
moved in to seize all opportunities of employment.
Through many vicissitudes that affected Jharkhand movement, the groundswell of

support for a separate state continued and even intensified, bringing within its sweep
major political parties. They started by setting up the regional structures in the 1980s, The
then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared in 1980 that Chhotanagpur was a culturally
distinct area. This was translated into an autonomous political authority in the early
1990s. In 1988, Bhartiya Janata Party committed itself to the formation of Vananchal
State in terms of regional backwardness. Thus the two important players who were for
long opposed to Jharkhand reversed their roles. All Left parties barring the CPI(M)
supported the demand for a separate state in 1980s while highlighting land and forest
issues, nationality, class and ethnic question, generally ignored by major parties. Thus
while on the one side, the Jharkhand State was steadily growing and this was translated
into electoral gains for the pro-state parties particularly the BJP in the 1990s.
The Committee on Jharkhand Matters recommended setting up of an autonomous

authority. The Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council (JAAC) came into existence in
1993, but it fell short of the expectations of the people who demanded nothing short of a
full state. In the two general elections held in 1995 and 1996 the all India parties
advocating a separate state swept the polls Jhakhand state became a reality on 15
November 2000, substantially fulfilling the objective of a Jharkhand state set by the
Jharkhand Party in 1950 and dream of a tribal raj held out by Birsa Munda, about one
hundred year ago.
Political Movements in the North-East
Tribal movements in the North-East stand in a category by themselves because of the

region's unique geopolitical situation and historical background. Political processes in the
North-Eastern hills picked up on the eve of transfer of power when a considerable
10
number of tribals and a substantial section of their elite among the Khashis, Mizos, Garos
and even a section among the Nagas agreed to participate in the constitutional system of
India. Old tribes assumed new names, small tribes merged with larger tribes, and the
tribes combined to form a new ethnic-cum-territorial identity. While the processes up to
the formation of the autonomous councils or the state were almost common to all tribes,
there were differences on the question of their relationship with the nation-state. A
section of the Nagas chose the path of insurgency, followed by the Mizos, the Meiteis,
and the Tripuris. Other sections of the same tribes later preferred integration. For
example, in Nagaland the Angami, the Ao and the Sema who had played the major role in
the beginning of Naga insurgency opted for sedate regional politics. The centre of gravity
shifted from the area dominated by these tribes to the areas inhabited by the Konyak and
Lotha and now to the international border. The insurgency is now dominated by the
Hemis, and the Konyaks and Tangkhuls. In fact there has been a reaction among these
minor tribes against the dominated by the Hemis, and the Konyaks and Tangkhuls. There
is also a demand for the formation of the remote and underdeveloped Mon and Tuensang
districts into a union territory.
The Naga Movement
The Naga movement is the oldest ongoing movement for autonomy or independence. The
origin of the present Naga movement could be traced to the formation of a Naga club in
the year 1918 at Kohima with a branch at Mokokchung, which consisted mainly of the
members of emerging Naga elites, including government officials who came from the
administrative centres of Kohima and Mokokchung educated in Christian educational
institutions, and a few leading headmen of the neighbouring villages. The club discussed
social and administrative problems involving all the tribes of the Naga Hills.
The Naga Club submitted memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1929. It prayed for
keeping the hills outside the scheme of reforms and for continuing the direct British
administration of the hills In April 1945 the District Tribal Council which united the
individual tribal councils was formed in the Naga hiils at the initiative of the then Deputy
Commissioner of the Naga Hills District. The nomenclature of this Council was changed
to Naga National Council (NNC)in 1946. The Japanese fought their last battle during
World War II at Kohima, the headquarters of the Naga Hills District. The constitution of
the Naga National Council as the political forum of the Nata tribes could be considered
11
the beginning of the modern phase of the Naga movement. It gave a sense of political
unity to the Naga tribes and it and embodied the concept of Naga nationhood.
In 1946, the British Government proposed a scheme to carve out a Trust Territory
comprising the Naga Hills, the then NEFA area and a part of Burma, as a ‘Crown
Colony’ under control from London. The educated Nagas in the NNC quickly opposed
this idea of British colonisation, like the Indian National Congress, and declared that the
British must quit Naga hills when they quit India.
The objectives of the NNC have developed through many phases from autonomy to
independence. Under the in the 9-point agreement reached between the NNC and the
Government of India — represented by the late Sir Akbar Hyderi, the then Governor of
Assam on 27-29 June 1947, there were provisions for protection from land alienation,
creation of administrative autonomy and a special responsibility of the Government of
India for their implementation. The Naga movement from 1947 to 1954 in the Naga Hills
remained peaceful and constitutional. Towards the end of 1949, the Naga National
Council changed its goals favouring Independence outside India Union.
In 1954, the Naga announced the formation of the Hongkin Government that is the
‘People’s Sovereign Republic of Free Nagaland’. Violence broke out in 1954 and there
were many incedents involving the Indian army and rebels. In July 1960, a
16-point agreement was reached between Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and a
Naga delegation. On 1 August 1960, Prime Minister Nehru announced in Parliament the
decision of the Government to make ‘Nagaland’ the 16th state of the Indian Union. By
this time a new group of ‘overground’ Naga leaders had emerged in Nagaland, who
formed the Nagaland Nationalist Organisation (NNO). The NNO was formed mainly by
those leaders who had been instrumental in bringing about statehood for Nagaland. In the
same way, there emerged the Democratic Party of Nagaland which was formed by those
who differed from the NNO leadership and harboured sympathy for the secessionist
underground group. However, the militant section of the Naga movement remained
underground for more than a decade between 1954 and 1964. Till 1968, several rounds of
talks were held between the underground leaders. Another landmark was the signing of
the Shillong Accord, on 11 November 1975 under the terms of which the underground
Naga accepted the Indian Constitution, the deposited their arms and government of India
in turn released Naga political prisoners and promised their rehabilitation. However,
while there has been no resumption of insurgency and more and more underground have
come over ground, renouncing violence and Nagaland has generally remained an oasis of
peace and stability in the troubled North-East, the Accord has been repudiated by Phizo
12
himself and the hostiles. The hostiles stood divided into three camps (i): the pro- Phizo
Federal Party, (ii) the group led by Mown Angami who became Vice-President of the
underground Naga national Council and who condemned the Federal party of its
reconciliation with New Delhi and denounced the insurgents for betraying Christianity
and (iii) the insurgents imbued with Moists ideology led by a Tanghkul Naga, T. Muivah
and Isak Swu who have established the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN).
There were incidence of shootouts, cross fire, murderous attacks, and indeterminate
killings between pro-Phizo and Muivah-Isak factions on the Indo-Burma borders.
Behind the permutations and combination of Naga politics one sees the changing
equations among various tribes. The Angami, Ao and Sema who played the major role in
the beginning of Naga insurgency have opted for sedate regional politics. The centre of
gravity has shifted from the area dominated by these tribes and by the Konyak and Lotha
to the international border. The insurgency is now dominated by the Hemis, and the
Konyaks and Tanghuls loyal to pro-Phizo party have been killing the Angami,
Khomengan and Chakesang. In fact there has been a reaction among these tribes against
the dominance of the advanced tribes such as the Ao, Angami, Chakesang and Lotha.
Meanwhile, the Nagaland politics have moved between the mainstream and regional
poles. The Nagaland National Organization ran the government from 1964 to 1975. In
1976 it merged with the Indian National Congress to gain a national identity. The Nagas
in the mean time have emerged as the most dynamic and progressive people in the north-
east who has built up village development board as the catlyst of rural development and
also raised a Naga regiment which fought at Kargil. And yet, the final solution to the
Naga problem is not yet in sight, though negotiations often take place between the
government of India and insurgent group to find a solution.
Agrarian and Forest-Based Movements
In the post-colonial era the pattern of alienation of tribals’ resources such as land shows a
marked change. Tribals are being displaced not only by non-tribals but also by the state
and other organisations which require land for development. They are now pitted not only
against other people but also against the state which they see as the major instrument for
displacing them from their land.
13
The tribals are asking not only for restoration of the land that they lost by invoking the
provision of the Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Area Land Transfer Regulations, 1959,
which come into force in 1963, but also the transfer of ownership and delivery of
possession in regard to the land allotted to them. Of late, they have been organised by
CPI (ML) of the People’s War Group (PWG). In February 1981 there was an unusual
spurt of forced harvesting on lands taken away from them by non-tribals, raiding of
houses of moneylenders and decamping with mortgaged valuables. The traditional
system of communication was revived to organise the tribals. Signals were exchanged by
beating the drum. The Gond durbar held on 6 February 1981 at Keslapur declared that
the problems of the tribals had come to a boiling point. The Gonds also prevented the
demarcation of land for afforestation. They had earlier reacted strongly to the scheduling
of the Lumbadars, a community of traders and moneylenders, as a tribe in 1977, because
the Lumbadars always exploited the tribals and their status as a tribe helped them to
legitimize their illegal possession of the Gonds’ land. On 20 April 1981 a conference was
planned by CPI(ML) at Indervalli. The meeting was banned and the tribals were
persuaded not to assemble there. However, they took out a procession which came into
conflict with a police force. About 15 tribals lost their lives.
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26.5 CHARACTERISTICS AND CONSEQUENCES OF TRIBAL MOVEMENTS

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The leadership of the tribal movements has mainly emerged from themselves.
While the leadership of the first phase emerged from the upper crust of tribal
society, that of the second rose from the lowest rung of it. The Santal
brothers were landless - Birsa Munda was a raiyat or a parja (crop-sharer)
and Govind Giri was a hali. The leadership of the third phase and post-
colonial periods was provided by the members of the upcoming tribal middle
class, both in middle India and in the North-East. They were educated people
which included priests, catechists, teachers, public servants, rural leaders
and professionals who spoke largely in secular idioms. The leadership of the
social reform movement was provided by the outsiders such as the Gandhian
workers, of the Parja Mandal agitation by outsiders like Motilal Tejawat and
of some tribal uprisings such as the Nagesia by even "Baniyas".
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The goals of the movement ranged from the restoration of the pre-colonial
polity, service tenure (Chuar), and land (Sardar) and right in forest to
expulsion of outsiders, end of taxation, social reform, political independenc,
or establishment of the tribal raj or participation in constitutional and
democratic political apparatus, formation of tribal states, gaining equality
and end of exploitation.
The social and ethnic composition of the movements ranged from the
movement led by a single tribe to a confederacy of tribes and the castes sub-
ordinate to the tribes such as the artisans and service groups. Most of the
movements were limited to a tribe but such movements in the first phase such
as Kol and Santhal insurrections encompassed many tribal and non-tribal
groups. In the third and post-colonial period broad based political parties
emerged among the tribes, both in North-East and in middle India. The all
India tribal platforms gradually emerged in 1960s.
All tribal movements were limited in scale but they had an immediate impact on policy
which has been partly discussed above. Their impact has however to be studied
both in the short and long term perspectives. In the short run the authorities
responded by taking immediate measures to address the tribal concerns,
divise measures to protect their resources, facilitate access to the officials
etc. In the long term the colonial policy built up a framework to
institutionalise the isolation for tribals, a combination of elements of direct
and indirect rule (in princely states, in the North-East etc., a mix of legal and
administrative measures to protect land against alienation to non-tribals, and
protect customary rights in forest. There was, however, to be no development
of any kind – the missionaries were left free to manage education and health
services. It was left to the Gandhian workers and Congress ministries which
assumed office in late 1930s to institute inquires into tribals' poverty,
indebtedness and backwardness and put in place the first slew of welfare
measures.
The results of the uprisings were thus not uniform for whole of tribal India.
While in British India they achieved a non-regulation administrative system
for tribes and special agrarian laws to protect tribal land, little was done or
allowed to be done for them in princely states. However, the political agent
15
did intervene to uphold status quo rather than promote change. This
ambivalence was typical of the colonial system.
Check your Progress Exercise 2

Note: I) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) Check Your answer with the answer given at the end of the unit.
1) What were the reasons for the decline of the Jharkhand Party in the 1960s?
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2) What was the “Crown Colony” ?
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3) What was the Shillong Accord?
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4) What have been the main goals of the tribal movements in India?
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26.6 LET US SUM UP
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The tribal movements are now being characterised as identity-based movements, of
which various other issues relating to autonomy, land , forest, language and scripts are
only ramifications. It is identity that is under stress. Identity stands at the centre-stage.
This change in perception has now been made possible by people's own understanding of
the situation, their perception of growing threat to their identity, the ongoing
environmental and indigenous people's movements, and so on. The tribal movements
now are being placed within the context of power relations, the scramble for power, the
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search for equation among various communities within a region. The tribes have
emerged as political communities, like other communities.
The tribal movements are no longer perceived as belonging to one type. The movements
arising out of the complex social situations are perceived as a mix of types and traits. So
are the causes and processes, which are now perceived as endogenous and exogenous, a
mix of issues relating to resources, culture and identity.
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
Shah, Ghanshyam(ed), Social Movements and the State, Sage Publications

India, New Delhi-2001.
Singh, K.S., (ed.) Tribal Movements in India, Vols. I &II, Delhi : Manohar,
1982, 1983.
26.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISE
________________________________________________________________
1) It was a socio-cultural organisation of the Khasis, which was established

in 1889. It aimed to preserve the Khasi way of life against the large scale
conversion of the Khasis to the Christianity.
2) The main trends of the tribal movements were:
i) The first trend: the impact of the Indian National Movement and the
participation of the tribals in it.
ii) Confluence of the tribal movement regarding land and forest and
the movement for reform in the tribal society. ( take it to the body
of the text as well – at the relevant place.
iii) Rise of the movements seeking autonomy, statehood, separation and

independence, and led by the tribal middle classes.
1) Reasons were the following:

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i) Involvement of the tribals in the process of development.
ii) Rivalry between the advanced Christian tribals and backward non-
Christian tribals arsing out of competition on education,
employment and control on the resources for development.
iii) Shift in the support of the non-Christian tribals from Jharkhand to

the Congress and Jana Sangha.
2) It was a proposed “Trust Territory” suggested by the British government

comprising the Naga Hills, the then NEFA area and a part of Burma,
known as “Crown Colony”. It was supposed to be under the control from
London. But it was opposed by the Nagas and the Indian National
Congress.
3) It was an accord signed between the underground Nagas and the

Government of India on November 11, 1975. Under the terms of this
accord the Nagas accepted the Constitution of India, deposited their arms.
The government of India released Naga political prisoners and promised
their rehabilitation.
4) The main goals of the tribal movements included: restoration of the pre-
colonial polity, service tenure, land, right to forest, expulsion of outsiders,

social reform, end of texation, etc.
1
UNIT 27 ENVIRONMENT
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Structure
27.0 Objectives
28.0 27.1 Introduction
27.2 Historical Background
27.3.1 Man - Nature Relationship
27.3.2 Emergence of Eco-politics
27.3.3 Debate on Development and Sustainability
27.3 Major Issues
27.3.1 Role of the State
27.3.2 Role of Judiciary
27.3.3 Environment versus Livelihood
27.4 Nature of Environment Movements
27.5 Two Case Studies
27.5.1 Silent Valley Movement
27.5.2 Chipko Movement
27.6 Let Us Sum Up
27.7 Key Words
27.8 Some Useful Books/Articles
27.9 Answers to Check Your Excercies
27.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit deals with an important and so far quite neglected theme in political science,
namely; environment movements in contemporary India. After reading this unit you
should be able to:
• understand historical relationship between man and the nature, emergence of
ecopolitics and debate on development and sustainability;
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• learn about the major issues addressed by the environment movements in form of the
role of the state, judiciary, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), people,
political parties, local bodies and legislations; and,
• outline the sources of conflicts of interest and narrate the processes of mobilization
of victims of various environmental destruction by two case studies.
27.1 INTRODUCTION
Environment consists of physical, chemical and biological conditions which influence

life on earth. Environment is not only a mere existence of natural elements like air, water
and forests. It is essentially made up of both nature and man-made conditions. Any
imbalance in environment, caused either by nature or man, has positive or negative
impact on all forms of life on earth. Man’s limitless ability to alter environment has two
major consequences. One of them is on himself and the other is on all non-human
components of environment be they air, water, soil, forests or animals.
In all societies, be they democratic or authoritarian, a decline in the quality of

environment has occurred due to man’s mindless and greedy use of natural resources. A
major conflict of interests has developed between those who wish to continue the plunder
of nature and those who are opposed to it. A voice is being now raised for saner use of
natural resources in a manner that does not destroy the environment but preserves it at the
same time. Broadly speaking, all efforts in this direction of protecting environment
through legislation or otherwise fall in the ambit of environment movement. It can be
seen that this is a vast and complex task. Environment movement is about firstly making
the victims of the plunder aware and conscientised and then lead them to preventive and
protective collective actions. How this is done and with what degree of success or failure
is discussed here.
27.2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
27.2.1 Man-Nature Relationship
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Man is one of the many species on earth. He is a major actor and component in the
environment. Nature has its own ways to create and maintain balance among its various
components. However, man has been mindlessly exploiting natural resources for
development and generating prosperity in the last centuries with the growth of
industrialisation. This has created an imbalance. In other words, the process of
development brought about by the industrial revolution has depleted the resources faster
than the natural replenishing capacity of the environment. Hence, the resulting of crisis of
the environment. In order to overcome the limitation, man has adverse consequences on
the environment. For instance, vehicles of various kinds are invented to increase the
speed of transportation and movement. The adverse effect is poisonous emissions from
vehicles causing greenhouse effect in biosphere.
27.2.2 Emergence of Eco-politics
The term eco-politics is of recent origin. Eco-politics is about interrelationship and

mutual connection between environmental and political issues. Earlier, the ecological
issues were paid attention only if they concerned national defense or collective security
such as nuclear fall out or oil scarcity. Over the time, the focus has got extended to issues
of development. Ecopolitics pleads for a value-based regulations regarding the use of
natural resources in a manner that on one hand it prevents narrow unilateral exploitation
and on the other hand, ensues equitable distribution of fruits of development.
In the third world or developing countries, conflict on the issue of development takes a
different form. Here the divide is between those who wish to protect the environment at
all cost and those who are committed to development at any cost. This does not mean that
the environmentalists are as such against development but plead for an eco-friendly
development. They prefer alternative or sustainable development. Eco-politics results in
the process of determining the preferred path of development.
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27.2.3 Debate on Development and Sustainability
Development is an extremely nebulous, deceptive and therefore ambiguous concept. It is

usually associated with modernisation, industrialisation, urbanisation, science and
technology. It essentially connotes change, growth and progress. Industrial revolution
epitomized this view of development, resulting in a grave error so far as environmental
interests are concerned.
After second world war, colonialism ended and new nations were born. In order to
increase productivity, large industries were set up by employing capital and resource-
intensive technology. Unfortunately, this approach resulted in increasing inequalities,
poverty and environmental crisis. The Report of the South Commission (1992:38) has
observed that, “Inequalities tended to widen, as the economy grew and became more
industrialized... the gap in income, knowledge and power was growing and large
segments of the population experienced no significant improvement in their standard of
living...”. The blind faith in ideology of development through this type of
industrialisation caused a huge resource depletion and pollution. The goal of human
welfare and meeting basic needs of the people could not be attained by this model of
development.
Developing countries consist of poor and the powerless. All efforts for speedy economic
development through industrialisation in these countries have given more and more
power to the financial and political elites. Degradation of environment has occurred due
to both chronic poverty and uneven industrialisation. The general situation is such that
the elites pay only lip service to environmental values and actually go on ecological
rampaging. Even if they value environment they are often unwilling to part with the
profits. Their stock defence and ready excuse is contained in their argument about lack of
financial viability and absence of viable technical know-how to clean up (or keep clean
the environment). The debate should actually be focused on the social or environmental
cost of production versus mindless plunder of ecology for never ending profits for few.
This debate remains unresolved mainly because of an informal alliance between the
financial industrial and political-bureaucratic elites. The political system is usually
repressive of general and particularly environmental dissent. It is often expressed as well
as put down violently. Protests to safeguard the environment are often viewed and
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dismissed by the elite interest. Thus, the situation in developing countries are sensitive
and crucial. Such issues as land degradation, desertification, deforestation and pollution
of air, water and soil by industries either remain ignored or inadequately and nominally
attended. All in all, the poverty, resulting degradation and insensitive political system
make the matters worse. A ray of hope lies in emergence of positive ecopolitics by green
parties and groups in Europe and micro environment movements by environmental
organizations in the developing countries. This leads us logically to explore the
relationship between the civil society, state and ecopolitics.
27.3 MAJOR ISSUES
As is clear from the discussion in the previous section, the environment movement has
thrown up various issues regarding vital inter-domain relationships between the victims
and redressal systems existing in a society. Those who are adversely affected by the
environmental problems and are protesting and resisting against a repressive alliance of
vested interests need to be paid attention to understand the dynamics of environment
movement. First and foremost major issue is pertaining to the nature and role of the state.
Judicial option and intervention is second major issue discussed here. The third issue is
regarding the debate between environment versus livelihood.
27.3.1 Role of the State
In order to understand what role state has played, we must understand theoretical
conception and contemporary context of state. One understanding of state is that it is a
neutral space or impartial agency for resolving the conflicts of interest which occur in
market and civil society. However, Indian state’s performance for last five decades
provides contrary evidences. The Indian state has failed to play its role and hence the
civil society has to fill the void. Let us first explore the contemporary status of the state.
Ever since the ending of cold war, collapse of communism and triumph of advancing
capitalism, most nation-states are ruthlessly overrun. There has been an upsurge in global
democratic aspirations as a result of the collapse of communism. The forces of free
market are linking national economies with global economic systems. Globalisation of
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politics and economy is taking place. The state is being caught in this process and is
under pressures from within and without.
It is found that the state or its counterpart in form of a local municipal body have acted in
a biased manner in the issue of environmental pollution. The issue of environmental
protection is split in two camps. One side is the ‘iron triangle’ of elitist domination in
form of ‘bureaucrats-industrialists-politicians’ and on the other are the powerless victims
of pollution and environmental degradation. Studies have shown that, instead of
operating as a mediating and balancing agency, the state functions as a party to the issue
against the interests of the people. If we see the history of legislation on pollution, we
find that first of all nobody is ready to accept the existence of this issue. The people who
are the victims of air or water pollution are left in cold with burden of proof on their
shoulders. Whether it is US Steel Mill in Gary Indiana or factories and industries in
Vapi, Ankleshwar, Nandesari and Baroda in Gujarat, when people go to complain about
the impact of pollution in form of holes in the clothes and kitchen vessels or deaths of
buffaloes or elephants by drinking polluted water, released stealthily in the nearby open
spaces, village ponds, ravines and rivers, the polluting industries’ first reaction is there is
no such problem. When potato and banana growing farmers of villages in Baroda region
of Gujarat complained about crop-destruction due to air pollution, the polluting industry
instantly disowned and disclaimed the responsibility.
The impact of pollution is first felt by the people but the ‘iron-triangle’ usually opposes
its existence. People are ultimately, left with no other option but to launch a movement
first to make an issue of the problem. It is the suffering people who find themselves in a
strange powerless and helpless situation. Organised existing public power, in form of
state and its related structures, do not help them. Hence, they launch a movement to exert
power resources in their favour by compelling the state first to recognise the existence of
issue and then make and implement preventive laws on pollution. The iron-triangle does
not stop here but enters the next arena of implementation of legislated policies and laws.
It weakens and nullifies the effect by diluting it. People’s struggle continues even at this
stage. Violation of pollution laws was not at all dealt with firmly until about the Bhopal
gas disaster occurred.
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27.3.2 Role of Judiciary
The environment movement in India has essentially passed through three phases. In the
first phase which was the longest phase, legislative hurdles were crossed. That is to say,
opposition, obstruction or dilution of pollution laws was done while being framed in
legislatures. In the second phase, opposition to implementation of already made anti-
pollution laws was experienced. Here also the iron-triangle operated in favour of the
polluters rather than in protecting the interests of the victims of pollution. In the current
phase, as a final recourse to redressal of their grievances against those polluting and
jeopardizing the increasingly fragile ecosystem, doors of the judiciary are knocked.
Eminent legal scholar Upendra Baxi (1991) has observed that, “the growth of
environmental jurisprudence in India is a very recent phenomenon. And even now it is
confined to a few activist judges, lawyers, law academics and active citizens”. Baxi has
argued that this is so mainly because “the Constitution itself is environment-blind”. The
chapter on rights in the Constitution does not explicitly state about protecting the citizens
from air and water pollution, deforestation, destruction of wild life and displacements of
habitats. Much later 42nd Amendment to the Constitution has added a provision vide
Article 48-A instructing the state to make efforts for protecting and improving the
environment, forests and wild life. Article 51-A is about the fundamental duty of the
citizens ”to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers
and wild life...” The absence of environmental concerns in the Constitution is due to its
obsession with development.
These provisions have improved the prospects of judicial intervention considerably. It

has encouraged environmental litigation by the victims of pollution or of environmental
degradation. However, from 1950-84, neither the state nor the civil society was
concerned about systematic and organised degradation and destruction of the
environment while pursuing the policy of generating prosperity through massive
industrialisation. Judicial activism rose in response to this neglect. In Ratlam Municipal
Corporation case, Mr. Justice Krishna Iyer gave a new, progressive and environment-
friendly interpretation. He stated that Constitution is “a remedial weapon of versatile
use”. He further recognised that people’s struggle for “social justice” includes
environmental justice and “the remedial weapon” must be available to them. Anti-power
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project stir by Kerala Shastra Sahitya Parishad to protect the fragile Silent Valley
ecosystem in 1979 was facilitated by this landmark judicial intervention by Justice Iyer.
The apex courts at the state and central level are flooded with petitions seeking protection
of environment. This is a major achievement of enlightened judicial process. “Creative
interpretations and rulings by the courts in various cases seeking environmental justice or
compensation have expanded the scope and role of judiciary in this issue. For instance, in
Shri Ram Fertilizer case the court created “an idea of absolute liability” of manufacturer
of hazardous substances, raw material, processes or products, lest any damages are
caused to the people or workers.
27.3.3 Environment versus Livelihood
Environmental degradation is the result of a vicious circle in which most societies are so
badly caught. It is argued that development is undertaken to remove poverty and improve
the quality of life of the people. But the mode of development that is followed has turned
out to be environmentally disastrous. Instead of reducing poverty, it has increased
inequality, deprivation, marginalisation and caused extensive environmental degradation.
The growth and expansion of market-driven development strategy, be it socialist or
capitalist, is not able "to solve the very problem it creates" (Shiva; 1991:342).
Management of forest is another area where primacy of growth and basic needs outweigh
environmental concerns. The industrialists, politicians and forest bureaucrats have forged
a nexus to consume forests without any restraint.
Heavy industrialization is another potent source of pollution and threat to environment.
Unchecked industrialization has released toxic gases, chemicals, effluents and hazardous
substances into air, water and soil. Another dimension of this issue pertains to the
occupational hazards on the health and safety of the workers of some specific industries
such as chemical, petrochemical, pharmaceutical, pesticides and fertilizer. The workers
and the local population are found to be suffering from cancer, respiratory diseases,
infertility, corrosion of fingers, toes and holes in the nose (wall separating the nostrils).
There is a decline in livelihood prospects from fishing, agricultural and horticultural
activities. Such widespread impact has generated anguish among the victims and people's
movements were launched.
This discussion shows that developing societies are really caught in choiceless and
helpless situation. The market-centered and sensitive strategy of economic development
has left us with little scope of amendments. Any alteration in strategy to save the one can
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maim or kill the other. If livelihood is generated, environment is threatened and if

environment is protected, livelihood is threatened. This is a strange predicament. The
environment movement in India reflects this predicament and dilemma amply.

Note: i) Use the Space below for you answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of unit.
1) What do you mean by environment movement?

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2) How do the environmentalists view the development?
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3) What is the “iron-triangle” and what is its relationship with the environment
movement?
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4) Comment on the role of judiciary in the environment movement.
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27.4 NATURE OF ENVIRONMENT MOVEMENTS
We saw that the reasons for the changes in man-nature relationships are not to be traced
too far. It has become clear that quiet, widespread depletion and degradation of natural
resources is the result of pushing nature far beyond its carrying capacity by mindless
consumption. The forest communities to some extent and people in general have over-
exploited natural resources. The former have no other choice. Somehow ecological
degradation is viewed as destined and cutting trees for fuel, shelter or income, over-
grazing or over-farming in fragile eco-areas goes on undeterred or unchallenged.
Grounds for struggles are multiple.
Harsh Sethi has divided environmental responses into three types of struggles. In the first
type, the struggle addresses the issue of rights of different social strata and communities
over using resources. This type of struggle does not question the development model or
the acts of redefining man-nature relations. In the second type, we find environmental
response which struggles for legal corrections and policy shifts in resource use. At the
centre lies concern about destruction and depletion of renewable and non-renewable
resources. The normative basis of dominant development model remain unchallenged.
The third variety of response is substantive and fundamental to the issue. It invokes
ecological dimension. It aims at rejecting the dominant development model and redefine
man's relationship with the nature. However, it must be stated that the environment
struggles do not maintain typological purity once launched. These struggles have resulted
centering around different natural resources such as air, wastes, land, forest or sea.
Accordingly, they can be referred to as forest-based struggles, land use struggles, anti-big
dam struggles, anti-pollution struggles and struggles against destruction of marine
resources.
Harsh Sethi) has done an analysis of these struggles by focusing on the participants or
actors of the struggles, strategies of intervention, issues raised and focused and finally
impact or outcome of struggle in terms of grievance-redressal, policy changes effected
and conscientization. It is found that unlike other struggles, in ecological struggles fairly
representative section of society is involved as participants. However, the most adversely
affected people constitute the base of the struggle. For example, deforestation stretches
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the work hours of women in collecting fuel wood and water longer, the tribals lose
benefits of forest produce, the fisherman in Goa and Kerala suffer from excessive
trawling. The victims are so dispersed and marginalised that for effective raising of
voices and redressal of grievances, they require a chain of actors from more vocal and
experienced realms of voluntary organisations, media, professionals like scientists,
researchers, doctors, engineers, lawyers, technologists, human right groups, sympathetic
and concerned policy-makers and bureaucrats. Each of these actors add strength, vigour,
guidance and direction to struggle.
By way of organisational and interventionist strategy, it has become imperative for

environment movements that not only to strengthen and hold together the victim-folks in
solidarity but also make holes in the opposite camp by skillfully raising doubts about
possible benefits being outweighed by collective harm and so on. Most struggles are
raised against development projects and therefore, they are likely to be fought back as
anti-people, anti-national, anti-development, anti-progress and so on. This is usually
countered by careful and systematic analysis of issues at stake and propagation of correct,
data-based campaign material in actual resource-use. The limitation of this strategy is
that when the issue goes beyond local limit, the original victim-actors are left behind and
either the middle class professionals, media or voluntary agency leaders come to the fore.
The leadership role and power shifts from local hands to mediating actors. Harsh Sethi
has observed this is good strategically but bad ethically. Another aspect of this process is
internationalisation of local or national issues as strategy which can harm the movement.
In most cases, the central issues of environment movements revolve around fixing
tolerance limits on carrying capacity of environment or cost-benefit ratios. Most struggles
are of reformist nature. These issues have concomitantly raised interesting
interconnections between ecology and feminism as well as ecology and human rights.
The most significant issue raised by the movement is about our understanding or theory
of knowledge. The present development model is nurtured on the myth of universal,
objective and value-free notion of science. What was held as true universal knowledge
for long time is today challenged. Science is increasingly viewed as partisan, parochial
and ideological. These movements have also raised the issue of redefining our
understanding of market, society, state, science and nature. The issue of preserving
diversity and plurality in society and nature is well-raised by environment movements.
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Analysing and understanding the impact of movement forms important aspect of the
study. The environment movements have by and large remained “diverse and scattered”.
Their overall impact is uneven. Alongwith failures there have been successes too. The
Silent Valley movement’s impact was positive, successful and trend setting. The Doon
Valley environment movement was partly successful. But at many other places, though,
the movements are launched, intensified but not successful. Bhopal Gas disaster
successfully drew the attention of the nation and the world but it has not succeeded in
preventing hazardous products and processes (IPT; 1999). Despite the persistence of
struggles, thousands of people are displaced yearly due to large development projects.
On the other hand, the movement has made a major contribution to give centrality and
public space to the cause of environment protection. This is a historic achievement as
never before so much concern, awareness, involvement and participation was witnessed.
The government has made many policies on forests, wildlife, wastelands, water, air and
soil conservation. But there is a wide gap between the rising concern and actual action by
the state. Interestingly, no political party, trade union or peasant organizations have made
this to be their issue. The environment movements remain exposed to the dangers of gaps
between concern/thought and action; fragmented, co-optation, manipulation and
distortion by government and vested interests.
27.5 TWO CASE STUDIES
With a view to understanding the structural and functional aspects of the environment
movements two case studies are presented here. These case studies will provide a brief
account of genesis, issues, organization, ideology, leadership, mobilization, impact and
outcome of environment movements in India.
27.5.1 Silent Valley Movement
This movement originated in Kerala. It is one of the earliest landmarks in the recent
history of environment movements in the direction of preserving environment by
people’s own struggle and agitation in India. The reasons for its origin lie in Kerala
Government’s proposal to build a dam on the Kuntipuzha river in early 1970s. The
government’s concern was to generate prosperity for the state through increased
industrialisation. This was not happening because of shortage of electricity in the state.
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The prime aim in building the dam was to generate power for industries. The construction
of dam was to cover 77 sq.kms. as catchment area. As a consequence, India’s richest
tropical forest, known as Silent Valley was to be flooded and submerged. It is interesting
to note that unlike in most such cases, there was no problem of displacement and
rehabilitation of the people as the dam was to be constructed at a location where there
was no human settlement. In this sense the Silent Valley movement was the first purely
and primarily fought environment movement. The odds against the movement were
heavy. The state government of Kerala was in total control of the issue as all the political
parties and industrial lobby were in full support of the scheme and backed the
government.
Kerala Shastra Sahitya Parishad (KSSP), an already existing, active, progressive local
people’s science movement group took up the challenge and steered the movement right
from its infancy to maturing into a potent people’s power. The KSSP successfully
mobilized local opinion against the dam and managed to rope in environmental experts
like botanists, zoologists of international repute like Salim Ali, well known economists
and engineers. This move strengthened the KSSP’s argument and position vis-a-vis
government’s technical teams. It forcefully presented its argument against the scheme on
the grounds of adverse environmental consequences on “a rare ecosystem, rich in
biological and genetic diversity”. The KSSP went a step ahead as a strategy and argued
that the required electricity could be generated easily by setting up thermal power
stations in dispersed locations as well as by improving the power transmission systems.
The KSSP was able to give this controversy the status of a genuine public debate far
beyond the state. National attention was drawn. It was stretched to international arena by
involving World Wildlife Fund and the International Union for the Conservation of
Nature and Natural Resources. These global bodies had joined the issue of the movement
on the grounds of protecting the lion-tailed macaque which is the rare bread of monkey,
habitant of Silent Valley. This struggle lasted quite long. Furious debates, persistent
campaigns and constant relentless lobbying through the media, parliament and expert
committees made dropping the idea of dam in Silent Valley possible. Besides, the KSSP
won the region the status of “national biosphere”. As a result of this successful
movement, the scope for challenging environmentally unviable development policies,
projects and schemes increased. This movement was preventive in nature, in the sense
that it was launched unlike in many other cases, much before the project was executed
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and its impact on environment could be felt. The project was successfully opposed at
embryonic stage itself. This shows existence of already well-conscientised and informed
non-political bodies like KSSP which could get activated much before the damages are
caused. This case study also shows that environment movements require mobilisation,
involvement and orchestration of diverse mix of actors (individual and institutional)
stretching from experts to lay and local to global.
27.5.2 Chipko Movement
This movement was basically concerned with preservation and protection of forests. It
was an environmental movement for maintaining the ecological balance in the sub-
Himalayan region of Uttar Pradesh. Four districts of Uttarkashi, Chamoli, Tehri and Pauri
form Garhwal division and cover a total area of 27,000 sq.kms. and about 14 lakhs
population. It is interesting to note that due to migratory nature of labour there are more
females than males in this area. Employment is very low in this region. There are 97 per
cent working women as cultivators while only 72 percent men are cultivators. Males
work in army and hence women are left behind to manage land, livestock and household.
Chipko is also interpreted as feminist movement because of this. This movement
originated in the Dasohli Gram Swarajya Mandal in Gopeshwar of Chamoli district. The
movement was initiated by Gandhian Sarvodaya workers. The Sarvodaya workers were
active in this area for about 13 years through various rural reconstruction work.
The movement began on 24 April 1973. There was a historical conflict of interests over
forest and timber rights in this area between local villagers and Sarvodaya workers on
one hand and timber contractors and forest bureaucrats on the other. The contractors were
able to exert more influence over forest bureaucracy and local politicians to corner the
forest benefits. Previous to Chipko mobilisation, stirrings against government’s forest
policy and department had taken place in this region too. The forest department rejected
Sarvodaya workers’ demand for 10 ash trees per annum for its farm tools workshop set
up with the support from Khadi Gramodyog Commission. But it allotted 300 ash trees to
the Simon Company for manufacturing sports goods like tennis rackets etc. The primacy
thus was accorded to tennis rackets over the self-subsisting needs of the poor cultivator’s
ploughs. The cutting of these 300 trees by Company agent was started in March 1973.
Sarvodaya workers and 100 other villagers marched from the nearby areas to Gopeshwar.
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As a result of this resistance by the villagers, the company men beat retreat. In order to
appease the protesters, the forest department showed readiness to concede one ash tree to
Sarvodaya workers, if they let the Simon Company cut trees of its original quota. The
temptation was raised to two, three, five and ten ash trees of full quota but it was rejected.
The Simon’s quota was cancelled but re-allotted in Phata Forest in other part of the
district. In June 1973, another local leader organized resistance and launched Chipko
movement. The trees were guarded by the village upto end December when permit will
automatically lose its validity.
Sunderlal Bahuguna of Uttarkhand Sarvodaya Mandal, based in Tehri Garhwal, began his
long march of 120 days on foot to spread the ideology of Chipko movement to entire
region of Himalayas. What made this movement instantly popular is a decade old history
of flash floods in this region. Mountain slopes were bared of forest covers by clear-
cutting of trees, causing quick rushing of water. Road-building activity in this region also
caused land-slides. Some mobilisation activities were already initiated before the Chipko
was launched. The flood relief work had brought the Survodaya workers and the flood-
marooned people together into a dialogical relationship regarding the environmental
degradation, disasters and conservation. This strengthened environment agenda of the
movement. In 1974, C.P. Bhatt re-launched Chipko struggle in Reni forest area. He
appealed women to hug the trees in case they come to cut them. An attempt to cut 2500
auctioned trees in Reni forest near Alaknanda river, was foiled by woman leader Gaura
Devi in village Lata. A band of about 30 women led by her saved the trees by risking
their lives. As a result of this persistence by the Chipko protesters, a government ban was
imposed on tree-cutting in Reni for ten years. Whenever need arose, these women
intermittently came out to save the trees at Gopeshwar in 1975, Bhynder valley in
January 1978, Parsari in 1979 and at Dongri Paintoli in February 1980. Thus, the Chipko
demonstrations, protests and resistance became frequent in this region.
Thus, Chipko movement became a good example of people’s non-violent resistance to

the destruction of environment by vested interests. This movement was spontaneous as
ordinary hill people had come out in huge number without the usual lead, support or
guidance of any centralized organizational apparatus. This movement accorded central
position to the issue of renewable resources like soil, water and trees in the lives of
ordinary dependent people. Chipko rose as a voice from the distant, neglected hills.
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Concern for life and livelihood, so closely linked with the environment of this region,
guided the course of the movement. Chipko succeeded in saving the local forest
resources from commercial exploitation by contractors and tried to bring local forest
wealth under the control of local village communities. The struggle, however, could not
fully succeed in preventing the “alarming depletion of forest cover” in the region which
was actually responsible for causing floods, landslides, soil erosion, drying up of local
water streams and other sources, fuel and fodder shortages etc. Hill women played major
role in this movement and gave it the character of truly people’s environment movement.
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Note: i) Use the Space below for you answers.
iii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of unit.
1) Identify the types of environment movement.
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2) What do you mean by internationalisation of environment issues?
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3) Analyse the impact of environment movement.
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27.6 LET US SUM UP
The environment movements have emerged as a result of mindless and wasteful use of
resources, irrespective of the type of political regime. A new class of environmental
haves and have nots have emerged. This has led the global human society to debate the
theme of economic development and environmental sustainability. Peoples’ movement
against the environmental degradation faces opposition from the networking of the
vested interests – the bureaucrats, industrialists and politicians. Nevertheless, the
environment movement has been able to internationalise the environmental issues, raise
the level of peoples’ consciousness about environment, and impacted on the policy
initiatives.
27.7 KEY WORDS
Biosphere : That part of earth and its atmosphere which is inhabited by living
things/beings.
Deforestation : Destruction or removal of forests by denudation or clear-cutting.
Desertification : The formation of desert in arid and semi-arid regions from
overgrazing, deforestation, poor use of land, excessive
withdrawal of ground water or climatic changes.
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Green House Effect : Increasingly released carbon dioxide due to burning of fossil
fuels like coal and oil, tropical forests, causing holes in the
ozone layer which is protecting the atmosphere of earth.
Unfiltered direct heat from sun can raise the temperature on
earth, melting polar ice caps and causing floods, and
submergence of big cities like Calcutta, Mumbai, London,
New York etc.
Ozone : Colourless gas with a chlorine - like smell, formed from

Oxygen.
Pollution : Making something like air, water and soil or something
impure or unnatural by adding dirts or harmful substances.
Trawling : Fishing by using big-boat like trawlers owned by rich,
powerful profiteers which yield very high fish-catch, leaving
little for small, local, traditionally fishing communities.
27.8 SOME USEFUL BOOKS/ARTICLES
Sethi, Harsh, “Survival and Democracy : Ecological Struggles in India” in Ponna

Wignaraja (ed.), New Social Movements in the South : Empowering the People,
New Delhi: Vistaar, 1993.
Shah, Ghanshyam, Social Movements in India : A Review of Literature, New Delhi:
Sage, 1990.
The Indian People’s Tribunal on Environment and Human Rights, Who Bears the Cost? :
Industrialization and Toxic Pollution in the Golden Corridor of Gujarat,
Mumbai, February, 1999.
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1) Efforts by the legislative bodies, concerned citizens, NGOs, judiciary, etc., to protect
the environment is called as environment movement.
2)They are against the development. Instead, they plead for eco-friendly
development.
3) The nexus of “bureaucrats-industrialists-politicians” is known as the “iron-triangle”. It

usually opposes any move for protection of the environment.
4) The judiciary in India has played very positive role in protection of the environment.
Through the judicial activism the judiciary has been able to contribute to fight against
the environmental degradation.
1) There are three kinds of environment movements. First, it addresses the issues of
various strata of the society over using the natural resources; second, it questions the
development model; and third, it focuses on the ecological dimension.
2) The linkages of the local issues of environment with the broader issue of market,
society, state, science and nature denote towards the internationalisation of the
environment issues.
3) Environment movements have been able to raise the level of peoples’ consciousness
about environment. It has led to arrest the degradation of environment, internationalise
the local environmental issues.
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UNIT 28 WORKERS AND PEASANTS

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Structure
28.0 Objectives
28.1 Introduction
28.2 Workers Movements
28.2.1 Workers’ Movements in the colonial period
28.2.2 The Issues and the Types of Collective Actions
28.2.2 Workers’ Movements in the Post-colonial Period
(i ) The National Level
(ii) The Provincial Level
(iii) The Trade Unions without Political Affiliations
(iv) The Limitations of the Workers’ Movements
28.3 Peasant Movements
28.3.1 Small and Poor Peasants’ Movements
28.3.2 Rich Peasants’ and Farmers’ Movements
28.4 Impact of Liberalisation on the Workers’ and Peasant Movements
28.5 Let Us Sum Up
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28.0 OBJECTIVES
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Workers and peasants in India have been involved in the collective actions in order to fight
for their demands. Their collective actions like those of other social group can be included
in the social and political movements. After going through this unit, you will be able to
understand:
• Nature of the movements of the workers and peasants;
• Their demands, problems and leaderships;
• Patterns of mobilisation in the collective actions;
• Influence of these movements on the state; and
• The impact of the liberalisation on the workers and peasants.
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28.1 INTRODUCTION
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Workers and the peasants together form the largest groups of the Indian society. While the
workers largely belong to the exploited section, the peasants consist of both the poor and
the rich sections. These groups have been involved in the collective actions or the social
and political movements to get their demand fulfilled. The nature of the issues raised by
them or their leadership depends on the place they occupy in the economy or society. It
also depends on the fact whether the workers are engaged in the organised, unorganised,
agrarian or the industrial sectors or whether a peasant is a poor peasant or the rich peasant
operating in the mechanised capitalist economy or in the backward –feudal economy. In
this unit, we shall discuss important features of the workers and peasants movements in
India.
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28.2 WORKERS’ MOVEMENTS
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The workers movement in India can be divided in two phases – the pre-Independence
period and the post-Independence period.
28.2.1 Workers’ Movements in the Colonial Period
The modern working class made its appearance in India in the second half of the 19th
century with the growth of modern industries, railways, post and telegraph network,
plantation and mining. But the labour movement started in an organised way only after the
Second World War. The organised wokers’ unions are known as the trade unions. The All
India Trade Union Congress (A I T U C) was formed in 1920. Its objective was to
coordinate activities of all organisations in all the provinces of India to further the interests
of the Indian labour in economic, social and political matters. In the second half of the
1920s there was a consolidation of left ideological forces in the country. In1928 the left
wing including the communists succeeded in acquiring dominant position inside the A I T
U C. The moderates started a new organisation known as All India Trade Union Federation
(AITUF). The 1930s was not a favourable period for the growth of trade union movement
India. The communists were implicated in the Meerut Conspiracy case and the Bombay
Textiles strike of 1929 had failed. A lull marked the activities on the trade union front. The
serious economic depression of this period added to the woes of the workers further. It led
to large-scale retrenchment. The main focus of the trade union movements during this
period was maintaining wages and preventing retrenchment.
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The Second World War divided the trade union leaders. The communists argued that with
the Nazi attack on the Soviet Union in 1941 the character of the war had changed from
imperialist war to people’s war. The communists were following the line of the Russian
Communist Party and thought that in the changed circumstances it was the duty of the
workers to support British war efforts. But the nationalist leaders wanted to strengthen the
national movement to overthrow the British rule from India. The ideological rift led to
another split in the trade union movement. The mounting cost of living made the workers
to realise the need of an organised effort to secure relief. In spite of the government
resorting to Defence of India Rules, which prohibited strikes and lockouts, there was a
perceptible increase in number of both unions and organised workers.
28.2.2The Issues and the Types of Collective Actions
The main issues which caused the workers strikes include: wages, bonus, personnel, leave
and hours of work, violence and indiscipline, industrial and labour policies, etc. The
workers take recourse to various types of collective actions for getting their problems
redressed. These are – strikes, satyagrah, hunger strikes, bandhs and hartals, gharaos,
demonstrations, mass casual leaves, work to rule, cutting of supply of electricity, etc. The
most common form of workers’ collective action is the strike. There are examples of the
railway, jute, plantation, mine and textiles workers strikes in the pre-Independence period.
The centres of the strikes were Nagpur, Ahemadabad, Bombay, Madras, Howrah and
Calcutta. In 1920 Gandhi intervened in the strike the textile workers of Ahmedabad and
provided leadership to the workers.
28.2.3 Workers’ Movements in the Post-colonial Period

(i) The National Level
The high hopes of workers were shattered after independence. There was hardly any
improvement on the fronts of better wages and other service conditions. Three central trade
union organisations were borne. The Indian National Trade Union Congress (INTUC)
started by the Congress party was born in 1947.The Praja Socialist Party started the Hind
Mazdoor Sabha (HMS) in 1948.The workers had to struggle hard even to retain what they
had achieved earlier. A series of strikes stirred the country. There were highest number of
strikes in 1947, i.e., 1811 strikes which involved 1840 thousand workers. The number of
strikes and man-days lost had surpassed all the previous records. This declined in the
1950s, but number of strikes and lock -outs increased again in the 1960s-1970s. Some
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radicalists had formed the United Trade Union Congress (UTUC) in 1949. After 1964
when there was a division in the Communist Party of India and Communist Party of India
(Marxist) was borne this led to a split in Communist controlled AITUC as well and in 1970
Centre for Indian Trade Union (C ITU) was borne. They are affiliated to the CPI and CMI
(M).
According to the provisional figures released by the Chief Labour Commissioner in 1994
Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) which is an affiliate of BJP has acquired a total
membership of 31.17 lakh workers has secured the top position. The INTUC a Congress
affiliated body with a total membership of 27.06 lakh is on the second position. The third
position is enjoyed by CITU affiliated to CPM with a total membership of 17.98 lakh. The
fourth position is enjoyed by HMS. According to the provisional figures the hold of
Congress affiliated INTUC seems to have weakened. At the same time the hold of
organisations like CITU, HMS and AITUC have strengthened.
(ii) The Provincial Levels
Another remarkable development of the 1960s was the birth of trade unions of the regional
parties like the DMK and AIDMK in Madras. The Shiv Sena was born in Bombay in 1967.
It soon set up its labour wing called Bharatiya Kamgar Sena. It was generally believed that
the Shiv Sena had the backing of the industrial houses in the Bombay -Pune belt to counter
the strong influence of the Communists and Socialists in labour unions. It succeeded in
achieving this objective and its trade union established its supremacy in the Bombay region
by the mid -1970s.The predominance of the Sena -led union was successfully challenged
by Datta Samant, an eminent INTUC leader. When emergency was imposed in 1975 he
refused to tone down his militancy. He was arrested and sent to jail. Then he was a
Congress MLA. After coming out of jail when the emergency was lifted in 1977 he became
even more popular. By the end of the 1970s he became the most powerful trade union
leader in the Bombay -Pune belt. In the year1978 he left both congress and the INTUC to
set up an independent union named the Maharastra Girni Kamgar Union (MGKU). He
remained one of the most influential trade union leader in Bombay till he was murdered.
(iii) The Trade Unions without Political Affiliations
The 1960s also witnessed the emergence of independent unions or “apolitical”. They were
independent in the sense that they were not affiliated to any political party or federation.
These kinds of “apolitical” trade unions emerged out of the dissatisfaction of the workers
with the existing trade unions which were affiliated to the political parties. The leadership
of these unions has largely come from the educated middle classes. Engineering Mazdoor
Sabha led by R J Mehta is one of the earliest unions of these type-covering workers in
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engineering, chemicals, printing and allied industries. Datta Samant started a number of
unions like Association of Engineering workers, Mumbai General Kamgar Union,
Maharashtra Girni Kamgar Union. Shankar Guha Neyogi and A.K.Roy also came into
limelight as leaders of independent unions. Neyogi concentrated on contract workers in the
iron –ore mines of Dalli Rajhara near Bhilai in Madhya Pradesh into a formidable union.
While AITUC and INTUC were concerned with the problems of permanent and better paid
workers of the Bhilai Steel Plant, concentrated on casual workers employed in small and
medium-scale industries in the region. Neyogi was murdered in 1990. Another example of
this type is A.K.Roy who organised coal mine workers in the Dhanbad -Jhariya belt of
Bihar. Roy`s support base was also among contract and casual labour in the coalmines. Roy
also received support from a large number of local tribal mine workers because the trade
unions operating in these areas did not satisfy them. Another important example of this
type was the Self- Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) formed by Ela Bhat. She
founded SEWA because she felt that unions in the organised sectors were not sensitive to
the problems encountered by female workers. These are not the only examples of
independent unions.
One of the most important examples of the movement launched by the union which was
unaffiliated to the political parties was the textile workers’ strike of 1982 in Mumbai.
Dissatisfied with the Rastriya Mill Mazdoor Sangh (RMMS), affiliated to the INTUC the
workers of the textile industry in Mumbai, rallied behind the MGKU-led by Datta Samant.
The workers of the textile workers of Mumbai went on indefinite strike on January 18,
1982. The demands of the workers included higher wages, making the badli (temporary)
workers permanent, allowances for leave and travel and payment for house rent. The
workers of other sectors than the textile also rallied behind Datta Samant. The Industrialists
adopted intransigent attitude towards the strike. The strike created hardships for the
workers.
The strike had its repercussion on the rural areas to which the workers belonged. The
textile workers also were the poor peasants or small farmers having links both in the cities
as well the villages. Datta Samat was able to link the rural issues like the wages of
agricultural labourer with those of the textile workers. The strike, however, did not succeed
in getting the original demands of the workers accepted. But it helped Datta Samant to
emerge as the most influential trade union leader in Bombay.
(iv) Limitations of the Trade Union Movement in India
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The Trade Union Movement in India is faced with many defects. Only a small fraction of
the working class is organised. Even in the organised sector a sizable chunk of workers do
not participate in Trade Union Movement Indian economy is largely agriculture based.
Small peasants and agricultural labour encounter the problems of seasonal unemployment
and low income. They are forced to go to cities in search of employment. Most of these
workers are illiterate and ignorant and under the grip of superstitions and they have a
migratory character. A large section of the workers do not exhibit much interest in trade
union movement because city life for them is a temporary condition. So they do not realise
the importance of unity among workers. Another major weakness of trade union is poor
finance. This is a fact that working class in India is a very small part of the population but
the main problem is the multiplicity of trade unions. The subscription rate by Indian
workers is very less. This makes the trade unions dependent on external finance and
influence. Yet another weakness of the trade union movement has been the dominance of
the leadership from outside. The main reason for this has been lack of education among the
workers. Mostly leadership is provided by professional politicians. It is being increasingly
felt that the working class movement should be led by persons from the ranks of the
workers who are aware of the problems and difficulties encountered by the working class.
Political leadership ignores the needs and welfare of the workers and tries to use the
organization for the interest of the political party.
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check Your answer given at the end of the unit.
1) Identify the main issue of the workers’ movement in India.
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2) What were the reasons for the rise of “apolitical” trade Unions?
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3) Mention the limitations of the trade union movement in India.
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28.3 PEASANT MOVEMENTS

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Peasants are those agrarian classes which are related to agriculture as the tenants or owners
of land, and participate in the farming activities. They are a differentiated group. In the
backward and feudal agriculture they cultivate land as the tenants of the landlords. In the
more advanced agriculture, where the tenants have become the landowners following the
implementation of the of the land reforms, they are the owners of the land. The peasants
whose resources in the land are not enough to meet their basic needs, and who also work as
labourers for others apart from working on their fields are poor and small peasants. The
peasants who do not work for wages, but have enough resources relating to agriculture are
rich and middle peasants or the farmers. They either mainly depend on the family labour to
work on the land or they may combine it with the hired labour from outside the family. In
this section you will be studying the movements of the small and poor peasants as well
those of the rich peasants or the farmers.
28.3.1 Small and Poor Peasant Movements
There were several peasant movements both in the pre-Independence and post-
Independence periods. Some examples of the former are – Oudh movement (UP) in 1920,
Kheda and Bardoli (Guajarat) and Champaran (Bihar) movements and Moplah rebillions.
The main examples of the of the post-Independence period are – Telangana ( Andhra
pradesh), and Tibhaga and Naxalite (West Bengal) movements.
The peasants during the pre-Independence period were living in the miserable social and
economic conditions. They were exploited by a group of classes, e.g., landlords and their
agents, moneylenders and the officials of the colonial state. The landlords increased the
rents on the peasants continuously, took forced gifts and extracted begar from them. The
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inability of the peasants to pay these multiplied due to the frequent famines and draught
which affected them adversely. They were heavily indebted to the moneylenders in order to
pay the rent and meet the needs of their subsistence. When the peasants could not pay the
rent, services or the begar, they were evicted form their land. They were also physically
tortured. Commercialisation of crops, and introduction of new land rules further worsened
their conditions.
The peasants reacted to by revolting against the landlords, moneylenders and agents of the
colonial state. Leadership in the peasant movements was provided either by the rural
intelligentsia or urban intelligentsia. Baba Ram Chand , the leader of the Oudh peasant
movement belonged to the former.
The peasants had been mobilised by some organisation. In case there was no organisation,
some kind of informal networking of the peasants and their leaders had worked as
orgnisation. This was true especially for the localised revolts. The informal networking or
the organisational structure worked in mobilisation, communication of the messages and in
planning strategies and programmes.
From the beginning of the twentieth century different political parties mobilised the
peasants in the revolts. The Congress started mobilising the peasants from the 1920s with
the purpose to broaden its support base. This enabled peasant movements which were
localised and running parallel to the national movement to merge with the latter. The
Bardoli Sataygrah of 1928, no- rent campaign were examples of such merger. But the
Congress did not encourage the conflict between the landlords and the peasants to get
sharpened. The Congress had been more interested in forging an alliance between the
landlords, peasants and other classes.
After the Civil Disobedience Movement radical nationalists and many leaders of peasant
movement started sharing the impression that the Congress was sympathetic towards the
capitalists and Zamindars.The need to evolve independent class organisations and
leadership to safeguard the interest of the peasants was being felt by them. This was under
these circumstances that the first all India peasant organisation the All India Kisan Sabha
was formed in 1936 in Lucknow under the presidentship of Swami Sahjanand Saraswati,
the founder of Bihar Pradesh Kisan Sabha. N.G.Ranga the pioneer of Kisan movement in
Andhra became its first General Secretary. The birth of an all India organization with a
programme of common demands and expressing the aspirations of the peasants all over the
country was an event of great historical significance. Very soon the branches of the All
India Kisan Sabha were established in many districts.
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The formation of Congress Ministries in a majority of the provinces in early 1937 marked
the beginning of a new phase in the growth of peasant movements. The Congress had
promised radical improvement in the conditions of the peasants on the eve of elections.
There was definite increase in civil liberties, which provided better opportunities for the
mobilization of peasantry. Different Congress Ministries introduced agrarian legislations
for debt relief, restoration of lands lost during depression, for security of tenure etc. But
these measures did not affect the conditions of the peasants of lower strata. The
dissatisfaction of peasants found expression in a number of protest meetings, conferences
and demonstrations. They criticised number of anti-peasant measures taken by the
government like arrest of peasant leaders and banning peasant meetings. The outbreak of
the World War II brought the resignation of the Congress Ministries and launching of
severe repression against Kisan Sabha leaders. In the year 1939 the national convention of
the All India Kisan Sabha was presided over by Acharya Narendra Dev. In his Presidential
address he emphasised the need of separation of Kisan Sabha from Congress. According to
him a separate Kisan Sabha was necessary in order to put pressure on the Congress.
The end of the war, followed by the negotiation for the transfer of power and the
anticipation of freedom marked a new stage in the history of peasant movements.
Approaching freedom had filled the peasant movements with new spirit to assert their
rights. The analysis of some of these movements gives us sufficient insight into the nature,
social basis, achievements and limitations of the peasant movements in India.
The Tebhaga Movement of Bengal was one of such movements. The provincial Kisan
Sabha of Bengal launched this Movement in 1946. Gradually the influence of the left in
general and the communists in particular increased in the Kisan Sabha.In 1947 the
leadership of the All India Kisan Sabha went into the hands of the communists. The
communists led the provincial Kisan Sabha of Bengal also. This Movement soon took the
form of a clash between the bargardars (share-croppers) and the jotedars, the employers.
The share-croppers began to assert that they would no longer pay a half share of their crop
to their jotedars but only one- third. They also insisted that before division the crop would
be stored in their khamars (godowns) and not in that of the jotedars. Poor peasants, middle
peasants and also some sons of jotedars led the movement. The middle peasants provided
the bulk of the leaders and they supported the movement up to the end. They hoped that it
would culminate in total attack on landlordism. The rich peasants slowly detached
themselves. When the government resorted to severe repression in 1947 the movement
came to an end.
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Another such movement was the Telangna Movement. It was launched in 1946 in the
princely state of Hyderabad ruled by the Nizam. This movement developed in the context
of the post- war economic crisis. This movement started as a protest against collection of
excessive revenue using force by jagirdars. In the beginning the leadership was in the hands
of the rich peasants and the movement was directed against the big absentee landlords
allied to the Nizamsahi. But very soon the initiative passed into the hands of poor peasants
and agricultural labour that started occupying lands of landlords, and wastelands and
started distributing it among them. By 1947 this movement organized a Guerilla Army
mobilizing poor peasantry and agricultural labour many of which were tribal and
untouchables. This army snatched large quantity of arms from the zamindars and drove
away the local government officials. They established their control over an area of 15,000
square miles with a population of 40,000. The administrations in these areas were run by
peasant soviets. The army of independent India succeeded in crushing the Telangna
Movement in 1951.
In 1967 there started a peasant protest at a place called Naxalbari in the Darjeeling District
of West Bengal. After two decades of independence and congress rule there was
disenchantment among people on a large scale, which found expression in Congress losing
election in eight states. But the communists had done well in both Kerala and West Bengal.
The per capita income was on decline and unemployment was on the rise. A group of
young communists due to theoretical disputes resulting from the split of the Communist
Party of India in 1964 protested CPIM`s policy of participation in 1967 election and joining
the government afterwards instead emphasised the need of armed struggle with peasantry
as the leading element. The peasant organisation of the CPIM in Darjeeling district was in
the hands of such communist leaders. The land reform policy of the government had not
succeeded in taking lands from zamindars and big farmers and distributing among poor
peasants and landless labour in any significant way. There existed discontent among
peasants. In such situation the leaders of peasant organization gave a call for establishing
the government of peasant committees, organizing armed struggle to end the ownership of
the jotedars on land and distribute it among poor peasants and landless labour. They drew
inspiration from the Telangna Movement. The Naxalbari movement reached its zenith by
the third week of May 1967. There was violence on a large scale. Naxalbari got enormous
publicity largely because it was fighting a state government wherein C.P.I.M. was a major
coalition partner and also because China believed that the Naxalites were following the
correct line.
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It lasted for fifty-two days only. In July 1967 police and battalions of paramilitary forces
sent by Ajoy Mukherjee then the Chief Minister of the state, combed the whole area and
the rebellion was suppressed. Naxalbari was a minor event in terms of its durations,
intensity of resistance; area controlled or number of casualties suffered or inflicted on the
other side. On these indicators Telangna was a much bigger happening. But Naxalbari
acquired the symbol of armed peasant uprising. It had its reverberations all over the
country. After this the revolutionaries who became active in U.P., Bihar, Punjab, Kashmir,
Kerala and Andhra Pradesh came to be known as Naxalites. It emerged as a more powerful
force in Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Bihar. The emergence of Naxalism led to the
formation of C.P.I. (Marxist Leninist) the third Communist party. This party believed that
the goal of socialism could be achieved through armed struggle, justified use of violence
for capturing lands of Zamindars and distributing them among poor peasants. The Naxalite
Movement became a reference point for those poor peasants and landless labour that got
nothing from the government except promises and whose condition showed no signs of
improvement and were suffering oppressions at the hands of rural dominant sections. They
found a ray of hope in this militant philosophy. This philosophy continues to inspire that
segment of rural population who has lived at the receiving end. At many places they are
fighting for security of employment, minimum wages, rights over a share of produce and
against sexual abuse of their women. There are instances of violence when they exercise
their right to vote. Most of the time they have to resort to violence to protect their rights
and dignity which is under threat from the land owning and dominant sections of society.
Their faith in violence is strengthened because they find the state and the police always
taking sides with the land owning dominant sections of society.
The second phase of land reforms known as the Land Ceiling Act started from 1961
onwards with the stated objective of distributing land among the landless. After the
Naxalbari Movement of 1967 and the Land Grab Movements launched in different states of
1970 the need to impose rigorous land ceiling was realized. As early as in 1969 the Home
Minister had warned that if steps were not taken to lessen agrarian tension both by the state
and central government things would go beyond control. Land Reforms was essential part
of the twenty Point Programme ofMrs Indira Gandhi during Emergency period. But in spite
of all this by 1977 only 4.04 million acres were declared surplus, out of this 2.10 million
were taken over by the government and merely 1.29 million acres were actually distributed
The much acclaimed Green Revolution did not make much of difference in their condition.
The percentage of households below poverty line in the rural areas has gone up from
38.11% in 1960-61 to 48% in 1977-78. Agricultural labour continues to be their main
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income and most of the studies suggest that there has been a marked decline in both real
wages and the days of work.
Naxalite outfits are active in Andhra pradesh, Bihar, Madhya pradesh and also in newly
created states of Jharkhand and Chatisgarh. Many times they indulge in mindless militancy
but they continue to inspire the underdogs of rural society because mostly they take up the
problems faced by these sections. The government treats their armed struggle as law and
order problem and uses police and paramilitary forces to suppress them the government has
not shown the determination to address to the problems faced by the rural poor. The land
reforms carried out by the government had not succeeded in distributing land among poor
peasants and landless labour in any significant way. There have been attempts to ameliorate
the financial conditions of poor peasants, agricultural labourers and artisans in the rural
areas through funds made available by the central governments to the districts. But a major
chunk of these funds are cornered by local vested interests.
The agricultural labourers, poor peasants, contract labourers whether dalits, tribals or caste
Hindus have been struggling to assert their rights. They struggle for wages, land, and
against oppression of different types. Their movements are weak and divided. But surely it
has a potential to emerge as a powerful force and can get justice.

Q.1) In which way were the peasants exploited during the colonial period?
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Q. 2) What the Telengana Movement?

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Q. 3) Comment on the Naxalite movement?
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_______________________________________________________________________
28.3.2 Rich Peasants’ and Farmers’ Movements
________________________________________________________________________
The last quarter of the twentieth century has seen the movements of a very important
social group in the rural areas known as rich peasants, farmers, kulaks or the capitalist
farmers in several regions of India. They rallied behind the farmers’ organisations in their
respective regions. These organisations are - two Bharatiya Kisan Unions (the BKUs) of
Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, Shetkari Sangathan of Maharastra, Khadyut Samaj of Gujarat,
Karnataka Rjya Raitha Sangha of Karnartaka and Vivasayigal of Tamil Nadu. The most
prominent leaders of these unions are Bhupendra Singh Mann in Punjab, Mahendra Singh
Tikait in UP, Sharad Joshi in Maharastra and Nandunjappa Swami in Karnatak. These
farmers are the most influential and resourceful sections of rural society in their respective
regions. They largely belong to the intermediate castes. They have benefited most from the
state policies especially the land reforms and the green revolution. They cultivate land with
the family labour supported by the hired-labour. They control the maximum resources in
the rural society – land, water resources, animals, modern technology like tractors, etc.
The movements of rich farmers unlike the movements of poor peasants are not directed
against any rural exploiters. In fact, a large group of them belong to the latter. These are
directed against the state and unequal terms of trade.
Their main demands have been – remunerative prices, susidised imputs, writing off loans,
lowering of electricity bills, substantial reduction in water canal charges, representation of
the farmers in the Agricultural Price Commission. With the exception of the Maharastra,
these movement did not raise the problems of the small producers. Rather, Tikait has
demanded scrapping of land ceiling laws and of the Minimum wages Act.
The most common mode of mobilisation in the farmers’ or the rich peasants’ movements
include rallies, satyagrah, road blocaked, gaon bandi (banning the entry of outsiders into
the villages) and attack on the public property. Some times these result in violence. Their
“apolitical” nature, which means their not being attached to the political parties has been
13
14
the most effective method of mobilisation, especially in the in the initial phase of the
movements.
While the farmers’ movements in India shared several common characteristics, e.g., they
raised the market-oriented demands, their “apolitical” nature, their direction against the
state, patterns of mobilisation, the BKU movement of UP was distinct in terms of
leadership and involvement of the traditional institution. Mahendra Singh Tikait, the chief
of the Uttar Pradesh BKU is also the hereditary head of the traditional caste organisation
known as the Sarva Khap of the farming Jats. His social position enabled him to become
the leader of the BKU at a time when the farmers of the UP did not have a leader of that
stature in the wake of the death of Charan Singh in 1987. Tikait was able to involve the
traditional leaderships or Khaps -chiefs of several farming castes under the banner of the
BKU. Besides, the BKU also took up the social issues like dowry in the initial phase of its
movement.
The Bharatiya Kissan Union of Mahendra Singh Tikait speaks a language that invokes
elements of Charan Singh’s discourse on agriculture. Charan Singh used to argue that there
was an urban bias in Indian planning and held it accountable for diversion of resources
from agriculture. It, however, does not go to the extent of treating industrial and urban
India agains the rural India unlike the Shetkari Sangathan of Sharad Joshi. The rich peasant
organisations do not admit any contradiction between the interests of rich peasants and the
poor agrarian classes. They argue that unremunerative prices affect both the rich and the
poor peasants. While the Shetkari Sangthan maintains a façade of India and Bharat divide
to hide the class divide in agriculture, the BKU conceals it under the cover of existing
Bhaichara (brotherhood) and peasant- proprietorship in the western U.P.
The movement of rich peasant has become an important fact of the present day Indian
reality. No political party can afford to displease them. The government’s decision to
enhance electricity rates for farmers, raising fertilizer prices are met with stiff resistance.
Many times they resort to stoppage of the supply of commodities like onion sugar or milk
to get their demands conceded. One thing has become obvious that there has been a
tremendous increase in the power of this class. They not only exploit the labour power and
control majority of land they also control levers of power like gram panchayat, zila
parishad co-operatives and educational institutions and banks to get maximum benefit from
these institution and also to maintain its dominant position in the rural area.
The rich farmers are diversifying their sources of income. Some of their income comes
from outside the agrarian sector like employment in cities, rent trade, money lending or
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15
transport. They are also investing in small industries like sugar and rice mills as well as in
food processing.
________________________________________________________________________
28.4 THE IMPACT OF ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION ON THE WORKERS
AND PEASANT MOVEMENTS
________________________________________________________________________
The economic reforms in the country that came to be known as liberalisation can be said to
be mainly the - 1990 development. The era of reforms started with the government of P.V.
Narsimha Rao. Since then successive governments have continued with liberalisation
agenda. The present government of Atal Behari Vajpayee is also committed to this agenda.
Among the main planks of this New Economic policy are closure of sick and loss making
public enterprises, disinvestments from and privatisation of the public sector enterprises.
There has been a marked decline in the growth rate of total employment in the organised
sector in the 1990`s as compared to 1980`s. In fact this period is known as a period of
jobless growth. Labour laws relating to job security are being changed. Many workers have
been pushed out of jobs under the voluntary retirement scheme. A practice of using
contract and casual labour in place of regular employees has become widespread. There
have been strikes by Trade Unions to protect the interests of workers in State Electricity
Boards, ITDC hotels, banks, etc. A National Renewal Fund was created as early as in 1992
to provide a social safety net to the labour force rendered jobless.
In 1994 the government of India signed the Uruguway round of the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (GATT) at Maracas [Morocco] and became a member of the World
Trade Organization (WTO). This step of the government can be seen as part of the New
Economic policy. As per conditions of the GATT, developing countries including India are
under obligation to introduce subsidies -discipline. They are being asked to keep subsidies
to the farmers up to 10% of their value of output. But cutting down on subsidies is a
difficult proposition because no government wants to displease the rich farmers. They
continue to get things like irrigation waters and electricity either free or at throwaway
prices. Another G.ATT related problem faced by the farmers is introduction of patenting in
agriculture. The farmer is not automatically permitted to use farm-saved-seeds of protected
varieties to sow the next crop. He has either to pay compensation for the use of seeds saved
by him or obtain the approval of the breeder. As most of the Plant Breeders are the Multi
National Corporations (MNCs), their primary intention is maximisation of profit. This
leaves the farmers no option but to buy the seeds again. Farmers in Karnatka attacked the
15
16
farm of Cargill Seeds to register their anger. There have been protests against Terminator-
Seeds of cotton in Maharashtra and Gujrat. The response of the rich farmers` movements to
new developments like the New Economic Policy, India joining WTO has not been
undifferentiated. While Sharad Joshi in the western part of the country has supported the
new developments. Mahendra Singh Tikait in the north and Nanjundaswamy in the south
have been critical of it.
Q. 1. Identify the main farmers’ organisations along with their main leaders and the regions
of their operation.
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Q. 2. What are the main demands of the rich peasant movements?
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Q. 3 What has been the impact of the New Economic Policy on the workers?
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28.5 LET US SUM UP
In this unit you have studied about the collective action or the social and political
movements of the workers and the peasants in India. These groups have been agitating
from the colonial period for the redressal of their grievances. They formed their
organisations and responded to the call of their leadership. The problems of the workers
included mainly wages, bonus, personnel, leave and hours of work, violence and
indiscipline, industrial and labour policies, etc. The peasants are not a homogeneous
category. The poor and small peasants are related to their vulnerable social and economic
conditions. The farmers which are also known as the rich peasants, kulaks or the capitalist
16
17
farmers are mobilised around the issues related to the developed and commercial farming.
The period from the 197os onwards has seen the rise of workers and peasants’
organisations and the movements which are not affiliated to any political party. The
farmers and peasants movements affect the political processes in India to a significant
extent.
Bardhan, Pranab (ed.), Political Economy of Development in India, Oxford University

Press, 1998.
Berch Berberough (ed), Class, State and Development in India, Sage Publications, New
Delhi, 1992.
Omvedt, Gail, Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and the Socialist Tradition
in India, M.E. Shapre, Armonk, 1993.
Ghah, Ghanshyam, Social Movements in India: A Review of Literature, Delhi, Sage
Publications, New Delhi, 1990.
Hasan, Zoya (ed.), Politics and State in India, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 2000.
Singh, Jagpal Singh, Capitalism and Dependence: Agrarian Politics in Western Uttar
Pradesh (1951-1991), Chapter V, Manohar, New Delhi, 1992.

1) The main issues in the workers’ movements included - wages, bonus, personnel,
leave and hours of work, violence and indiscipline, industrial and labour policies, etc.
2) The “apolitical” trade union emerged because the workers were dissatisfied with the
existing trade unions which were affiliated to the political parties.
3) The trade unions have the following limitations: the organised woking class is small
section of the working population in India; poor finance; dominance of the outside
leadership; factionalism, etc.
17
18

1) They were exploited by a group of classes, e.g., landlords and their agents,
moneylenders and the officials of the colonial state. The landlords increased the rents
on the peasants continuously, took forced gifts and extracted begar from them. They
were heavily indebted to the moneylenders in order to pay the rent and meet the needs
of their subsistence. When the peasants could not pay the rent, services or the begar,
they were evicted form their land. They were also physically tortured.
2) Telangna Movement launched in 1946 in the princely state of Hyderabad ruled by
the Nizam. This movement started as a protest against collection of excessive revenue
using force by jagirdars. In the beginning the leadership was in the hands of the rich
peasants and the movement was directed against the big absentee landlords allied to the
Nizamsahi. But very soon the initiative passed into the hands of poor peasants and
agricultural labour that started occupying lands of landlords, and wastelands and started
distributing it among them. By 1947 this movement organized a Guerilla Army
mobilizing poor peasantry and agricultural labour many of which were tribal and
untouchables. This army snatched large quantity of arms from the zamindars and drove
away the local government officials. They established their control over an area of
15,000 square miles with a population of 40,000. The administrations in these areas
were run by peasant soviets. The army of independent India succeeded in crushing the
Telangna Movement in 1951.
3) The Naxalite movement originated in the Nazxalbari area of North Bengal. It was
directed against the landlords and the state agencies. The movement was based on the
principles of violence. It had spread into other states like Andhra Pradesh, Madhya
Pradesh and Bihar.
1) These are - two Bharatiya Kisan Unions (the BKUs) in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh,
led by Bhupender Singh Mann and Mahendra Singh Tikait respectively; Shetkari
Sangathan in Maharastra led by Sharad Joshi, Karnataka Rjya Raitha Sangha in
Karnartaka led Prof. Nanjundappa Swami; Khadyut Samaj in Gujarat, and Vivsayigal
Sangam in Tamil Nadu.
2) Their main demands have been – remunerative prices, susidised imputs, writing off
loans, lowering of electricity bills, substantial reduction in water canal charges,
representation of the farmers in the Agricultural Price Commission. With the exception
of the Maharastra, these movements did not raise the problems of the small producers.
18
19
Rather, Tikait has demanded scrapping of land ceiling laws and of the Minimum wages
Act.
3) The impact of the New Economic Policy on the workers is reflected in the following
way: deterioration in their material conditions, privatisation, retrenchment and the
Voluntary Retirement Scheme, etc.
19
UNIT 29 GLOBALISATION AND
LIBERALISATION
Structure
29.0 Objectives
29.1 Introduction
29.2 Globalisation: Meaning and Approaches
29.2.1 Meaning
29.2.2 Characteristics
29.2.3 Approaches
29.3 Globalisation and World Systems
29.3.1 The World Systems: Capitalist, Socialist and Mixed Economy
29.3.2 Transformation of the World Systems under Globalisation
29.3.3 Regionalisation of Trade and Investment Flows
29.4 Liberalisation
29.4.1 Meaning
29.4.2 Shift from State to Market
29.4.3 Facets of Liberalisation
29.5 Globalisation, Nation-State and Sovereignty
29.5.1 Shifting Conceptlon of the Natton-State and Sovereignty
29.6 Impact of Globalisation
29.6.1 Economic
29.6.2 Political
29.6.3 Cultural
29.7 Response of the Indian State\
29.7.1 Measures towards ~lobalisation
29.8 Debate on Liberalisation and Globalisation in India
29.8.1 Growth of the Economy
29.8.2 External Control
29.8.3 Impact on Unemployment and Poverty
29.8.4 Inequaltty between Rich and Poor States
29.8.5 Basic Industries and Infrastructure
29.8.6 Investment in Social Sectors
29.9 Let Us Sum Up
29.11 Answers to Check Your Progress ~ x e r c i s e s
29.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit is intended to acquaint you with a major development of our times
called globalisation and how the policy of liberalisation is integrally bound
with it. After going through this unit you will be able to:
1 l-l,,,c,,,4 A
, m-,-Pa;otn th- +~n,-l~nt -
n .
x~~ r n r r l c mlr.Lnl;nnt;n+..
Context or Indian State
Distinguish globalisation from World Systems;
Understand contemporary forms of dominance;
Grasp the reasons for and forms of the increased significance of the market;
Mark the changing role of the nation-state under globalisation;
Assess the impact of globalisation; ahd
Take into account and estimate the response of India to globalisation.
29.1 INTRODUCTION
Modem civilisation has brought profound changes in the productive capacities
of men and women, in their social relations and institutions i d the way
they have thought of themselves and the world around them. However, these
transfonnations were primarily bounded by what came to be called as the
nation-state. There were some processes that went beyond the confines of
the nation-state such as trade; expansion of capital; growth of knowledge;
spread of ideologies; affiliation to religion and beliefs; spread of culture, arts,
sports and even the rise of certain international institutions but the nation-
state remained the final court of appeal. However, the last three decades
have witnessed certain profound changes in this configuration resulting in new
and larger networks of exchange; great movement of peoples, goods and
information; transnational social and economic interaction and increasing flows
of trade, investment and culture. New economic, political and cultural institutions
have arisen. These changes have circumscribed the place and role of the
nation-state in a profound way. Increasingly our lives today are intimately
shaped by developments beyond the confines of the nation-state. Changes
in technology and information have radically altered the hitherto familiar
notions of space and time. The relationship between culture, economics and
politics is being redefined through rapid exchange of information, ideas and
knowledge. These widespread changes are attempted to be captured by the
term globalisation.
29.2 GLOBALISATION: MEANING AND APPROACHES

Globalisation during last two decades has been called as the most talked
about phenomenon. However, what exactly needs to be included under the
term globalisation is deeply contested. It is a multi-dimensional phenomenon,
involving diverse activities and interactions including the economic, political,
technological, cultural and environmental.
29.2.1 Meaning
Anthony Giddens sees Globalisation as, "The intensification of world-wide
social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings
are shaped by events occuring many miles away and vice-versa". The term
has been used expansively to include an enormous range of features of
contemporary life. Five of them can be considered as crucial to its
understanding:
a) Stretched Social Relations
Globalisation invokes cultural, economic and political networks of relations
spread across the world, denser than in any previous periods. Further they
are nut confined td merely specific regions. They envelop the whole world,
b) Intensification of Flows Globalisation and
Liberalisation
Globalisation is manifest in the rapid flow of information, capital and goods.
They result in networks and interactions that transcend any effective monitoring
and control by the nation-states. They beget social interactions that could
have little to do with geographical and cultural contiguity. Mobile phones,
satellite television and internet, which are based on thew flows, do not
respect the spatial frameworks that bound communication hitherto.
c) Increasing Interpenetration
Under globalisation cultures and societies that were hitherto distinct come face
to face with one another and get interwoven into the ways of social life
of others. Differences of language, food, dress and beliefs become constitutive
of social make-up.
r
I d) Global Infrastructure
They are formal and informal institutional arrangements in the economic,
political and cultural domains that facilitate networking and flows. Their reach
transcends the bounds of nation-state. They facilitate the functioning of a
global market. They embody codes and regulations holding transnational
interactions in place. They provide the mechanisms of global governance.
e) Reformulation of Social Relations
Under globalisation relations between social classes are brought sharply to
focus on a global scale. In the earlier phases of capitalism class relations
were primarily defined within the vortex of the nation-state. Globalisation
brings about a dense interaction between dominant classes and regions
outstripping national cleavages. It throws up new social strata and factions
both at the national and global levels. It reformulates inequalities and existing
unevenness in economic and power relations.
I
29.2.2 Characteristics
The above five-fold features i n f m the following characteristics of the globalising
world.
a) It is an inter-connected world: It is connected on account of modes of
simultaneous communication to any part of the world. It is also a
connected world on account of the problems that confront humanity as
a whole. Problems such as global climatic changes, the depletion of the
ozone layer, drugs, terrorism, pollution of the oceans etc. are beyond the
scope of any particular nation-state.
b) Distant actions in one comer of the globe have rapid and significant
repercussions in other parts. For instance, the East Asian Crisis of 1997-
1998 on the New York Stock Market or Nasdaq on Bombay Stock
Market etc.
c) There is the emergence of global social strata sharing certain common
cultural features. For instance: English language, Blue Jeans, Sweat Shirts,
etc. These features increasingly penetrate national cultures and may attempt
to bring about levels of homogenisation of modes of living, thought and
interactions.
d) Globalisation encapsulates the entire range of social relations. It has its
impact on every facet of life. However, the momentum of these relations
may not move at a uniform pace. It may result in a great deal of
2ontext o f Indian State e) Under globalisation power relations come to be articulated increasingly at
the global level. New organisations come to be established for the purpose.
f) Development of communication technology undermines the authority of the
nation-state and poses a threat to its sovereignty. '
g) It connects localities with the world bypassing national boundaries.

h) Sometimes individuals and smaller institutions in control of a front-line
technology can challenge the power of global organisations by forming
alliances. There grows up a new entrepreneurship around such knowledge-
based industry.
9 The prevailing pattern of globalisation has widened economic inequalities
and has worsened the lot of the impoverished. It has threatened the
existence of local cultures.
j) Globalisation also brings new opportunities. It widens tremendously the
range of choices available to people. It breaks down such geographic
barriers as town and countryside and metropolis and periphery to access
resources and information. One can live locally while being in tune with
the global context.
k) It is the integration of the global financial markets that often remains the
hallmark of globalisation. It involves new forms of financial kansactions,
assisted by new modes of communication. It has led to the weakening
of the national stock markets and tremendous growth in cross border
tmnktions in equities, international bank lending, international bond markets
etc.
I) It involves a struggle to dominate global markets and centralisation of
power in a few organisations. The rise of the Multinational Corporations
(MNCs) and the new role that the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) have come
to play bear witness to it.
m) The process of Globalisaion has hitherto been accompanied by a strong
dose of Arnericanisation manifest in such symbols as 'Coca-Cola' and
'Macdonald' and has reinforced its influence over the other regions of
the world.
29.2.3 Approaches
There are two kinds of globalists, positive/optimistic and negative/pessirnistic.
The former point out at the benefits of globalisation. Pessimists see it as
levelling down differences and promoting homogenisation. They may see it
as the dominance of advanced capitalist countries especially United States
of America over tht rest of the world. They feel that globalisation is going
to reinforce deprivation of the vast majority and exasperate conflicts. Its
benefits will primarily accrue to those who are already advantaged in the
prevailing relations.
a) Traditionalists admit that there is intensification of flows and social activity
at the global le9el but they do not see any significant shift in social
relations under globalisation. It is not something unprecedented. They assert
that there have been moments of great transformation in the past as well
that connected the world. They see the continued relevance of the nation-
state still. States are throwing up new institutions to face the new demands
, and requirements they encounter. It is nothing but the continuation of the
trends and processes already underway.
Traditionalists resist the encroachment of global business in the name of Globalisation and
Liberalisation
globalisation and its supposed benefits. They 'also see grave danger to
cultures and identities on account of it.
b) Transformationists believe that globalisatioin has created new economic,
political and social circumstances in which states are called upon to
operate. It has led to transform state powers. This is a significant shift
from the earlier situation. However, they see a major role for nation-
states in the emerging context.
They think that globalisation is not a uniform and predictable tendency.
Its course is not predetermined. The nation- state and other actors on
the scene can play a major role in shaping its course and content. They,
however, believe that the autonomy of nation-states is limited due to the
presence of Multinational Corporations (MNCs) and Transnational
r
Corporations (TNCs) and the dominance of certain nation states in this
process. They call for a sustained endeavour for building democratic
accountability at the various levels and seek to devise mechanisms of
global governance.
29.3 GLOBALISATION AND THE WORLD SYSTEMS
29.3.1 The World Systems: Capitalist, Socialist and Mixed

Economy
Till recently people spoke about distinct systems that prevailed in the world:
capitalist system, socialist system and a third variant that went under several
names such as mixed economy, democratic socialism etc. In the capitalist
system the freedom of the market and freedom of choice were privileged;
the socialist system stressed on state ownership and control of the means
of production and planning in the allocation of resources and distribution
of goods; in the mixed economy there was a state sector alongside the
private sector. While no society mirrored exactly any of the systems fully,
existing societies could be demarcated as tilted to one side or the other.
29.3.2 Transformation of the World Systems under Globalisation
In the wake of globalisation state controlled and socialist systems, with few
exceptions, have paved their way to market forces. It has brought increasing
interdependence and integration in the global economy as a whole. While
trade is moving towards interdependency, a capital flows and investment
have led to integration. But, while there is general agreement on the growing
interdependency and integration in several aspects of social and economic
life, its extent and direction has been deeply contested.
Globalists argue that there has been rapid forging of global bonds as
expressed in international trade and investment and they have superseded
and supplanted the national economy. Traditionalists, however, do not think
that the category of national economy has been supplanted by globalisation.
The transformationalists argue that although new forces of intense
interdependence and integration inform the world we are not into a single
system as yet. They feel that there is the disintegration of local and national
economies and the emergence of more mixed, interdependent and highly
uneven economies which cannot be encompassed within the fold of a single
clrctpm
Context o f I n d i a n State In the globalising world that is underway capitalism definitely holds its sway.
There is also no doubt that the present version of globalisation is a triumph
of the erstwhile capitalist system worldwide. Analysts, however, are not
agreed on :
to what extent we can characterise the global system as a new phase
of capitalism,
the specific nature of class relations under globalisation and the class blocs
that ensue therefrom, and
the relation of the market to class struggle
29.3.3 Regionalisation of Trade and Investment Flows
Recent studies indicate that while trade and oversees investment has grown
the proportion of trade to gross domestic product (GDP) has remained
steady since World War I, the pattern of domestic consumption of the
produce, to the extent possible, has not seen major change. Besides, although
there is growth in foreign direct investment (FDI) since 1980, FDI formed
only 5.2 per cent of the world's capital formation. Resources to finance
investment continue to be primarily domestic.
Even today, the international economy is characterised by the development
of regional trading and investment blocs. The most significant configurations
are USA or North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), The European
Union countries and Japan. They accounted for % of the world's GDP in
late 1990's and in 1996, 66 per cent of world trade flows although they
account for 15 per cent of the World's population. A vast section of the
underdeveloped world is out of this process. Further these three big economies
were quite closed in terms of trade interdependence and investment integration
in 1990's. When we look beyond these blocs there is little North-South
trade as yet. The manufactured imports of the Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries in 1992 was not more
than 2.3 per a cent of the GDP of these countries.
In fact if there .is a trend visible; it is the thickening network of trade
participation within the core, the most developed countries. National economies
continue to be primary players on the scene. Between 1991 and 1996 the
USA, EU and Japan acc~untedfor 60 per cent of the world flows of
FDI.
Often the FDI flows are away from the periphery into the core of the
system. Globalisation provides the mechanisms and the rationale for agents
in the periphej to plough their investment in the developed world.
While the regional focus of the economy is inMct, there is at the same
time an attempt to forge agreements on a wider sphere of economic
exchange. They lay down codes governing these exchanges and attempt to
keep conflicts within control. The most important of these agreements was
the one to constitute the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1995, which
has become a major pillar of globalisation. A whole range of items which
were earlier part of the national decision are brought before the WTO, such
as agriculture and related activities, trade related investment measures (TRIMS),
trade related intellectual property rights(TRIPS), trade in services and movement
of -ns, the prevention of foreign compebtion through duties and quantitative
restrictions such as quotas, exchange controls and regulation. These agreements
do not favour subsidies. Market mechanisms are supposed to determine Globalisation and
Liberalisation
optimum pursuits.
In relation to the understanding of the world systems, we can note the
following changes under conditions of globalisation:
a) There is clearly more intense integration of the economy at the regional
level in the developed world. The national economy still holds its ground.
b) The developed world has marked the code, rules and regulations for the *
global economy as a whole. Although the ultimate repressive power still

belongs to the nation-states it can hardly be wielded against the wishes
of the developed world led by the US.
c) The revolution in communication provides a mechanism for quick rewards
and reprisals.
,
d) There are cleavages in the developed world and there are sections in ,
the developing world who are wholly integrated in the mainstream global
trerlds but social relations are characterised by a great deal of fluidity
and unevenness. New regions can be integrated in the global economy
without being mediated through the local markets. The primary conflict
of the globalising world is with the masses drawn into its relation but
fragmented into distinct classes, cultures and communities.
e) The culture industry under conditions of globalisation has become a potent
tool to unify the world along with the market.
of the unit.
1) Outline the basic features of globalisation.
2) What is meant by the regionalisation of the economy?
2 9.4 LIBERALISATION
29.4.1 Meaning '
In the context of globalisation, liberalisation primarily means removal of

controls and r e ~ l a t i o n sat various levels of the economy facilitating market
forces to determine its course and direction. It favours a competitive market
solution to economic issues and a reduced role for the state in economic
management. In a wider sense the term is also used to mean creating
--___I:L:--_ r--- AIL- -1 ---- -r -:-2- --_I --l:~l_-l _1-l.A_ -.1- -r 1 _.-.
Context of Indian State accountability of power, periodic elections, multi-party system and an impartial
judiciary. These conditions are seen as holding public authority transparent
and under scrutiny.
In its primary and stricter meaning liberalisation proclaims fi-eedom of trade

and investment; creation of free trade areas; elimination of government
controls on allocation of resources in the domestic economy; progressive
removal of restrictions on external trade and payments; expansion of foreign
investment, loans and aid and rapid technological progress.
Liberalisation also advocates a balanced budget; reduction in progressive

taxation, social security and welfare and a diminished role for the state in
economic management. It does not favour subsidies and state protection and
resource allocations through administrative means. It suggests that inefficiency,
corruption and mismanagement are built into regimes with excessive state
control.
29.4.2 Shift from State to Market
In 1970's an argument gained currency that economic problems confi-onting
societies were due to the sprawling public sector, policies of 111 employment,
high rates of taxation, generous social welfare benefits and growing state
intervention. It was further argued that these policies led to excessive wage
demands, introduced rigidity in the market, encouraged parasitism and blunted
the incentives to save, work, invest and take risks. Political forces not
favourably disposed towards welfare state and socialism, such as the
Conservative Party in Britain, rallied behind this argument.
In the 1980's there was a strong shift away from the State to the market
in the allocation of resources in large parts of the world. It was accompanied
by the information and communication revolution which favoured the market.
This shiil led to widespread deregulation of the economy and measures to
reduce taxes and government expenditure.
The primacy of the market upheld by liberalisation came to be supported

by global capital with open arms. The transnational enterprises and multilateral
agencies such as the IMF and World Bank too brought enormous pressures
on States to pursue a policy of liberalisation. The collapse of socialist regimes
in Eastern Europe in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991
were hailed as the triumph of the market and gave W e r impetus to market
forces.
29.4.3 Facets of Liberalisation
Liberalisation is a global phenomenon, closely entwined with the process of
globalisation. In fact, in its existing version, liberalisation is the enabling
condition for the intensive penetration of globalisation into any society. But
the contexts in which liberalisation has been carried out and the patterns
it has assumed have varied across regions and states.
a) In Europe liberalisation has led to curtailment of public expenditure; cuts
in social security and werare programmes; reduction in progressive taxation;
abandonment of full employment policies, curbs on trade unions, flexible
labour markets and privatisation of state enterprises. However liberalisation
did not affect highly protected agricultural production, the immigration
Globalisation and
policy and certain categories of international trade, particularly involving Liberalisation
advanced technology.
b) In the developing countries, hitherto, the state regulated imports and
exports, foreign investment, technology, labour markets and collective
bargaining. The state owned and managed a wide range of industrial,
agricultural, marketing and financial enterprises. By mid 1970's most of
these countries were deeply in debt. In them, liberalisation involves the
reversal of the previous policies of state directed modernisation and
industrialisation. The early phase of liberalisation encompassed stabilisation
of the economy through control of public expenditure and increase in tax
returns; industrial policy reforms; price liberalisation; control of state
expenditure; currency devaluation; reduction and removal of subsidies and
capital and financial market reforms. At a later stage these countries have
resorted to privatisation of state enterprises, currency convertibility and
integration of the economy in the global economy.
29.5 GLOBALISATION, NATION-STATE AND

SOVEREIGNTY
29.5.1 Shifting Conception of Nation-state and Sovereignty

The modern world was primarily organised around nation-states as its primary
units. Nation-states claimed supreme jurisdiction or sovereignty over a
demarcated territorial area. Sovereignty was associated with a political
community associated with fixed borders and territories. Under globalisation
there are profound changes in all these conceptions. There are other players
in the internati~nalarena; the sovereign power of the nation-state has come
to be deeply contested; the conception of the political community remains
highly fluid and the notions of temtories and borders have radically altered
in the context of the explosion of communication and states have little
capacity to police them as they did in the past. Not everyone, however,
is agreed on or prepared to accept the changing role of the State. Globalists
think that nation-state has become an anachronism today and therk are other
institutions, which have effectively taken over or poised to take over the
r role that it had played hitherto. Traditionalists assert the continued relevance
of the nation-state and see the major changes that are underway, as either
been authorised or agreed upon by the state or as issues over which nation-
i states would be competent to exercise its authority, if they so desire. The
transformalists agree that nation-state with sovereignty as its attribute is under
a cloud today but they argue in response that the nation-state itself is
undergoing a profound transformation.
Disagre ments on the changed role of the nation state apart, there is no
7
disagreement that they function today in highly altered conditions. Nation-
states are increasingly perceived as resources to be employed in negotiations
with transnational and international agencies and to keep sub-state actors
in control. In such an understanding sovereignty becomes a bargaining chip
in multilateral and transnational negotiations. This reconceptualisation of the
role of the state allows room for its continued salience in spite of the
profound shift of power to systems of regional and global governance.
L There are a host of issues today where the ability of the state to govern
Context o f Indian State
be easily tied to the jurisdiction of individual nation-states. Such problems
as environmental pollution, depletion of the ozone layer are simply beyond
the control of individual states. No state today can monitor for long and
effectively cross border communication. Further globalisation has reinforced
such occupations as drug trade enormously. In 1990's the estimated annual
illicit drug turnover was over 400 billion US dollars equal to the gross
national product of India in 1998.
29.6 IMPACT OF GLOBALISATION

We can assess the impact of globalisation under three broad categories:
Economic, Political and Cultural. Such assessments are deeply influenced by
the approach one adopts towards globalisation. It allows him to highlight
some features and ignore the rest. Some of the most salient features of
the impact are highlighted here below:
29.6.1 Economic
a) Those who are favourably disposed to globalisation stress the following:
9 It has been beneficial to consumers. It has increased the scale
and allocativa efficiency of markets for goods and capital in the wake
of globalisation.
n It is supposdd to have released huge unutilised resources and led
to a great economic recovery worldwide.
iiii It has resulted in the rolling back of the state; undexmined parasitism
and bureaucracy and has led to a spurt in entrepreneurship and
knowledge based industry.
iv) It has introduced a great deal of flexibility relative to the kind of
rigidity that prevailed under the welfare regime and state controlled
order. There is, under its aegis, the rise of a flexible mode of
'
production, work processes, labour markets, production, education,
patterns of consumption, savings etc.
v) It has set into motion a highly intensified process of mergers and
acquisitions of enterprises, promising a global economic order of both
scale and quality.
. vi) Globalisation has tightened the rules of the game while at the same
time introducing flexibility. There prevailed a great deal of anarchy
when national economies dictated the terms. Within the nation-states
liberalisation has enhanced fiscal discipline.
viii Globalisation has greatly facilitated the movement of capital and lessened
the dependence of developing countries on bilateral and multilateral
agencies such as the IMF and world bank. They can make their
option today for FDIs or have an access to global capital markets.
vii) For several countries globalisation has been an important mechanism
to upgrade their technology and get an access to the global markets.
ix) Globalisation has led to the appreciation of several technological
innovations whkh closed societies may not have encouraged. In their
turn these techologies have made global flows more intense and
rapid.
x) Globalisation has linked communities and cultures and enhanced the
. I . - . - - - L r--- *I----
b) There are others who cite equally valid reasons why globalisation is not Globalisation and
Liberalisation
a desirable state of affairs. :
9 Globalisation has greatly increased existing inequalities. Thirty years ago
the gap between the richest fifth of the world's people and the poorest
fifth stood at 30 to 1. By 1990 it had widened to 60 to 1 and
in 2000 it stands at 74 to 1. In terms of consumption, the richest
fifth of the world accounts for 86% of the global produce and the
bottom fifth j p t 1% today. Further this unevenness operates at various
levels reinforking the disadvantage of the lowliest.
i There appears to be a great deal of evidence to suggest the
generalisation that the processes and policies af liberalisation and
globalisation have contributed to a significant redistribution of income
and wealth from the poor to the rich both nationally and internationally.
Between 1975 and 1985 an estimated US $ 165-200 billion were
placed by individual investors from the Third World in the international
financial markets.
There is growing disparity within the developed nations, between the
developed nations and the developing nations, the developing nations
themselves and among the poor across the world.
i There is a growing prevalence of casual, part-time and informal sectors
of employment. In the wake of globalisation there is a substantial
increase world-wide in unemployment and ferninisation of the labour
force. There are large scale migrations of people within and across
nation-states. But there is a growing tendency among the unemployed
to target the migrants as responsible for their flight.
iv) There has been a cut in welfare programmes due to the decline in
public expenditure especially on social services and welfare, reduction
in subsidies of goods of mass consumption and decline in real wages.
v) There is an increase in the power of foreign investors and creditors,
domestic business groups with links to foreign capital and technology.
There is a shift of income in favour of capital engaged in international
relations.
vi) While a great deal of attention is paid to formulate rules for the
expansion of global markets and capital flows little attention is paid
to objectives like labour standards, poverty reduction and human
rights.
P
viii The WTO defends its intervention in the name of breaking down
tariff bamers, free flow of goods and capital and safeguarding
entitlement. But it is perceived by many as market fundamentalism,
narrowing down choices before the vast multitude of people rather
than expanding them. -_
yiiii Captial flows and trade have remained highly confined to certain core
deveolped areas of the world. The rest of the world is subjected
to a discipline to safeguard the interests of these core economies.
ix) The developed world has not shown much keenness in softening
quantitative restriction, particularly against agricultural imports from
, developing countries in q i t e of WTO stipulations in this regard. On
the other, large business houses have been quick to assert their claims
and rights over the developing world.
Context of Indian State
x) One of the biggest gainers fkom globalisation are criminals. At present,
Six major international crime syndicates are believed to gross US $
1.5 trillion annually from the proceeds of crime.
ra) There have been widespread protests against the creeping global order
by those who are at the losing end of the globalising drive. Strong
protests were voiced by thousands of protestors at the venue of the
IMF-World Bank Spring meeting in April 2000.
29.6.2 Political
a) It is argued that the great expansion of liberal democracy world-wide
would not have been possible without the promises of globalisation.
b) Globalisation has strengthened accountablity and transparency of power
and led to good governance.
c) It has greatly circumscribed the power of the nation-state. Opponents
of the ruling elites and the disadvantaged groups have an access today
to a wider world. In fact several dissident voices and advocacy groups
have effectively made use of globalisation to advance their concerns.
d) There are new institutions of governance today at various levels. They
fill an important vacuum by reorganising power at different levels and
directing it towards specified ends.
e) Globalisation has affected class relations enormously. There is a shift of
power to capital and to the developed world and transfer of decision-
malang to an alliance of international financial organisations and corporate
capital. There is a decline in the power of the organised working class.
f) Globalisation has led to new linkages through patterns of migration and
created a new elite with a similar life-style in every big city of the world.
At the same time it has created a pool of migrant and local labour at
the bottom of the labour market.
g) Globalisation has radically undermined the spatial and territorial anchoring
of power. In its wake there is the explosion of ethnic and community
identities and the avowal of fundamentalism.
h) It has created global electronic communities of sorts. They allow a diversity
of alternative or radical voices to be accessed and heard as they facilitate
the grouping of dominant interests.
0 Globalisation has reinforced inequalities within and between nations in
terms of access to information and knowledge. They have spawned new
social categories of 'information rich' and information poor'.
j) Neo-libd ideology has emerged as the reigning ideology under globalisation
with its stress on market freedom, private property and accumulation. It
has little respect for alternative and hallowed conceptions of the good.
It disparages politics overtly while upholding individual enterprise. At the
same time globalisation has led to the construction of a hierarchised world
presided over by the US and global capital.
k) There has emergcd an interesting coalition of the traditional 'left', opposed
to global corporate capital and the 'right' defending national culture.
Globalisation has led to the rise of new social movements that do not
fall within the vortex of traditional class movements, such as of women,
peasants, ethnic communities, displaced people etc.
29.6.3 Cultural Globalisation and
Liberalisation
a) Globalisation has facilitated a phenomenal growth in the global circulation

of cultural goods. They include printed matter, music, visual arts, cinema
and photography, radio and television. Elements of ethnic cultures are
woven through them. However the ownership of these goods is concentrated
in a set of media corporations. Fewer voices can be heard despite the
proliferation of the media. Nation-states have little control over them as
they are dominated by transnational corporations such as Time Warner,
Disney, Viacom, Telecommunications Inc., New Corporation, Sony, Seagram,
General electronic, Dutch Philips etc.
b) Under globalisation there has been a great expansion of western and
"
particularly American culture. There has been a great imbalance between
cultural flows. Accusations of cultural imposition and domination have been
widely heard. Cultures have become vulnerable. eg. vernacular languages
in India.. However the extent of such domination and the ability of the
local cultures to contest it has been a debated issue.
c) The English language has emerged to a predominant position of being
the language of communication within and between global organisations
and institutions. It has become the transmission belt for western goods
and services.
d) It is interesting to note that in spite of globalisation certain institutions
such as the press, television, national broadcasting are still anchored in
h&onal and the cultural ambiences.
e) Globalisation involves extensive migrations of people both within and across
states. The communication networks make other cultures shape one's way
of life very intimately. They strengthen the fabric of cultural p l d s m which
increasingly confronts tendencies for cultural domination.
! of the unit.
i
C
1) Highlight any three supposed economic benefits of globalisation.
i ................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
2) Enumerate the political impact of globalisation.

-
29.7 RESPONSE OF THE INDIAN STATE
29.7.1 Measures towards Globalisation

The Indian government took recourse to certain piecemeal measures of
liberalisation from 1980 onwards and warmly responded to the technological
basis of globalisation. In the beginning its response to the larger measures
of liberalisation continued to be lukewarm and hesitant. It was in the wake
of the external repayment liability crisis of 1991 that government took a
qualitative turn t o y r d liberalisation. It involved the following major changes
in policy:
a) Trade policy refonn: This reform sought to dismantle the earlier import
licensing system. It proposed heavy scaling down or removal of tariff
and reforms on quantitative restriction on imports. Except on consumer
goods non-tariff baniers were phased out.
b) Industrial Policy Reform: It sought abolition of industrial licensing except
for a few specified industries; items reserved for public sector came to
be highly restricted and it extended favourable treatment to FDI. R&ctions
on investment by large industrial houses was abolished and a phased
programme of disinvestment of public ownenhip in public sector uhdettakings
was initiated. The on-resident Indians_(NRIs)were extended additional
encouragement to invest and outward investment by Indian enterprises was
liberalid. ..-
Exchange rate reform: The rupee was devalued in 1991. Partial
convertibility 08 the rupee was done in 1992-93 and full c ~ n v e r t i b i l ~ ~
on current account in 1994.
c) Capital market reform was undertaken by setting up the Securities and
Exchange Board of India (SEBI). I f
d) Financial Reforms: Private sector banks including foreign joint venture

banks came to be permittkd to undertake and expand their operations.
A policy regime for private non-banking finance companies came to be
established. I
There is no policy agreement on the direction in which reforms, termed as

second generation reforms, have 'to proceed further. In -its absence, the
government has anempted to build in competition in sectors where hitherto
the public sector enjoyed a monopoly; thrown open the insurance sector
for market competition; attempted to lay down a set of directives for
disinvestment and removed tariffs on a large number of items in accordance
with its agreement with the WTO.
I
29.8 DEBATE ON LIBERALISATION AND
GLOBALISATION IN INDIA
' .,JJr$jke in most of the other countries which set on reforms much earlier
1ndian liberalisation has been around for less than a decade. It makes
assessment of trends and tendencies less accurate. The debate on liberalisation
in India has squared around issues that have been central to the nationalist
agenda in India. It is not entwined in the kind of ideological debates that
marked the liberalising policies in the W s t , particularly Great Britain.
T :harnl:nnt:r\- :n TnA:n hnn .r-mnAl.r hnnn n h n l l n m m n A h;thnr)rr &am thn
Globalisation and
nationalist and Marxist perspectives and not h m alternative liberal-democratic Liberalisation
pers~ectivesas in the West.
Given the fact that the political centre, from the right to the left, has not
opposed liberalisation it enjoys widespread political consensus in India at
present. Except the communist parties and the Rashrtiya Swayam Sevak
Sangh (R.S.S.) and some of its affiliates, all the other major political parties
in India have extended their support to the liberalising measures. Anyway,
they have not been actively opposed to most of these measures. This
consensus, however, is highly precarious. The debate on the following issues
shows that this consensus cannot be taken for granted for long.
29.8.1' Growth of the Economy -
Although growth of the economy, both quantitative and qualitative, alone
cannot be the rationale for liberalisation, in a developing society like India
it cannot but be of central importance. Besides, although growth by itself
may not meet the other desirable objectives growth is absolutely central to
pursue the? Further we cannot gainsay that in the absence of liberalisation,
the trends in the economy prior to its adoption would have persisted:
f) India's compound rate of growth in the second half of 1980's was 5.8
per annum. The average rate for 1992-98 comes to 6.5 per cent per
annum. Industrial growth for the period 6as been 8.1 per cent and it
is slightly higher than 7.94 per cent that prevailed in the second half of
1980's.The growth of the industry, however, has been very unsteady. The
rate of industrial growth reached a high of 12.8 per cent in 1995-1996
but during 1996-1999 it has been low and unsteady.
ii) The fiscal deficit in the reform period has remained 5.7 per cent as
compared to 8.8 per cent of GDP in the second half of 1980's.
iii] Inflation has been on the decline during the reform period. However, the
growth of consumer index relative to the wholesale shows that food prices
and other goods of mass consumption are increasing at a faster pace
affecting the weaker sections.
iv) India has generally lagged behind in R&D effort."However, ever since
India embraced the path of liberalisation and globalisation its spending in
R&D has fallen. India spent 0.96 per cent of its GDP on R&D in 1988
which came down to 0.8% in 1999. The corresponding amount is 2-
3% of the GDP for developed countries.
v) There has been an unprecedented rise in mergers and acquisitions in the
Irpdian corporate sector after liberalisation.
fbms to make their investment
vi) After liberalisation there is more flexibility for
decisions and in choosing plant capacities. Unprecedented restructuring of
the Indian industry to meet the challenges of the global market has taken
place during the last one decade. Dilution of the MRTP act has removed
many restrictions on' corporate investments and growth.
29.8.2 External Control
The growth of the economy has definitely been favourable so far. At the
same time Indian economy has clearly tended towards monopolies and
towards integration with the global economy. In this context following trends
.;2 \risible:
9 Propotion of trade to GNP has gone up steadily from 14.1 per cent
in 1990-91 to 18.2 per cent in 1998-1999. India's economy has become
increasingly interdependent on the global economy.
n The remittances of Indians abroad has been to,the tune of 2.5 per cent
of GDP during the libearlising decade compared to just 1 per cent in
the late 1980's. In fact just prior to liberalisation these remittances were
declining. Indians are one of the major contenders in the global labour
flows today.
iiii The FDI flow to India in 1991 was $200 million while US$ 14.6 billion
worth of FDI was approved in 1997 although the actual inflow was
just $3.2 billion. Even this amount was a major advance compared
to the situation prior to liberalisation. However, out of the estimated $684
billion FDI flow worldwide in 1994, India's share was a pittance. Besides
most of the FDI flow in India so far has been directed towards the
non-manufacturing sector and for acquisition of already existing units.
iv) Liberalisation ha.$ facilitated Indian companies raising resources in western
stock exchanges. It was 2.5 per cent of the GDP during the period
1996-97 to 1998-1999.
v) MNCs have taken advantage of the new rules to increase their stake
in their existing affiliates in India. However, the thrust is still to produce
for the Indian Market. Little export-oriented FDI has hitherto come to
India.
vi) External debt has become much more manageable after embracing the
liberalising measures. A healthy foreign exchange reserve has been built
up of about U S 3 5 billions in 2000.
viii India has liberlised its trade with South Asia at a faster pace. All
quantitative restrictions have been removed on imports of 2300 items
from SAARC countries. However, given the volume of trade flows of
South Asian countries, this regional liberalisation will not make much of
a difference in the near future.
viii) Changes in Foreign Exchange Regulation Act have removed shareholding
and business restrictions. Restrictions on income repatriation have been
removed. Similarly policies related to foreign technology purchases and
licensing have been liberalised.
Following liberalisation Indian trade has registered a substantial increase and

its foreign exchange position has definitely improved. The manufacturing base
of India, however, has not seen any substantial expansion. Indian economy
today has integrated with the global economy in terms-of transnational capital.
The remittances of Indians abroad provides certain leeway but its certainty
depends to a great extent on the continued pursuit of the liberalising
measures.
29.8.3 Impact on Unemployment and Poverty
Scholars in India are deeply divided into two rival camps on this issue.
One group argues that unemployment and poverty have worsened following
liberalisation and the other group suggesting that it is not so. The latter argues
that either liberalistion has turned the slide or established the framework
and conditions for reduction of unemployment and poverty. Here below are
a few' trends in this iegard:
i) The incidence of poverty declined for all categories of workers over the Globalisation and
Liberalisation
first decade of liberalisation. However, the rate of decline in poverty ratios
was lowest for casual workers and it was highest for regular workers.
As per the NSS data, 1997, poverty in India was around 37 (rural 38
and urban 34) per cent. However, the 1980's recorded a faster decline
in rural poverty and the decline slowed down considerably after the
reforms. The share of self-employed workers came down from 61.4 per
cent in 1972-73 to 54.8 per cent in 1993-94. There was increase in
the proportion of casual labourers from 23.2 per cent to 32 per cent.
There is a decline in the rural non-farm employment. Casualisation of
labour got accentuated with liberalisation. Quality of employment has
deteriorated on that account. Real wages for casual labourers increased
in 1990's but the growth has been very slow.
ii) Although rural poverty decreased in most of the states (except Assam,
Bihar, Haryana & Punjab and U.P.) in 1993-94 as compared to 1987-
88, this decline was lower than during the period 1983 to 1987-88 and
1977-78 to 1983. Urban poverty showed a higher, rate of decline in
nine out of 17 states during 1987-88 to 1993-1994 as compared to
,
the earlier periods. .5
/ /
ii) In India child labour is on the decline. It declined from 23 percent in

1980 to 16 per cent in 1997
iv) Educated unemployment was declining over time and there has been no
sign of its increase after liberalisation. However, in the rural areas
unemployment among graduates, both boys and girls, has increased during
the decade of liberalisation.
Although, liberalisation has not accentuated unemployilent and poverty in

India as much as in several other countries, the trend is clearly in that
direction. Further liberalisation is exasperating the urban-rural cleavage in
India.
29.8.4 Inequality between Rich and Poor States
Inequality between rich and poor states has increased during the years of
liberalisation. However, it is difficult to bracket any one of the states has
rich or poor with respect to all the indicators. However, certain states such
as Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Tarnilnadu have
succeeded in orienting themselves favourably towards the liberalising and
globalising measures much more than other states. Some states such as Bihar,
Uttar Pradesh and Orissa have consistently remained lacking.
i) In Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Karnataka, Maharastra, West Bengal and
Punjab, poverty started to decline under liberalisation to an appreciable
extent while there is no such decline in.Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa,
Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh.
ii) The inter-state inequalities in per capita income income increased significantly
in 1990's while there was no evidence of convergence and divergence
during the period 1965-85.
iii) Rich states showed much higher growth while poor states recorded lower
growth during 1985-96.
Conteiit o f Indian State
29.8.5 Basic Industries and Infrastructure
i) There has been a sharp decline in government capital investment from
5.5 per cent to 3.6 per cent of the GDP from 1990-91 to 1998-99.
It has led to the relative neglect of the i&kastructural sectors.
n) The government has not succeeded in ploughing FDIs towards the basic
industries and infrastructural sector to any significant extent.
iiiiThe prioritisatioin of disinvestment during the second generation reforms
is unlikely to expand the manufacturing base either.
N) The private sector in India has not elicited much interest in making
investment in the basic industries and infrastructure.
India may not be able to sustain, let alone improve, the kind of advantage
that it has enjoyed in basic industries for long.
29.8.6 Investmefit in Social Sectors
There is declining expenditure in social sectors such as education, health
and poverty alleviation in the liberalising decade in India.
3 The expenditure of central and state governments on education on the
percentage of GDP is found to have declined from 3.6 per cent in 1992
to 3.4 per cent in 1996-1997, showing a declining trend duri~&this
period. The worst affected has been the sector of'higher education. Even
the priority sector of primary education does not seem to have received
any significantly larger allocation during the reform period.
ni In the states too, the overall developmental expenditure .has declined.
ii) The allocation to health sector has declined from 1.7 per cent in VII
plan to 1 per cent during 1997-98
N) While the central government has taken on a larger share of the social
sector over the years, central assistance to states in these areas has declined.
For instance, the share of education in centrally sponsored schemes was
. 12.1 per cent in 1991. It declined to 8 per cent in 1997-98
ii) Check your answers with the model answers g&en at the end
of the unit.
1) Enumerate. the significant measures adopted by India towards
liberalization.
2) Suggest the impact of globalisation and liberalisation 'on the labouring

masses in India.
Globalisation and
Liberalisation
Globalisation has brought the world together as never before. The

communication revolution has facilitated this process. greatly. However, it has
been perceived, by the dobalists, traditionalists and transformationalists very
differently. The current version of Globalisation &OU& heralds the triumph
of the capitalist system, it is a significant phase in its development as well.
For all the cohnectivity and interdependence that it has brought about, trade
and capital flows in the world are still concentrated among three regions
of the world, made of the US, Japan and European Union Countries.
Globalisation has further butressed the hold of the developed world over
the rest. Through liberalisation states have hooked their societies on to the
globalised world. While the nation-state has been attempting to cope with
this development, in its own way, there are new institutions, below, along
and above the nation-state, that have come to the fore.
Overall globalisation has had a profound impact on the economic, political

and cultural domains. Although India was a latecomer to embrace liberalisation
it is well-integrated today in the. globalised world. While India has registered
appreciable economic and trade growths following the adoption of the policy
of liberalisation, the existing trends suggest that the lot of the disadvantaged
and the labouring masses has worsened during this period.
- 29.10 SOME USEFUL BOOKS

Ahluwalia, Isher Judge and Little MD, eds., India's Economic Reforms
and Development, Essays for Manrnohan Singh, Delhi, Oxford, 1998.
Giddens Anthony, B e Consequences of Modernity, Cambridge, Polity, 1990.
Held, David, ed., A Globalising World? Culture, Economics, Politics,
London, Open University, 2000.
Hirst, P.Q., and Thompson, C.E., Globalisation in Question: The
International Economy and the Possibilities of Governance, Cambridge,
Polity, 2nd Edition, 1997.
Sachs, Jeffiey D., V ~ h n e yAshutosh and Bajpai Nirupam, (eds.), India in
P
the Era of Economic Reforms, De i, Oxford , 2000.
/
29.11 ANSWERS TO C-CK YOUR PROGRESS
P
EXERCISES
1) Intensification of world-wide social relations, rapid flow of information and
capital, growth of global infiastracture, and reformulation of existing
inequalities in the world.
2) Development of regional trading and investment blocks.
1) Increased scale and allocative efficiency of market for goods, undermined
the parasitism of bureaucracy and enhanced the choices before the
consumers.
C o n t e x t of Indian State
2) Exr-ansion of liberal democracy, good governance and the rise of new
social movements.
1) Restructuring of Indian economy, liberalisation of trade, decline in the
expenditure in the social sector.
2) It has worsened' their conditions.
L N T 30 SECULARISM AND THE COMMUNAL
CHALLENGE
Structure
30.0 Objectives
30.1 Introduction
30.2 Secularism: Meaning and Definition
30.3 The Indian Constitution and Secularism
t30.4 Communal Challengeto Secularism
30,4.1 The Character of the National Movement
30.4.2 Electoral Politics and the Decline of Democratic Institutions
30.4.3The Nature of Capitalist Development and character of the Indian
Ruling Class
30.5 The Anti-Modernist Challenge to Secularism
30.6 What is the Way Out?
30.7 Lets Us Sum Up
30.8 Key Words
30.0 OBJTECTIVES
Much of the recent political debate in India has been over the issue of
secularism, from passionate defence of a secular way of life and politics,
the arguments range all the way to a complete denouncement of secular
ideals and politics. In a sense this debate is today at the heart of Indian
politics. After going through this unit, you should be able to:
Understand the meaning and historical significance of secularism;
ldentify the challenges to secularism; and
Formulate a strategy to cope with these threats.
30.1 INTRODUCTION
Secularism, along with a commitment to the ideals of democracy, equality
and freedom were some of the fundamental principles that inspired a large
section of our people to fight against British colonialism. After independence,
these values were enshrined in the Constitution, thus enjoining the state to
uphold these principles. When we look at our society closely we notice
a steady devaluation of these ideals, challenged as they are by various social,
political and economic developments. For our heterogeneous society secularism
is undoubtedly the most cherished principle. However, it is this that is
being severely challenged by communal forces. The battle lines are clearly
drawn between those who stand for a democratic society and those for
whom democracy is dispensable. Secularism is a part of the commitment
to democracy and hence worth defending and fighting for.
30.2 SECULAVSM: MEANING AND DEFINITION
We will begin this unit by attempting to understand the meaning of secularism.
In the west, secularism was part of a whole range of new ideas and
institutions that marked the end of the feudal order and the emergence of
a sovereign modem nation-state with new forms of economic organisation.
Its clearly western, and more specifically Christian orign, need not however
limit its application to other cultures. Modem western secularism was the
consequence of the search for a way out of religious wars (often between
Christians of various persuasions) and the need to separate the domain of
the state from that of the Church. Secularism has become essential for
modem democratic nation-states to ensure a strong sense of identification
with the polity based on a common sense of identity, where being a citizen
takes precedence over all other identities like family, race, class and religion.
The word secularism was coined by George Jacob Holyoake in the middle
of the nineteenth century based on the Latin word seculum. Apart from
implying a separation of the Church from the state, it also suggests freedom
to the individual. The Enlightenment in Europe heralded a new era where
Reason rather than religion, became the guiding factor for all aspects of
human life. Secular concerns, it came to be argued, are of this world, and
religion which is concerned with the unknown world was to be kept away
from this. However, this did not necessarily imply a hostile relationship
between the two, only that both are exclusive. In sharp contrast with this
position is the one that sees religion and secularism as being hndamentally
opposed to one another, in the sense that the continued presence of religion
in a society indicates its backwardness, and that ultimately, human progress
and prosperity, and the creation of a truly egalitarian society is possible only
in the absence of religion. In India, secularism is popularly understood as
the best philosophy that would enable people belonging to diverse religious
backgrounds to live together in a harmonious manner, and create a state
that would accord the same degree of respect and freedom to all religions.
--- ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) Why is secularism essential for a modem nation-state?
2) Who coined the, term secularism and what does it generally imply?
' 30.3 THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION AND SECULARISM Secularism a n d the
C o m m u n a l Challenge
The practice of secularism in India is often denounced on the grounds that,

a strict separation of the religious and non-religious practices is not possible.
However, instead of arguing for such an untenable position, it might be better
to define secularism as the separation of some religious and non-religious
institutions as Rajeev Bhargava does. In his discussion on Indian secularism
he argues that while an overall commitment to the principles of social-
democracy guided the Indian Constitution makers to the adoption of the
principles of secularism, the immediate context of deteriorating Hindu-Muslim
relations and the Partition were the major factors that influenced our adoption
of secular principles. Bhargava argues that to avoid a Bosnia-like inferno
in India, secular institutions are necessary, that is, they are necessary not
,. only to check religious fanaticism but also to ensure that conflicts between
religious communities that are not necessarily of a religious character, do
not cross a certain threshold to degenerate into the fi-ightening scenes seen
in parts of Europe today.
It was to avert such disasters that the Indian state steered clear of the
practice of creating separate electorates based on religion, of reserving
constituencies and jobs for religious communitie$ reserving jobs on the basis
of religion and organizing the states of the Indian Union on the basis of
religion. Thus religion comes to be excluded from state institutions in order
to inhibit communal conflict and prevent the repetition of a Partition-like
scenario.
With the same guiding principles in mind, religion was included as a guideline
in matters of cultural import. The most outstanding of these examples is of
course the granting of separate rights to minority religious communities to
enable them to live with dignity, it was recognised that insistence on an
absolutely uniform charter of rights was not desirable nor was it necessary
for national integration. Thus secularism was adopted in India not only to
promote intercodunal solidarity but also to protect the structure of ordinary
life in India. It is in this light that we should see the Indian state's attempts
to make polygamy or child marriage illegal or to grant entry rights for Dalits
b
to Hindu temples. Critics of Indian secularism often denounce the Indian
arrangement for intervention in Hinduism and some of its oppressive
social practices on the *grounds that such actions of the state go against
P
the norms of a truly secular state, or on the grounds that such intervention
in Hindu social practices must be matched with similar interventions in the
social practices of other communities. The protection of the rights of
socioreligious groups is also interpreted as a departure from true secular
practice which the critics argue ought to be grounded in individuals.
On the basis of the preceding discussion it would seem that secularism is

compatible with, and under certain circumstances would even dictate a
defence of differentiated citizenship and the rights of religious groups. Further
it is clear that secularity of the state does not require it to keep away
from policies of intervention, non-interference or equidistance from religious
groups as the case may be. In other words, a secular state may be described
as that state which keeps a principled distance fiom religion. Indian secularism
I was based on the idea that the state would maintain a principled distance
I
fiom religion but would address itself to matters rising out of religious
c o n t e x t o f I n d i a n State
concerns when the need arises. However, the cardinal rule would be that
the considerations for both keeping away and for interfering would always
be non-sectarian. The problem with the Indian state's practice of secularism
has been that-it has increasingly been acting out of sectarian interests.
At independence, India was a nation embarking on a new and challenging
' endeavour of building an economically independent democracy that would

treat all its citizens equally. As a part of this enterprise, India made a
commitment to secularism, which in the context of the two-nation theory
and the creation of Pakistan on the basis of religion, acquired even more
significance. The massage was that India would not construct its citizenship
and nationality on the basis of religious identity. To be an Indian was to
be committed to the ideals of the national movement and the democratic
vision of the Constitution makers.
Donald Eugene Smith in his classic study titled "India as a Secular State"
defines a secular state as "that which guarantees individual and corporate
fi-eedom of religion, deals with the individual as a citizen irrespective of his\her
religion, is not constituionally ~ 0 ~ e C t etodparticular religion, nor seeks either
to promote or interfere with religion." It is interesting to note that the term
"secular" did not originally feature in the Indian Constitution, although K.T.
Shah, a member of the Constituent Assembly tried on two occasions to
introduce the term. It was much later, as a part of the forty second
amendment in 1976, that the word secular was incorporated into the
Preamble of the Indian Constitution.
Despite the reluctace of the Constituent Assembly to incorporate the word

secular a survey of the provisions of the Constitution suggest the State would
be separate fiom religion and would guarantee religious fkedorns to citizens
of all faith, while not discriminating against any citizen on the h i s of religion.
Thus, the Indian Constitution guarantees both individual and collective fieedom
of religion through the Articles 25-28, in the chapter on Fundamental Rights.
Articlel5, in the same chapter provides that the stateshall not discriminate
against anyone on the basis of religion, caste, sex, race and place of birth.
Articlel6, guarantees that no Indian citizen would be discriminated against
in matters of public employment on the basis of religion.
Article 25, guarantees the fieedom of conscience and the right to freely
propagate, profess and practice any religion. You might be aware of the
recent incidents of violent attacks on religious missionaries that challenged
the very basis of this right. The unfortunate victims of this violence were
the minorities, especially the Christians. The implication seems to be that
Hinduism is the most authentic religion of the Indian nation, and the presence
of all other religions specially the ones of foreign origin threaten India's
nationhood. Such an argument is obviously against the very basic assumptions
of a secular state that the Constitution sought to establish in India.
Article 27 and 28, Eurther strengthen the individual fieedom of religion by

banning taxation for the purpose of supporting a particular religion and by
banning religious instruction in institutions recognised or aided by the state.
Article 28, gives the fieedom to all religions to set up trusts and institutions
and acquire property and manage their own affairs.
Article 325 and 326, provide for the principle of non-discrimination among Secularism a l ~ dthe
Communal Challel~ge
citizens in the area of voting and representation on the basis of religion,
race or sex. India has no state religion, nor does it give any constitutional
recognition to the religion of the majority, besides which is ofcourse the
fact that the Government of India has no ecclesiastical department. All these
facts taken together demonstrate in ample measure that the Indian Constitution
followed very closely the Congress Party and its resolutio~of 1931 made
at its Karachi session "that the state shall observe neutrality in regard to
all religions". A survey of the Constitutional provisions suggest very clearly
the framework of a secular state (despite certain anomalies), however, the
politics, the nature and the functioning of the Indian state seem to suggest
a drift away from this framework. The consensus that Jawaharlal Nehru was
able to forge on this, and other principles like economic self-reliance,
egalitarianism and non-alignment (in the sphere of foreign policy) seems to
have broken down. What then has gone wrong with the Indian experiment
and why has this happened is the next question that we will look at.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers ei-ien at the end
of the unit.
1) Discuss the provisions of the Article 25-28 and demol:srratc how they
ensure the secular character of' t!ii: l~:dian state.
2) Discuss the provisions of Articles 325 and 326.
-
30.4 COMMUNAL CHALLENGES TO SECU.'LAIRIS:I?
- - -- - - .
It was expected that with the process of capitalist modenlisatio~ia rationallst

discourse would take over and religion would lose control olVcrpeople's
lives. In India however, the rapid advancement of capitalisin has been
accompanied by an intensification of communalism. This tragically has happened
despite the constitutional provisions for a secular framework and complet~
institutional backing of the secular forces. Following can be con side^.-d. :,.:
factors responsible for this.
30.4.1 The Character of the National Movement
To investigate this defeat of secularism in the face of organised comnu~::-l
challenges, one would have to examine a variety of factors. Sudipta Kavirzi
has suggested in many of his discussions of secularism that one of the graves1
mistakes of the l n d i i bourgeoisie has been its complete neglect of building
_
r ~ - _..I& I .-_-_--->:L: -..- :--1 r-I --.-
:r-~:-r J-.-: nu:-..
-
Context o f I n d i a n State
independence, the nationalist discourse realised the fragility of the new identity
based on secular nationhood as against the more familiar identities of caste
or religion. After independence however, this nationalist project of building
a secular nation lost its popular character and ideological zeal and became
merely the ideology of the state. The ruling class failed to realise that the
Indian nation was a hgile creation and required constant cultural and political
nourishment. Nationalist accounts of history that claimed for India's past a
'composite culture' were pressed into service, the implication was that it
was the evil designs of colonialism that disrupted this harmony.
In this rendering of history there is a complete denial of the fact that much
of the power of Indian nationalism itself came not from a secular idiom '
but from forces, idioms and symbols of religion, specially from ~ i n d u i s k .
We might also add here the fact that the Congress party conducted its
politics in the pre-independence period on the basis of the idea that India
was constituted of two distinct communities, the Hindus, and the Muslims.
Akeel Bilgrami has diagnosed the challenge to Indian secularism as a

consequence of its non-negotiated, Archimedean character. His argument is
that the national movement did not facilitate a creative dialogue between
communities which could have ensured the emergence of a negotiated
understanding of secularism. The Congress Party, for instance never undertook
such a discussion'seriously. Bilgrarni is of the opinion that, secularism must
transcend religious politics from within, and not at the outset itself have a
shimmering philosophical existence that is independent of religious and political
commitments. Such a negotiated secularism would have, for instance, avoided
the resentment towards the minorities because of the special status that they
have as a consequence of a non-negotiated secularism.
Not being negotiated, this secularism is becoming increasingly difficult to

defend. Hence, it is not really surprising to note that communalism is today
no longer an aberration that exists on the fringes of the Indian nation, but
as Rajni Kothari points out it has become a part of the political system.
It is not as if the state has fallen prey to communal forces, rather communalism
appears to be the direct outcome of the logic of the Indian state. ~ l t h o u ~ h
the Indian state made a formal acceptance of the secular agenda, the fact
is that apart from the differences between the Gandhians and the Nehruvians
in their understanding of secularism, there was a whole section of the political
class that was sceptical and even unwilling to accept thede secular ideals.
30.4.2 Electoral Politics and the Decline of Democratic Institutions
The unsure commitment to the ideals of secularism at the best of times
has meant an unprincipled exploitation of communal fears and sensibilities
by all major political parties, including the most important of them, the
Congress party. This cynical use of religion was perfected into an electoral
strategy in the 1980s leading to disastrous consequences. The Congress -
which had long abarldoned its popular movement character, now became
only a machine to win elections. The party's commitment to pluralism soon
degenerated into politics of vote banks where only the numerical strength
of the majority and the minority community mattered for electoral purposes.
The sharpening of social and economic conflicts and the intensifying

nn7r;rnnmnntr~l rle-rldt;nn tho+ rnhherl the nrA;nonr n o n n l ~n f thoir l i 1 1 ~ 1 ; h n d c
Secularism and the
made popular discontent a widespread reality. By the end of the 1970s Communal Challenge
it was becoming clear to the Congress that its earlier slogans of socialism
and secularism were fast losing their appeal among the traditional supporters
because these slogans remained just that, and had not brought about any
significant change in the lives of the poor and marginalised sections of the
society, many of whom were traditional Congress supporters. These sections
had gradually moved away from the Congress. The party in tum looked
for a new constituency and through the 1980s assiduously cultivated the
Hindu middle and lower classes that were feeling increasingly threatened by
the forces of the various backward caste and subaltern movements. The
latter have been gaining in strength and popularity given the fact that the
national development project has completely bypassed them. The Congress
party's adoption of an openly majoritarian politics was a complete reversal
of its historical role as the principle bourgeois adversary of communalism.
The Congress thus adopted a strategy of downplaying broader social issues
and decided to make a direct appeal to the majority community. The strategy
was to define the Indian nation increasingly in terms of the majority community
thus preparing the grounds for communal politics that took the form of cultural
nationalism.
Thus, instead of responding to popular discontent and demands, an attempt

b
was made to foist another set of issues by involving sentiments and feelings
that engender communal attitudes. Communal politics in general, and parties
like the Bharatiya Janata Party in particular, have benefited from the collapse
of the consensus that the Indian political elite had over secularism, economic
self-reliance and non-alignment.
Electoral compulsions made the Congress move away from a pluralistic

approach to a techno-bureaucratic-military approach where the state was to
be an instrument to crush any challenge from the bottom rather than act
' as a principal agent of change and transformation.
Apart from the increasing incidents of communal violence, the spread of

communal politics and violence to the hithert? unaffected rural areas is yet
another major threat to the secular fabric that the Indian state was trying
to weave together. These developments provided the ideal conditions for
various "Hindu cultural groups" like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and others
that claimed to be engaged in the reconstruction and consolidation of the
"Hindu" community to grow. They derive a lot of support from a section
of the Indian diaspora as well. These organisations were able to respond
to the peculiar fears of the middle class that wanted none of the traditional
structures of power and hierarchy challenged while at the same time desiring
all the bounties of the modem market place and economy.
This phase thus witnessed a complete discrediting of democratic politics and

of the party system and political institutions. The resultant void Rajni Kothari
suggests has been occupied by communal forces. This definitely is a major
challenge to the secular framework of the Indian state.
30.4.3 The Nature of Capitalist Development and Character of
the Indian Ruling Class
The nature of ruling class politics itself according to Randhir Singh is the
Context o f I n d i a n State
related phenomenon like religious revivalism etc. are, he argues, in direct
proportioh to the depth of the crisis in the Indian polity and the politics
of the ruling classes on the one hand, and in inverse proportion to the
presence and power of the left and class-based politics of the people, on
the other. Thus, he defines the communal challenge to secularism in India
as the ideology and practice of politics of the Indian ruling classes in a
society with a massive feudal-colonial inheritance, deep religious divisions
undergoing its own historically specific form of capitalist development.
The argument is that four decades of development have not altered'the

deeply uneven nature of Indian society; uneven capitalist development has
actually heightened the social tensions. Given the limited nature of oppo'rtunities
that are available, politics and ideology promoting narrow and exclusivist
interests direct this social tension against the minorities. It is indeed a fact
that conditions of life have worsened and alienation has increased, the
dissatisfaction that people feel over the increasing gulf between the rich and
the poor instead of being articulated through democratic struggles is being
channelised into a revivalist and gaudy religiosity that the media has also
supported in ample measures. We only have to look at the major television
channels that are competing with one another to host religious extravaganzas.
The 1980s witnessed a deliberate attempt to widen the mass base of religious
appeal, the large scale and almost comrnercialised celebrations of certain
select festivals is part of the larger strategy to create a more 'universal
Hinduism' by replacing the significance of local festivities and rituals.
of the unit.
1) What is meant by the characterisation of Indian secularism as non-
negotiated or Archimedean?
2) Explain briefly the reasons for and the consequences of the Congress
Party's electoral strategy in the 1980s.
3) How does Randhir Singh define the communal challenge to secularism

in India?
Secularisrn\hnd t h e
30.5 .THE ANTI-MODERNIST CHALLENGE TO C o m m u n a l Challenge
SECULARISM
On the basis of the above discussion it is clear that the secular state, its
structures and secular politics itself are today severely challenged by the
growing forces of communalism that has its roots in various social, political,
historical, economic and e!ectoral factors. Intellectually also there is a growing
body of work, both in academic and journalistic literature that today openly
argues against the secular state and its institutions in India. Apart from
arguments that are of a purely sectarian nature and hence rhetorical, there
are intellectually sophisticated arguments that seek to contest the meaning
and purpose of a secular state and politics in India.
There also are observers who point out that the Western concept of
Secularism is not suitable to Indian society. It means the failure of that
secularism. Ashish Nandy for example argues that the ideology and politics
of secularism as understood in the western sense have more or less exhausted
their possibilities. The western uhderstanding of secularism, he suggests, is
essentially opposed to religion and believes that only universal categories can
manage the public realm. Religion, thus is perceived of as a threat to any
modern polity by virtue of not being universal. Nandy suggests that secularism
as an ideology has failed because it is seen today as being a part of a
larger package that consists of a set of standardised ideological products
and social processes like development, mega science and national security.
Being backed by the might of the state they appear essentially as violent
ideas, because to defend any of these ideas including secularism, the state
can justifiably use violence. Nandy is critical of the fact that while the modern
nation-state appeals to the believers to keep their private faiths out of public
life it is unable to ensure that the ideologies of secularism, development and
nationalism do not themselves begin to act as faiths intolerant of others. The
role of the state in such situations is likened by Nandy to that of crusading
and inquisitorial role of religious ideologies.
Besides, the proposition that the values derived fiom the secular ideology
of a secular state would somehow be a better guide to political action and
to a less violent and richer political life than values and politics based on
religious principles. Nandy contends that objectification, scientisation, and
bureaucratic-rationality, the core principles of a modern nation-state can only
breed violence. The elite in such states view statecraft in purely secular and
amoral terms thus thinking of religion or ethnicity as hurdles to the grand
project of nation-building and state formation. Thus Nandy argues, western
concept of secularism becomes a handy adjunct to a set of legitimating core
concepts; accepting this ideology, he contend, leads to the justification and
acceptance of domination and violence perpetrated in the name of progress
and modernity. It also generates hatred and violence among the believers
3t having to face a world that is fast moving out of their grip.
\
This type of secularism has been imposed on a people who never wished
o separate religion from politics, this imposition had to be made as part
3f the requirements needed to fulfil the creation of a modem nation-state,
this however has left the ordinary people of India very unhappy, who, left
with no choice, in their fight against the brutalities of the nation inathe name
of modernitv. turn to the onlv form of religjous mlitics that modernitv would
('ontext of Indian Statc
permit, namely communal politics. Thus, it is secularism as practiced that
breeds communalism. Intolerance links the two, replacing the quality of
tolerance that characterised the traditional world organised on the basis of
religion
30.6 WHAT ES THE WAY OUT?

A discussion of this nature would be incomplete without a look at how
to cope with the communal challenges to secularism: The struggle against
communalism has to be a struggle against more than communalism, it has
to be part of a larger struggle for a more participatory and egalitarian model
of society. It would necessarily have to join hands with dl movements that
seek to question injustice, hierarchy and oppression. Thus the feminist
movement, the Dalit movement and other movements of the depressed and
marginalised sections of our society would have to come together to provide
a secular response to the communal challenge.
Manoranjan Mohanty has argued that secularism can be meaningfd only when
it becomes a part of the overall process of democratic transformation. What
we have witnessed till now in India is secularism imposed through a state
that has become in~reasinglyauthoritarian. On the contrary secularism has
to become a part af a wider struggle against socio-political domination.
A very important aspect of this struggle should be a carehl re-examination

of our cultural traditions, and an active engagement with questions of tradition
and culture, for there is no doubt that culture is a very important axis around
which a great deal lof communal mobilisation is taking place today. Thus
secularism has to become part of the struggle of the ordinary people of
India for their right to a life that is dignified and politically, economically
and culturally free.
ii) Check y o u answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) To what does Ashish Nandy attribute the failure of Secularism in India?
2) Discuss briefly the strategy to fight against the communal challenges

threatening our country today.
Secularism and t l ~ c
30.7 LET US SUMUP Communal Challenge
Indian secularism was based on the idea that the state would maintain a
principled distance from religion but would address itself to matters rising
out of religious concerns when the need arises. However, the cardinal rule
would be that the considerations for both keeping away and for interfering
would always be non-sectarian. The problem with the Indian state's practice
of secularism has been that it has increasingly been acting out of sectarian
interests. A survey of the Constitutional provisions suggest very clearly the
fiamework of a secular state (despite certain anomalies), however, the politics,
the nature and the functioning of the Indian state seem to suggest a drift
1 away from this framework. The discrediting of democratic politics, the party
system and political institutions has created a void that has been occupied
by communal forces. This definitely is a major challenge to the secular
fiamework of the Indian state. In order to fight this challenge, the struggle
for secularism has to become part of the struggle of the ordinary people
of India for their right to a life that is dignified and politically, economically
and culturally free.
30.8 KEY WORDS

Archimedean Secularism: Indian secularism is not strong enough to cope
with communal challenges because of its Archimedean or non-negotiated
character, it is not the result of debates and dialogues between different
communities.

Bhargava Rajeev, (ed.), Secularism and its Critics, Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, 1998.

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercises 1
Your answer should cover the following points:
1) It is essential to create a strong sense of identification with the polity.
2) George Jacob Holyoake, and it means a :
separation of religion from the state.
freedom to the individual to live a life wherein reason and.not religion
is the guiding factor.
in the Indian context people generally accept it to mean a philosophy
that can enable a multi-religious society like ours to exist harmoniously.
1) A discussion of the provisions of the Articles and a reference to the
recent controversy over these rights.
2) A discussion of the provisions of the Articles, both the answers should
discuss the need for havine such rights in a secular ~olitv.
Context of Indian State Check Your ~ r o ~ r e Exercise
ss 3 -
1) Indian secularism is not strong enough to cope with communal challenges
because of its Archirnedean or non-negotiated character, it is not the result
of debates and dialogues between different communities.
2) By the end of the 1970s decade it was becorning clear to the Congress
. that its earlier slogans of socialism and secularisrn were fast losing their
appeal among the traditional supporters because these slogans remained
just that and had not brought about any significant change in the lives
of the poor and marginalised sections of the society, many of whom were
traditional Congress supporters. These sections gradually moved away firm
the Congress. The party in turn looked for a new constituency and,
through the 1980s assiduously cultivated the Hindu middle and lower
classes that were feeling increasingly threatened by the force of the various
backward caste and subaltern movements thus preparing the grounds for
communal politics that took the form of cultural nationalism.
3) He defines the communal challenge to secularism in India as the ideology
and practice of politics of the Indian ruling classes in a society with a
massive feudal-colonial inheritance,deep religious divisions undergoing its
own, historically specific form of capitalist development.
Y o u answer should cover the following points:
1) It has failed because it is seen today as being a part of a larger package
that consists of a set of standardised ideological products and social
processes like development, mega science and national security. Being
backed by the might of the state it has violence written into it.
2) Y o u answer should cover the following points:
The struggle for secularism Has to become part of the struggle of the
ordinary people'of India for their right to a life that is dignified and
politically, economically and culturally eee.
Engagement with cultural questions are also an important part of this
struggle.
UNIT 31 DEMOCRACY IN SEARCH OF
EQUALITY
- .
.-
Structure
3 1.0 Objectives
3 1.1 Introduction
3 1.2 Democracy and Equality
3 1.3 The Idea of Equality in Constitution
. 31.3.1 Thepreamble
31.3.2 Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles
31.3.3 Other Provisions ,
31.3.4 Minority Rights
3 1.4 Protective Discrimination: Policy of Reservation
3 1.5 Backward Castes' Assertion
3 1.6 Equality for Women
31.6.1 Women's Representation in Decision-MakingBodies
3 1.7 Let Us Sum Up
3 1.8 Some Useful Books
3 1.9 Answers to Check Yours Progress Exercises
31.0 OBJECTIVES
Indian society is mkked by the inequalities on bases of caste, creed, sex,
economy; etc. India adopted a democratic set up in order to establish society
which is based on the principles of justice and equality. After going through
this unit, you will be able to understand:
/
Relationship between democracy and equality; and
Provisions in the Constitution regarding establishment of equality among
various sections of Indian Society.
The establishment of a democratic political order based on the principle of

universal adult franchise was a major achievement for the post-colonial state
in India as it ensured, at least in principle, equal participation of all individuals
irrespective of caste, creed, sex and social origin in socio-economic and
political life of the nation. The introduction of political democracy was
conceived as a means of social and economic democracy. It aimed at
inclusion of all the groups and communities in the mainstream of national
life. As a corollary, the constitution of India not only created a democratic
republic but also pledged to secure equality, liberty and justice to all its
citizens'. The state was seen as an agent of socio-economic transformation
in the democratic dispensation. In this regard a number of questions crop
up which need to be addressed on the basis of 'the experiences over the
I
I
last five decades of democratic experiment in India. Has the state in India
I
been able to meet the ideals of founding fathers of the Constitution? Has
political democracy been congruent with the given unequal social and economic
order? Has political democracy been instrumental in advancing and realising
the ideals of social and economic demucracy? Can demucracy be contextualised
simply in terms of political participation of the majority of.citizens in electoral
process? Has the ideal of substantive democracy been advanced along-with
the procedural democracy? These are some of the questions which invite
our attention in the analysis of the problems of democracy and its functioning
vis a vis the state in India. The subsequent sections attempt to analyse the
dynamics of democracy in India especially in terms of its quest for establishing
an order based on the principle of equality and justice.
3 1.2 DEMOCRACY AND EOUALITY

The idea and principle of democracy can not be divorced fiom the principlc
of equality. Moreover, political democracy cannot be the sufficient basis o
ensuring social and economic equality in a condition of glaring inequality o
status and position. The idea of social and economic democracy has bee1
getting greater appeal among the people across the globe who have beer
excluded and deprived on account of their social location and economic
position. Therefore, the procedural view of democracy is under question
It is argued that guaranteeing of universal adult fianchise is not a sufficienl
basis of the success of democracy. The' formal participation in electoral
process is only one indicator of the equal opportunity to participate in the
election. This participation may be eclipsed by number of social and economic
constraints. In India, the chances of political participation are determined,
to a greater extent, by individual's social-economic position. For instance,
the percentage of vate of the dalits, OBCs,. minorities and ,women has been
increasing over the years but majority of them still do not participate in
the process. Their effective participation cannot be etisured without creating
a condition of affectivity. And this affectivity can be advanced through
ensuring substantive equality. Mere political equality in terms of equality of
opportunity would face disjunction in case of social and economic inequality.
Similarly the ideal of political democracy has to be backed by social and
economic democracy. It is only this condition under which the dichotomy
between procedural .democracy and substantive democracy ceases to exist
The people would be able to exercise their political rights of citizenship
effectively and this would further the ideals of democracy in real terms.
31.3 IDEA OF EOUALITY IN CONSTITUTION

The founding fathers of the Indian constitution were quite conscious of thc
limitation of political d e r n a y . This is amply clear hm Dr. B. R Arnbedkar'a
final address to the Constituent Assembly of India on 25 November 1949.
He maintained:
'On the social plane, we have in Iqlia a society based on the principles
of graded inequality which means elevation of some and degradation of
others. On the economic plane, we have a society in which there are
some who have immense wealth as against many who live in an abject
poverty. On the 26th January, 1950, we are going to enter into a life
of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and
economic life we will have inequality. In politics we will be recognising
the principle of one man one vote and one vote one value. In our social
and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic
38 structure. continue to d e w the ~rincivleof one man one value. How
long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions? How long shall Democracy i n Search of
Equality
we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life? If we
continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our political
democracy in peril. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest
possible moment or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up
the structure of political democracy'.
Therefore he maintained
."...we must do is not to be content with mere political democracy. We
must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political
democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy.
What does social democracy mean? It means a way of life, which
recognizes liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life. These
principles of liberty, equality and fraternity are not to be treated as
separate items in a trinity. They form a union of trinity in the sense that
to divorce one from the other is to defeat the very purpose of democracy.
Liberty cannot be divorced from equality, equality cannot be divorced fiom
liberty. Nor can liberty and equality be divorced from fraternity. Without
equality, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many.
Equality without liberty would kill individual initiative. Without fraternity,
liberty and equility could not become a natural course of Ungs. It would
require a constable to enforce them ...."
Along with the other leaders of the national movement and architects of
the Constitution 'of India, Ambedkar was quitk aware that the realisation
of the democratic ideals of equality, Ifberty and fraternity were not possible
without a strong constitutional backing. The interests and rights of the
deprived and excluded cannot be safeguarded without cdtutional mechanism. . .
The simplistic principle of equality and equal. opportunity would create a hiatus
between political democracy and social and economic democracy. Therefore,
harmony between the two appeared as requisites of democratic' state and
nation building in India.
In their own understanding of the Indian socio-economic structure, they were

convinced that the project of nation buildihg in post-colonial India cannot
be pushed forward unless equality, liberty and fraternity are established as
the essential principles of social, economic and political life. For them, this
endeavour was essential for the true democracy in India. For realising the
democratic ideals it was thought necessary to have strong constitutional
backing. Therefore elaborate provisions were made in the Constitution to
meet the goal of equality and'democracy both in their forms and substance.
31.3.1 The Preamble
The Preamble of the Constitution best reflects-the vision and intentions of
:+its founding fathers as it establishes equality, justice and liberty as the cardinal
/principles in regulating the society and state in India and maintaining the unity
and integrity of the nation. It judiciously combines the two basic values of
equality and justice. The noradiscrimination principle of citizenship rights included
in the category of fundamental rights ensures equality before law and equal
protection of law, equality of opportunity and equal liberty. The provision
. . .
of protective dwmnwdion combined with the clauses of p u p rights, afbmative
action and preferential treatment establishes the values of social justice in
favour of deorived WOUDS and communities.
i o n t e x t o f Indian State
The Constitution ensured equality of opportunity to all irrespective of caste,
gender, religion, and one's social location. It provided opportunity to equal
access in the public domain. It was a major achievement of the dispensation
of democratic political order in independent India. However, the formal
disjunction between one's social lo~atin and opening up of the opportunity
stnrcture in public political domain t guarantee the equifinality and social
!&
justice to the deprived groups o society. In the case of Indian society,
which is defined by s d q u a l i t y , the social location of individuals
and groups has a sttong bearing on hisher circumstances and consequent
unequal excess to opportunity structure of the public domain. Since social
location of individuals has been a major source of privileges and deprivations
and determinant of individual circumstances in India, the deliverance of social
and economic justice cannot be based only on the principle of merit and
equality of opportunity' in the public domain.
31.3.2 Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles
This logic of social, economic and political life was well considered by the
ffamers of the Constitution of India. And therefore, the Constitution of jndia
made specific provisibns for the socially and economically deprived sections
of society along with the generic clauses of equality and liberty to every
citizen in India. Whe~leasthe Articles 14, 15 (1) and 16(1) of the Constitution
exclusively establish the equality principle, Articles 15(4) and 16(4) incorporate
the principle of social justice. If Article 14 proclaims equality before law
and equal protection of law, Article 15(1) prohibits discrimination on grounds
of race, caste, sex, religion or place of birth. The Article 16(1) further
provides equality of dpportunity to all. The protective discrimination clauses
of Article 15(4) and 16(4) become decisive with regard to protection of
rights of socially and economically deprived groups of the hierarchical system.
These Articles follow the different principles leading to social justice. Article
15(4) says, "Nothing in this Article shall prevent the State ffom making any
special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally
backward classes of citizens or for the Schedule Caste and Scheduled
Tribes". Article 16(4) makes provision that "Nothing in this Article shall
prevent the State from making any special provision for the reservation of
appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which,
in the opinion of the State is not adequately represented in the services
under the State". ~ 0 t the
h provisions in the Constitution, however limited
in scope, provide condition for the constitutional protection of the rights or'
the socially and educationally backward classes and deprived sections o
society.
Apart from these protective discrimination clauses in the Constitution, tht

Directive Principles of the State Policy may be considered as mechanism
of realizing the goal of social justice and social transformation iy the direction
of just society. Articles 38 and 46 among others, specifically aim at securing
social justice to the @rived sections of population. Article 38 reads that,
(i) "the State shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing
and protecting as effeatively as it may a social order in which justice, social.
economic and political shall inform all the institutions of the national life",
(ii) ''the State shall, in particular, strive to minimise the inequalities in income,
and endeavour to eliminate inequalities in status, facilities and opportunities,
not only amongst individuals but also amongst the groups of people residing
in diff-t a-ac l d i f f i vnratinnc"
nr m o a u ~ r in A r t i r l ~Ah rlearlv dirprtc
the State that "the State shall promote with special care the educational Democracy in Search of
Equality
and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in
particular of the Scheduled castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall
protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation".
3 1.3.3 Other Provisions
Apart from these two Articles of the Directive Principles of State Policy,
other Articles of the Constitution which include Articles 330, 332, 335, 338,
340, 341 and 342 specifically advance the goal of realising social justice
in independent India. These constitutional provisions have been made after
a thoughtful consideration by the members of the Constituent Assembly who
were quite conscious and aware about the dynamics of socio-economic order
of Indian society. Since caste has been the major identity marker and a
source of inequality, the constitutional goal of social justice has been channelised
through the category of castes (barring tribes and other groups identified
for the protective discrimination). The constitution has recognised the cumulative
deprivation of large sections of the population who have been systematically
discriminated against on the basis of caste distinction. The protective
discrimination shield has, thus, been provided to the deprived groups who
have either been excluded from the caste hierarchy of the Vama system
or have been lowly placed. Their low placement has resulted into cumulative
inequality. The protective discrimination policy aims at minimising the i n e q d t y
of socio-economic order and opportunities in public life.
31.34 Minority Rights
As a means of protection of identity and right of different categories of
minorities, the Constitution of India makes special provision of minorities
rights. These rights do not fall in opposition to generic clauses of citizenship
rights available to all the citizens in India. These rights in a sense appear
as mechanism of advancing substantive democracy. Articles 25 to 30 take
special care of the minorities. Whereas Article 25, 26, 27 and 28 ensure
religious 'freedom, the Article 29 and 28 protect and promote their cultural
and educational rights. The exclusive inclusion of minority rights as a means
of democratic dispensation is a departure fiom the classic cases of homogeneous
nation-state formation, but it appears as a strength not a weakness. The
development across the world is a witness to the limit of democratic equality
of procedural democracy, for in many cases majoritarian democracy appears
to be insensitive to minority problems. The aspirations of minority, their
specific identity and rights are suppressed under the pretext of majority
decision. In such a situation specific consideration of minority is a prerequisite
of democracy. However in the democratic process many problems of the
minority are either ignored or outvoted. And therefore there is a growing
opinion among a section of minority community that some mechanisms be
evolved to ensure participation of minority communities in the democratic
political process. These mechanisms should be congruent with the constitutional
dispensation of democratic order. If specific attentions are not paid to the
limitation of the operational dynamics of constitutional rights of the minority,
a sense of alienation would grow. This, inturn, would result into a withdrawal
syndrome among the minority community.. This would act as a major stumbling
block in the creation of a democratic order based on the values of equality,
liberty and fraternity.
of the unit.
1) Compare Articles 15 and 16 of the Constitution.
..................................................................................................................
t
2) What does the Article 38 aim at?

................................................................................................................
3) ~ Which Articles provides for the protection and promotion of the cultural
rights of the minorities? Discuss.
31.4 PROTECTIVE DISCRIMINATION: POLICY OF

RESERVATION
As has been mentioned above the Constitution of India makes provisions
for affirmative action or protective discrimination also. In pririciple, the
protective discrimination policy is one of the most important instruments of
promoting social justice. However, during the last fifty years, the outcome
of the policy has not been congruent with the vision and intention of the
fou~ldingfathers and the spirit of the Constitution. On that account logic
is advanced that the policy should not be extended further. If there is
any inconsistency in the policy and its operation in the given situation of
our socio-economic order and the political expediency is it desirable to untum
the process itself? The answer cannot be in affirmative so long as the
structure of inequality and domination based on caste continues. Even if the
desired goals have not been fulfilled, the efficacy of the policy cannot be
ruled out unless we equalise the opportunities and conditions of existence
in real terms. It is not denying the fact that these policies have provided
opportunity to a large section of society to participate the decision making
process and become the integral part of the structure of governance. The
emergence of a substantial middle class among the OBCs and to a certain
extent among the Scheduled Castes and Tribes has been a major development
of the post-indepehdence period. The protective discriminition policy has,
along with other factors, been instrumental in this regard. Though the reserved
seats for SCs and STs have not been filled totally during these years, their
representations in government jobs, public sector undertakings, banks anc!
Democracy in Search ot
during the last fifty years. Apart from job reservation, reservations in the Equality
educational institutions have also provided opportunities to the candidates
belonging to ~ e s groups.
e
Over the years the working of the resehation policy has shown that the
spread of the benefits has not been uniform among different groups. Therefore,
the different categories of reservation policy cannot be treated on similar
plane. If we take Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes into consideration,
we come across the fact that during the last fifty years of the working of
the Republic, the constitutional goal of social justice has not been translated
into reality. The emergence of a miniscule minority among them on account
I of socio-economic transformation and protective discrimination policy is
symbolic of empowerment. In real situation of socio-economic life, they are
far behind the other groups of the population. The practice of untouchability ,
and maintaining of ritual distance has not disappeared from the public life
particularly in rural areas. Most of the cases relating to them are not reported,
but it does not ensure the realization of the civil rights of these groups.
Segregation in residential pattern, predominant occupational pattern, high
incidence of poverty and non-ownershiplmarginal ownerslqf of land are some
of the indicators of their perpetual backwardness. Atrocities against dalits
in different parts of the country are still alarming. It is pertinent to note
here that atrocities are committed not only in states like Bihar, which
frequently occupies the popular imagination and common perception of the
people, but also and even more in relatively advanced and peaceful states
of India. So far as their rate of literacy is concerned it is far behind the
general population. A comparative kgure of literacy rate may indicate the
state of affair:
Percentage of Literacy for Different Groups of

Population. During 1971-91
Notes: I. NSP stands for non-scheduled population and general includes all the popuhtion.
2. When, the percentage of literacy for the years 1971 and 1981 has been calculated
by dividing the literates by the total population, inclusive of the children in the
age group of 0-4,in 1991, the same has been calculated' in exclusion of the children
in the age group of .0-6.
Source: B.S. Bhargava and Avinash Sarnal "Protective Discrimination and Development of
Scheduled Castes: An Alternative Model for Good Governance". Indian Journal of Public
Administration, Vol. XLIV, No.3, Annual Issue, 1998.
Similarly, the enrolment ratio and drop-out rate in schools among the Scheduled
Castes students have been quite negative as compared to the geineral
population: All the indicaton of their backwardness suggest that the afkmtive
action programmes have not been implemented properly. The approach of
'capacity endowment' of these groups along with protective discrimination
policy has marginally altered the situation. After fifty years of the working
of the constitutional measure of protective discrimination policy, there is still
a oan hptwppn\thp rlppirpd a n a l a n d a ~ h ~ a
o r lh i p v p m p n t Thp r-recpntatinn
Context of Fndian State
of SCs and STs in the central government services speaks of the truth.
Representation of SCsISTs in Central Government Services

(As on 1 January 1998)
Group Total SCs Percentage STs Percentage

A 63,466 6,608 10.4 1 2,047 3.23
B 1,05,679 12,510 11.84 2,868 2.71
C 21,35,640 3,48,309 16.3 1 1,28,776 6.03
D 9,98,672 2,14,784 21.5 1 69,168 6.93
(Excluding Safai Karaychari)
-
Safai Karamchari 1,71,994 93,430 54.32 6,916 4.02
Total 33,03,457 5,82,211 17.62 2,02,859 6.14
(Excluding Safai Kararnchari)
Total 34,75,451 6,75,641 19.44 2,09,775 6.04
(including Safa~Karamchari)
Note: Informat~on in respect of five Central MinrstriesIDepartrnents 1s not Included.

Source: India 2001: A Reference Annual, Publication Division, M~nrstryof Informat~on and
Broadcasting, Govt. of India, 2001.
It is quite clear that they are mainly employed in Group C and Group
D services. More than fifty per cent of the Safai Karamchari (Sweeper)
come from this group, which indicate a kind of occupational continuity. ,The
notion of impurity and degradation associated with such jobs among caste
Hindus appears to be the factor of high representation of SCs and STs
and low among the upper castes.
Even if a middle class has emerged among the Scheduled Castes due to
the measure of protective discrimination policy, they do not enjoy the same
amount of honour and prestige associated with their achieved status as
enjoyed by the members of other higher castes. Moreover, a status incongruity
between their caste status and achieved status still persists.
31.5 BACKWARD CASTESS ASSERTION

The socio-economic changes during the last fifty years have introduced many
new dimensions and oontradictions in Indian society. Under the new dispensation
of democratic order, the traditionally backward castes not only challenged
the socio-economic and political dominance of the upper castes but also
emerged as dominant castes in rural areas and dominant force in the politics
of the State. The abalition of Zamindari and introduction of new agricultural
technology altered the class-caste structure in rural areas wherein the middle
castedbackward castes maximised the benefits of the changes in their favour.
As a consequence, they emerged as visible force in rural power structure,
which enforced their significance in the political arena of the state. In many
parts of the country the backward castes emerged as dominant players in
politics. The dominant social coalition in politics till the mid sixties was in
\ \favour of the upper castes. But the development of the 1950s and 1960s
added a new assertiveness among the backward castes. In fact, this change
was a product of multiple factors, but primarily a result of the introduction
of parliamentary democracy and adult franchise. In fact, "parliamentary
democracy with adult fi-anchise has changed the locus standi of the backward
castes in politics. Theoretically, they have not only attained equality with
-&L--- :- &LA --I-:--
>--:-:-A. L.-& L --.- -- -+L--- :- +
I.:-
xena so far as their numerical strength is concerned. Their numbers have Democracy i n Search ot
Equality
increased in the assemblies, local bodies and parliament" Changing social
landscape of politics during the last two decades attests thls fact. The political
assertion combined with the growing economic power of the backward castes
has direct bearing on the agenda of social justice and the politics of
reservation. The emergence of Jats, Yadav, Kurmis, Lodhs and Gujjars in
U.P., Yadav, Kurmi and Koeries in Bihar, Kamma and Reddies in Andhra
Pradesh, Vokkaligas and Lingayats in Karnataka and other castes in other
states as dominant force have been determining factors in the operational
dynamics of social justice. The more strong the political clout and numerical
t
strength the more claim over the monopoly of the caste quotas, has appeared
b as the defining feature of the policy meant for the backward classes.
In this context, it is interesting to note that the developments during the

last fifty years have also created inter-regional differentiations among the
OBCs. Whereas the OBCs in south Indian states have advanced more
rapidly in terns of their educational development, representation in government
structures and public sector undertakings, the same development has not been
experienced among the OBCs of north Indian states. A strong anti-Brahrninical
movement and political mobilisation had resulted in the creation of a politically
conscious and economically mobile groups among the backward classes.
These groups were relatively more prepared to take the advantages of the
new dispensation. The existence of the reservation policy in the state of
Mysore, Madras Presidency and Travoncore, prior to the implementation of
reservation policy in north Indian states may be one major factor of inter-
regional differentials among the group of the other backward classes. This
inter-regional differential access to the reservation quota may be a major
issue in the future along with the inter-caste and inter-class differentials.
The emerging contradiction among the OBC's category is another pointer

of development. The rivalry between Kamma and Reddies, Lingayats and
Vokkaligas, Yadav and Kurmis, between the more advanced OBCs and the
most backward OBCs define the changing power balance in different parts
of the country. The contradiction between the upwardly mobile OBCs and
the dalits have sharpened during the last two decades. The landed and
dominant OBCs have appeared as major force of oppression and exploitation
of dalits in rural areas. They have adopted the same tactics and practices,
which were applied by the dominant upper castes. The emerging situation
of the post-independent India raises many questions about the validity of
the quota for these castes.
of the unit.
1) What contribution has the reservation made to the rise of new classes?
2) What has been the role of parliamentary democracy and the adult
franchise regarding the backward castes?
3) What are the reasons for the inter regional differences in the rise of
backward classes?
31.6 EQUALITY FOR WOMEN

Gender equality is another important and formidable challenge which has not
been addressed properly. Women are subjected to numerous handicaps and
discrimination in our specific societal context. Patriarchy and- gender
discrimination cut across the caste, class, religion and ethnic boundaries. In
fact, "the category of 'women' itself is a social construct leading to different
interpretations of role and identity depending upon the contexts in which
women find themselves. Women may have, therefore, their own interests than
the men and men may not essentially represent the interest of the women.
Women have been excluded fi-om the political decision-making bodies to
a large extent. Articulation of their interest and identity by men, who value
, patriarchy appears30 be impossibility. Exclusion of women h m the political-
decision-making bodies and governmental structure has reinforcing factors in
gender based discrimination. In such cases political mechanisms appear to
be requisite of social transformation. Therefore, if women enjoy their specific
pplitical rights as women that may change the face of social conditioning
of womenhood. From this perspective, the presence of women in political
decision-making bodies becomes important.
, 31.6.1 Women's Representation in Decision-Making Reservation
/ -.
However, over the last f i e years of the working of the Constitution women
as a category remains excluded, exploited and discriminated. No serious
attempt has been made either by the governments in power or any political
parties to address the problem of women in their own specificity. Their
presence in political bodies and governmental structures has been articulated
simply on the generic basis of citizenship rights. As a consequence they
have very low representations in the parliament and state assemblies. The
enclosed tables relating to their representation in the Parliament and State
Legislatures reveal the state of their exclusion fi-om the decision-making
Democracy in Search of
Women's Representation in Parliament 1952-1999 Equality
Ywr Seats Lok Sabha % of Women Sea& Rajya Sabha* % of Women MPs
WomenMPs MA WomenMPs MA
1952 499 22 4.4 219 16 07.3 1
I 1957 500 27 5.4 237 18 07.59

I
1962 503 34 6.8 238 18 07.56
1967 523 31 5.9 240 20 08.33
1971 521 22 4.2 243 17 07.00
1977 544 19 3.4 244 25 10.25
I
1980 544 28 7.9 244 24 09.84
1984 544 44 8.1 244 28 11.48
1989 517 27 5.3 245 . 24 09.80
1991 544 39 7.2 245 38 15.51
1996 543 39 7.2 223 20 08.52
1998 543 43 7.92 245 15 06.12
1999 543 49 9.02 245 19 07.76
Average 528 33 6.15 238 22 09.00
The composition of Rajya Sabha changes every two years. The figures of Rajya Sabha have
been picked up only for those years which allow comparison with Lok Sabha. The average
for Rajya Sabha is based on these years only.
Source: CSDS Data Unit, Delhi.
Women's Representation in State Legislatures 1952-1999 (% of women MLAs)
Tripura - NE NE 0.0 1 3.3 1.7 6.7 3.3 NE 1.7 - 3.0

Uttar
- . .
1.2 5.8 4.4 2.8* 5.9 2.6 5.6 7.3 3.3* 4.0' - 4.1
Notes: Table entry stands for % of women MLAs elected to state legislatures in the relevant
elections
States did not exits; NE: No elections held in that yearlperiod; * : Two elections held
during this period. The figure given here is an average of the two; ** In 1952 the Election
Commission did not recognise women as a separate category. The figures given here are
based on name recognition and hence liable to under-reporting of women representatives.
Source: CSDS Data Unit, Delhi.
But despite this situation of lower representation of women in the Parliament

and State Legislatures; wide spread gender discrimination and violence against
women, the arguments are advanced that any separate quota for women
is not desirable. According to this argument women's interests as such cannot
be isolated from economic, social and political interests of groups, strata
and classes in the society. Though they have some real problems of their
' own, they share with men the problem of their groups, locality and community.
This kind of argument emanates from the holds of strong patriarchy on the
one hand, and the fallacy of the socialistic understanding of women question
on the other.
In fact, the other view-point believes that woman should get fair deal in
the democratic dispensation of the political order. In this dispensation their
presence cannot be ensured, wherein the male-dominated view persists even
in the field of modern politics. A special quota for women-in this regard
offers a substantive alternative. In fact a system of reservation for women
would provide an impetus to both the women as well as to the political
parties to give a fairer deal to nearly half the population in various units
of government. The political power and electoral calculations in favour of
the emerging dominant force of backward classes have compelled the
successive governments to direct the policy of protective discrimination in
their favour. But the women question in this category has not invited a serious
attention of the political elites. The Constitution (eighty-first Amendment) Bill,
1996 is still pending. The passage of the Bill has been scuttled by the political
parties on one pretext or the other. The basic issue, however, remains
unaddressed.
Note: i) Use the space given below for y o u answers.
of the unit.
1) Summarise the arguments for and against the reservation for women.
Democracy in Search o f
31.7 LETUS SUMUP - - - - - - - - - -- - Equality
To sum up, from the above exposition we can say that democratic experiment
in India during the last five decades has been a mix bag of success and
failure. Whereas the procedural democracy has taken deep roots in terms
of periodic elections, voter turnout and large scale participation of the people
in electoral process, we have not been able to equalise <he opportunity and
condition of a democratic structure. Inter-group equality has not been
established and there is still a vast gap between political democracy and
social and economic democracy. Affirmative action of the state in favour
of the deprived groups and communities has gone a long way towards
creating a democratic conscious among the people. The recent decades of
India are now seen as the decades of 'democratic upsurge'. Therefore,
though democracy is still in search of equality in India it has paved a way
for the democratic assertion from below. It can be concluded that democracy
from above provided to the people at the time of independence is transforming
itself in a democracy from below claimed by the people after over fifty
years of India's democratic republic.

Chandhoke, Neera, Beyond Secularism: The Rights of Religious Minorities,
New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999.
Chatterjee, Partha (ed.), Wages of Freedom: Fifty Years of the Indian
Nation-State (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998).
De Souza, Peter Ronald, Contemporary India - Transitions (New D e h : Sage
Publications, 2000).
Hasan, Zoya (ed.), Politics and the State in India (New Delhi: Sage
Publications, 2000).
Jayal, Niraja Gopal, Democracy and the State - WeIfare Secularism and
Development in Contemporary India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1999.
(ed.), Democracy in India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2001
Kothari, Rajni, State Against Democracy, Delhi: Ajanta, 1988.
Vnhajan. Crurpreet: Identitv and Rights: Aspects of Liberal Democracy
in India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998.
Majeed, Akhtar (ed.), Coalition Politics and Power Sharing (New Delhi:
Manak Publications, 2000).
Oommen, T. K., State and Society in India: Studies in at ion Building
(New Delhi: Sage Publicaitons, 1990).
Sathyarnurthy, T. V. (ed.), Region, Religion, Caste, Genders and Culture
in Contemporary India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996).
EXERCISES
1) Article 15 prohibits discrimination on grounds of race, caste, sex, religion
or place of birth. Article 16 further provides equality of opportunity to
all.
2) It directs the state to make efforts to protect social order for elimination
of inequalities.
3) Articles 29 and 28.
1) It has given rise to a new middle class among them.
2) It has resulted ip their increasing role in.the political processes of th'e
country.
3) The different periods of the implementation of reservation policy in different
regions.
1) Argument for reservation : it will provide impectus to the half of the
human population.
Argument against : it will isolate the issues women from the general
problems of the society.
CRTlVE, REPRESSION AND TERROR
IN I N D POLITICS
~
Structure
32.0 Objectives
32.1 Introduction
32.1.1 The ~ e a n i n ~ s 'politics
of
32.1.2 Transition in Indian Politics
32.2 Crime and Politics
32.3 What is Repression?
32.4 Tenor: A Contested Category
32.5 Let Us Sum Up
32.6 Some Usekl Books
32.0 OBJECTIVES
Crime, repression and terror have become commonly used adjectives to
describe Indian politics. Each of these aspects, however, has specific meanings
within the fiameyork of democratic theory. They are o h seen as perversions
in democracy, and manifestations of a rupture in the democratic processes.
AAer going through this unit, you will be able to understand:
How crime, repression and terror form significant contexts of Indian
politics; and
The manner in which they determine the content of Indian politics.
3 2.1 INTRODUCTION
32.1.1 The Meanings of Politics
Before one can begin talking about crime, repression and terror ifi Indian
politics, it perhaps makes sense to talk first about the meaning of 'politics'.
It is only after having understood the meaning'of politics, that we can
understand how crime, repression and terror, 'corrupt' or 'pervert' politics,
and change its meaning altogether. Generally speaking, the expression politics
refers to a distinctive space as well the activities and relationships which
characterise the space. ~ h u sin our common usage of the term we tend
to differentiate the 'political' h m other spheres of human activity which form
the private concerns of individuals and groups, viz., social, cultural, economic,
etc. Politics has generally been understood in three broad ways:
a) Politics is seen as associated with governmental activities. This understanding
of politics can perhaps be illustrated with the help of the notion of politics
as it existed in classical Greece. Politics in Greek usage pertained to
participation in decision-making and the, exercise of authority. In the
nineteen sixties, David Easton conceptualised politics as the 'authoritative
allocation of values'. For others like Bernard Crick, politics refers not
so much to authoritative decision-making, but the processes by which
decisions could be reached amiably.
Contcrt o f Indian State b) Politics is also understood as referring to the public domain, a space
which is distinguished fiom the private and personal. This domain, unlike
the private space, is concerned with activities whereby norms and rules
which govern the entire society are determined and applied through the
use of covert andlor overt coercive power.
c) There is yet another understanding of politics which seeks to change
radically the above understandings of politics. According to this
understanding, politics refers not merely to decision-making but pertains
to the manner in which power, wealth and resources. are distributed in
society. Politics is also not seen as confined to the public domain, but
as something which permeates all institutions and unfolds at every level
of social existence. We may mention here, that the feminists were the
most persuasive in this redefinition of politics, emphasising that the private
sphere including the family was also permeated with power structures.
Therefore this definition also includes in its scope, struggles by people
and movements of resistance which aim at altering the manner in which
resources are distributed in society, in order to make society more
egalitarian.
32.1.2 Transitions in Indian Politics
From politics of trust to politics of suspicion, the two decades immediately
following independence have been characterised by Rajni Kothari as 'decades
of trust'. Politics in these decades was determined by a sense of trust
between people marked by a mutual concern h d understanding about what
constituted the 'common good'. Politics was seen as an 'ethical space' where
conflicts were resolved amiably and honourably. The seventies, however,
marked according to Rajni Kothari, an 'obituary' of the politics of trust
of the preceding decades. The 'ethical space' of politics was vitiated by
violence, crime, corruption and repression, marking what Kothari calls the
'the virtual elimiiation of politics':
What we confront today is not the crisis of politics but its virtual elimination.
The last decade has marked the beginning of the Indian State that has not
only deprived society of a basic consensus, but which has eschewed any
scope of dialogue $om it. The violence, the fear, the repression, the rhetoric
of deceit and d&ublespeak, are symptoms not of crises, but of the end
of politics. (Rajni Kothari, Politics and the People: In search of a Humane
India, Ajanta Prakashan, Deihi, 1989, p.439. emphasis added)
Indian politics was no longer the democratic space where, through dialogue
and interaction, the aspirations and needs of the people could be affirmed
and resolved. The 'end of politics' is seen as the period in which the
relationship of dialogue among people as well as the people and the state,
is ruptured by crime, repression and terror as the means of conflict resolption.
Crime, repression and terror make themselves manifest in several forms. In
the sections that follow we shall examine crime, repression' and terror
respectively, as they appear as characteristics of, and provide the;contexts,
in which politics in India unfolds.
32.2 CRIME AND POLITICS

The relationship between crime and politics can be appropriately illustrated
I
Perhaps the best and most authoritative delineation of this relationship, its Crime, Repression and
I Terror in Indian Politics
I roots and implications, has come from Rajni Kothari. Writing in the middle
I
of 1984 about the rise of the 'terrorist state', Rajni Kothari gives particular
I
attention to the 'criminalisation' of the Indian state. Kothari sees this
criminalisation as having unfolded in the process of the transformation of
Indian politics fiom an 'organic' and vibrant entity, i.e., something wholesome
and alive, into a mere 'mechanical', 'electoral system'. The logic of electoral
I politics determined by quantity or numbers, set forth a number of issues
r and brought into use a number of practices which were merely rhetorical
and aimed at gains in electoral politics, e.g., caste and communal politics.
/ This transformation of an organic polity into an electoral system which
deteriorated into a game of numbers and empty rhetorics, was accompanied
I by an even more frightening development viz., the permeation of Indian state
and politics by criminal elements. The criminalisation of politics was made
manifest in a combination of two processes witnessed at this time: (i) the
use of gangsterism as a substitute for party organisation and (ii) complete
permeation of the State by money power. Both these processes were
reflective of the means used to stay in power and simultaneously, the use
of political power to serve selfish ends rather than public good. (See Rajni
Kothari, 'The State, the People, the Intellectuals and 1984: Rise of the
Terrorist State' in Politics and the People, Vol.11, 1989)
The emergent inhstructure of politics in the seventies and eighties was a

, reflection of this degeneration of Indian pglitics. Politics no longer comprised
of individuals sensitive to the needs and aspirations of people at the grassroots
and local levels, but of musclemen and local mafias who were supported
and maintained by a new high-growth sector of the Indian economy, 'the
combination of liquor kings, smugglers and fast-buck politicians'. The gangsters
were needed to capture booths and smugglers to provide election finances.
Over the passage of time, they increasingly mediated the play of power
itself. It may be pointed out that in July 1993 the Government of India
set up a committee headed by the then Home Secretary, N.N.Vohra, to
take stock of all available information about the activities of crime Syndicate1
Mafia organisations which had developed links with and were being protected
by government hnctionaries (Vohra Committee Report, Ministry of Home
1
Affairs, New Delhi, 1993, p.1). The Committee submitted its report in
October 1993. It took note of the fact that among other agencies, the Central
Bureau of Investigation (CBI) too, had reported the existence to crime
syndicates all over India, and their nexus with the police, bureaucracy and
politicians. The Committee felt that the existing criminal justice system was
inadequate to deal with the activities of the Mafia, the provisions of law
being especially weak in regard to economic offenses. (Vohra Report, p.2)
The Election Commission too has pointed out the existence of a large number
of Members of Legislative Assemblies (henceforth MLAs) having criminal
records, and the need of weeding out criminal elements fiom politics. During
the 1998 Lok Sabha elections, an eminent panel consisting of Justice Kuldip
Singh, Madhav Godbole, C. Subramaniurn and Swami Agnivesh, identified
as many as 72 Lok Sabha candidates facing serious criminal cases. It may
be said that the majority of criminals enter the electoral fray through the
medium of National and State parties, including the two large& all-India
parties. Another alarming fact is that the bulk of the criminal candidates fell
in the categories of accused of serious crimes. Thev include Dersons alreadv
Context of Indian State charge-sheeted by a judicial court or by an investigating agency and those
with long crime hiistory (Outlook, 23 February 1998, 10-11).
These developments in Indian politics have resulted in both a narrowing of

its social base and a loss of autonomy owing to the infusion of criminality
and gangstelism inbo the realm of politics. These developments were directly
responsible for the transformation of the state into an instrument of internal
repression. Symptomatic of this is the brutalisation of the police and the
paramilitary forces, which shall be discussed in the sections on repression
and terror. Apart from the abuse of power, and the use of force in a way
that violates the rights of people, another manifestation of crime in politics
is what may be termed as governmentill corruption. Governmental corruption
pertains to the misappropriation and misdirection of public resources.
Conuption in a political context most typically suggests the misuse of political
office for material advantage. Bribery is perhaps the activity most closely
associated with political corruption, and is in effect an improper inducement
to influence the performance of a public act in a manner that it favours
specific individuals rather than the people in general. In the past fifteen years,
the concepts of 'scams' and 'scandals' have also become an integral part
of Indian politics. From the 'Bofors' scam in the nineteen eighties through
'Hawala' to the 'Fodder' scam, the amount of money misappropriated in
these scams has increased manifold. The 'Tehalka' scandal which exposed
the manner in which decisions are made and deals struck in politics, gave
audio-visual evidence about activities which perhaps many already believed
to be true. Such scandals, however, invariably become part of the contest
for one-upmanship between the government and the opposition parties. The
foundational principles of politic_s, ethics, morality, and transparency, are
unfortunately, seldamrestored.
,
Apart from crimes of corruption, economic and electoral malpractice, it may
also be pointed out that Indian politics is characterised by a growing
insensitivity towards the basic needs of the people. In a country where a
large number of people have to struggle daily to survive, the carelessness
of the politicians and bureaucrats towards the basic needs of people, viz.,
food, shelter, self-determination and life, violates universally defined human
rights pertaining to food, shelter, self-determination, and life. The starvation
deaths in Kashipur district of Orissa in the July-August, 2001, is a recent
example of negligence and the resultant misery for large numbers of people.
1
of the unit.
--
1) What do you mean by politics in the "decades of trust"?
2) What do you mean by criminalisation of politics?

................................................................................................................
6
Crime, Reprassion and
Terror in Indian Politics
32.3 WHAT IS REPRESSION? '
The dictionary meanings of 'repress' are 'to restrain', 'to keep under', 'to
put down', etc. The terms repression and repressive are more often than
not, associated with political regimes and governments, as a description of
their character and functioning. Like 'criminalisation', repression too, denotes
a disruption in democratic relationships in the domain of politics. It also
b
1 indicates the degeneration of politics as an ethical space where democratic
1 participation takes place. We have mentioned in the earlier section that Rajni
Kothari characterised the decade of the seventies as the beginning of the
period of the demise or elimination of politics, owing to a growkg criminalisation
of politics. In a similar vein, A.R. Desai spoke of the same period as
characterised by a growing 'assault' on the democratic rights of the people
by the law and order machinery of the state. This period, points out Desai,
was characterised by an 'assertion' of the large masses of the 'economically
exploited' classes, and the socially, politically and culturally oppressed sections,
of their elementary aspirations and demands for basic rights. If we recall
here the third definition of politics, i.e., as a means to distribute resources,
we may see the struggles by the large masses of the oppressed and excluded
people, as trying to effect change in the manner in which resources were
being distributed in society. They were, in other words, trying to transform
the inegalitarian political-institutional and social-cultural structures through which
'authoritative allocation of values' were being made. The struggles made
themselves manifest in various forms viz., Constitutional Court battles,
processions, strikes, dharnas, satyagrahas, and militant actions. The response
of the state was frequently to silence these voices of protest through various
measures both legal and extra-legal. These struggles by the people to radically
change the structures of power and decision making were seen by successive
governments as 'anti-social' and a threat to law and order in society. They
took recourse to a wide range of 'legal' and 'administrative' measures to
restore 'law and order', curb 'anti-social' elements, and halt the processes
of change in the existing structures of authority. There are a,nu.ber of articles
and reports which chronicle the violation of the righp of various marginalised
sections, including the dalits, the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, the
working class, women, religious minorities, etc. They also list the various
measures - legal (including the preventive detention laws, disturbed areas iaws
etc.), and extra-legal (disappearances, encounter deaths etc.) - through which
aspirations for change were dealt with by subsequent regimes.
It may be noted here that the Fundamental Rights in the Constitution of

India assure basic rights to the people irrespective of the conditions of their
birth, e.g., caste, class, race, religion, gender, etc. It is significant, however,
that the coficerns for political stability in the minds of the Constitution makers,
provoked them to include in the Constitution conditions under which these
basic rights could be withdrawn. Thus the Constitution of India (article 22)
itself provides for preventive detention or detention without trial even in times
of peace. It also contains Emergency provisions (Articles 352-360) which
provide for the suspension of the fundamental rights of the people when
the security of India or any part of it is threatened due to war, external
-. - -. - - - - -
suspended rights would, under such conditions, also be suspended. Throughout
the history of independent India, several laws have been passed by various
governments which have suspended the normal procedures of law to detain
people without trial. For several years, notably the Emergency (1975-77)
and before that during India's wars with China and Pakistan, the whole of
the country was put under Emergency, facilitating the suspension of the normal
procedures of law and people's basic rights. The entire north-eastern region
of India has been under extra-ordinary laws like the Armed Forces (Special
Powers) Act, 1958 for several years giving wide ranging powers to the
c e d forces to put down movements by some sections of people belonging
to the region. A series of Acts, from the Preventive Detention Act, 1950,
through the Maintenance of Intemal Security ~ c t 1971, , the various Public
Safety Acts which were enacted by different states governments from time
to time, the National Security Act, 1980, to the most contentious and
repressive Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, were
used against various movements. Thus political opposition, political groups
ideologically at variance with the government of the day, and, popular
struggles asserting their rights to cultural identity and self determination were
brought under the purview of these Acts. The promulgation of The Prevention
of Terrorism Ordinance, 2001 in the month of November, has again emphasised
the fact that such extraordinary laws have perhaps become an integral part
of governance in India. The existence of such extraordinary laws is indicative
of the failure of democratic politics and the absence of democratic dialogue
in society.
32.4 TERROR: AXONTESTED

CATEGORY
The word 'terror' along with other fi-equently used expressions like terrorise
and terrorism derive from the Latin verbs 'terrere', which means 'to tremble
or to cause to tremble, and deter, to frighten fi-om'. While these meanings
refer to outcomes, or effects, the word terror also denotes actions which
have the capacity of causing dread, or alternatively, persons, objects or force,
inspiring dread. In a general sense the term 'terror' would signify a set
of conditions, constituted of persons, acts, objects, effects etc., which produce
a psychc state of great fear or dread. (Paul Wilkinson, Political Terrorism,
Macmillan, 1974.)
While the term 'terror' can be more or less accurately defined, the concept
of terrorism is less precise. Contested meanings have been attached to the
concept drawing from its history, its modem contexts, and the perspective
or vantage point from which one looks at it. In its historical origins the
term has been associated with terror by governments, notably by the French
revolutionary government against its opponents, and by the Bolsheviks in
Russia after 1917. In its contemporary usage, however, the frames of
reference seem to have shifted to cover acts of terror by the opponents
of governments and include bombings, assassinations, hostage taking and
plane hijackings. Also by the 1970s terms like international terrorism and
state terrorism gained widespread currency. While the former referred to
acts of terror by political groups outside the country in which they were
primarily active, the latter referred to (alleged) encouragement and support
by states of such acts of terrorism. In its current usage, three diverse
meanings of terror and terrorism co-exist: (a) Acts of terror which occur
;n er\n+l;fit 4rlrlnn o;h~nf;r\nc ~ x r ; t h ; n nnGnnal h n ~ ~ n A a r iemo ~nrnrn~mallcprtarian
and ethnic violence in ethnically mixed or plural societies e.g., the conflicts Crime, Repression and
between Christians and Muslims in Lebanon, between Tamils and Sinhalese
in Sri Lanka, Catholics and Protestants in p or them Ireland etc. (b) Very
often, however, most acts of terror are seen as carried out by the state
itself. While Nazism and Stalinism are often cited as relevant examples, there
are and have existed repressive regimes in this century (e.g. Pinochet's Chile).
It is argued that terror and coercion often play important roles in maintaining
state domination and power. (c) Acts of terror which form a part of the
larger agenda of radical social and political change or national independence.
In these cases it is argued the 'rejection' of 'terrorist' tactics has no bearing
on questions of 'legitimacy' of the larger goals of the struggle (see Fred
Halliday, 'Terrorism', in Joel Krieger ed. The Oxford Companion to Politics
of the World, New York, 1993, 902-904).
The definition of what constitutes 'terror' in the context of Indian politics,

comes-largely from government's legal formulations of what constitute 'terrorist'
and 'disruptive' activities. These legal definitions, contained in laws like
Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, and most recently,
The Prevention of Terrorism Act, (POTA) 2001, have come in the context
of various struggles for self-determination, often of a violent nature, in various
parts of India, primarily Punjab in the eighties and Kashmir in the nineties.
Generally, terrorism has been understood as a method, consisting of symbolic
acts of vidence, intended to have an effect much wider in magnitude than
the actualact. The 'terrorist' method has been used by quite a few groups
in India including groups espousing a revolutionary ideology of change, such
as the 'naxalite groups' in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar. Groups fighting for
political autonomy or self-determination like the United Liberation Front of
Assam (ULFA), the Mizo National Front (MNF), the Jarnmu and Kashmir
Liberation Front (JKLF), the Khalistani Commando Force (KCF) in Punjab
and, the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen etc in Jammu and Kashmir, have also used
terrorism as a method. OAen groups struggling for self-determination have
sought legitimacy for their 'terrorist' activities in religious ideologies e.g.,
groups like the Harkat-ul-Ansa. in Jarnmu and Kashrnir and the Bhindranwale
Tiger Force in Punjab.
Legal definitions of terrorism have been modified h m time to time and these
definitions have invariably cited concerns about the 'security environment' of
India. The Law Commission's recommendations in April 2000, for bringing
in a new Bill, the Prevention of Terrorism Bill, noted the absence of a
'comprehensive anti-terrorism law7 to fill in the vacuum which had &sen
after the expiry of TADA. It cited the security concerns arising from 'terrorist
violence' in Jammu and Kashmir and the North-East, and the continuing
vulnerability of Punjab to sqch violence. The proposed Bill did not become
an Act. In the context of a worldwide condemnation of terrorist violence
aAer the 11 September, 2001 bombing of the World Trade Centre towers
in New York City, and the Pentagon in Washington D.C., the government
has been able to bring in first an Ordinance to deal with terrorism, viz.,
The Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance, 2001, (POTO) and then a law
Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA).
Often, however, what the government sees as measures to counter terrorism,

are seen by civil liberties groups as extraordinary, violative of democratic
. . .C .. .
. .
. 1..., * .
Context of lndian State The civil liberties and democratic rights groups in India have pointed out
that some of the activities called Terrorism by laws like TADA and POT0
is actually political militancy. K. Balagopal, for example; differentiates between
political militancy which is a method of terror used by groups for a political
purpose (autonomy, seIfdeteminations, changing feudal and capitalist structures
of domination etc.) fiom what he calls plain terror of goondas, gun-toting
landlords, mafias, etc. He ernphasises that even if one does not-like political
militancy, and rejects any kind of militancy, it may nonetheless, be noted
that governments ace quick to arm themselves with extzaordinary laws against
political militancy. The t m r of goonda gangs, mafias, and gun-toting landlords,
which long predates the Khalistani Commando Force, the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen,
the ULFA, and the People's War, was never called terrorism, nor were
especially harsh laws ever contemplated for tackling it. Balagopal makes an
important point that the different treatment of political militancy by governments
is 'not so much because'it is militancy' but 'because it is politics, and that
too, polit;:s of a different kind'. It is also important to nbte that the so
called te l'cjrist groups have a politics which is not guided by 'just terror'.
Often, their politics, 'right or wrong', has a wide social base, which means
that a substantial number of people support it and its armed activity. This
support makes it very difficult to deal with them by methods or
means which look at them as mere law and order Goblem to be curbed
by harsh laws.
-
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the ene
of the unit.
1) What do the Articles 22 and 352-360 of the Constitution stand for'?
2) What do the terms International terrorism and State terrorism mean?

................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................
3) What are the Civil liberty Right groups?
32.5 LETUS SUMUP

SU he notion of politics signifies a domain and activities denoting the formal
..... - . . . . . . . . a ,- .* ., ,. .
resources are distributed in society. In a democracy, politics is seen as a Crime, Repression and
domain to which everybody, irrespective of hislher conditions of birth has
equal access. It is seen as an activity which empowers people. The years
immediately after independence in India, were full of hope and enthusiasm.
Independence brought in the belief that h e liberty, equality and freedom,
can be achieved in the process of self-governance. Politics was seen as
an ethical space where deliberations could take place, and decisions made,
which would be for the common good. Significant developments, especially
since the nineteen seventies, greatly affected the way in which Indian politics
unfolded. The eminent political scientist, Rajni Kothari has described these
decades as marking the end of the politics of trust, and a virtual elimination
of politics as an ethical space. The demise of the politics of trust and its
degeneration fiom a space in which honourable dialogues took place, was
due to violence, fear and repression. Politics was permeated by crime which
was manifested by the growing use of gangsterism as a substitute for party
organisation and the use of money power. Such developments narrowed the
domain of politics by excluding people's parkipation and reduced its autonomy
by making it dependent on money power and local goondas. In such a
scenario where politics had a narrow social base, and the representatives
of the people were dependent on mafia and money power for sustaining
themselves, it was perhaps logical that the dissatisfaction of people, who
felt excluded from the political process, should make idself manifest in the
form of movements and struggles. The state in turn responded by taking
recourse to measures whch were designed to repress or put down such
movements and aspirations. In his wokks, A.R.Desai has brought together
a set of articles which look at the manner in which the state has repressed
or contained people's movements. Terror has become a significant context
of Indian politics since the nineteen eighties in the context of the movements
for self determination in Punjab, in the North-East and in Jamrnu and
Kashmir. By and large terrorism has been understood as acts or threats
of violence against ordinary, unarmed civilians, carried out in the pursuit of
a political abjective. Often, the response of the state to these movements
has been in terms of voicing 'security concerns' pertaining to the unity and
integrity of India S e v d e x t n m m laws including Terrorist and Disruptive
Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, (TADA) and now Prevention of Terrorism
Act, 2001, (POT&, have been brought by successive govenunents, to deal
with threats from terrorism. Civil liberties groups, however, look at the manner -
in which extraordinary laws often violate the rights of ordinary people.
Moreover, they see the response in terms of legal measures, a misdirected
remedy for a problem which is political in n&e. They point out that often
what is loosely labeled 'terrorism' is not always 'mindless violence'. Such
movements often have strong socio-political roots and distinctive ideologies.
They cannot, therefore, be addressed by extraordinary laws, since these are
political questions and need to be addressed on that level rather than as
law and order problems. he permeation of crime, repression and terror,
in Indian politics has meant that politics in India lacks the fiarnework
conducive for popular participation. In such a scenario it is desirable that
people as the sovereign custodians of constitutional promises should be alert
to their rights and duties and work towards restoring the norms of a
democratic society and polity.
Context of Indian Stat9
Desai, A.R., Violation of Democratic Rights in India, Vol.1, Popular
Prakashan, Bombay, 1986.
Repression and Resistance, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1986.
Kothari Rajni, Politics and the People: In Search of Humane India,

Volume 11, Ajanta Publications, Delhi, 1989 (Chapter 22: 'The State, the
People, the Intellectuals' and Chapter 26: '1984: Rise of the Terrorist State').
Singh, Randhir, 'Terrorism, State Terrorism and Democr ic Rights', in

4
Randhir Singh, Five Lectures in Marxist Mode, Ajanta, De hi, 1993.

EXERCISES
1) Politics in the first two decades immediately following independence as
it was marked by mutual trust between people.
2) Increasing role of crime in politics.
1) Article 22 provides for preventive detension or detension without tribal
even in times of peace; Articles 352-36 provides for suspension of
fimdamental rights during emergency.
2) The former refers to the'aacts of terror by political groups outside the
countty where they are primarily active. The latter meanings support or
encouragement by the state to acts of terrorism.
3) Groups which fight against the violation of the rights of the people.
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1.2 DEFINING COLONIALISM 1

1) What was new to the 16-18th century colonisation?

2) Can you identify the main features of Colonialism? '

I 1.3 CONSEQUENCES OF COLONIALISM .

The defeat of Siraj-ud-Daula in 1757 at the battle of Plassey can be taken

We can notice in the above classification the basic mode of exploitation

By combining the nature and source of political domination with mechanisms

1 Let us call it the "neo-colonial" mode of exploitation. Capitalism in Britain

Lest it should be misunderstood, a clarification is necessary here. This was

2) What were the results of these for the peasantry?

1.3.3 Impact: The Second Phase-De-industrialisation and its

The beginning of this process of de-industrialisation started, to link up with

~ e f o r egoing into this one comment in passing may be appropriate for it

By the second half of the 19th century de-industrialisation was complete.

But the railways also surprisingly contributed to a greater integration of Indian

The third important change to which reference has to be made is the

One important feature of investment in irrigation is worth remembering. Almost

Two important results followed with the development of irrigation, a brief

1) Why did the British shift the emphasis of ekploitation to "export of

1.3.4 Impact: th, Third Phase-Imperialism and

One important feature of this industrialisation has to be emphasised before

1) What led to the growth of modem industry in ~ndia?'

2) Where and in what sectors did industry grow?

3) What were the main social forces which emerged in India?

1.4 LET US SUM UP

1.5 KEY WORDS

Neo-colonialism: It is a system in which the economy of the colony gets

De-industrialisation: A process of ruination of the traditional industries of

1.6 SOME USEFUL BOOK AND ARTICLES

Chandra, Bipan, Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman, Delhi, 1999; see

Habib, Irfan, "Colonisation of the Indian Economy, 1757-1900", Social

Sarkar, Sumit, Modern India, Macmillan, Delhi, 1983.

Pavlov, V., "India's Socio-Economic Structure from the 18th to mid-20th

1) They wanted market for the goods produced in England.

2.2 INDIA AND THE COLONIAL EXPERIENCE

The notion of freedom, equality and a scientific world-view, derived from

2.3 THE WORLD OF THE PEASANTRY

The company began to extract revenue with a vengeance. In Bengal alone

In the Ryotwari areas, the peasantry came under increased pressure of

2.4 THE TRIBAL RESPONSE

The Christian missionaries in the Chhota Nagpur area provided a helping

Check Your Progress Exercise 1

1) How did the peasant respond to the colonial rule?

2.5 MIDDLE CLASS, INTELLIGENTSIA AND SOCIAL

I 2) In which way did they respond to colonialism?

i 3) How did the intelligentsia generate public debate?

2.6 REFORM MOVEMENTS

Rarnrnohun Roy also engaged the Christian missionaries in public debates

Engulu Veerswamiah in Andhra wrote in 1857 that there was no recognition

Assumption of power by the British effected the Muslim aristocracy in

2.7 REFORM OR REVIVAL ?

2.8 SOCIAL OR POLITICAL REFORM ?

2.9 THE INTELLIGENTSIA, REFORMS AND THE

Check Your Progress Exercise 3