1. Topic: From Autonomy to Independence: The Challenges of Nation-Building in South Sudan 2.

Hypothesis: South Sudan, in its current transitional phase from autonomy to independence is vulnerable to a number of economic, social and political difficulties that if not resolved, may impale not just the economic and social development of the country but of the entire region itself. 3. Background to the Study and outline of Research Problem: The Republic of South Sudan is a landlocked nation in the Sahel region of Africa. With Juba being its capital, South Sudan is bordered by Sudan to the north, Central African Republic to the west, Ethiopia to the east, Uganda to the south and Kenya to the Southeast. After the first brutal civil war (1955-1972), a peace agreement resulted in Southern Sudan gaining autonomy from Khartoum which lasted until 1983 when another civil war broke out and continued up to 2005 when a Comprehensive Peace Agreement was achieved, resulting in the restoration of South Sudans autonomy. On July 9 2011, the South Sudanese celebrated their independence after half a century of struggle and oppression that claimed almost 2 million lives. But after the jubilant parties, celebrations and military parades, Africas newest nation is slowly coming to terms with the grim reality of the new responsibilities of nation building. Being one of the most underdeveloped and impoverished countries in the world, South Sudan currently faces an array of political, social and economic hardships (Heleta, 2011: 12). More than seven different militia groups are currently operating in Southern Sudan and consequently, the fears of renewed conflicts are rife. According to a recent UN report, ethnic conflicts and violence ranging from the rebel battles with security forces to intergroup cattle raids have already claimed 2400 lives in 2011 alone, further hindering the peaceful transition of South Sudan. More serious is the fact that the troops from the South Sudan and their northern counterparts are facing off in border conflicts particularly in the contested regions of Abyei. Fighting has also been reported in several parts of Kordofan state between the northerners and forces loyal to South Sudan. Another potential source of conflict is the oil wells that lie near the South-North border although the South Sudanese still have to depend on the northern refineries and pipelines. Despite the enormous oil wealth, Southern Sudan is impoverished and one of the least developed nations in the world. The years of marginalization have also resulted in total lack of infrastructural development in the region. For instance, the entire state of South Sudan is almost the size of Texas (USA) but it only has 50 kilometres (30miles) of paved road. Water and electricity are a problem in several parts of the country. Ambler (2011) argues that most South Sudanese live on less than $1 a day and both health and educational facilities are significantly underdeveloped. With hundreds of thousands of people who were displaced during the long civil wars between the North and South, a serious humanitarian crisis is looming given the continued lack of capacity to deal with their basic needs. As a result of poor health facilities, South Sudan has the highest infant mortality and maternal mortality in the world (Rose, 2004).

With regard to education, a recent survey indicates that South Sudan has illiteracy levels of up to 85%. The new government is faced with the challenge of building schools across the country where over 50% of the population are below the age of 18. The other significant challenges facing the young government include the task of reforming its disorganized and bloated army, diversification of the economy which is currently primarily based on oil revenues, delivering the basic amenities such as health services, electricity and water, and finally, making difficult decisions regarding the equitable distribution of power among the military factions and the various ethnic groups within the region. 4. Scope of the Study: This study focuses on the challenges of nation building in South Sudan taking into account its historical, institutional, political, cultural, social and economic backdrop during the nearly 50 years of struggle and marginalization. 5. Specific Objectives of the Study: Following its independence, South Sudan will now be faced with the task of tackling both old and fresh challenges, including some which were never anticipated before. The specific objectives of this study are: 1. To investigate the impact of the socio-political conflicts between the South Sudan and its northern neighbour together with the frozen internal political conflicts on the peaceful transition of South Sudan from autonomy to independence. 2. To determine the economic challenges of nation building that are currently facing Africas newest nation. 3. To understand the mistakes of previous countries that underwent the same nation building process and independence and apply such knowledge to the core of South Sudans nation building efforts. 6. Research Questions The key Research questions are: 1. What are the main socio-political challenges facing South Sudan in its transition from autonomy to self-governance? 2. What are the key developments and economic requirements in order for South Sudan to feed its population, develop its infrastructure and reduce its dependence on donor funding? 3. What is the role of the international community in ensuring that perpetual peace and development prevails in the South Sudan region after its independence? 4. What were the challenges faced by other neighbouring countries that underwent the same fate as South Sudan? What are the similarities between these challenges and the ones faced by South Sudan? 5. How can the South Sudanese government learn from the mistakes of past governments in terms of their efforts towards a peaceful nation building process?

7. Significance of the Study: Following their independence, many African countries such as Somalia, Congo and Eritrea failed to develop strategic approaches of solving their challenges and as a result, their celebrations of independence were short lived. Several researches have been undertaken to determine the potential challenges that comes with

the birth of a new nation like South Sudan. This study will therefore provide a significant reflection on the nature of potential challenges as well as the possible remedies that can be applied to avoid the same fate that was witnessed in Somalia, Congo (DRC) and Eritrea (Herbst and Jeffrey, 2000). Essentially, the significance of this particular research lies in its potential contribution for transitional countries like South Sudan to avoid the mistakes of countries that claimed their independence in the past and failed to cope with the challenges that come as a result of such independence. A number of challenges have been identified in the process of building a new nation, as evidenced in countries such as the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste (East-Timor Tetum) and Eritreas separation from Ethiopia. Consequently, the significant challenges that these countries faced provoked further research on the enormity of piecing a nation together after experiencing severe fallout in decades of civil war. This study will enable researchers and stakeholders to weigh the numerous measures being put forth by the South Sudanese administration against those previously implemented in other similar circumstances, including failed ones. The challenges facing South Sudan will not directly affect the country but would potentially destabilize the region. This study may be able to provide the international community with an important preview of the challenges facing South Sudan, the potential options available and the measures undertaken to upset the challenges of nation building in other countries and become more effective in dealing with similar scenarios. This study will also be significant following the fact that it will contribute in enhancing the debate on solutions to specific problems and emphasizing the importance of peace within and outside the territorial confines of South Sudan, and unity amongst its numerous tribal cleavages in the economic, political, social and cultural development of the new republic. It will therefore recommend the prioritization of internal cohesion within the South Sudanese society as pathway towards the building of a vibrant and robust new nation. 8. Preliminary Literature Review Nationalism in the contemporary sense transcends the previous contextual foundations of religion and racial dominance of particular social groupings (Frank and Meyer, 2002). While it remains loyal to the concept of national sentiment among the people, its manifestation in real life pervades the past notions of what nationalism really is. In other words, nationalism has transformed from the highly confined abstraction into many forms of expressing national sentiment. For instance, the concept of banal nationalism as professed by Michael Billig (1995) is a rather new form of geopolitical nation building as opposed to previous conceptions on the idea. Banal nationalism contests the former manifestations of the concept as obsolete and therefore needs to adapt to the demands of the current world system. It is in this sense that the concept of nationalism will be explored drawing from the foundations of nation building and social integration theories. On the other hand, the concept of statehood shall also be reviewed within the Weberian context as well as from the theoretical framework of Herbst. The concept of statehood is an important aspect in resolving issues of nation building since it functions as the ideal goals nation building itself seeks to achieve. According to Max Weber (2010), a state is

generally an organization that seeks to monopolize the application of physical force within its boundaries. Herbst (2003) further suggests that states are only considered viable if they are able to effectively control the territories within their borders. These definitions serve as the main objectives of the nation building process which, upon achievement of the aforementioned conditions compels the international community to recognize South Sudan as a nation for all intents and purposes. According to Fritz and Menocal (2007), nation building as a concept can be described as the process of enhancing/strengthening the social and political institutions using the power of the state. Enhancing social and political institutions can be achieved through propaganda work, instilling a sense of nationalism among the people as well as infrastructural development to stimulate economic growth. However, the debate regarding statehood in Africa remains active. Such debate is largely informed on the one hand by the by the Westphalian concept of an ideal, developed and functional state that guarantees peace and security and the sole authority through the use of force; on the other hand, it is based on the utilization of prefixes like pariah which failed in describing the same concept with regard to Africa. The construction of the modern day state thus poses an inevitable challenge to any evolving and newly formed states such as the case in South Sudan. It is therefore a challenge that South Sudan will have to overcome in order to qualify itself as a viable political unit with a firm territorial control, capacity to support its citizens and authority over its people (Fritz & Menocal, 2008: 177). At this point, it becomes imperative to differentiate or at least demarcate between the concept of state-building and nation-building. Alan Whaites (2008) argues that the two concepts are two different processes that are usually interchangeable in North America but in fact contain narrow political contents that are largely different from each other. Nation building refers to the creation of national identity whereas state building pertains to the process of strengthening the existing institutions within the state (Whaites, 2008: 33). According to Kagame (2010), national identity is the major foundation of any form of social cohesion. Additionally, the establishment of institutions and laws of governance which formalize the relationship between the state and citizens as well as their expectation of service delivery is very important in the development of national cohesion. Another important feature in this regard is the participation of citizens in the governance process by choosing a system that best serves them, selecting their leaders and playing an active role in decision making. Then, there is economic transformation - it is only right for the people to expect a qualitative improvement in their lives. Part of nation-building, therefore, includes establishing the climate and mechanisms for economic development for the whole nation. It is worth noting that the process of nation-building can only be led and generated within the concerned country as opposed to relying on the external factors (Kagame, 2010: 12). Enloe (1990) proposes that for a country that has been plagued by decades of internal and external conflicts, and on-going border disputes, the first major priority should be one of stabilisation and security within its borders which consequently requires strong internal

political leadership, systems and institutions. To some extent, this is a precondition for any successful nation-building. There is a great need for restoration of order, peace and stability for the nation building to succeed. Many constructivist scholars have sought to emphasize on the invented or imagined nature of nations. A nation is largely a collection of individuals sharing a common belief and destiny which is shaped by their shared past experiences. In this regard, nationalism is widely seen as a project of promoting the beliefs and policies which are aimed at enabling the nation to effectively control its destiny (Enloe, 1990: 45). Based on the works of Baldauf and Harman (2011), another main issue concerning the difficulties in nation building for South Sudan is oil production. Although oil production in Sudan started in the 1990s, it has rapidly grown to become the economic mainstay for both the economies of North and South Sudan. It is worth noting that whereas most of the oilfields are found within the boundaries of South Sudan, the oil facilities and export pipelines are largely found in the North. As a result, one of the core objectives of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005 was the sharing of the control of both the oil resources and the revenues. Consequently the Republic of South Sudan is currently faced with the challenge of building its own oil facilities and finding an alternative export route, particularly since it is a landlocked country. Some of the significant challenges that will face the new administration include printing new currency, building roads, schools, and hospitals; and collecting taxes in one of the world's least developed areas. South Sudan must also prepare to demarcate a disputed, oil-rich border region with its northern counterpart to enable it guarantee its security (Baldauf & Harman, 2011: 83). 9. Research Methodology and Methods The research methodology will involve gathering of the relevant data from a number of documented sources as books, journals and documentaries, as well as compiling various databases to develop a comprehensive understanding of the various challenges of nationhood currently facing South Sudan in its transition from autonomy to total independence. Consequently, this research will utilize both the qualitative and quantitative tools of data collection. The data collection in this research study will consist of conducting a literature review on the recent books, journals, documentaries as well as researches on the challenges of statehood and nation-building not only in South Sudan but also in the other countries that have experienced the same circumstances. Surveys will also be carried out using well-structured questionnaires that will be administered to a specified sample of government officials, residents of South Sudan and the stakeholders of the Sudan peace process. During the first round of data collection, a purposive survey instrument will be designed and conducted on a sizable number of participants , ideally 100 individuals, and these participants will be drawn from across the general citizenry of South Sudan, for example students, ordinary people on the streets, NGO workers and the members of the SPLM. The purpose of the survey will be to determine the general perception of the South Sudan public regarding the social, political and economic challenges that are currently facing Africas newest Nation.

Approximately 50 participants will be interviewed, mostly selected from holders of positions in the government of the new South Sudan, civil rights activists, various investor companies in the region and the key negotiators of the North-South Sudan peace accord. The interviewees will be expected to respond to a self-administered questionnaire that will seek to determine their experiences, ideas as well as their responsibilities in tackling the challenges of nationhood in their country. In this regard, the surveys will be the major source of quantitative data while the interviews will provide the much needed qualitative study of the major challenges of rebuilding South Sudan after decades of civil strife and marginalization. Additionally, it is also planned that this research will manage to obtain the perspectives of at least all the leaders of the seven rebel militia factions that are currently operating in South Sudan through desk research of recent literature about the aforementioned groups. Upon gathering of both the quantitative and qualitative data, a comprehensive analysis will be carried out both manually and through the use of normal statistical analysis software specifically SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) to determine the correlation of the variables with regard to the potential challenges facing the South Sudan region in the order of their enormity, urgency as well as both the weakness and strengths of the possible remedies at hand (Rice, 1999: 187). Finally the research will use charts, graphs and tables to present the data; comparisons will also be drawn. 10. Theoretical Framework The challenges that are currently faced by South Sudan are not new to Africa. Several states in the continent have experienced the same fate involving armed conflicts, economic marginalization and underdevelopment. For example in West Africa, the regions particularly affected include Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Guinea and Liberia. In the horn of Africa, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia while in the great lakes region are Uganda, Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi and Angola. To further illustrate the similarities, the case of Liberia eloquently exemplifies a similar turn with South Sudan. Liberian armed conflict is primarily caused by the ethnicisation of the countrys politics when Samuel Doe took power in 1980 after a bloody military coup. The marginalized ethnic groups in Liberia spell the same struggle experienced by South Sudan as armed conflict is prevalent due to the demands and efforts of long marginalized ethnic groups in the country (Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2011). Armed conflict in Uganda and Angola professes the same causes as in the case of Liberia. In essence, the primary cause of armed conflict in most African countries can be attributed to the marginalization of ethnic groups which is exacerbated by the colonial character of most countries in the region. A number of theories have been used by many scholars to understand the challenges of nation-building in most of the African countries. This study will use the two theories of nation-building and social integration to explain its challenges and state formation that are currently facing South Sudan. Nation-Building Theory The nation building theory gained popularity in the 1950s and 1960s among the prominent political scientists. Among the notable proponents of this theory included Charles Tilly, Karl Deutsch and Reinhard Bendix. The theory was primarily used to

describe the processes and challenges of national consolidation and integration that resulted in the modern nation state establishment as opposed to the traditional forms of statehood such as dynasty, feudalism, church state and empire. In this regard, the term nation building was coined by the political scientists to refer to the strategies that are usually initiated by the state leaders as well as the unplanned social changes experienced in countries in their struggle to develop into cohesive societies (Gellner, 1983: 25). The principal assumptions of the nation building theory lies in its belief that past societies failed precisely because it lacked the concept of nation and nationhood. It also presumes the grave importance of national identity in nation building and particularly avoids the mechanical functions of past feudal, dynastic and empire societies of the past. Many proponents of the state building theory concur that traditional states of the premodern era were comprised of an aloof structure of state controlling isolated communities bonded together by parochial cultures. In this context, the primary role of the pre-modern state structures was simply to collect taxes and keep order. Through the gradual changes, the subjects of these dynastic, feudal, church states and empires state systems eventually became citizens and the parochial cultures either lost their significance or were superseded by the large state loyalty. When applied within the context of South Sudan and other African countries undergoing transition to independence, it becomes imperative to take into consideration the notion of national sentiments or the sense of belongingness on the part of the citizens as opposed to the former functions of previous societies whose main purpose is to maintain order and collect taxes. In other words, nation-building theory provides us with a unique position to analyse what went wrong in previous societies that failed. The theory of nation-building describes a number of phases that are identical to the current sequence of events experienced by the Republic of South Sudan. For example, the initial phase of nation-building is widely thought by these theorists to result in cultural and economic cohesion, particularly at the elite level. Additionally, according to these theorists, the second phase brings the larger masses of the general population into the general system through their enlistment in the army, enrolment in the schools and by enabling the freedom of the media which eventually allow the elites to interact with the periphery populations thereby resulting in the development of a cohesive society with a sense of state identity. The third phase requires the ordinary masses to actively participate in their territorial political system while the final phase involves the expansion of the state apparatus, economic equalization and provision of public welfare services. This theory was applicable to the situation witnessed in Europe during the Middle Ages until the periods of the French Revolution and today most African countries including South Sudan are experiencing the same challenges related to building a cohesive nation. There are, however, a few fundamental flaws in this theory particularly with regard to the confusion of the use of the term nation which can sometimes be misleading when used to refer to the cultural groups.

The Social Integration Theory In the wake of the liberal movements in the 19th century, various views have been developed regarding national integration. One school of thought argues that historically, a major challenge to building cohesive states has been the dissolution of the linguistic and cultural minorities and their consequent absorption into the larger nation culture. Before the individuals of these groups are effectively amalgamated and assimilated, the nation is bound to experience challenges such as ethnic tensions, tribal conflicts, economic and political marginalization of particular communities. Basically, the social integration theory presupposes that cultural amalgamation is the key towards peaceful state transition. In addition, it also posits the impregnability of experiencing ethnic conflicts most especially in the case of South Sudan wherein ethnic minorities are continually marginalized (Cohen & Syme, 1985: 23; Durkheim, 1997: 377). These principal assumptions are the very challenges that the transition of South Sudan is currently facing and it is only after the complete assimilation of the various ethnic groups into the larger society of South Sudan that the challenges will be effectively tackled. An alternative and opposing view in this theory is the argument that cultural diversity is a blessing to the nations on the verge of nation-building. Proponents of this view suggest that diversity helps safe-guard against tyranny by balancing the interests of the various groups. Both the nation-building and social integration theories are related in many ways. For example, both are based on the belief that the establishment of a cohesive nation that had equal opportunities for all the social groups is very possible even in situations as those currently faced by South Sudan. The major weakness of social integration theory is that it does not effectively explain the concept of nationalism and consequently an integrated model that incorporates both theories is therefore needed. An important question in this context is: are the theories of nation-building and social integration relevant to the contemporary non-western societies? This question is partly answered by the belief that all human societies are bound to experience the same developmental stages and this has been evidenced in the modern times by the recent Arab spring where people began to demand more freedom and more voice in how they are being governed. During the 1960s when most of the African countries were gaining independence, the assumptions of these theories took a prominent place in the debates regarding the challenges most of these countries faced at the time of their independence. Consequently, the two theories are still relevant even in the modern times and are now being used to shed more light on the potential challenges that South Sudan currently face in its transition from autonomy to independence. The Struggle for Oil Resources and Border Disputes in South Sudan Most of the current challenges facing South Sudan are related to the struggle for the scarce economic resources such as the vast oil reserve and border dispute between South Sudan and their northern counterparts. The recent clashes between the Sudanese army and the SPLA are simply some manifestations that the struggle for resources following the independence of South Sudan brings; these can easily develop into large scale

conflicts thereby further undermining the peaceful transition of the state. This is largely because both the new government of South Sudan and the regime in the North view the border solely in the perspective of economic gains with little consideration to the communities living in the region. According to the International Crisis Group (2011), there is increasing fear of renewed conflict that can easily generate into genocide if this challenge is not effectively addressed in time. Being one of the most underdeveloped and impoverished countries in the world, Sudan currently faces an array of political, social and economic hardships. On the other hand, the border dispute is largely a result of the petroleum resources that are found along the border of the two countries and the matter is complicated by the fact that nearly 85% of the oil fields are found on the South Sudan side. Currently, the South Sudanese government has displayed a high level of restraint regarding the extreme cases of aggression that the Khartoum government has continued to demonstrate by bombing the territories within the borders of South Sudan. Most political analysts, however, believe that the situation can only last for a while before it erupts into full scale violence and therefore a major challenge is to find a long lasting solution that will help prevent the eminent conflict between the two countries. Another challenge in this regard is the fact that South Sudan has not diversified its economy and is currently deriving 98% of its revenue from the petroleum industry. If the border conflict continues to escalate, the oil production in the region will be affected as most of the foreign investors will be scared away by the violence. The reduced production of oil will inevitable affects the economy of the young nation and eventually undermines the peace and development process in South Sudan. Some of the potential solutions for the oil and border related challenges include encouraging and supporting the government of South Sudan to build its own oil facilities, refineries and pipelines. With regard to the border disputes there is a general consensus among the stakeholders of the Sudanese peace process that a clear border should be amicably demarcated between the two countries and the areas around the borders should also be demilitarized. It has also been suggested that South Sudan needs to diversify its economy to other areas such as agriculture and livestock production. According to Schomerus et al. (2011), South Sudan is evidently facing a lot of significant challenges particularly with regard to its overreliance on oil as the basis of its economy. Currently, almost 50 % of the population in South Sudan is living below the poverty line with only 15% able to read and write. Therefore, in the absence of a viable economic base and new investments, the country is increasingly facing a number of economic challenges such as uncertainties on its national income and the effects of the fluctuations on the global oil prices (Schomerus et al., 2011: 156). Certainly these challenges are also making the management of macroeconomics in the young nation more difficult. Some of the key priorities currently considered by the government of South Sudan include both short-term and long-term strategies. In the short-term, the new government intends to maximize the revenues from the oil industry and the other existing industries

while in the long term, it will consider partnering with the other international investors to effectively develop its oil facilities and reduce its dependence on the infrastructure of its northern counterpart. Additionally, the South Sudanese government intends to closely work with the donors and the World Bank in order to effectively curb the variations of the government income. The other significant challenges facing the young government include the task of reforming its army, diversifying of the economy which is currently primarily based on oil revenues, delivering basic amenities such as health services, electricity and water and finally, making the tough decision regarding the equitable distribution of power among the military factions and the various ethnic groups within the region (Heleta, 2011: 36). Finally there is an urgent need for the government as well as the international community to provide effective security for all the installations and the oil workers in the region to ensure the continuity of the oil production. The discussion of the South Sudan oil struggle primarily contextualizes the entire research within the framework of oil interest aside from the former assumptions on ethnic marginalization as the root cause of South Sudanese conflicts. Aside from this, it also explains the economic and social difficulties emerging from the country as a result of the heavily disputed oil reserves. In essence, a sound grounded theory on the connection between the struggle for oil resources together with border disputes to the conflicts and challenges faced by South Sudan can be formulated using the analytical position of knowing the context of the oil struggle. It situates the researcher on a valid plane of analysis to see the challenges and conflicts in South Sudan through a unique analytical lens in order to produce a grounded theoretical assumption based on the social facts and realities in South Sudan and supported by the social integration and nation building theories aforementioned in the previous passages. 11. Conclusion The challenges facing South Sudan in its transition from autonomy to independence are not only external, such as the border dispute with the north, but also internal. The financial constraints, power struggles between the various ethnic groups in the region, and poverty are the major internal challenges. The new government therefore needs to unify all its citizens, distribute power and resources equitably and work towards the deliverance of the basic services to all citizens. Structure of the Dissertation Chapter One: Introduction The first chapter of the dissertation will cover the background of the study, comprehensively discuss the research problem, state the aims and objectives of the study and situate the study within a hypothesis. Chapter Two: Research Methodology

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Will give a detailed description of the methodology used in carrying out the study from data collection analysis to data presentation. Chapter Three: Literature Review/Theoretical Framework This chapter will comprehensively look into what the other scholars have written on Nation-Building and its challenges in other situations or countries similar to South Sudan. The literature review will then link up these other scholarly assessment by situating them to the case of South Sudan within the context of its challenges such as the struggle for oil resources and the border disputes Chapter Four: Delineation of Research Variables This chapter will examine the various variables which impinge on the study such as the national, regional, continental and international dimensions of both the Sudanese conflict, its resolution and the creation of a new South Sudan state and its sustainability. Chapter Five: Research Findings This chapter will comprise of the discussion of the research findings. The findings will be discussed within the framework of the theoretical framework and the research questions. Chapter Six: Summary, Discussion and Conclusion This chapter will deal with the conclusion and recommendations of the study. The conclusion will sum up all the issues discussed in the study while the recommendations will be based on the problems identified in the course of the research.

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RESEARCH SCHEDULE: (Work Plan/ Time-frame): Month / Year - August 2011-October 2011 - November 2011December 2011 - January 2012-March 2012 - April 2012-June 2012 - June 2012-August 2012 - September 2012November 2012 - December 2012February 2013 Description First Draft of the Research Proposal Completion of the Proposal Writing, Editing and Completion of Literature Review Field Work/Data Collection Data Processing/Analysis of Findings Review and Completion of First Draft of Thesis Final Revision, Editing, Proofreading, Copying, Binding and Submission of Thesis Successful Completion of Thesis Successful Completion of Literature Review Outcomes Acceptance of Proposal

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