4

The Domestic Context of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Formulation

By

DR. LAMBERT UYI EDIGIN

Department of Political Science and Public Administration,
University of Benin, Benin City,
Edo State.

And

DR. AIGUOSATILE OTOGHILE

Department of Political Science and Public Administration,
University of Benin, Benin City,
Edo State
Abstract
The end of the cold war has resulted in a fundamental contemporary foreign policy
formulation of nation-states. Developing countries like Nigeria with oil wealth, a large
army and a large pool of educated and political elites are now able to play a
leadership role in Africa due to the reduced strategic significance of the continent by
major world powers. While policy makers and executors of Nigeria’s foreign policy
appear to be committed to responding to demands, pressure and influence from the
external environment to contribute to regional peace-keeping, etc, they also need to
respond appropriately to domestic pressure and influences especially those emanating
from public opinion. A civilian regime, unlike military government also faces
additional pressure from parliament and the press. This paper examines the domestic
context of Nigeria’s foreign policy formulation. The main thrust is that the emphasis
that has been persistently laid on foreign policy formulation by successive
administrations in the country depends on the domestic context in which decisions are
made. The foreign policy environment in future therefore, is likely to be influenced
tremendously by the same principles and objectives with necessary adjustments and
modifications depending on the orientations of the political leadership and the existing
circumstances in the global system.

Introduction
The objectives of Nigeria’s foreign policy have since the country’s attainment
of nationhood in 1960, been broadly spelt out by successive administrations. Abubakar
Tafawa Balewa’s regime identified certain fundamental objectives of Nigeria’s foreign
policy, the most prominent and on which others are anchored being “the promotion of
the national interest of the federation and its citizens (Attahiru, 2003:14).

1
International Journal of Research Development

Unfortunately, what constitutes the country’s national interest was not clearly
articulated and both the Balewa’s administration and that of the two subsequent
regimes of Ironsi and Gowon merely premised the foreign policies on their perception
of what they considered as Nigeria’s interest. It is not until the inception of the
Murtala/Obasanjo regime in 1975 that broad strands of Nigeria’s national interest were
clearly addressed. Based on the Adedeji Commission’s report, General Obasanjo, in
June 1976, identified the elements of the national interest which also constitute the
objectives of the country’s foreign policy as follows:
- the defence of our sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity;
- the creation of the necessary political and economic conditions in Africa and the
rest of the world which will facilitate the defence of the independence and
territorial integrity of all African countries while at the same time, foster national
self-reliance and rapid economic development;
- The promotion and the defence of justice and respect for human dignity
especially the dignity of the black race;
- The defence and promotion of world peace (Adedeji, 1976).

However, sections 19 of the 1979 and 1999 constitutions of the Federal Republic
of Nigeria lucidly enact the basic objectives of Nigeria’s foreign policy under the
fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy. For instance section 19
of the 1979 constitution states:

The state shall promote African unity, as well as total political economic,
social and cultural liberation of Africa and all other forms of international
cooperation conducive of the consolidation of universal peace and mutual
respect and friendship among all peoples and states and shall combat racial
discrimination in all its ramifications (FGN, 1979).

Also, section 19 of the 1999 Constitution spells out the foreign policy goals of
the nation as follows:
(a) Promotion and protection of national interest;
(b) Promotion of African integration (the total liberation of Africa from colonial
rule) and support for African unity;
(c) Promotion of international cooperation from the consolidation of universal
peace and mutual respect among all nations and elimination of racial
discrimination in all it’s manifestations;
(d) Respect for international law and treaty obligations as well as the seeking of
settlement of international disputes by negotiation, mediation, conciliation,
arbitration and adjudication; and
(e) Promotion of a just world economic order (FGN, 1999).

So the 1979 as well as the 1999 constitutions have the same content except for
a slight difference in sub-section (b) of the 1999 Constitution which emphasizes the
The Domestic Context of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Formulation - Dr. Lambert Uyi Edigin
promotion of African integration and support for African unity.
and Dr. Aiguosatile Otoghile

2
 In spite of this slight adjustment, the substance of the foreign policy objectives
generally has not changed. Whatever difference that exists therefore cannot be
attributed to changes in substance but rather in the emphasis placed on the specific
objectives as well as the style adopted by a particular regime in executing the
objectives.

Principles of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy

Since independence, eleven different regimes have emerged in Nigeria, and in
spite of their different orientations and leadership styles, the conduct of Nigeria’s
foreign policy has been publicly proclaimed by them to be guided by the same
principles which are also in conformity with the well established principles of
traditional law as well as the charter of the erstwhile Organization of African Unity
(OAU); they are:
- Sovereign equality of all states;
- Respect of territorial integrity and independence of other states;
- Commitment to self determination and independence of other states;
- Commitment to functional approach as a means of promoting cooperation and
peaceful coexistence in Africa and
- Non-alignment to any geo-political power blocks (Charter of OAU, 1965).

Certain basic factors influence a state’s foreign policy. As Northedge has

clearly stated, “The foreign policy of a country is a product of environmental factors
both internal and external to it (Northedge, 1961:14). In Nigeria, the factors include:
(a) Political structure;
(b) Economic structure;
(c) Political institutions;
(d) Character of political leadership;
(e) Military factor;
(f) Demographic factors; and
(g) Domestic political situation.

This paper in the main examines the domestic context of Nigeria’s foreign
policy and its impact on her relationship with the international community.

Domestic Influence on Foreign Policy Formulations

Nigeria’s 50 years as an independent country have been characterized by two
main phases of either authoritarian military rule or democratic transitional civilian rule
with all the attendant characteristics and contradictions that these involve.

Three major domestic factors are identified as being key determinants in

Nigeria’s foreign policy formulation, first, the county’s ravaged and weak economy;
second, the personality and character of the leadership and their perception of how to
nurse and revive the economy; and third the issue of ethno-religious diversity in a
federal context, which more often than not makes consensus on national issues difficult
3
International Journal of Research Development

to achieve. While other factors such as historical traditions, domestic environmental

factors and public opinion have impacted on Nigeria’s foreign policy, it can be said that
the three major factors identified above are more decisive in the Nigeria context
(Soremeku, 2003:94).

An in-depth examination of foreign policy formulation during the past regimes

demonstrates how successive Nigerian regimes have in general, shown a lack of
sensitivity and responsiveness to popular pressures and input into the foreign policy
formulation process. As a result, foreign policy in Nigeria tends to be elitist and
government driven. Significantly, this has been complicated by the phenomenon of
prolonged military rule with its pervasive legacies, which by and large, still condition
and temper the current democratic governance (Ugwu & Omotayo, 1989:29-41).

While policy makers and executors of Nigeria’s foreign policy appear to be

committed to responding to demands, pressures and influences from the external
environment particularly in the context of the challenges posed by globalization, they
also need to respond appropriately to domestic pressures and influences derived from
popular public opinion. The move away from parliament and research institutes in
Nigeria’s foreign policy making toward public opinion will lead to a more responsive
and democratic foreign policy making process (Akindele,1970:91).

While much attention has been paid to the formal aspects of Nigeria’s foreign
policy formulation, the world inhabited by diplomats, technocrats and national
institutions, two other aspects also influence the outcomes of Nigeria’ foreign policy
process. One aspect is the way in which Nigeria’s fractured nationhood has impinged
on the foreign policy process and the second is the impact of Nigeria’s global
reputation or identity for corruption. These factors directly affect the costs of realizing
Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives (Akindele, 1988:14).

While the formal institutions of Nigeria’s foreign policy are not directly
responsible for the limited legitimacy of the state or the widespread perception of
Nigeria and Nigerians as corrupt, the task of articulating a national interest and
representing this interest effectively to the outside world had been seriously affected by
those problems. While it may not be possible to change the way in which Nigeria is
perceived, something ought to be done if the efforts of its formal foreign policy are to
achieve maximum result.

Institutions, Process and Policy Formulation

In analyzing the role of the key institutions involved in Nigeria’s foreign policy
formulation, specifically the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Nigerian Institute of
International Affairs and the Presidential Advisory Council on International Relations,
it is clear that the institutions and processes of Nigeria’s foreign policy formulation
cannot be separated from the country’s political economy, the character of the state or
the world’s impression of its leadership. It is therefore necessary to address this
4
The Domestic Context of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Formulation - Dr. Lambert Uyi Edigin
and Dr. Aiguosatile Otoghile

fundamental issue of the Nigerian state and its relationship with the wider society
(Adebayo, 1990:24).
While Nigeria has played an important role in international peace-keeping both
under the auspices of the United Nations and in the Economic Community of West
African States Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), Nigeria itself has been
immersed in conflicts either at the level of intra-elite power struggles or identity
conflicts within the context of its federal structures. Thus, while Nigeria possesses the
necessary potentials as well as institutional structures needed to formulate a vibrant
foreign policy, its constraints lie in domestic factors among which are the nature of the
foreign policy elite and its economic dependence and vulnerability (Adebayo, 1991:74).
An examination of the domestic constraints on Nigeria’s foreign policy reveals the way
in which its foreign policy has been characterized by reactive and uncoordinated
policies in the post cold war era.

Since the 1990’s, the Nigeria state has had to contend with multiple crises
including the fall in global oil prices and legitimacy of the “social contract” arising
from the erosion of previous welfare gains fueled by the oil boom of the 1970s.
Following the return to civilian rule in 1999 and in the context of the return to
democracy, previously pent up grievances and demands have been unleashed to a
devastating effect and these have resulted in communal violence along with religious-
based conflicts leading to an estimated 10,000 deaths. While many of these conflicts
have also involved matters related to “settlers” versus “indigenes” or “oil producing
communities” versus “oil multinationals”, there is doubt that these have fuelled
political instability and led to the questioning of the national identity (Fawole,
2003:94).

Regarding the institutions responsible for the formulation of Nigeria’s foreign

policy, many participants at an Oxford University conference on Nigeria’s foreign
policy agreed on the importance of strengthening Nigeria’ foreign service by
addressing issues such as the training of diplomats and the funding of the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs.

Military and Security Issues in the Development of Foreign Policy

The role of military and security issues in Nigeria’s foreign policy has not
received the critical scholarly attention that it deserves. Addressing the dearth of
studies on Nigeria’s national security as well as the traditional silence on this issue at
government level is therefore an essential dimension in any comprehensive study of
Nigeria’s foreign policy after the cold war. This includes an examination of both
individual security issues such as the Bakassi border dispute between Nigeria and
Cameroon, Nigeria/Chad border skirmishes, Libya’s role in Chad, etc., such a study
also needs to focus on internal threats to national security, namely religious and ethnic
tensions (Ezeilo, 2005, 94:100).

5
 International Journal of Research Development
The view that military and security issues in Nigeria’s foreign policy has not
been properly harmonized is a central concern of researches. This deficiency is said to
be reflected in the shortcomings of successive military and civilian administrations in
Nigeria, which failed to conceptualize the inextricable link between foreign policy and
national security. However, the problem of lack of synergy between foreign policy and
national security had substantially changed since 1999 when Nigeria returned to
democratic rule. This is demonstrated by the drawing up of a government document on
national security and foreign policy (Gambari, 2003:71).

Perhaps the most pertinent question on the study of military and security issues
is whether the Nigeria government has sufficiently understood the grave situation that
the country faces in terms of both internal and external security threats. Are the
nation’s armed forces adequately prepared to meet the challenges of post cold war era
in terms of its strength orientations, training and weaponry?

Oil and Foreign Policy

The role that oil plays in Nigeria’s foreign policy cannot be underestimated.
One can argue that in examining the actions and motivation of Royal Dutch/Shell,
international NGOs and Nigeria’s oil producing minority groups, each in its own way
questions the very idea of Nigeria as it is presently constituted. Ethnic minorities in oil
producing states demand a more inclusive democratic society, founded on fiscal
federalism as a way of reclaiming the rewards of full citizenship from what they regard,
particularly under military regime, as a parasitic state. Nigeria’s elites have often
interpreted this view as a challenge to their dominance and control of the state and its
strategic resources. They have thus often fought the demands of these groups in
collaboration with the foreign oil companies. They also yearn for a return of a “golden
age” in which political authoritarianism and regular military expeditions to the Niger
Delta ensured the uninterrupted supply of the cheap oil. As a result, these three
players underline the building of a cohesive and self sustaining political order without
which Nigeria’s regional and continental ambitions cannot be realized (Okonta,
2007:19).

Using the examples of the relationship between the Ogoni people, Nigeria’s
elites and Shell, it can be argued that the inability of Nigeria’s elites to tackle
successfully the deep rooted problems of state legitimacy, national citizenship,
democracy and development – which the murder of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight Ogoni
activists in November 1995 dramatized so powerfully - shows that Nigeria’s effort to
build a united nation, as well as its regional ambitions, will not be realized without
resolving its internal problems.

Oil lies at the heart of persistent policy failures in Nigeria. In post-

independence Nigeria, relations between federal government and oil companies are still
structured in ways that help the government to maintain a firm grip on this strategic

6
The Domestic Context of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Formulation - Dr. Lambert Uyi Edigin
and Dr. Aiguosatile Otoghile
resource; a replication of colonial power relations in new forms. Powerful
multinationals like Shell have taken the place of the British imperial power.

It is clear that in the post cold war era, and more importantly, in the era of
America’s war on terrorism, Nigeria’s position as the world’s eight largest oil producer
means that the country must now also contend with the coming realignment of forces in
West Africa driven by America and other Western oil interests. This is the central
challenge that Nigeria policy makers will have to grapple with; securing Nigeria’s
borders and national resources while containing predatory external forces.

Conclusion
Nigeria’s foreign policy has since independence been consistently guided by
the same principles and objectives. However, the emphasis that has been persistently
laid on them by successive regimes in the country differs depending on the domestic
context with which decisions are made, the external environment and the attitudinal
posture of the foreign policy makers at a given point in time. The foreign policy
environment of the country in the future is likely to be influenced tremendously by the
same principles and objectives with necessary adjustments and modifications
depending on the orientations of the political leadership and the existing circumstances
in the global system. Thus, Nigeria’s national interest will continue to be jealously
guarded by any government in power irrespective of its political or ideological
inclinations.

The foreign policy principles of Nigeria may be modified by “economic

diplomacy” that tackles effectively, issues such as debt relief, foreign investment and
promoting the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). It is therefore
necessary for the country’s political institutions including the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, and the Presidential Advisory
Council on International Relations to be strengthened for re-effectiveness in executing
this policy.

Nigeria should domesticate goals of democracy, good governance and respect

for human rights in order to ensure that its leadership role in Africa is credible. It is
also imperative for Nigeria’s foreign policy makers to enhance their own sectoral
legitimacy by consulting more widely through the instrumentality of public opinion and
by adopting a proactive stance of explaining its fundamental objectives to the wider
Nigerian society.

References
Adebayo, O. (1990). Crisis and adjustment in the Nigerian economy, Lagos: TAD
Publications Bureau.

Adebayo, O. (1991). “The economic diplomacy of the Nigerian state”. Nigerian

Journal of International Affairs, Lagos: (Special Issue) 17(2).
7
 International Journal of Research Development
Adedeji, A. (1976). Report on foreign policy objectives of Nigeria; Lagos: Federal
Ministry of Information.

Akindele, R.A. (1970). Prescriptive signals for Nigeria’s foreign policy in the 1970’s,
Ibadan: University Press.

Akindele, R.A. (1988). Nigeria’s economic relations with the major developed market
economies”. Lagos: Nigerian Journal of International Affairs, 12(4).

Attahiru, S. (2003). Domestic influence on foreign policy formulation in Nigeria.

London: Centre for International Studies, Oxford University Press.

Charter of O.A.U. (1965). Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia.

Ezeilo, S. (2005). Nigeria and Cameroon: The Bakassi, dispute. Lagos: Vanguard,
April 15.

Fawole, W. (2003). Military and security issues in the development of foreign policy in
Nigeria. London: Centre for International Studies, Oxford University Press.

Gambari, S. (2003). The theory and practice of Nigeria’s foreign policy. (Tabled
paper) under the auspices of the Cenre for International studies, Oxford
University.

Northedge, F.S. (1961). International Relations (2nd ed.) London: Macmillan Press
Ltd.

Okonta, I. (2007). The diseases of elephants: Oil-rich minorities, Shell and international
NGO’s”. Lagos: The Guardian, Jan 14th.

Federal Government of Nigeria (1979). Constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria.

Lagos: Federal Ministry of Information.

Federal Government of Nigeria (1999). Constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria.

Abuja: Federal Ministry of information.

Soremekun, K. (2003). A history of Nigeria’s foreign policy. London: Centre for

International Studies, Oxford University Press.

Ugwu, J.U. & Omolayo, A. (1989). Nigeria’s international economic relations:

Dimension of dependence and change. Lagos: Nigerian Journal of
international affairs, 14(3).
8