CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETOCAL FRAMEWORK

2.0 INTRODUCTION

This section has two parts. The first part deals with review of related literature which includes

election, election in Nigeria, electoral violence, electoral violence in Nigeria, electoral violence

in Kano state, nature of electoral violence, factors responsible for electoral violence, security

implication of electoral violence will be discussed. The second part deals with theoretical

framework where Conflict theory and Social identity theory will be reviewed as frame of

reference for the study.

2.1 ELECTION

To the average person in the street election is the selection of someone for a position. On a
higher intellectual plane election is defined as ‘the process of selecting the officers or
representatives of an organization or group by the vote of its qualified members’ (quoted in
Nwolise 2007). Such an election may be in a university seeking a vice-chancellor, a corporate
organisation choosing a chairman, a political party conducting its primaries to choose its
standard bearer for a presidential contest, a nation wanting to choose its president, or an
international organization selecting its secretary general.
Akzin (1960, pp 706-8) informs us that elections have technical and social significance. In the
technical sense, they are the process through which an office or a post is assigned to a person by
an act of volition that requires the simultaneous expression of many people’s opinions. In the
social sense an election is the process by which a person is linked to an office through the due
participation of the people who will bear the weight of his or her authority. It is this social aspect
of elections that generates the idea of governing a society with the consent of the governed, and
this boils down to democracy and distinguishes election from appointment (Akzin 1960, pp 706-
8). We should add here Mayo’s view (1960, p 73) that the main ‘purpose of the whole electoral
process is to produce a government invested with legitimacy’.

This point should be noted by heads of state, political parties, and chairpersons of election
administrative bodies, for they must know that any election result which is contrary to the votes
cast by the people automatically and naturally creates a legitimacy crisis.
Thus, elections are significant because they convey legitimacy to leaders and governments when
they are democratically conducted but generate legitimacy crises when persons and governments
that are not the true choice of the people are foisted on them.
Election is defined by Bello-imam (2015) in semantic term as a technique where by citizens
chooses their representatives in accordance with mechanisms fixed by the constitution or the
established government of a state. It also connotes the process of selecting the officers and
representatives of an organization or group by the votes of its qualified voters. The process
accords citizens the right to choose at regular intervals, among competing leaders and policies .
Furthermore, like many other institutional and political mechanisms, election is a modern
procedure to the extent that it has formally replaced other, older modes of selection (co-option or
heredity, for example) and is available in all contemporary democratic political systems.
However, the democratic element in this virtually universal procedure varies enormously from
one country to the other (Campbell, 2010). In addition, an election provides the chance to decide
who will govern a particular society. At this level, it serves as an opportunity for the public to
make choices about the policies, programs, and future directions of government action. At the
same time, elections promote accountability. The threat of defeat at the polls exerts pressure on
those in power to conduct themselves in a responsible manner and take account of popular
interests and wishes when they make their decisions.
2.1.1 ELECTION IN NIGERIA

The changes brought about by the end of the Cold War in the late 1980s resulted in virtually all
African countries gradually opening up their political systems to some principles, values and
practices of liberal democracy.
Elections were introduced in Nigeria in 1922 with the introduction of the Clifford Constitution,
which provided for voting in Lagos and Calabar, as well as the emergence of political parties,
beginning with Sir Herbert Macaulay’s Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP). .
Following the introduction of elections in Nigeria in 1922, the country's political landscape
evolved significantly. (Falola & Heaton, 2008). The colonial era saw limited political
participation, with power centralized in the hands of British administrators. (Osaghae & Suberu,
2005). However, with the emergence of nationalist movements and demands for self-governance,
political parties began to form. (Sklar, 2004). The Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP),
founded by Sir Herbert Macaulay, was one of the earliest political parties in Nigeria. (Falola &
Heaton, 2008). Macaulay, a prominent nationalist figure, advocated for increased autonomy and
representation for Nigerians in the colonial government. (Sklar, 2004). The NNDP played a
crucial role in laying the foundation for political engagement and participation among Nigerians.
(Falola & Heaton, 2008).In 1944, the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC)
was established, with figures like Nnamdi Azikiwe and Obafemi Awolowo emerging as
influential leaders. (Falola & Heaton, 2008). The NCNC championed the cause of independence
and sought to unite Nigerians across ethnic and regional lines. (Osaghae & Suberu, 2005). The
struggle for independence gained momentum in the post-World War II period, leading to
constitutional reforms and increased political activity. (Falola & Heaton, 2008). The Richards
Constitution of 1946 introduced limited regional representation and expanded the franchise to a
small segment of the population. (Falola & Heaton, 2008) Subsequent constitutional
developments, such as the Macpherson Constitution of 1951 and the Lyttleton Constitution of
1954, expanded political representation and autonomy for Nigeria's regions. (Falola & Heaton,
2008). These reforms paved the way for Nigeria's independence from British colonial rule on
October 1, 1960. (Falola & Heaton, 2008) Following independence, Nigeria experienced a series
of political transitions, including the First Republic (1963-1966), characterized by parliamentary
democracy and competitive elections. (Falola & Heaton, 2008). However, this period was
marked by ethnic tensions, regional rivalries, and ultimately, a military coup in 1966. (Osaghae
& Suberu, 2005). Subsequent decades saw periods of military rule interspersed with brief
experiments with civilian governance. (Falola & Heaton, 2008). The return to civilian rule in
1979 heralded the Second Republic, which was marred by political instability and allegations of
electoral fraud. (Falola & Heaton, 2008). The transition to the Third Republic in 1993 held
promise for democratic consolidation, with the presidential election of June 12, 1993, widely
regarded as free and fair. (Osaghae & Suberu, 2005). However, the annulment of the election by
the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida plunged Nigeria into a protracted political
crisis. (Falola & Heaton, 2008). Since the transition to democratic rule in 1999, Nigeria has made
significant strides in consolidating its democracy, despite challenges such as electoral violence,
corruption, and ethnic divisions. (Falola & Heaton, 2008). The conduct of periodic elections at
the federal, state, and local levels remains a critical aspect of Nigeria's democratic governance.
(Sklar, 2004)

2.1.2 ELECTORAL VIOLENCE

Electoral violence encompasses a spectrum of actions aimed at influencing electoral outcomes or

suppressing political participation. It includes physical violence, intimidation, coercion,
manipulation, and sabotage of electoral processes (Birch, 2015). It refer to all forms of organized
acts or threats physical, psychological, and structural, aimed at intimidating, harming,
blackmailing a political stakeholder before, during and after an election with a view to
determining, delaying, or otherwise influencing an electoral process (Nwolise, 2007:159).
Electoral violence is levied by political actors to purposefully influence the process and outcome
of elections, and it involves coercive acts against humans, property, and infrastructure (Bekoe,
2012). It can happen in all parts of the electoral cycle, including at the announcement of
elections, party primaries, and voter registration (Seeberg, 2018), and it can be promoted by both
state and non-state actors (Taylor, 2014).
To Birch (2015) Electoral violence covers a range of different manifestations and outcomes, but
the concept is unified by its coercive component. Research from the African context suggests
that harassment and intimidation are more common than lethal violence. However, violence
associated with elections can generate significant casualties and form part of an escalatory
process toward civil war (Christensen, 2008).
According to Birch (2015) Electoral violence is typically selected from among available tools to
achieve electoral ends, even if the use of force may simultaneously deliver on other goals, as
when land is forcibly taken from a political opponent to reward a political ally. The goals of
violence generally include political exclusion, be it exclusion from candidacy (via attacks on
candidates); from campaigning (via attacks on or obstruction of campaign events); from the
provision of electoral information (via attacks on media outlets, election observers, and NGOs
involved in voter education); from electoral participation and free electoral choice (via the
intimidation, coercion, and/or the displacement of voters); from electoral victory (via attacks on
polling stations and poll workers or the destruction of polling materials); or from power (via
post-electoral protests contesting the outcome of the election). Admittedly, there are challenges
to gauge the strategic intent of violence.
There are several reasons for this. First, political actors have incentives to hide their (illegal)
involvement (Burchard, 2015: 12–13). For this reason, political leaders often rely on violence
specialists (such as militia groups or criminal gangs) for security and outsource coercion to such
groups (Staniland, 2015). When violence is leveraged to influence elections by actors that
concurrently seek to overthrow the government or establish territorial control, it can have
spillover effects on broader conflict dynamics. For instance, violence against voters and
candidates can depress voter turnout and demonstrate the government’s failure to run secure
elections, thereby undermining the government’s overall legitimacy and ability to win the war
(Birnir & Ghodes, 2018).
Conversely, the intensity and form of conflict can shape spatial patterns of electoral violence,
not only during the course of armed conflict, but also years after (Harish & Toha, 2019).
Electoral violence can also unfold in the context of violent communal conflict. Communal
conflicts pit nonstate groups organized along communal identities (often ethnicity or religion)
against each other. These can be localized and disconnected from electoral dynamics, spanning
issues such as resource scarcity, land-use or local authority (von Uexkull & Pettersson, 2018).
However, the introduction of electoral processes often creates incentives for elites to manipulate
ethnic or religious cleavages for electoral benefits (Wilkinson, 2004). Such manipulation can
trigger communal violence that serves electoral ends, but with long-lasting effects on
intercommunal relations and the potential for renewed violence outside of the electoral arena.
Finally, electoral violence often intersects with criminal violence. On the one hand, electoral
violence is sometimes pursued by criminal gangs on behalf of political actors that seek to avoid
detection (Barnes, 2017). On the other hand, criminal actors often rely on protection agreements
with political elites; the holding of elections can threaten these agreements and lead to violent
electoral competition among criminal actors (Trejo & Ley, 2018).
2.1.3 ELECTORAL VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA

The urge for democratic consolidation, the suspension of one party rule and military
dictatorships have led to the multiplicity of elections in African states. Election therefore in
terms of its origin is colonial in nature. Nothing was heard about elections until the advent of
colonial rule because African countries though democratic according to their levels of
development were devoid of elections and electoral processes (Bamgbose, 2012).
With the exit of Lugard, the British Government was opportune to bring Clifford. The Clifford
Constitution brought the elective principle into Nigerian politics which provided for voting in
Lagos and Calabar. Restricted as this elective principle was, it was devoid of violence. But the
same thing cannot be said of the subsequent elections. In fact, as the country advanced in her
constitutional development, there were some centrifugal forces tending to hinder the much
cherished amalgamation of 1914 (Bamgbose, 2012). One of such forces was that the colonialists
resorted to the manipulation of elections along communal lines. Thus in 1951 election in Kano,
the colonial administration tried very hard to frustrate Northern allies of Southerners opposed to
the candidates of the emirs. The allies suffered diverse discriminations as they were not allowed
to hold public meetings, intimidation and victimization of greater proportion.
Colonial manipulation of elections led to the poisoning of relations between the North and South
with the resultant effect of a consequent increase in the social distance between members of their
populations (Nnoli, 1980:122). Since then, the country became exposed to diverse electoral
violence. Thus the Richards Constitution which divided the country into north, east and west set
the stage for violent electoral battles among the three main ethnic groups. However, apart from
the pockets of electoral violence that took place in 1952 (the case of Azikiwe’s defeat in Western
Regional House of Assembly and how he eventually settled down in the east and displaced Chief
Eyo Ita and became the premier of the NCNC, and that of the electoral violence that followed the
1959 general elections), the real electoral violence emerged in 1964 federal election (Bamgbose,
2012).
According to the CLEEN Foundation, violence has been “a feature of the Nigeria’s electoral
process since the colonial era” (Alemka 2011). In 1983, for instance, post-election violence
followed the declared landslide victory of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in Oyo and Ondo
states, which were the stronghold of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). During the planned
transition from military rule to democracy, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida and his
successor, Sani Abacha, also witnessed demonstrations and bombings when supporters of the
National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) called on the Government to step down in favour of
the winner of the 12 June 1993 election, late Chief MKO Abiola (Bello, 2014).
With the return to a civilian regime in 1999, Nigerians went to the polls again, though this time
with relatively low violence before and after the vote. Yet the elections, which brought retired
General Olusegun Obasanjo to power, were blighted by widespread fraud (Bello, 2014).
Likewise in 2003, the election was characterized by violence, corruption, and the falsification of
results, according to the Transition Monitoring Group (TMG), a coalition of 170 NGOs in
Nigeria (Bello, 2014).
Similarly, in 2007, foreign and national monitors observed violence, corruption, fraud, and
manipulation. The 2011 round, on the other hand, was reported to have been well-run relative to
past elections. Nonetheless, “violence claimed 800 lives over three days in Northern Nigeria and
displaced 65,000 people, making the elections the most violent in Nigeria’s history” (Bekoe,
2011).
2.1.4 ELECTORAL VIOLENCE IN KANO

Kano has experienced a recurring pattern of electoral violence, particularly during election
cycles. The state has witnessed incidents of violence, including clashes between rival political
supporters, attacks on polling stations, destruction of electoral materials, and instances of voter
intimidation and harassment (Ahmad, 2016). Electoral violence often escalates during sensitive
elections, such as gubernatorial or presidential polls, and is exacerbated by the mobilization of
political thugs by various political actors to disrupt the electoral process and intimidate
opponents (Adeyemo, 2019). Moreover, the proliferation of small arms and light weapons,
coupled with the influence of illicit drug trafficking and youth unemployment, further
compounds the security challenges and contributes to the prevalence of electoral violence in
Kano (Ahmad, 2016).

A good instance of electoral violence in kano was in 2011 during the primaries, there had been
cases of disagreements over the primaries. For examples, Governor Ibrahim Shekarau of the
ruling All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) had fallen apart with his deputy, Alhaji Abdullahi
Tijani Gwarzo over his support for Alhaji Sagir Takai, as the governorship candidate of the
party. On the other hand, within the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), the governorship
ticket was controversially handed over to (Rtd) General Lawal Jafaru Isa, former military
administrator of Kaduna State instead of the much-touted Mohammed Abacha. Even though, the
position was surrendered to Mohammed Abacha, the aftermath of the election was not
favourable. The violence started on 18 April 2011 by 10.00 am defied political, ethnic or
religious interpretation as virtually all segments of the Kano society were badly affected. Aside,
property worth hundreds of millions of naira owned by the Emir of Kano, Dr. Ado Bayero, the
Galadima Kano, Alhaji Tijani Hashim, chieftains of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) like
former speakers, House of Representatives, Ghali Umar Na’Abba and Salisu Buhari were
reduced to rubble. The All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) Elders Committee leader and former
presidential candidate of the defunct National Republican Party (NRP), Alhaji Bashir Tofa’s
residential building was also burnt. Hundreds of Kano residents were severely injured, their cars
damaged by the aggrieved youth who claimed the presidential candidate of the Congress for
Progressive Change (CPC) was denied victory at the polls (Abuh, 2011:12).
Also during the 2015 general elections, Kano witnessed violent clashes between supporters of
different political parties, resulting in injuries and destruction of property. Incidents of clashes
between rival political factions were reported in various areas of the state, highlighting the
intensity of political competition and the prevalence of electoral violence (Ahmad, 2016).

In the 2019 gubernatorial elections, there were reports of attacks on polling stations in Kano,
with armed individuals disrupting the electoral process and vandalizing election materials. These
attacks led to the suspension of voting in some areas and raised concerns about the safety and
security of voters and electoral officials. There were also reports of the destruction of electoral
materials, including ballot papers and result sheets. This sabotage of the electoral process
undermined the credibility of the elections and raised questions about the integrity of the
electoral management system (Adeyemo, 2019).

Also instances of voter intimidation and harassment have been documented in Kano during past
elections. Political thugs have been known to target voters perceived to support opposing parties,
using threats and violence to deter them from participating in the electoral process (Ahmad,
2016).
2.2 NATURE OF ELECTORAL VIOLENCE

Electoral violence is a pervasive threat to the integrity of democratic processes worldwide. It

encompasses a range of actions aimed at disrupting elections, manipulating outcomes, and
intimidating voters and candidates. Understanding the nature of electoral violence is crucial for
developing effective strategies to prevent and address such incidents. This explanation will delve
into three common forms of electoral violence: box snatching, public nuisance, and ballot paper
snatching and destruction.

Box Snatching

Box snatching involves the forcible seizure or theft of ballot boxes during elections, typically
with the intention of tampering with or altering election results. This form of electoral violence is
often carried out by individuals or groups seeking to subvert the electoral process for their own
gain. Box snatching disrupts the orderly conduct of elections, instills fear and intimidation
among voters, and undermines the credibility of the electoral outcome. Perpetrators may employ
various tactics, including physical violence, coercion, or the use of armed groups, to carry out
box snatching operations. According to Bamitale, 2009). Elections in Nigeria have been marred
by violence; ranging from killings, rioting, and ballot box snatching to propaganda, rigging, gun
battles, etc. Political violence usually includes snatching of ballot boxes, stuffing of ballot boxes,
elimination of political opponents, riots and thuggery, forceful declaration of fake results even
where no election is held, refusal to swear in winner of election or refusal to vacate office after
losing election (Igbuzor, 2010).
Public Nuisance

Public nuisance refers to disruptive and disorderly behavior that interferes with the electoral
process and undermines the rights of voters and election officials. This may include actions such
as blocking access to polling stations, causing disturbances at polling sites, or engaging in unruly
conduct that intimidates voters (Ogbeide, 2014). Public nuisance not only disrupts the smooth
functioning of elections but also creates an atmosphere of fear and insecurity, deterring voters
from exercising their right to vote. Such behavior may be orchestrated by political actors or
opportunistic individuals seeking to undermine the democratic process.

Ballot Papers Snatching and Destruction

Ballot paper snatching and destruction involve the theft or destruction of ballot papers intended
for use in elections, often with the aim of manipulating election outcomes or casting doubt on the
credibility of the electoral process. Perpetrators of this form of electoral violence may seize or
destroy ballot papers to prevent voters from casting their votes or to create confusion and chaos
at polling stations. Ballot paper snatching and destruction pose significant challenges to the
integrity of elections and erode public confidence in the electoral system, ultimately undermining
the legitimacy of election results.

2.3 FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR ELECTORAL VIOLENCE

Analysts over the years have blamed the amalgamation process of 1914 and the regional
solidarity of the nation cum religious commitment of citizens to major causes of instability in our
elections as a nation. Inokoba and Maliki (2011) In their classical submissions on the ‘Current
Incentives to Electoral Violence in Nigeria’ aptly summarizes, thus as, State institutions promote
violence, there is a culture of impunity in Nigerian society, political leaders at all levels
perpetrate electoral violence with impunity, the absence of institutional and legal solutions
against electoral violence, inadequate documented and public knowledge of electoral system and
violence, Prerenal politics as a the basis for electoral violence. However the major factors
responsible for electoral violence include;
Unemployment

Unemployment plays a significant role in fueling electoral violence by creating a sense of

frustration, hopelessness, and disenchantment among segments of the population. The lack of
meaningful employment opportunities leaves many individuals with limited avenues for
economic advancement, leading to feelings of marginalization and alienation (Oladeji &
Oyekola, 2017). In the context of electoral processes, unemployed individuals may become
susceptible to manipulation by political actors who exploit their grievances and offer incentives
in exchange for participation in violent activities (Mkandawire, 2018). Thus, unemployment not
only exacerbates social tensions but also serves as a catalyst for political instability and electoral
violence.

Recently, President Mohammad Buhari visits the state of Kano during working days and many
crowds were out to welcome, many writers like Ali Baba have criticize the huge turnout to lack
of employment. That if they were gainfully employed as citizens, instead of been on the streets in
solidarity to the party or personality of the president, they would have been busy in their works
places adding value to themselves and the nation. This view may be new but critically, it made
some huge sense. Majority of the mass number of youths who are unemployed are a readymade
army in the hands of unscrupulous politicians. The desperation of the political class to grab or
retain power by all means is consistent with the desperation of some of the unemployed youths to
survive at all cost (Rwang, 2017).
Poverty

In a nation where dependency rate is high and people hardly gets what to eat and what to do to
survive is prompt to collecting money and carry out acts of violence. Poverty indeed is a
contributing factor to electoral violence. The mass poverty in Nigeria is capable of turning a
decent man into a beast within a twinkle of an eye. The political classes in the country are aware
of this fact, and they use it to their advantage, knowing that getting people on their side is not a
big deal; so far they can flash the cash. It is also the norm to influence voters' decisions with cash
and gifts in order to gain their support. Youths in Nigeria collect money from corrupt and violent
ridden politicians to carryout violence during elections (Rwang, 2017).
Poverty is a pervasive challenge that amplifies the risk of electoral violence by deepening socio-
economic inequalities and fostering feelings of resentment and disillusionment among
marginalized communities. Individuals living in poverty often face limited access to basic
services, education, and economic opportunities, exacerbating their vulnerability to exploitation
by political elites (Cheeseman et al., 2018). Moreover, poverty can heighten competition for
scarce resources, leading to heightened tensions and conflicts, particularly during electoral
periods (Kumar & Subramanian, 2018).

Drug Abuse
Drug abuse contributes to electoral violence by exacerbating social tensions, impairing
judgment, and fueling criminal behavior within communities. Substance abuse, including alcohol
and illicit drugs, can lead to increased aggression, impulsivity, and violence, particularly among
young people (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2017). In the context of electoral
processes, drug abuse can be exploited by political actors to mobilize and manipulate vulnerable
individuals for their own ends (Barker & McNeish, 2019). Furthermore, drug trafficking and
organized crime networks may seek to influence electoral outcomes through coercion and
violence, further exacerbating the risk of electoral violence.

2.4 SECURITY IMPLICATION OF ELECTORAL VIOLENCE

As a matter of fact, the impact of electoral violence on Nigeria’s general elections is grave just as
its consequences are capable of truncating the dreams of millions of the citizens of this Country,
especially, when it is borne in mind that violence has not in any way contributed to the
development of any polity (Okafor, 2015). Electoral violence is also capable of launching the
country into more chaos or total anarchy. It poses significant security challenges, threatening the
stability, cohesion, and legitimacy of democratic systems. Understanding the security
implications of electoral violence is crucial and paramount. Some of the security implications of
electoral violence include;
Impact on Public Safety

One of the primary security implications of electoral violence is its detrimental effect on public
safety. Acts of violence, such as physical assaults, arson, and vandalism, during electoral periods
endanger the lives and well-being of citizens, electoral officials, and security personnel
(Cheeseman 2018). These incidents create an atmosphere of fear and insecurity, deterring
citizens from exercising their right to vote and participating in the democratic process. Moreover,
electoral violence can escalate into broader conflicts, leading to widespread unrest and instability
within communities (Mkandawire, 2018).

Threat to Social Cohesion

Electoral violence poses a significant threat to social cohesion by exacerbating divisions along
ethnic, religious, and political lines. In diverse societies, electoral violence often targets specific
ethnic or religious groups, fueling resentment, mistrust, and animosity among communities
(Barker & McNeish, 2019). Such divisions can deepen existing social cleavages, undermine
intercommunal harmony, and hinder efforts towards reconciliation and peacebuilding. Moreover,
electoral violence erodes public confidence in institutions and undermines the social contract
between citizens and the state, further fracturing social cohesion (Ogbeide & Obayuwana, 2014).

Undermining Democratic Governance

Electoral violence undermines the principles of democratic governance by subverting the

electoral process, eroding public trust in democratic institutions, and undermining the legitimacy
of elected leaders. When elections are marred by violence, coercion, and irregularities, citizens'
faith in the electoral system is eroded, leading to disillusionment and disengagement from the
political process (Cheeseman et al., 2018).This erosion of democratic norms and values weakens
the foundations of democratic governance, making societies more susceptible to
authoritarianism, instability, and conflict (Kumar & Subramanian, 2018).

Impact on National Security

Electoral violence can have far-reaching implications for national security, particularly in fragile
or conflict-affected states. Prolonged electoral violence can destabilize entire regions, exacerbate
existing conflicts, and create fertile ground for the proliferation of extremist groups and criminal
networks (Cheeseman et al., 2018). Moreover, the breakdown of law and order during electoral
periods can strain security forces, undermine their credibility, and impede their ability to
maintain peace and security (Barker & McNeish, 2019).

Economic Impacts

Electoral violence can have significant economic impacts, undermining investment, disrupting
economic activity, and hindering development efforts. The uncertainty and instability generated
by electoral violence deter investors, both domestic and foreign, from committing capital to
affected regions, leading to stagnation or decline in economic growth (Cheeseman et al., 2018).
Moreover, the destruction of infrastructure, businesses, and livelihoods during episodes of
violence exacerbates poverty and unemployment, further deepening socio-economic inequalities
and exacerbating social tensions (World Bank, 2017).

International Reputation

Electoral violence can damage a country's international reputation, undermining its standing in
the global community and impeding its diplomatic relations. Instances of electoral violence draw
negative attention from the international community, tarnishing a country's image and credibility
as a stable and democratic nation (Barker & McNeish, 2019). Furthermore, electoral violence
may lead to sanctions, diplomatic isolation, or intervention by regional or international actors,
further exacerbating tensions and complicating efforts to resolve internal conflicts (Kumar &
Subramanian, 2018).

2.5 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Conflict theory and Social identity theory will be reviewed as frame of reference for the study.

Conflict theory

Conflict theory is rooted in the works of Karl Marx, who emphasized the role of class struggle
and social conflict in shaping societal dynamics. Later scholars such as Ralf Dahrendorf and
Lewis Coser further developed this theory, highlighting the significance of power imbalances,
competition, and structural inequalities in driving social conflicts.

Conflict theory posits that societal conflicts arise due to competition over scarce resources,
power, and status. In the context of electoral violence, this theory suggests that violence erupts as
a result of underlying social, economic, and political inequalities. Electoral processes, such as
elections, serve as arenas where these underlying tensions manifest and intensify, leading to
violence as competing groups seek to assert their interests and influence the outcome of the
political contest (Cheeseman 2018). From a security perspective, conflict theory highlights the
role of power struggles, grievances, and competition for resources in driving electoral violence,
emphasizing the need for addressing root causes and promoting inclusive governance to prevent
conflict escalation.
Conflict theory suggests that electoral violence occurs as a result of underlying tensions and
competition for resources, power, and status within society. In the context of elections, political
actors, including parties, candidates, and interest groups, may resort to violence as a means of
asserting their interests and influencing the outcome of the electoral process. Social and
economic disparities, political exclusion, and grievances over resource allocation can exacerbate
these tensions, leading to violence during electoral campaigns, voting, or post-election periods.

Conflict theory can be applied to explain electoral violence by analyzing the underlying socio-
economic and political factors that contribute to conflict escalation. By examining power
dynamics, resource distribution, and group interests, policymakers and analysts can identify
potential triggers of violence and develop targeted interventions to address root causes and
promote conflict resolution.

One limitation of conflict theory is its focus on material interests and power struggles, which
may overlook the role of identity-based grievances and social cohesion in driving electoral
violence. Additionally, conflict theory tends to emphasize macro-level structural factors,
potentially overlooking the agency of individuals and the role of cultural and historical factors in
shaping conflict dynamics.

Social Identity theory

Social identity theory was developed by Henri Tajfel and John Turner in the 1970s, building on
psychological research on group behavior and intergroup relations. Tajfel and Turner posited that
individuals derive their self-concept and sense of belonging from their group memberships, and
that group identities shape perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors.

Social identity theory suggests that individuals derive their sense of self and belonging from their
group memberships, such as ethnicity, religion, or political affiliation. In the context of electoral
violence, this theory explains how group identities can become politicized and mobilized by
political actors to incite violence and polarize societies. Electoral campaigns often exploit social
identities, framing political competition as a zero-sum game between rival groups (Barker &
McNeish, 2019). As a result, electoral violence can intensify intergroup tensions, deepen
divisions, and erode social cohesion, posing security risks by fueling communal conflicts and
undermining the legitimacy of democratic institutions.
Social identity theory suggests that electoral violence occurs when group identities become
politicized and mobilized by political actors to advance their interests. During electoral
campaigns, parties and candidates may appeal to ethnic, religious, or regional identities to
mobilize support and rally followers. This politicization of identity can intensify intergroup
tensions, fueling conflict and violence between rival groups.

Social identity theory can be applied to explain electoral violence by examining how group
identities are manipulated and exploited in electoral contexts. By understanding the role of
identity politics in shaping electoral dynamics, policymakers and practitioners can develop
strategies to promote inclusive governance, intergroup dialogue, and conflict resolution, thereby
mitigating the risk of violence.

One limitation of social identity theory is its focus on cognitive processes and intergroup
dynamics, which may overlook the role of structural inequalities and material interests in driving
conflict. Additionally, social identity theory tends to emphasize group differences and intergroup
competition, potentially overlooking shared interests and opportunities for cooperation among
diverse groups.

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 CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction

This chapter contains the research design, history of the study area, population of the study area,
sample size and sampling techniques, sources of Data, method of data collection and method of
data analysis.

3.1 Research Design

This is an explanatory research design. Explanatory research is a type of study that involves the
systematic understanding, explanation and interpretation of phenomenon under study. As such,
survey research design will be adopted in this study. Questionnaire and in-depth interview will
be employed. The study will be based on survey research design.

3.2 History of the Study Area

This section deals with the history of the study area. It comprises of geographical location and
population, religious and socio-cultural composition and socio-economic activities of the area.

3.2.1 Geographical Location and Population

Nassarawa a Local Government Area in Kano State is situated at Latitude 11 97'69" N and
Longitude 8 56'25" E, is a city located in the North West Nigeria. It is bordered by Tarauni Local
Government Area to the north, Kano Municipal Local Government Area to the south, and Dala
Local Government Area to the west. To the east, it shares boundaries with the Gezawa local
Government. The people of Nassarawa LGA are predominantly Muslim, with an estimated
population of about 678,669 according to census projection conducted by National Population
Commission (2022). Nassarawa is one of the growing and largest city in Kano central coming
behind Tarauni, Gwale, kano municipal and Dala (NPC, 2022).
According to National Population Projection (2022), Nassarawa Local Government has it’s
headquarter in Bompai. With a projection area of 34 km². Nassarawa Local Government Area
consist of eleven geo-political wards led by councilor in each of the political wards all control
and headed by the executive chairman of the local government area. The eleven political wards
in Nassarawa Local Government Area are: Dakata, Gama, Gawuna, Giginyu, Gwagwarawa,
Hotoro North, Hotoro South, Kaura Goje, Kawaji, Tudun Murtala, Tudun Wada (INEC,2022).
3.2.2 Religious and Socio-Cultural Composition

The religious and socio-cultural composition of Nasarawa Local Government Area reflects the
diversity and pluralism of Kano State as a whole. The majority of the population in the area
adheres to Islam, which serves as the dominant religion and cultural influence. Mosques dot the
landscape, serving as centers of worship, community gathering, and social cohesion. Alongside
Islam, there are also small Christian and indigenous religious communities present in the area,
contributing to the religious mosaic of the region. Socio-culturally, Nasarawa LGA is
characterized by rich traditions, customs, and festivals that celebrate the cultural heritage of its
diverse inhabitants. Traditional ceremonies, such as weddings, naming ceremonies, and cultural
festivals, play a vital role in preserving and promoting the cultural identity of the people.

3.2.3 Socio-Economic Activities

The socio-economic activities of Nasarawa Local Government Area trading, trade and commerce
play a significant role in the local economy, with markets serving as bustling hubs of economic
activity. Small-scale businesses, artisanal crafts, and informal sector enterprises thrive alongside
more formalized commercial activities, contributing to the vibrancy and dynamism of the local
economy.

Furthermore, Nasarawa LGA is also home to educational institutions, healthcare facilities, and
government offices that provide essential services and employment opportunities for residents,
shaping the socio-economic landscape of the area.

3.3 Study Population

According to the recent National Population Commission (2022) projection, Nasarawa Local
Government Area has estimated population of 678,669 inhabitants. The target population
include all residents of Nasarawa from 18 years and above. The target population were drawn
from the general public, security agents, civil servants and community leaders for the study. The
justification for the selection of these respondents is because they are the stakeholders that have
more experience and information on issue relating to the security implications of electoral
violence in Nasarawa LGA.
3.4 Sample Size

The total of (110) respondents will be selected for the study. The justification for the selection
of 110 respondents is that not all respondents will be reached at the time of data collection.
Nasawa Local Government Area is made up of eleven geo-political wards. But for the purpose
of the study, only Kawaji and Gama wards will be selected. This is because they have the
highest number electoral violence reported cases in Nasarawa Local Government Area. A total
of one hundred (100) questionnaires and ten (10) In-depth Interview will be administered
proportionately. As such, 50 respondents were selected from Kawaji ward, and 50 in Gama
ward. For the In-depth Interview (IDI), a total of (10) respondents will be selected. The reason
for the selection of Kawaji and Gama wards is because they of the frequent report of electoral
violence happening in those wards. Therefore, the total of 110 sample size will be adopted for
the study.

3.5 Sampling Techniques

For the study, cluster sampling will adopted. In the first stage, two political wards in the study
area will be selected as clusters using simple random sampling via sample lottery method.
Because cluster sampling is a type of sampling techniques that involves the randomly selection
of some cluster sample from a group of elements. Kano state, is composed of 44 local
government that this gave room for the selection of Nasarawa as cluster in the study. In the
second stage, same method will be adopted to select two most affected political wards in
Nasarawa. Availability sampling will be used to draw the respondents from each of the two
wards and administer questionnaire.
The justification for choosing availability sampling is that not all respondents will be found
available, therefore only those found available will be administered with questionnaires in the
study area. As such information will be collected where ever the respondents are found available
in the study area. For the In-depth Interview (IDI), purposive sampling will be adopted. Because
it is a sampling technique where as members of the target population meet certain criteria, such
as geographical accessible, availability and less busy at a given time for the purpose of the study.
The justification for chosen purposive sampling is that, only relevant stakeholders are needed to
form a part of the IDI because of the first-hand information and In-depth knowledge about the
phenomena under study.
3.6 Sources of Data
The sources of data include primary and secondary sources for this study. The primary data will
be generated using instruments designed through (questionnaire and in-depth interview guide).
The primary data will be obtained from the unit of analysis which comprises of the general
public, security agents, civil servant, and community leaders. The secondary sources of data will
comprised of official statistics and government documents that relate to the security implication
of electoral violence in Nigeria.
3.7 Method of Data Collection
The data collection method encompasses process used in the gathering of data. The study will
use both quantitative and qualitative techniques. Questionnaires will be used in quantitative
technique, while In-depth Interviews (IDI) will be adopted for the qualitative technique.
3.7.1 Questionnaire
For the quantitative technique, questionnaires will be administered. The questionnaires
comprised of five 5 sections. It includes: the socio-demographic characteristics of the
respondents, as well as the substantive issues. The questionnaire contained close and open-ended
questions. A total of one hundred (100) questionnaires will be administered to the general public
with the help of one (1) research assistant.
3.7.2 In-depth Interview
For the qualitative technique, in-depth interviews (IDI) will be conducted with the help of one
(1) research assistant. The In-depth Interview (IDI) comprised of two (2) sections. These
includes: the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents and the substantive issues.
The In-depth Interviews (IDI) contained of questions that required detail explanations. A total of
ten (10) participants were selected for the In-depth Interviews (IDI). This include two (2)
Security agents, two (2) Civil servants , two (2) Journalist, two (2) Human Right Commission,
and two (2) Community leaders in the study.
3.8 Methods of Data Analysis
In the analysis, the quantitative data generated through questionnaires will be analyzed and
interpreted using descriptive statistical and presented in table of frequencies and percentages. It
will be processed using Statistical Packages for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 22. While the
qualitative data collected through in-depth interviews will be transcribed to support the
quantitative data and vice versa. The entire process will be guided by the objectives of the study.