APUSH Textbook Chapter 21
APUSH Textbook Chapter 21
APUSH Textbook Chapter 21
21
C H A P T E R
1890–1918
A
FROM EXPANSION ccepting the Democratic presiden- IDENTIFY THE BIG IDEA
TO IMPERIALISM tial nomination in 1900, William As the United States became a major
Foundations of Empire Jennings Bryan delivered a famous power on the world stage, what
The War of 1898 speech denouncing U.S. military occu- ideas and interests did policymak-
Spoils of War pations overseas. “God Himself,” Bryan ers seek to promote in international
declared, “placed in every human heart affairs?
A POWER AMONG the love of liberty. . . . He never made a
POWERS
race of people so low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a
The Open Door in Asia
foreign master.” At the time, Republican president William McKinley was leading an
The United States and Latin
ambitious and popular plan of overseas expansion. The United States had asserted con-
America
trol over the Caribbean, claimed Hawaii, and sought to annex the Philippines. Bryan
THE UNITED STATES failed to convince a majority of voters that imperialism — the exercise of military, politi-
IN WORLD WAR I cal, and economic power overseas — was the wrong direction. He lost the election by a
From Neutrality to War landslide.
“Over There” By the 1910s, however, American enthusiasm for overseas involvement cooled.
War on the Home Front Despite efforts to stay neutral, the United States got caught up in the global catastrophe
of World War I, which killed 8 million combatants, including over 50,000 U.S. soldiers.
CATASTROPHE AT By the war’s end, European powers’ grip on their colonial empires was weakening. The
VERSAILLES
United States also ceased acquiring overseas territories and pursued a different path. It
The Fate of Wilson’s Ideas
did so in part because the war brought dramatic changes at home, leaving Americans a
Congress Rejects the Treaty
postwar legacy of economic upheaval and political disillusionment.
President Woodrow Wilson, who in 1913 appointed Bryan as his secretary of state,
tried to steer a middle course between revolutionary socialism and European-style impe-
rialism. In Wilson’s phrase, America would “make the world safe for democracy” while
unapologetically working to advance U.S. economic interests. The U.S. Senate, however,
rejected the 1919 Treaty of Versailles and with it Wilson’s vision, leaving the nation’s
foreign policy in doubt. Should the United States try to promote democracy abroad? If
so, how? To what degree should the federal government seek to promote American
business interests? Under what conditions was overseas military action justified? When,
on the contrary, did it impinge on others’ sovereignty, endanger U.S. soldiers, and invite
disaster? Today’s debates over foreign policy still center to a large degree on questions
that Americans debated in the era of McKinley, Bryan, and Wilson, when the nation first
asserted itself as a major world power.
672
American Soldiers on a French Battlefield, 1918 As the United States asserted its power on the
world stage, American soldiers found themselves fighting on foreign battlefields. This 1918 photograph
shows a few of the 1 million U.S. soldiers who joined French and British troops fighting on the brutal
Western Front to defeat Germany in the Great War. Over 26,000 American soldiers lost their lives on the
battlefield during World War I, and 95,000 were wounded. Library of Congress.
673
674 PART 7 DOMESTIC AND GLOBAL CHALLENGES, 1890–1945
or dysentery. In the United States, “yellow journalists” in Cuban independence. On April 11, McKinley asked
such as William Randolph Hearst turned their plight Congress for authority to intervene in Cuba “in the
into a cause célèbre. Hearst’s coverage of Spanish atroc- name of civilization, [and] in behalf of endangered
ities fed a surge of nationalism, especially among those American interests.”
who feared that industrialization was causing American Historians long referred to the ensuing fight as the
men to lose physical strength and valor. The govern- Spanish-American War, but because that name ignores
ment should not pass up this opportunity, said Indiana the central role of Cuban revolutionaries, many histo-
senator Albert Beveridge, to “manufacture manhood.” rians now call the three-way conflict the War of 1898.
Congress called for Cuban independence. Though Americans widely admired Cubans’ aspirations
President Cleveland had no interest in supporting for freedom, the McKinley administration defeated a
the Cuban rebellion but worried over Spain’s failure to congressional attempt to recognize the rebel govern-
end it. The war disrupted trade and damaged American- ment. In response, Senator Henry M. Teller of Colorado
owned sugar plantations on the island. Moreover, an added an amendment to the war bill, disclaiming any
unstable Cuba was incompatible with U.S. strategic intention by the United States to occupy Cuba. The
interests, including a proposed canal whose Caribbean Teller Amendment reassured Americans that their
approaches had to be safeguarded. Taking office in country would uphold democracy abroad as well as at
1897, President William McKinley took a tough stance. home. McKinley’s expectations differed. He wrote pri-
In September, a U.S. diplomat informed Spain that it vately, “We must keep all we get; when the war is over
must ensure an “early and certain peace” or the United we must keep what we want.”
States would step in. At first, this hard line seemed to On April 24, 1898, Spain declared war on the
work: Spain’s conservative regime fell, and a liberal United States. The news provoked full-blown war fever.
government, taking office in October 1897, offered Across the country, young men enlisted for the fight.
Cuba limited self-rule. But Spanish loyalists in Havana Theodore Roosevelt, serving in the War Department,
rioted against this proposal, while Cuban rebels held resigned to become lieutenant colonel of a cavalry reg-
out for full independence. iment. Recruits poured into makeshift bases around
In February 1898, Hearst’s New York Journal pub- Tampa, Florida, where confusion reigned. Rifles failed
lished a private letter in which a Spanish minister to the to arrive; food was bad, sanitation worse. No provision
United States belittled McKinley. The minister, Dupuy had been made for getting troops to Cuba, so the gov-
de Lôme, resigned, but exposure of the de Lôme letter ernment hastily collected a fleet of yachts and commer-
intensified Americans’ indignation toward Spain. The cial boats. Fortunately, the regular army was a disci-
next week brought shocking news: the U.S. battle cruiser plined, professional force; its 28,000 seasoned troops
Maine had exploded and sunk in Havana harbor, with provided a nucleus for 200,000 volunteers. The navy
260 seamen lost. “Whole Country Thrills with the War was in better shape: Spain had nothing to match
Fever,” proclaimed the New York Journal. “Remember America’s seven battleships and armored cruisers. The
the Maine” became a national chant. Popular passions Spanish admiral bitterly predicted that his fleet would
were now a major factor in the march toward war. “like Don Quixote go out to fight windmills and come
McKinley assumed the sinking of the Maine had back with a broken head.”
been accidental. Improbably, though, a naval board of The first, decisive military engagement took place
inquiry blamed an underwater mine, fueling public in the Pacific. This was the handiwork of Theodore
outrage. (Later investigators disagreed: the more likely Roosevelt, who, in his government post, had gotten the
cause was a faulty ship design that placed explosive intrepid Commodore George Dewey appointed com-
munitions too close to coal bunkers, which were prone mander of the Pacific fleet. In the event of war, Dewey
to fire.) No evidence linked Spain to the purported had instructions to sail immediately for the Spanish-
mine, but if a mine sank the Maine, then Spain was owned Philippines. When war was declared, Roosevelt
responsible for not protecting the ship. confronted his surprised superior and pressured him
Business leaders became impatient, believing war into validating Dewey’s instructions. On May 1, 1898,
was preferable to an unending Cuban crisis. On American ships cornered the Spanish fleet in Manila
March 27, McKinley cabled an ultimatum to Madrid: Bay and destroyed it. Manila, the Philippine capital,
an immediate ceasefire in Cuba for six months and, fell on August 13. “We must on no account let the
with the United States mediating, peace negotiations [Philippines] go,” declared Senator Henry Cabot
with the rebels. Spain, while desperate to avoid war, Lodge. McKinley agreed. The United States now had a
balked at the added demand that mediation must result major foothold in the western Pacific.
676 PART 7 DOMESTIC AND GLOBAL CHALLENGES, 1890–1945
the dangers of annexing eight million Filipinos of an Constitutional issues also remained unresolved.
“inferior race.” “No matter whether they are fit to gov- The treaty, while guaranteeing freedom of religion to
ern themselves or not,” declared a Missouri congress- inhabitants of ceded Spanish territories, withheld any
man, “they are not fit to govern us.” promise of citizenship. It was up to Congress to decide
Beginning in late 1898, anti-imperialist leagues Filipinos’ “civil rights and political status.” In 1901, the
sprang up around the country, but they never sparked a Supreme Court upheld this provision in a set of deci-
mass movement. On the contrary, McKinley’s “splendid sions known as the Insular Cases. The Constitution,
little war” proved immensely popular. Confronted with declared the Court, did not automatically extend citi-
that reality, Democrats waffled. Their standard-bearer, zenship to people in acquired territories; Congress
William Jennings Bryan, decided could decide. Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines
EXPLAIN not to stake Democrats’ future on were thus marked as colonies, not future states.
CONSEQUENCES opposition to a policy that he The next year, as a condition for withdrawing from
What were the long-term believed to be irreversible. He Cuba, the United States forced the newly independent
results of the U.S. victory threw his party into turmoil by island to accept a proviso in its constitution called the
over Spain, in Hawaii and declaring last-minute support for Platt Amendment (1902). This blocked Cuba from
in former Spanish posses- McKinley’s proposed treaty. Hav- making a treaty with any country except the United
sions? ing met military defeat, Spanish States and gave the United States the right to intervene
representatives had little choice. In in Cuban affairs if it saw fit. Cuba also granted the
the Treaty of Paris, Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States a lease on Guantánamo Bay (still in
United States for $20 million. effect), where the U.S. Navy built a large base. Cubans’
Annexation was not as simple as U.S. policymakers hard-fought independence was limited; so was that of
had expected. On February 4, 1899, two days before Filipinos. Eventually, the Jones Act of 1916 committed
the Senate ratified the treaty, fighting broke out the United States to Philippine independence but set
between American and Filipino patrols on the edge of no date. (The Philippines at last achieved indepen-
Manila. Confronted by annexation, rebel leader Emilio dence in 1946.) Though the war’s carnage had rubbed
Aguinaldo asserted his nation’s independence and off some of the moralizing gloss, America’s global aspi-
turned his guns on occupying American forces. Though rations remained intact.
Aguinaldo found it difficult to organize a mass-based
resistance movement, the ensuing conflict between
Filipino nationalists and U.S. troops far exceeded in
length and ferocity the war just concluded with Spain.
A Power Among Powers
Fighting tenacious guerrillas, the U.S. Army resorted to No one appreciated America’s emerging influence more
the same tactics Spain had employed in Cuba: burning than the man who, after William McKinley’s assassina-
crops and villages and rounding up civilians. Atrocities tion, became president in 1901. Theodore Roosevelt
became commonplace on both sides. In three years of was an avid student of world affairs who called on “the
warfare, 4,200 Americans and an estimated 200,000 civilized and orderly powers to insist on the proper
Filipinos died; many of the latter were dislocated civil- policing of the world.” He meant, in part, directing the
ians, particularly children, who succumbed to malnu- affairs of “backward peoples.” For Roosevelt, imperial-
trition and disease. ism went hand in hand with domestic progressivism
McKinley’s convincing victory over William (Chapter 20). He argued that a strong federal govern-
Jennings Bryan in 1900 suggested popular satisfaction ment, asserting itself both at home and abroad, would
with America’s overseas adventures, even in the face of enhance economic stability and political order. Over-
dogged Filipino resistance to U.S. rule. The fighting seas, Roosevelt sought to arbitrate disputes and main-
ended in 1902, and William Howard Taft, appointed as tain a global balance of power, but he also asserted U.S.
governor-general of the Philippines, sought to make interests.
the territory a model of roadbuilding and sanitary engi-
neering. Yet misgivings lingered as Americans con-
fronted the brutality of the war. Philosopher William The Open Door in Asia
James noted that the United States had destroyed “these U.S. officials and business leaders had a burning inter-
islanders by the thousands, their villages and cities. . . . est in East Asian markets, but they were entering a
Could there be any more damning indictment of that crowded field (Map 21.1). In the late 1890s, following
whole bloated ideal termed ‘modern civilization’?” Japan’s victory in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895,
(American Voices, p. 680). Japan, Russia, Germany, France, and Britain divided
CHAPTER 21 An Emerging World Power, 1890–1918 679
MAP 21.1
The Great Powers in East Asia, 1898–1910 RUSSIA
L. Baikal R.R.
N
European powers established dominance Irkutsk TRANS-SIB E R
IA
over China by way of “treaty ports,” where Chita
the powers based their naval forces, and CHINES Am Sakhalin
EE
through “spheres of influence” that OUTER MONGOLIA AS
TE
ur
R.
RN
extended from the ports into the hinter- (Russian influence) R .R .
Harbin
land. This map reveals why the United
IA
KURILE
MANCHURIA
States had a weak hand: it lacked a OL Vladivostok
IS.
presence on this colonized terrain. An NG Sea of
MO
I N N E R g Ho Peking Japan
uprising of Chinese nationalists in 1900 SINKIANG
JAPAN
Hw a n Tientsin Port
gave the United States a chance to insert Arthur
Seoul
itself on the Chinese mainland by sending KOREA
Tokyo
an American expeditionary force. Ameri- Kobe
Yokohama
can diplomats made the most of the CHINA
N
opportunity to defend U.S. commercial
TIBET
interests in China. As noted in the key, all Shanghai
Nanking E
Lhasa
Hankow
Ningpo W
place names in this map are those in use Chungking R.
NEPAL gtze Wenchow RYUKYU IS.
in 1910: Modern Beijing, for example, is Yan (Japan)
S
Foochow
shown as Peking. BHUTAN KWANGCHOWAN (Fr.) Amoy
INDIA Wuchow Formosa
Calcutta BURMA Canton (Taiwan)
Hong
Colonial Spheres Hanoi Macao Kong (Br.) PACIFIC
possessions of influence (Port.)
OCEAN
American
South
British China
French SIAM Sea Manila
Bangkok
Japanese FRENCH PHILIPPINE
Russian INDOCHINA ISLANDS
German
Saigon
Chinese treaty ports
open for foreign trade 0 500 1,000 miles
coastal China into spheres of influence. Fearful of and Manchuria, in northern China, by attacking the
being shut out, U.S. Secretary of State John Hay sent tzar’s fleet at Russia’s leased Chinese port. In a series of
these powers a note in 1899, claiming the right of equal brilliant victories, the Japanese smashed the Russian
trade access — an “open door” — for all nations seek- forces. Westerners were shocked: for the first time, a
ing to do business in China. The United States lacked European power had been defeated by a non-Western
leverage in Asia, and Hay’s note elicited only noncom- nation. Conveying both admiration and alarm, Ameri-
mittal responses. But he chose to interpret this as can cartoonists sketched Japan as a martial artist
acceptance of his position. knocking down the Russian giant. Roosevelt mediated
When a secret society of Chinese nationalists, a settlement to the war in 1905, receiving for his
known outside China as “Boxers” because of their pug- efforts the first Nobel Peace Prize awarded to an
nacious political stance, rebelled against foreign occu- American.
pation in 1900, the United States sent 5,000 troops to Though he was contemptuous of other Asians,
join a multinational campaign to break the nationalists’ Roosevelt respected the Japanese, whom he called “a
siege of European offices in Beijing. Hay took this wonderful and civilized people.” More important, he
opportunity to assert a second open door principle: understood Japan’s rising military might and aligned
China must be preserved as a “territorial and adminis- himself with the mighty. The United States approved
trative entity.” As long as the legal fiction of an inde- Japan’s “protectorate” over Korea in 1905 and, six years
pendent China survived, Americans could claim equal later, its seizure of full control.
access to its market. With Japan asserting harsh COMPARE AND
CONTRAST
European and American plans were, however, authority over Manchuria, ener-
What factors constrained
unsettled by Japan’s emergence as East Asia’s dominant getic Chinese diplomat Yüan
and guided U.S. actions in
power. A decade after its victory over China, Japan Shih-k’ai tried to encourage the Asia and in Latin America?
responded to Russian bids for control of both Korea United States to intervene. But
AMERICAN
VOICES
680
Gen. MacArthur: That proposition is not questioned can punish the man probably worse in that way than in
by anybody in the world, excepting a few people in the any other.
United States. . . . We will be benefited, and the Filipino Q: But is that within the ordinary rules of civilized
people will be benefited, and that is what I meant by the warfare? . . .
original proposition — Gen. Hughes: These people are not civilized.
Sen. Patterson: Do you mean the Filipino people that
are left alive?
Cruelties
Gen. MacArthur: I mean the Filipino people. . . .
Sen. Patterson: You mean those left alive after they Daniel J. Evans, Twelfth Infantry, describes the “water cure.”
have been subjugated? Q: The committee would like to hear . . . whether you
Gen. MacArthur: I do not admit that there has been were the witness to any cruelties inflicted upon the
any unusual destruction of life in the Philippine Islands. natives of the Philippine Islands; and if so, under what
The destruction is simply the incident of war, and of circumstances.
course it embraces only a very small percentage of the Evans: The case I had reference to was where they
total population. gave the water cure to a native in the Ilicano Province at
. . . I doubt if any war — either international or civil, Ilocos Norte . . . about the month of August 1900. There
any war on earth — has been conducted with as much were two native scouts with the American forces. They
humanity, with as much careful consideration, with as went out and brought in a couple of insurgents. . . . They
much self-restraint, as have been the American opera- tried to get from this insurgent . . . where the rest of the
tions in the Philippine Archipelago. . . . insurgents were at that time. . . . The first thing one of the
Americans — I mean one of the scouts for the Americans —
Realities grabbed one of the men by the head and jerked his head
back, and then they took a tomato can and poured water
Brigadier General Robert P. Hughes, a military district com-
down his throat until he could hold no more. . . . Then
mander, testified as follows.
they forced a gag into his mouth; they stood him up . . .
Q: In burning towns, what would you do? Would the against a post and fastened him so that he could not move.
entire town be destroyed by fire or would only the offend- Then one man, an American soldier, who was over six feet
ing portions of the town be burned? tall, and who was very strong, too, struck this native in
Gen. Hughes: I do not know that we ever had a case of the pit of the stomach as hard as he could. . . . They kept
burning what you would call a town in this country, but that operation up for quite a time, and finally I thought
probably a barrio or a sitio; probably half a dozen houses, the fellow was about to die, but I don’t believe he was as
native shacks, where the insurrectos would go in and be bad as that, because finally he told them he would tell,
concealed, and if they caught a detachment passing they and from that day on he was taken away, and I saw no
would kill some of them. more of him.
Q: What did I understand you to say would be the
consequences of that? Source: From American Imperialism and the Philippine Insurrection, edited by Henry F.
Graff (Boston: Little, Brown, 1969). Reprinted by permission of the author.
Gen. Hughes: They usually burned the village.
Q: All of the houses in the village?
Gen. Hughes: Yes, every one of them.
Q: What would become of the inhabitants?
Gen. Hughes: That was their lookout. QUESTIONS FOR ANALYSIS
Q: If these shacks were of no consequence what was 1. The text of this chapter offers the U.S. reasons for hold-
the utility of their destruction? ing on to the Philippines. In what ways does General
MacArthur’s testimony confirm, add to, or contradict the
Gen. Hughes: The destruction was as a punishment. text account?
They permitted these people to come in there and conceal 2. The chapter text also describes the anti-imperialist move-
themselves. . . . ment. What does Senator Patterson’s cross-examination
Q: The punishment in that case would fall, not upon of General MacArthur reveal about the anti-imperialists’
beliefs?
the men, who could go elsewhere, but mainly upon the
3. Does the clash of ideas in these excerpts remain relevant
women and little children. to our own time? How does it compare to what you
Gen. Hughes: The women and children are part of the might read or hear about in a news source today?
family, and where you wish to inflict a punishment you
681
682 PART 7 DOMESTIC AND GLOBAL CHALLENGES, 1890–1945
Roosevelt reviewed America’s weak position in the oceans required a canal. European powers conceded
Pacific and declined. He conceded that Japan had “a the United States’s “paramount interest” in the Carib-
paramount interest in what surrounds the Yellow Sea.” bean. Freed by Britain’s surrender of canal-building
In 1908, the United States and Japan signed the Root- rights in the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty (1901), Roosevelt
Takahira Agreement, confirming principles of free persuaded Congress to authorize $10 million, plus
oceanic commerce and recognizing Japan’s authority future payments of $250,000 per year, to purchase from
over Manchuria. Colombia a six-mile strip of land across Panama, a
William Howard Taft entered the White House in Colombian province.
1909 convinced that the United States had been short- Furious when Colombia rejected this proposal,
changed in Asia. He pressed for a larger role for Roosevelt contemplated outright seizure of Panama
American investors, especially in Chinese railroad but settled on a more roundabout solution. Panama-
construction. Eager to promote U.S. business interests nians, long separated from Colombia by remote jungle,
abroad, he hoped that infusions of American capital chafed under Colombian rule. The United States lent
would offset Japanese power. When the Chinese Revo- covert assistance to an independence movement, trig-
lution of 1911 toppled the Manchu dynasty, Taft sup- gering a bloodless revolution. On November 6, 1903,
ported the victorious Nationalists, who wanted to the United States recognized the new nation of Panama;
modernize their country and liberate it from Japanese two weeks later, it obtained a perpetually renewable
domination. The United States had entangled itself in lease on a canal zone. Roosevelt never regretted the ven-
China and entered a long-term rivalry with Japan for ture, though in 1922 the United States paid Colombia
power in the Pacific, a competition that would culmi- $25 million as a kind of conscience money.
nate thirty years later in World War II. To build the canal, the U.S. Army Corps of
Engineers hired 60,000 laborers, who came from many
countries to clear vast swamps, excavate 240 million
The United States and Latin America cubic yards of earth, and construct a series of immense
Roosevelt famously argued that the United States locks. The project, a major engineering feat, took eight
should “speak softly and carry a big stick.” By “big years and cost thousands of lives among the workers
stick,” he meant naval power, and rapid access to two who built it. Opened in 1914, the Panama Canal gave
the United States a commanding position in the purchased Mexican plantations, mines, and oil fields.
Western Hemisphere. By the early 1900s, however, Díaz feared the extraordi-
Meanwhile, arguing that instability invited Euro- nary power of these foreign interests and began to
pean intervention, Roosevelt announced in 1904 that nationalize — reclaim — key resources. American inves-
the United States would police all of the Caribbean tors who faced the loss of Mexican holdings began to
(Map 21.2). This so-called Roosevelt Corollary to the back Francisco Madero, an advocate of constitutional
Monroe Doctrine actually turned that doctrine upside government who was friendly to U.S. interests. In 1911,
down: instead of guaranteeing that the United States Madero forced Díaz to resign and proclaimed himself
would protect its neighbors from Europe and help pre- president. Thousands of poor Mexicans took this oppor-
serve their independence, it asserted the United States’s tunity to mobilize rural armies and demand more rad-
unrestricted right to regulate Caribbean affairs. The ical change. Madero’s position was weak, and several
Roosevelt Corollary was not a treaty but a unilateral strongmen sought to overthrow him; in 1913, he was
declaration sanctioned only by America’s military and deposed and murdered by a leading general. Imme-
economic might. Citing it, the United States intervened diately, several other military men vied for control.
regularly in Caribbean and Central American nations Wilson, fearing that the unrest threatened U.S.
over the next three decades. interests, decided to intervene in the emerging Mexican
Entering office in 1913, Democratic president Revolution. On the pretext of a minor insult to the
Woodrow Wilson criticized his predecessors’ foreign navy, he ordered U.S. occupation of the port of Veracruz
policy. He pledged that the United States would “never on April 21, 1914, at the cost of 19 American and
again seek one additional foot of territory by conquest.” 126 Mexican lives. Though the intervention helped
This stance appealed to anti-imperialists in the Demo- Venustiano Carranza, the revolutionary leader whom
cratic base, including longtime supporters of William Wilson most favored, Carranza protested it as illegiti-
Jennings Bryan. But the new president soon showed mate meddling in Mexican affairs. Carranza’s forces,
that, when American interests called for it, his actions after nearly engaging the Americans themselves,
were not so different from those of Roosevelt and Taft. entered Mexico City in triumph a few months later.
Since the 1870s, Mexican dictator Porfirio Díaz had Though Wilson had supported this outcome, his inter-
created a friendly climate for American companies that ference caused lasting mistrust.
UNITED STATES
ATLANTIC
OCEAN
BAHAMAS N
Gulf of Mexico
(British)
PACIFIC MEXICO E
W
OCEAN DOMINICAN
S
2 REPUBLIC
U.S. possessions CUBA PUERTO RICO
U.S. interventions Acquired in 1898
Veracruz 8
9
1 Settled border dispute, 1895–1896 7 Guantánamo Bay 4
2 U.S. troops, 1898–1902, VIRGIN IS.
1906–1909, 1917–1922 BRITISH JAMAICA HAITI
HONDURAS (British) Acquired in 1917
3 Support of revolt, 1903
HONDURAS Caribbean Sea
4 U.S. lease beginning in 1903
5 U.S. control beginning NICARAGUA
in 1903 GUATEMALA 6
6 U.S. troops, 1909–1910, EL SALVADOR CANAL
1912–1925 ZONE 5 1
7 Seized by U.S. Navy, 1914 COSTA VENEZUELA BR.
RICA 3 GUIANA
8 U.S. troops, 1915–1934 0 250 500 miles
9 U.S. troops, 1916–1924 COLOMBIA
0 250 500 kilometers PANAMA
MAP 21.2
Policeman of the Caribbean
After the War of 1898, the United States vigorously asserted its interest in the affairs of its
neighbors to the south. As the record of interventions shows, the United States truly became the
“policeman” of the Caribbean and Central America.
684 PART 7 DOMESTIC AND GLOBAL CHALLENGES, 1890–1945
Carranza’s victory did not subdue revolutionary Americans had no obvious stake in these develop-
activity in Mexico. In 1916, General Francisco “Pancho” ments. In 1905, when Germany suddenly challenged
Villa — a thug to his enemies, but a heroic Robin Hood French control of Morocco, Theodore Roosevelt
to many poor Mexicans — crossed the U.S.-Mexico bor- arranged an international conference to defuse the cri-
der, killing sixteen American civilians and raiding the sis. Germany got a few concessions, but France — with
town of Columbus, New Mexico. Wilson sent 11,000 British backing — retained Morocco. Accomplished in
troops to pursue Villa, a force that soon resembled an the same year that Roosevelt brokered peace between
army of occupation in northern Mexico. Mexican pub- Russia and Japan, the conference seemed another dip-
lic opinion demanded withdrawal as armed clashes lomatic triumph. One U.S. official boasted that America
broke out between U.S. and Mexican troops. At the had kept peace by “the power of our detachment.” It
brink of war, both governments backed off and U.S. was not to last.
forces departed. But policymakers in Washington had
shown their intention to police not only the Caribbean
and Central America but also Mexico when they From Neutrality to War
deemed it necessary. The spark that ignited World War I came in the Balkans,
where Austria-Hungary and Russia competed for con-
trol. Austria’s 1908 seizure of Ottoman provinces,
including Bosnia, angered the nearby Slavic nation of
The United States in Serbia and its ally, Russia. Serbian revolutionaries
World War I recruited Bosnian Slavs to resist Austrian rule. In June
1914, in the city of Sarajevo, university student Gavrilo
While the United States staked claims around the Princip assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir
globe, a war of unprecedented scale was brewing in to the Austro-Hungarian throne.
Europe. The military buildup of Germany, a rising Like dominos falling, the system of European alli-
power, terrified its neighbors. To the east, the disinte- ances pushed all the powers into war. Austria-Hungary
grating Ottoman Empire was losing its grip on the blamed Serbia for the assassination and declared war
Balkans. Out of these conflicts, two rival power blocs on July 28. Russia, tied by secret treaty to Serbia, mobi-
emerged: the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria- lized against Austria-Hungary. This prompted Germany
Hungary, and Italy) and Triple Entente (Britain, France, to declare war on Russia and its ally France. As a prep-
and Russia). Within each alliance, national govern- aration for attacking France, Germany launched a
ments pursued their own interests but were bound to brutal invasion of the neutral country of Belgium,
one another by both public and secret treaties. which caused Great Britain to declare war on Germany.
CHAPTER 21 An Emerging World Power, 1890–1918 685
by 1917, U.S. banks had lent the Allies $2.5 billion. In this threat jolted public opinion. Meanwhile, German
contrast, American trade and loans to Germany stood U-boats attacked U.S. ships without warning, sinking
then at a mere $56 million. This imbalance undercut three on March 18 alone.
U.S. neutrality. If Germany won and Britain and France On April 2, 1917, Wilson asked Congress for a dec-
defaulted on their debts, American companies would laration of war. He argued that Germany had trampled
suffer catastrophic losses. on American rights and imperiled U.S. trade and citi-
To challenge the British navy, Germany launched zens’ lives. “We desire no conquest,” Wilson declared,
a devastating new weapon, the U-boat (short for “no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall
Unterseeboot, “undersea boat,” or submarine). In April freely make.” Reflecting his progressive idealism, Wilson
1915, Germany issued a warning that all ships flying promised that American involvement would make the
flags of Britain or its allies were liable to destruction. A world “safe for democracy.” On April 6, the United
few weeks later, a U-boat torpedoed the British luxury States declared war on Germany. Reflecting the nation’s
liner Lusitania off the coast of Ireland, killing 1,198 divided views, the vote was far from unanimous. Six
people, including 128 Americans. The attack on the senators and fifty members of the House voted against
passenger ship (which was later revealed to have been entry, including Representative Jeannette Rankin of
carrying munitions) incensed Americans. The follow- Montana, the first woman elected to Congress. “You
ing year, in an agreement known as the Sussex pledge, can no more win a war than you can win an earth-
Germany agreed not to target passenger liners or mer- quake,” Rankin said. “I want to stand by my country,
chant ships unless an inspection showed the latter car- but I cannot vote for war.”
ried weapons. But the Lusitania sinking prompted
Wilson to reconsider his options. After quietly trying
to mediate in Europe but finding neither side inter- “Over There”
ested in peace, he endorsed a $1 billion U.S. military To Americans, Europe seemed a great distance away.
buildup. Many assumed the United States would simply provide
American public opinion still ran strongly against munitions and economic aid. “Good Lord,” exclaimed
entering the war, a fact that shaped the election of 1916. one U.S. senator to a Wilson administration official,
Republicans rejected the belligerently prowar Theodore “you’re not going to send soldiers over there, are you?”
Roosevelt in favor of Supreme Court justice Charles But when General John J. Pershing asked how the
Evans Hughes, a progressive former governor of New United States could best support the Allies, the French
York. Democrats renominated Wilson, who cam- commander put it bluntly: “Men, men, and more men.”
paigned on his domestic record and as the president Amid war fever, thousands of young men prepared to
who “kept us out of war.” Wilson eked out a narrow vic- go “over there,” in the words of George M. Cohan’s
tory; winning California by a mere 4,000 votes, he popular song: “Make your Daddy glad to have had
secured a slim majority in the electoral college. such a lad. / Tell your sweetheart not to pine, / To be
proud her boy’s in line.”
America Enters the War Despite Wilson’s campaign
slogan, events pushed him toward war. In February Americans Join the War In 1917, the U.S. Army
1917, Germany resumed unrestricted submarine war- numbered fewer than 200,000 soldiers; needing more
fare, a decision dictated by the impasse on the Western men, Congress instituted a military draft in May 1917.
Front. In response, Wilson broke off diplomatic rela- In contrast to the Civil War, when resistance was com-
tions with Germany. A few weeks later, newspapers mon, conscription went smoothly, partly because local,
published an intercepted dispatch from German for- civilian-run draft boards played a central role in the
eign secretary Arthur Zimmermann to his minister in new system. Still, draft registration demonstrated gov-
Mexico. The Zimmermann tele- ernment’s increasing power over ordinary citizens. On
IDENTIFY CAUSES gram urged Mexico to join the a single day — June 5, 1917 — more than 9.5 million
What factors led the Central Powers, promising that if men between the ages of twenty-one and thirty regis-
United States to enter the United States entered the war, tered at local voting precincts for possible military
World War I, despite Germany would help Mexico service.
the desire of so many recover “the lost territory of President Wilson chose General Pershing to head
Americans, including the
Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona.” the American Expeditionary Force (AEF), which had to
president, to stay out of
With Pancho Villa’s border raids be trained, outfitted, and carried across the submarine-
the war?
still fresh in Americans’ minds, plagued Atlantic. This required safer shipping. When
CHAPTER 21 An Emerging World Power, 1890–1918 687
the United States entered the war, German U-boats American soldiers against an out-
EXPLAIN
were sinking 900,000 tons of Allied ships each month. numbered and exhausted German CONSEQUENCES
By sending merchant and troop ships in armed con- army in the Argonne forest. By How did U.S. military entry
voys, the U.S. Navy cut that monthly rate to 400,000 early November, this attack broke into World War I affect the
tons by the end of 1917. With trench warfare grinding German defenses at a crucial rail course of the war?
on, Allied commanders pleaded for American soldiers hub, Sedan. The cost was high:
to fill their depleted units, but Pershing waited until the 26,000 Americans killed and 95,000 wounded (Map
AEF reached full strength. As late as May 1918, the 21.3). But the flood of U.S. troops and supplies deter-
brunt of the fighting fell to the French and British. mined the outcome. Recognizing inevitable defeat and
The Allies’ burden increased when the Eastern facing popular uprisings at home, Germany signed an
Front collapsed following the Bolshevik (Communist) armistice on November 11, 1918. The Great War was
Revolution in Russia in November 1917. To consoli- over.
date power at home, the new Bolshevik government,
led by Vladimir Lenin, sought peace with the Central The American Fighting Force By the end of World
Powers. In a 1918 treaty, Russia surrendered its claims War I, almost 4 million American men — popularly
over vast parts of its territories in exchange for peace. known as “doughboys” — wore U.S. uniforms, as did
Released from war against Germany, the Bolsheviks several thousand female nurses. The recruits reflected
turned their attention to a civil war at home. Terrified America’s heterogeneity: one-fifth had been born out-
by communism, Japan and several Allied countries, side the United States, and soldiers spoke forty-nine
including the United States, later sent troops to fight different languages. Though ethnic diversity worried
the Bolsheviks and aid forces loyal to the deposed tsar. some observers, most predicted that military service
But after a four-year civil war, Lenin’s forces established would promote Americanization.
full control over Russia and reclaimed Ukraine and Over 400,000 African American men enlisted,
other former possessions. accounting for 13 percent of the armed forces. Their
Peace with Russia freed Germany to launch a major wartime experiences were often grim: serving in segre-
offensive on the Western Front. By May 1918, German gated units, they were given the most menial tasks.
troops had advanced to within 50 miles of Paris. Racial discrimination hampered military efficiency
Pershing at last committed about 60,000 U.S. soldiers and provoked violence at several camps. The worst
to support the French defense. With American soldiers incident occurred in August 1917, when, after suffer-
engaged in massive numbers, Allied forces brought the ing a string of racial attacks, black members of the 24th
Germans to a halt in July; by September, they forced a Infantry’s Third Battalion rioted in Houston, killing 15
retreat. Pershing then pitted more than one million white civilians and police officers. The army tried 118
688 PART 7 DOMESTIC AND GLOBAL CHALLENGES, 1890–1945
MAP 21.3
NETHERLANDS
U.S. Participation on the Western
EN GL AND N or t h
Front, 1918
R hine
Thame
sR
Sea
.
When American troops reached the
R.
London
Cologne European front in significant numbers
Dunkirk
Calais Ypres
Brussels in 1918, the Allies and Central Powers
GERMANY had been fighting a deadly war of
B ELG IU M
Frankfurt attrition for almost four years. The
el
influx of American troops and supplies
R.
nn
Cha
l le
So m
se
glish me helped break the stalemate. Successful
Mo
En R
Amiens . LUX. offensive maneuvers by the American
Cantigny Sedan
May 1918 Meuse-Argonne Saar Expeditionary Force included those at
Sept.–Nov. 1918 R.
Soissons Belleau Wood and Château-Thierry
Se
in Belleau Wood Marne and the Meuse-Argonne campaign.
R.
June 1918
e R. Verdun
ne
R.
Château-
Rhi
Paris Strasbourg
Thierry
May 1918 St. Mihiel Nancy
Versailles Sept. 1918
N
W E
F RA NC E
S
of the soldiers in military courts for mutiny and riot, Many progressives also supported the war, hoping
hanged 19, and sentenced 63 to life in prison. Wilson’s ideals and wartime patriotism would renew
Unlike African Americans, American Indians Americans’ attention to reform. But the war bitterly
served in integrated combat units. Racial stereotypes disappointed them. Rather than enhancing democracy,
about Native Americans’ prowess as warriors enhanced it chilled the political climate as government agencies
their military reputations, but it also prompted officers tried to enforce “100 percent loyalty.”
to assign them hazardous duties as scouts and snipers.
About 13,000, or 25 percent, of the adult male Ameri- Mobilizing the Economy American businesses
can Indian population served during the war; roughly made big bucks from World War I. As grain, weapons,
5 percent died, compared to 2 percent for the military and manufactured goods flowed to Britain and France,
as a whole. the United States became a creditor nation. Moreover,
Most American soldiers escaped the horrors of sus- as the war drained British financial reserves, U.S. banks
tained trench warfare. Still, during the brief period of provided capital for investments around the globe.
U.S. participation, over 50,000 servicemen died in Government powers expanded during wartime,
action; another 63,000 died from disease, mainly the with new federal agencies overseeing almost every part
devastating influenza pandemic that began early in of the economy. The War Industries Board (WIB),
1918 and, over the next two years, killed 50 million established in July 1917, directed military production.
people worldwide. The nation’s military deaths, though After a fumbling start that showed the limits of volun-
substantial, were only a tenth as many as the 500,000 tarism, the Wilson administration reorganized the
American civilians who died of this terrible epidemic — board and placed Bernard Baruch, a Wall Street finan-
not to mention the staggering losses of Europeans in cier and superb administrator, at its head. Under his
the war (America Compared, p. 689). direction, the WIB allocated scarce resources among
industries, ordered factories to convert to war produc-
tion, set prices, and standardized procedures. Though
War on the Home Front he could compel compliance, Baruch preferred to win
In the United States, opponents of the war were a voluntary cooperation. A man of immense charm, he
minority. Helping the Allies triggered an economic usually succeeded — helped by the lucrative military
boom that benefitted farmers and working people. contracts at his disposal. Despite higher taxes, corporate
AMERICA
C O M PA R E D
The United States played a crucial role in financing World War I. In its war-related
expenditures, totaling $22.6 billion, the United States ranked fourth among all
The Human Cost of nations that participated, ranking behind only Germany ($37.7 billion), Britain
($35.3 billion), and France ($24.3 billion). In human terms, however, the U.S. role
World War I was different. Note that the figures below for military casualties are rough esti-
mates. Civilian casualties are even more uncertain: the exact number of Russians,
Italians, Romanians, Serbians, and others who died will never be known.
TABLE 21.1
World War I Casualties
Country Total Population Military Killed or Missing Total Civilian Deaths
Germany 67,000,000 2,037,000 700,000
Russia 167,000,000 1,800,000 2,000,000
France 39,000,000 1,385,300 40,000
Austria-Hungary 49,900,000 1,016,200 unknown
United Kingdom 46,400,000 702,410 1,386
Italy 35,000,000 462,400 unknown
Turkey 21,300,000 236,000 2,000,000*
Romania 7,510,000 219,800 265,000–500,000
Serbia 5,000,000 127,500 600,000
Bulgaria 5,500,000 77,450 275,000
India 316,000,000 62,060 negligible
Canada 7,400,000 58,990 negligible
Australia 4,872,000 53,560 negligible
United States 92,000,000 51,822 negligible
*Mostly Armenians
profits soared, as military production sustained a boom Administration, meanwhile, introduced daylight sav-
that continued until 1920. ing time to conserve coal and oil. In December 1917,
Some federal agencies took dramatic measures. The the Railroad Administration seized control of the
National War Labor Board (NWLB), formed in April nation’s hodgepodge of private railroads, seeking to
1918, established an eight-hour day for war workers facilitate rapid movement of troops and equipment —
with time-and-a-half pay for overtime, and it endorsed an experiment that had, at best, mixed results.
equal pay for women. In return for a no-strike pledge, Perhaps the most successful wartime agency was
the NWLB also supported workers’ right to organize — the Food Administration, created in August 1917 and
a major achievement for the labor movement. The Fuel led by engineer Herbert Hoover. With the slogan “Food
689
690 PART 7 DOMESTIC AND GLOBAL CHALLENGES, 1890–1945
will win the war,” Hoover convinced farmers to nearly Information (CPI), a government propaganda agency
double their acreage of grain. This increase allowed a headed by journalist George Creel. Professing lofty
threefold rise in food exports to Europe. Among citi- goals — educating citizens about democracy, assimilat-
zens, the Food Administration mobilized a “spirit of ing immigrants, and ending the isolation of rural
self-denial” rather than mandatory rationing. Female life — the committee set out to mold Americans into
volunteers went from door to door to persuade house- “one white-hot mass” of war patriotism. The CPI touched
keepers to observe “Wheatless” Mondays and “Pork- the lives of nearly all civilians. It distributed seventy-
less” Thursdays. Hoover, a Republican, emerged from five million pieces of literature and enlisted thousands
the war as one of the nation’s most admired public of volunteers — Four-Minute Men — to deliver short
figures. prowar speeches at movie theaters.
The CPI also pressured immigrant groups to
Promoting National Unity Suppressing wartime become “One Hundred Percent Americans.” German
dissent became a near obsession for President Wilson. Americans bore the brunt of this campaign (Thinking
In April 1917, Wilson formed the Committee on Public Like a Historian, p. 692). With posters exhorting
CHAPTER 21 An Emerging World Power, 1890–1918 691
citizens to root out German spies, a spirit of confor- people. The Justice Department prosecuted members
mity pervaded the home front. A quasi-vigilante group, of the Industrial Workers of the World, whose oppo-
the American Protective League, mobilized about sition to militarism threatened to disrupt war pro-
250,000 “agents,” furnished them with badges issued by duction of lumber and copper. When a Quaker pacifist
the Justice Department, and trained them to spy on teacher in New York City refused to teach a prowar
neighbors and coworkers. In 1918, members of the curriculum, she was fired. Socialist Party leader
league led violent raids against draft evaders and peace Eugene V. Debs was sentenced to ten years in jail for
activists. Government propaganda helped rouse a the crime of arguing that wealthy capitalists had started
nativist hysteria that lingered into the 1920s. the conflict and were forcing workers to fight.
Congress also passed new laws to curb dissent. Federal courts mostly supported the acts. In
Among them was the Sedition Act of 1918, which pro- Schenck v. United States (1919), the Supreme Court
hibited any words or behavior that might “incite, pro- upheld the conviction of a socialist who was jailed for
voke, or encourage resistance to the United States, or circulating pamphlets that urged army draftees to resist
promote the cause of its enemies.” Because this and an induction. The justices followed this with a similar
earlier Espionage Act (1917) defined treason loosely, decision in Abrams v. United States (1919), ruling that
they led to the conviction of more than a thousand authorities could prosecute speech they believed to
THINKING LIKE
A HISTORIAN
Before 1917, Americans expressed diverse opinions about the war in Europe.
After the United States joined the Allies, however, German Americans’ loyalty
became suspect. German immigrant men who were not U.S. citizens were
German Americans required to register as “alien enemies,” and government propaganda fueled
fear of alleged German spies. In April 1918 in Collinsville, Illinois, a German-born
in World War I socialist named Robert Prager — who had sought U.S. citizenship and tried to
enlist in the navy — was lynched by drunken miners. The documents below shed
light on German Americans’ wartime experiences.
692
5. James W. Gerard, radio address, 1917. Gerard was Brocke, a farmer, recalled that neighbors on their
U.S. ambassador to Great Britain. joint telephone line would slam down the phone
The great majority of American citizens of German when his mother or sister spoke German. “We had
descent have, in this great crisis in our history, shown to be so careful,” he said.
themselves splendidly loyal to our flag. Everyone has a I remember when they smashed out store windows at
right to sympathize with any warring nation. But now Uniontown that said [sauer]kraut. . . . Nobody would eat
that we are in the war there are only two sides, and the kraut. Throw the Kraut out, they were Germans. . . . Even
time has come when every citizen must declare himself the great Williamson store, he went in and gathered up
American — or traitor! everything that was made in Germany, and had a big bon-
. . . The Foreign Minister of Germany once said to me fire out in the middle of the street, you know. Although he
“. . . we have in your country 500,000 German reservists had many good German friends all over the county that
who will rise in arms against your government if you dare had helped make him rich. . . . And if it was a German
to make a move against Germany.” Well, I told him that name — we’ll just change our name. . . . There were some
that might be so, but that we had 500,001 lampposts in [German American] boys that got draft deferments. . . .
this country, and that that was where the reservists would Some of them said that their fathers were sick and dying,
be hanging the day after they tried to rise. And if there are and their father had so much land they had to stay home
any German-Americans here who are so ungrateful for all and farm it for them. . . . [Local men] tarred and feath-
the benefits they have received that they are still for the ered some of them. Some of them as old men dying still
Kaiser, there is only one thing to do with them. And that resented and remembered.
is to hog-tie them, give them back the wooden shoes and
the rags they landed in, and ship them back. . . . There is
Sources: (1) Frederick C. Luebke, Bonds of Loyalty: German Americans and World
no animal that bites and kicks and squeals . . . equal to a War I (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), 109; (2) Hearings Before the
fat German-American, if you commenced to tie him up Subcommittee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 65th Congress, Second Session
(Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1918), 300; (5) Gerard speech,
and told him that he was on his way back to the Kaiser. transcript and recording, at Library of Congress American Memory: memory.loc.gov
/ammem/nfhtml/nforSpeakers01.html; (6) New Orleans Times-Picayune, May 16, 1918;
6. Actions by New York liederkranz reported in New (7) Oral histories of Idaho residents at GMU History Matters, historymatters.gmu
.edu/d/2/. Excerpt courtesy of Latah County Historical Society.
Orleans Times-Picayune, May 16, 1918. Lieder-
kranz, or singing societies, played a vital role in
German immigrant communities. Before World
War I the city of Wheeling, West Virginia, counted
eleven such societies, with names like Harmonie,
Germania, and Mozart. By 1918 most liederkranz
had vanished. New York City’s was one of the few ANALYZING THE EVIDENCE
that did not. 1. How did conditions change for German Americans
between 1915 and 1918?
Members of the [New York] Liederkranz, an organiza- 2. According to these sources, what aspects of German
tion founded seventy-one years ago by Germans . . . met American culture did other Americans find threatening?
tonight and placed on record their unqualified Ameri- What forms did anti-German hostility take?
canism. 3. Compare the sources that offer a German American per-
spective (sources 1, 2, 6, and 7) to those that represent
. . . They declared English the official language of the
a threat to German Americans’ way of life (3, 4, 5). How
organization, and for the first time in years the sound of did German Americans respond to growing anti-German
an enemy tongue will not be heard in the club’s halls. sentiment in this period?
Likewise they reiterated their offer to turn the buildings
over to the government as a hospital if it were necessary. PUTTING IT ALL TOGETHER
World War I heightened anxieties about who was a “true”
7. Lola Gamble Clyde, 1976 interview on life in Idaho American. What groups were singled out in particular and
why? What continuities do you see between these fears
during World War I. In the 1970s, historians inter-
over “hyphenated” identities and controversies in earlier
viewed residents of rural Latah County, Idaho, eras of U.S. history? Today?
about their experiences in World War I. Frank
693
694 PART 7 DOMESTIC AND GLOBAL CHALLENGES, 1890–1945
war created a new comfort level with women’s employ- White House. Standing silently with their banners,
ment outside the home — and with women’s suffrage. Paul and other NWP activists faced arrest for obstruct-
ing traffic and were sentenced to seven months in jail.
Women’s Voting Rights The National American They protested by going on a hunger strike, which
Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) threw the sup- prison authorities met with forced
port of its 2 million members wholeheartedly into the feeding. Public shock at the EXPLAIN
war effort. Its president, Carrie Chapman Catt, declared women’s treatment drew attention CONSEQUENCES
that women had to prove their patriotism to win the to the suffrage cause. What were the different
ballot. NAWSA members in thousands of communi- Impressed by NAWSA’s patri- effects of African Ameri-
ties promoted food conservation and distributed emer- otism and worried by the NWP’s cans’, Mexican Americans’,
gency relief through organizations such as the Red militancy, the antisuffrage Wilson and women’s civilian
Cross. reversed his position. In January mobilization during World
Alice Paul and the National Woman’s Party (NWP) 1918, he urged support for woman War I?
took a more confrontational approach. Paul was a suffrage as a “war measure.” The
Quaker who had worked in the settlement movement constitutional amendment quickly passed the House
and earned a PhD in political science. Finding as a of Representatives; it took eighteen months to get
NAWSA lobbyist that congressmen dismissed her, Paul through the Senate and another year to win ratifi-
founded the NWP in 1916. Inspired by militant British cation by the states. On August 26, 1920, when
suffragists, the group began in July 1917 to picket the Tennessee voted for ratification, the Nineteenth
696 PART 7 DOMESTIC AND GLOBAL CHALLENGES, 1890–1945
Wagon Decorated for the Labor Day Parade, San Diego, California, 1910
As the woman suffrage movement grew stronger in the years before and during World War I, working-class
women played increasingly prominent and visible roles in its leadership. This Labor Day parade float, created
by the Women’s Union Label League of San Diego, showed that activists championed equal pay for women
in the workplace as well as women’s voting rights. “Union Label Leagues” urged middle-class shoppers
to purchase only clothing with a union label, certifying that the item had been manufactured under safe
conditions and the workers who made it had received a fair wage. San Diego Historical Society, Title Insurance
Trust Collection.
Amendment became law. The state thus joined Texas women did not gain voting rights until after World
as one of two ex-Confederate states to ratify it. In most War II, and Switzerland, which held out until 1971.)
parts of the South, the measure meant that white Thus, while World War I introduced modern horrors
women began to vote: in this Jim Crow era, African on the battlefield — machine guns and poison gas — it
American women’s voting rights remained restricted brought some positive results at home: economic
along with men’s. opportunity and women’s political participation.
In explaining suffragists’ victory, historians have
debated the relative effectiveness of Catt’s patriotic
strategy and Paul’s militant protests. Both played a role
in persuading Wilson and Congress to act, but neither
might have worked without the extraordinary impact
Catastrophe at Versailles
of the Great War. Across the globe, before 1914, the The idealistic Wilson argued that no victor should be
only places where women had full suffrage were New declared after World War I: only “peace among equals”
Zealand, Australia, Finland, and Norway. After World could last. Having won at an incredible price, Britain
War I, many nations moved to enfranchise women. and France showed zero interest in such a plan. But the
The new Soviet Union acted first, in 1917, with Great devastation wrought by the war created popular pres-
Britain and Canada following in 1918; by 1920, the sure for a just and enduring outcome. Wilson scored a
measure had passed in Germany, Austria, Poland, diplomatic victory at the peace conference, held at
Czechoslovakia, and Hungary as well as the United Versailles, near Paris, in 1919, when the Allies chose to
States. (Major exceptions were France and Italy, where base the talks on his Fourteen Points, a blueprint for
CHAPTER 21 An Emerging World Power, 1890–1918 697
grave long-term consequences for The Versailles treaty thus created conditions for
EXPLAIN
both France and the United States. horrific future bloodshed, and it must be judged one of
CONSEQUENCES
In what ways did the
The establishment of a British history’s great catastrophes. Balfour astutely described
Treaty of Versailles mandate in Palestine (now Israel) Clemenceau, Lloyd George, and Wilson as “all-powerful,
embody — or fail to also proved crucial. During the all-ignorant men, sitting there and carving up conti-
embody — Wilson’s war, Brit ish foreign secretary Sir nents.” Wilson, however, remained optimistic as he
Fourteen Points? Arthur Balfour had stated that his returned home, even though his health was beginning
country would work to establish to fail. The president hoped the new League of Nations,
there a “national home for the Jewish people,” with the authorized by the treaty, would moderate the settle-
condition that “nothing shall be done which may prej- ment and secure peaceful resolutions of other disputes.
udice the civil and religious rights of existing non- For this to occur, U.S. participation was crucial.
Jewish communities in Palestine.” Under the British
mandate, thousands of Jews moved to Palestine and
purchased land, in some cases evicting Palestinian Congress Rejects the Treaty
tenants. As early as 1920, riots erupted between Jews The outlook for U.S. ratification was not promising.
and Palestinians — a situation that, even before World Though major opinion makers and religious denomi-
War II, escalated beyond British control. nations supported the treaty, openly hostile Republicans
occupation
NO
North
LATVIA
cS
Sea
DENMARK
lti
IRELAND LITHUANIA
NETHERLANDS Ba
EAST
UNITED PRUSSIA SOVIET UNION
KINGDOM Danzig (Ger.)
(Free City)
N GERMANY POLAND Vol
BELG. RHINELAND ga
R.
W
SAAR CZ
LUXEMBOURG EC
E E H.
IN Ca
S R A CE
L O R LS A sp
A SWITZ. AUST. HUNG. i
FRANCE
ROMANIA an
Ad YUGOSLAVIA Black Sea Se
a
AL
ria
IT
TUG
(Fr.) Se
a
Y
POR
ALB.
Sardinia
(It.) GREECE PERSIA
TURKEY
Sicily
SYRIA Persian
Gulf
Mediterranean Sea DODECANESE IS. IRAQ
Crete (Italy)
TUNISIA
(Fr.) PALESTINE
ALGERIA TRANS-
(Fr.) JORDAN KUWAIT
LIBYA (Gr. Br.)
(It.) EGYPT
N O R T H A F R I C A (independent 1922) SAUDI ARABIA
MAP 21.4
Europe and the Middle East After World War I
World War I and its aftermath dramatically altered the landscape of Europe and the Middle East.
In central Europe, the collapse of the German, Russian, and Austro-Hungarian empires brought
the reconstitution of Poland and the creation of a string of new states based on the principle of
national (ethnic) self-determination. The demise of the Ottoman Empire resulted in the appearance
of the quasi-independent territories, or “mandates,” of Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine. The
League of Nations stipulated that their affairs would be supervised by one of the Allied powers.
CHAPTER 21 An Emerging World Power, 1890–1918 699
held a majority in the Senate. One group, called the achievements of women’s voting rights seemed to pre-
“irreconcilables,” consisted of western progressive sage a new progressive era. But as peace returned, it
Republicans such as Hiram Johnson of California and became clear that the war had not advanced reform.
Robert La Follette of Wisconsin, who opposed U.S. Rather than embracing government activism, Ameri-
involvement in European affairs. Another group, led by cans of the 1920s proved eager to relinquish it.
Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, worried
that Article X — the provision for collective security —
would prevent the United States from pursuing an inde-
pendent foreign policy. Was the nation, Lodge asked,
SUMMARY
“willing to have the youth of America ordered to war” Between 1877 and 1918, the United States rose as a
by an international body? Wilson refused to accept major economic and military power. Justifications for
any amendments, especially to placate Lodge, a hated overseas expansion emphasized access to global mar-
rival. “I shall consent to nothing,” the president told kets, the importance of sea power, and the need to
the French ambassador. “The Senate must take its police international misconduct and trade. These justi-
medicine.” fications shaped U.S. policy toward European powers
To mobilize support, Wilson embarked on an in Latin America, and victory in the War of 1898
exhausting speaking tour. His impassioned defense of enabled the United States to take control of former
the League of Nations brought audiences to tears, but Spanish colonies in the Caribbean and Pacific. Victory,
the strain proved too much for the president. While vis- however, also led to bloody conflict in the Philippines
iting Colorado in September 1919, Wilson collapsed. A as the United States struggled to suppress Filipino
week later, back in Washington, he suffered a stroke that resistance to American rule.
left one side of his body paralyzed. Wilson still urged After 1899, the United States aggressively asserted
Democratic senators to reject all Republican amend- its interests in Asia and Latin America. In China, the
ments. When the treaty came up for a vote in November United States used the so-called Boxer Rebellion to
1919, it failed to win the required two-thirds majority. A make good its claim to an “open door” to Chinese mar-
second attempt, in March 1920, fell seven votes short. kets. Later, President Theodore Roosevelt strengthened
The treaty was dead, and so was Wilson’s leader- relations with Japan, and his successor, William Howard
ship. The president never fully recovered from his Taft, supported U.S. business interests in China. In the
stroke. During the last eighteen months of his adminis- Caribbean, the United States constructed the Panama
tration, the government drifted as Wilson’s physician, Canal and regularly exercised the right, claimed under
his wife, and various cabinet heads secretly took charge. the Roosevelt Corollary, to intervene in the affairs of
The United States never ratified the Versailles treaty or states in the region. President Woodrow Wilson pub-
joined the League of Nations. In turn, the League was licly disparaged the imperialism of his predecessors but
weak. When Wilson died in 1924, his dream of a just repeatedly used the U.S. military to “police” Mexico.
and peaceful international order lay in ruins. At the outbreak of World War I, the United States
The impact of World War I can hardly be over- asserted neutrality, but its economic ties to the Allies
stated. Despite bids for power by Britain and France, rapidly undercut that claim. In 1917, German subma-
Europe’s hold on its colonial empires never recovered. rine attacks drew the United States into the war on the
The United States, now a major world power, appeared side of Britain and France. Involvement in the war pro-
to turn its back on the world when it rejected the foundly transformed the economy, politics, and society
Versailles treaty. But in laying claim to Hawaii and the of the nation, resulting in an economic boom, mass
Philippines, asserting power in Latin America, and migrations of workers to industrial centers, and the
intervening in Asia, the United States had entangled achievement of national voting rights. At the Paris
itself deeply in global politics. By 1918, the nation had Peace Conference, Wilson attempted to implement his
gained too much diplomatic clout — and was too Fourteen Points. However, the designs of the Allies in
dependent on overseas trade — for isolation to be a Europe undermined the Treaty of Versailles, while
realistic long-term option. Republican resistance at home prevented ratification of
On the home front, the effects of World War I the treaty. Although Wilson’s dream of a just interna-
were no less dramatic. Wartime jobs and prosperity tional order failed, the United States had taken its place
ushered in an era of exuberant consumerism, while the as a major world power.
700 PART 7 CHAPTER REVIEW
C H A P T E R R E V I E W
M A K E I T S T I C K Go to LearningCurve to retain what you’ve read.
TERMS TO KNOW Identify and explain the significance of each term below.
1. What factors prompted the United States to claim 4. THEMATIC UNDERSTANDING Review the
overseas territories in the 1890s and early 1900s? events listed under “America in the World” on the
thematic timeline on page 671. By the end of World
2. What role did the United States play in World War
War I, what influence did the United States exercise
I? On balance, do you think U.S. entry into the war
in the Caribbean, Latin America, the Pacific, and
was justified? Why or why not?
China, and in European affairs? How, and to what
3. How did World War I shape America on the home extent, had its power in each region expanded over
front, economically and politically? the previous four decades? Compare and contrast
the role of the United States to the roles of other
powers in each region.
CHAPTER 21 CHAPTER REVIEW 701
1. ACROSS TIME AND PLACE Read again the Americans shaped white Americans’ racial assump-
documents from “Representing Indians” in Chap- tions in this era.
ter 16 (Thinking Like a Historian, p. 530). In what
2. VISUAL EVIDENCE Review the images on
ways might ideas about Native Americans have
pages 673, 685, and 695. What do they tell us about
informed attitudes toward Hawaiians, Filipinos,
how the 1910s, especially the experiences of World
and other people of color overseas? How might this
War I, changed gender expectations for men and
explain which peoples Woodrow Wilson included
women? At the start of the war, would you rather
and excluded in his ideal of “national self-determina-
have been a young man or a young woman? Why?
tion”? Write a short essay in which you explain how
How did new opportunities vary according to a
Americans’ policies and attitudes toward native
young person’s race and ethnicity? (The posters on
peoples within North America shaped U.S. foreign
pp. 687 and 691 may also be useful in considering
policy between 1898 and 1918. You may also wish
this question.)
to review relevant information in Chapters 15 and
20 and consider how attitudes toward African
MORE TO EXPLORE Start here to learn more about the events discussed in this chapter.
Jean H. Baker, Votes for Women (2002). A collection of Julie Greene, The Canal Builders (2009). The story of
essays on the achievement of women’s suffrage. the Panama Canal through the viewpoint of the
diverse workers who constructed it.
Frank Freidel, Over There (1990). A collection of
American soldiers’ firsthand accounts of their experi- James R. Grossman, Land of Hope (1999). A sweeping
ences in World War I. study of the Great Migration.
The Great War and the Shaping of the 20th Century. Walter LaFeber, The American Search for Opportunity,
An excellent PBS documentary with accompanying 1865–1913 (1993). An excellent, up-to-date synthesis
documents at pbs.org/greatwar/index.html. of foreign policy in this era.
702 PART 7 CHAPTER REVIEW
TIMELINE Ask yourself why this chapter begins and ends with these dates
and then identify the links among related events.
1895 t United States arbitrates border dispute between Britain and Venezuela
1900 t United States helps suppress nationalist rebellion in China (“Boxer Rebellion”)
1917 t United States declares war on Germany and its allies, creates new agencies to mobilize
economy and promote national unity
t Espionage Act
KEY TURNING POINTS: On the timeline above, identify at least five events that demonstrated
the rising global power of the United States. Compare their consequences. If you had been an
observer in London or Tokyo, how might you have interpreted the United States’s actions in
each case?