Child Development, January/February 2004, Volume 74, Number 1, Pages 180 192

Attitudes Toward Family Obligation Among Adolescents in Contemporary Urban and Rural China
Andrew J. Fuligni and Wenxin Zhang
A sense of obligation to support, assist, and respect the family was examined among approximately 700 urban and rural 10th- (M 5 16.6 years) and 12th- (M 5 18.9 years) grade students in the Peoples Republic of China. Urban male adolescents reported a weaker sense of family obligation than did rural male adolescents and both urban and rural female adolescents. Only children did not differ from those with siblings in terms of their attitudes toward family support and respect. A sense of family obligation was generally associated with more positive family relationships and a higher level of academic motivation among Chinese adolescents. Discussion focuses on how the shift to a market economy may influence adolescents identification with the family in contemporary China.

Family obligation refers to a collection of attitudes and behaviors related to the provision of support, assistance, and respect to family members. It is a type of familial connection that emphasizes the membership of children in the larger social group of the family (Fuligni, Tseng, & Lam, 1999). As a member of that group, children have roles and responsibilities that include assisting other family members and taking into account the needs and wishes of the family when making important decisions. An emphasis on family obligation is a common element of the unique cultural traditions of many groups, including those from Asian, Latin American, and African societies (Kagitcibasi, 1990). Chinese societies, in particular, have traditionally placed great importance on childrens roles and duties in the family as part of the larger Chinese value of filial piety, of which family obligation is one component. It has been suggested that the obligation to the family that is emphasized in Chinese societies includes

Andrew J. Fuligni, Departments of Psychiatry and Psychology, Neuropsychiatric Institute, University of California, Los Angeles; Wenxin Zhang, Department of Psychology, Faculty of Education, Shandong Normal University. Support for this study was provided by a William T. Grant Faculty Scholars award to the first author. The authors would like to thank the participating students and schools, and acknowledge the assistance of Meiping Wang and Yiwen Wang with the data collection and preparation. The authors are also grateful for the feedback provided by Xiaojia Ge, who read an earlier version of this paper. Portions of this paper were presented at the 2000 biennial meeting of the International Society for the Study of Behavioral Development, Beijing, China. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Wenxin Zhang, Department of Psychology, Faculty of Education, Shandong Normal University, 88# East Wenhua Road, Jinan, 250014, Peoples Republic of China. Electronic mail may be sent to [email protected].

dimensions such as a belief in the need to repay parents for their efforts in raising the children, a willingness to make sacrifices for the sake of the family, and a respect for the authority of the family (Ho, 1996; Huang, 1989; Yang, 1989). The emphasis on familial duties among Chinese families has several roots, including the cultural influence of Confucian teachings, a patriarchal clan system, and the long agricultural history of Chinese society (Fang, 2000; Hwang, 1999). The power of these historical influences is evident in the extent to which parents and families in modern Chinese societies have continued to emphasize an obligation to the family in their socialization of their children (Lu, 2001). These efforts have appeared to have been successful, as several studies in the 1970s and 1980s reported a greater emphasis on family assistance, support, and respect among individuals in Chinese societies as compared with those in other societies (Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002). The retention of the tradition of family obligation has been evident even in the Peoples Republic of China, which experienced several dramatic social changes in the 20th centuryFincluding the original Communist Revolution and the subsequent Cultural RevolutionFthat explicitly challenged the validity of traditional Chinese norms and values. At the very end of the 20th century, however, China began to undergo additional social and economic changes that many observers believe will be more successful in weakening the traditional values of duty and obligation within the Chinese family. China aggressively began what is generally believed to be an irreversible shift from a socialist system to a
r 2004 by the Society for Research in Child Development, Inc. All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2004/7501-0012

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capitalist, free-market economy. Many state-owned industries became privatized, stock markets opened in several cities, and citizens were increasingly allowed to pursue private enterprises (Tang & Parish, 2000). The increased opportunity for the attainment of wealth and property through individual initiative in free-market economies has seemingly weakened familistic traditions in other societies in the past (Goode, 1971), and some observers believe the same could occur in China ( Jing & Zhang, 1998). On the one hand, Yangs (1996) analysis of studies of Chinese attitudes since 1985 suggests that the end of the 20th century witnessed a decline in an emphasis placed on loyalty to family members and obedience. On the other hand, Yang has also argued that although family obligation may decline from previous levels, it will not meet the same fate as it did in other societies because its unique Chinese roots will allow family obligation to become integrated with the more individualistic desires that appear to result from free-market economies. Adolescence is an ideal developmental stage at which to examine the potential impact of social change on family relationships and values, particularly the tradition of family obligation. By the teenage years, most children have developed the capacity to provide direct support to their families. As the apprenticeship for adulthood, adolescence represents a period of socialization in which children are learning the skills and abilities that are closely related to their future productive adult roles. Modell and Goodman (1990) have argued that the dominant political economy of an era helps define adolescence, both descriptively and prescriptively (p. 93). As the first cohort in recent history who expects to live their full adult lives in a market economy, contemporary Chinese adolescents and their attitudes regarding their family obligations would be important indicators of the potential long-term impact of social change on Chinese traditions regarding the family. It is important to note, however, that not all segments of the Chinese population are experiencing the recent shifts to a market economy. The economic transition in China has been carefully limited by the government to selected urban centers (Tang & Parish, 2000). Strict limitations on the travel of the rural population to the cities exacerbate the differences between the urban and rural parts of China, such that families and children in the two areas vary greatly in their daily experiences and opportunities for the future. Families in rural China live largely agricultural lives, with children being expected to

assist their parents in their farming and household maintenance duties. In contrast, parents in urban areas work outside of the home and children have greater exposure to the businesses, products, and norms of a market economy. Urban and rural adolescents, therefore, should differ in their sense of obligation to support, assist, and respect the family. In fact, in the absence of historical data on previous cohorts of adolescents, regional differences in the recent social changes in China suggest that an urban rural comparison could be an indicator of the impact of economic change on the sense of family obligation among contemporary Chinese adolescents. Regional variation in family obligation may also be a reflection of long-standing differences between urban and rural areas in terms of the amount of government-sponsored social welfare available to families. Up until the 1990s, urban residents were eligible for free medical care that was virtually entirely covered by the government, whereas rural families had to cover their medical expenses themselves. Urban employers and employees now jointly cover their medical insurance, but even this option is unavailable to rural residents. Urban but not rural families are also now able to take advantage of government-financed social assistance on losing their jobs because of market reforms (The State Council of the Peoples Republic of China, 1999). These differences in the provision of social welfare, and the lack of retirement pensions for rural residents, create the need for family members to support one another and for aging parents to rely on their children for their health and welfare. In addition to differences according to location of residence, there may be variations in the attitudes of Chinese adolescents according to factors such as sibling status, gender, and socioeconomic background. In terms of sibling status, the one-child family policy of China that was instituted to control population size has resulted in a large proportion of Chinese families having only one child (Rosenberg & Jing, 1996). On the one hand, being an only child could mean that the burden of family support falls solely on that child, resulting in a greater sense of family obligation on the part of only children. On the other hand, a great deal of concern has been expressed by observers in China that single children may grow up to be individualistic and selfish because their parents would spoil the only child whom they are allowed to bear ( Jing & Zhang, 1998). Research findings regarding the personality traits of only children, however, are inconsistent and some studies have suggested no difference between only

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children and those with siblings (Poston & Falbo, 1990; Rosenberg & Jing, 1996). It is unclear, therefore, whether only children will differ from their counterparts with siblings in terms of their obligation to the family. It is important to note that the one-child family policy has been enforced less stringently in the rural areas, resulting in a much greater proportion of only children in the urban areas than in the rural areas (Rosenberg & Jing, 1996). It would be necessary, therefore, to distinguish any variations in adolescents sense of family obligation according sibling status that might be attributable to differences according to location. Traditional Chinese values emphasize the important role of daughters in assisting the maintenance of the household, at least until marriage when the daughter becomes a member of her husbands family (Ho, 1996). Therefore, it is probable that adolescent girls in China would express a greater sense of obligation currently to assist and support the family than boys, whereas the gender difference may be reversed when adolescents begin to think about their duty to support their parents and family when they become adults. Parental education may also produce variability in adolescents sense of obligation to the family. Adolescents whose parents received little schooling may feel a greater need to help their families because of parents limited economic opportunities and relative inability to support themselves as they get older. Finally, it is important to understand how variability in Chinese adolescents sense of obligation to the family is associated with other aspects of family relationships and as well as adolescents motivation toward schooling. Studies in the United States suggest that adolescents who believe in the importance of supporting and respecting the family have more positive relationships with their families (Fuligni et al., 1999). These youths report closer and more supportive relationships with their parents, relationships in which they seek the advice of parents about various aspects of their lives. The same should be true among Chinese adolescents because close and supportive relationships with group members tend to enhance ones identification with the group and lead one to be more willing voluntarily to support and assist the group (Tajfel & Turner, 1986; Tyler, 1999). It is unclear, however, whether a sense of family obligation will be associated with greater academic motivation among Chinese adolescents as has been found among American adolescents (Fuligni, 2001). On the one hand, trying hard and doing well in school are generally considered some of the primary

duties of children in Chinese families, and children who exhibit educational success bring honor and respect to their families (Chao & Tseng, 2002). On the other hand, to the degree that a shift to a market economy results in greater individually oriented motivation and achievement, the extent to which Chinese adolescents want to do well in school for the sake of the family may be lessened. In addition, Chinese high school students face an extremely demanding academic regimen that culminates in a national college entrance examination that largely determines their future economic opportunities as adults. The rigors of the Chinese educational system may be such that the actual demands of supporting the family could compromise adolescents academic achievement, resulting in a negative association between family obligation and academic motivation. The present study took place in 1999 and was designed to examine the sense of obligation to support, assist, and respect the family among contemporary urban and rural Chinese adolescents as they moved toward adulthood in a rapidly changing society. In addition, variations in family obligation according to factors such as sibling status, gender, and socioeconomic background were explored. Finally, the links between adolescents views regarding their familial duties and aspects of their family relationships and educational motivation were examined. The present study was based on prior research on family obligation among ethnically and culturally diverse adolescents in the United States, including those with Chinese backgrounds (Fuligni, 2001; Fuligni & Pedersen, 2002; Fuligni et al., 1999).

Method Sample A total of 708 students in the 10th (Mage 5 16.6 years) and 12th (Mage 5 18.9 years) grades of six high schools in Shandong Province of the Peoples Republic of China completed self-report questionnaires during school hours. As shown in Table 1, approximately half of the sample lived in an urban area and attended three schools in Jinan, the capital city of Shandong Province in northeastern China with a population of 3 million. One urban school ranked as one of the top two schools in the city, entrance into which was gained by competing on a citywide examination. Almost all of the graduates of this school pass the national examination at the end of high school that enables them to attend colleges and universities. The other two schools are less competitive to enter, and approximately 20% to 30%

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Table 1 Number of Students in the Sample According to Location of Residence, Grade, and Gender Grade 10 Male Urban Rural Total 80 123 203 Female 92 73 165 Grade 12 Male 83 89 172 Female 89 79 168 Total 344 364 708 Table 2 Family Characteristics According to Location of Residence Urban % Only child Mothers occupational status Professional or semiprofessional Blue collar Peasant or jobless Fathers occupational status Professional or semiprofessional Blue collar Peasant or jobless Mothers educational level Some college High school graduate Primary school Fathers educational level Some college High school graduate Primary school 82.8 39.5 36.3 24.3 48.4 35.3 16.2 20.4 63.4 9.6 39.6 72.8 5.0

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Rural % 23.0 10.1 8.5 81.4 20.0 15.4 64.7 2.8 16.2 52.2 5.9 33.6 11.9

of their graduates qualify to attend college and university. All students in the urban schools grew up in the city and lived with their families while attending school. The other half of the sample attended three schools in the rural areas of Shandong Province, where the majority of the population is classified as peasants. In the Peoples Republic of China, peasants are individuals who have their own farms and till the land for their own subsistence. These individuals do not have permanent jobs in which they earn regular incomes throughout the year. Rural individuals who are not peasants tend to work at permanent jobs in the neighboring towns. Students compete to enter the rural schools by examination, and the three high schools in this study are considered to be roughly of the high, middle, and lower tiers in terms of selectivity. Approximately one third of the students in the rural schools qualify to attend college or university on graduation. During the school year, the students follow the typical practice in rural schools of residing at the schools 6 days per week and returning home to visit their families on Sundays. The total sample from both locations was fairly evenly divided between males (53%) and females (47%). As expected, adolescents in the urban and rural areas differed in terms of several family characteristics (see Table 2). As a result of the differential enforcement of the one-child family policy in urban and rural areas, the proportion of only children varied significantly between locations such that more than three fourths of the adolescents in the urban schools had no siblings as compared with only one fourth of those in the rural schools. The majority of the parents in the rural schools were peasants, and most of the urban parents worked in occupations ranging from blue collar to professional. Parental educational level showed similar differences, with the parents in the urban areas having received much more formal education than the

Note. Peasant is a designation for adults in rural areas who till the land for subsistence and do not have permanent jobs outside of the home. Jobless refers to adults in urban areas who are unemployed.

parents in the rural areas. The dramatic demographic variations between the parents in the two locations generally mirror the national differences in family size, occupation, and education between urban and rural families in China. Measures The measures used in the study were Chinese translations of measures originally used by Fuligni et al. (1999) in a similar study of family obligation among ethnically diverse adolescents in the United States. Given that the measures were originally designed, in part, to be appropriate for Chinese cultural traditions, it was expected that the measures would be appropriate for use in a Chinese society such as the Peoples Republic of China. Measures were evaluated by Chinese psychologists in China for their appropriateness, and the measures were translated into Chinese through a process of translation and back translation by independent individuals who knew and understood both Chinese and English. Family Obligation Three multiple-item scales were employed to assess the youths views regarding: (a) current

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assistance to the family, (b) respect for the family, and (c) future support to the family as adults. The measures were explicitly intended to capture issues specific to family obligations that would be evident in diverse cultural groups, rather than the indigenous cultural value structures in which family obligation was embedded in each cultural group. In the present study, therefore, the measures were not intended to capture the full range of beliefs and values associated with the Chinese notion of filial piety. Rather, the measures were created to tap attitudes toward specific family obligations that would be particularly salient in the lives of adolescents. Items in the original measures that referred to siblings were removed for the present study because of the large numbers of only children in the sample. Adolescents completed each measure twice. The first version asked about the adolescents perceptions of their parents views and the second asked about the adolescents own attitudes. Current assistance. This measure was used to assess expectations for how often the adolescents should assist with household tasks and spend time with their family. Using a scale ranging from 1 (almost never) to 5 (almost always), adolescents indicated how often they and their parents expected the youths to engage in eight activities such as help take care of your grandparents and spend time with your family on the weekends. The measure possessed good internal consistencies for both perceived parents and students expectations (as: parents 5 .76, students 5 .80). Respect for family. The six questions in this scale were used to measure beliefs about the importance of adolescents respecting and following the wishes of other family members. Using a scale ranging from 1 (not important at all) to 5 (very important), adolescents indicated how important they and their parents believed a set of six behaviors to be, such as follow your parents advice about choosing friends, follow your parents advice about choosing a job or major in college, and make sacrifices for your family. The measure possessed modest internal consistencies for both perceived parents and students values (as: parents 5 .61, students 5 .69). Future support. This scale was used to assess beliefs about adolescents obligations to support and be near their families in the future. Using a scale ranging from 1 (not important at all) to 5 (very important), adolescents indicated how important they and their parents believed it was that the adolescents engage in five behaviors such as help parents financially in the future, live or go to a college near your parents, and spend time with

your parents even after you no longer live with them. The scale was internally consistent for both perceived parents and adolescents values (as: parents 5 .68, students 5 .70). Factor analysis. A principal components analysis, followed by an oblique rotation, was conducted with the items of all three measures of adolescents own sense of family obligation. As shown in Table 3, five components with eigenvalues greater than one were obtained. The first factor included all of the items for the original measure of future support and accounted for 26.9% of the variance in the items. The next two factors resulted from a splitting of the original measure of current assistance into two subscales that represented (a) spending time with family (11.3% of the variance) and (b) assisting the family and spending time with extended family (7.2% of the variance). The final two factors resulted from a splitting of the original measure of respect for family into two subscales that represented (a) following parents advice and doing well for the sake of the family (6.2% of the variance) and (b) treating parents and grandparents with respect and making sacrifices for the family (5.3% of the variance), although the item making sacrifices for your family was fairly evenly split between the two subscales. Reliability analyses of the last four factors indicated that the internal reliabilities of the four subscales were lower than the reliabilities for the overall scales that were reported earlier (subscale as: spending time with family 5.78, assisting the family 5.71, following parental advice 5 .66, treating parents and grandparents with respect 5 .54). In addition, analyses of group differences and correlations with family relationships and academic motivation using the subscales produced results that were virtually identical to the results obtained when using the original measures of current assistance and respect for family. Therefore, to be parsimonious and obtain results that could be compared with prior research with these measures in the United States, results were reported from the analyses of the original measures. Family Relationships Parent adolescent cohesion. Students completed the cohesion subscale of the Family Adaptation and Cohesion Evaluation Scales (FACES) II inventory separately for each parent (Olson, Sprenkle, & Russell, 1979). Using a scale ranging from 1 (almost never) to 5 (almost always), students responded to 10 statements such as My mother [father] and I feel very close to each other, My mother and I are

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Table 3 Items and Associated Factor Loadings of Adolescents Attitudes Toward Family Obligations Extracted components Measure Current assistance Spend time with your grandparents, cousins, aunts, and uncles Spend time at home with your family Run errands that the family needs done Spend holidays with your family Help out around the house Spend time with your family on weekends Eat meals with your family Help take care of your grandparents Respect for family Treat your parents with great respect Follow your parents advice about choosing friends Do well for the sake of your family Follow your parents advice about choosing a job or major in college Treat your grandparents with great respect Make sacrifices for your family Future support Help your parents financially in the future Live at home with your parents until you are married Spend time with your parents even after you no longer live with them Live or go to college near your parents Have your parents live with you when they get older 1 .10 .06 .03 .11 .09 .03 .16 .06 .00 .09 .07 .07 .00 .11 .41 .65 .53 .72 .69 2 .10 .67 .08 .67 .10 .76 .69 .02 .06 .08 .10 .17 .09 .19 .25 .18 .19 .03 .04 3 .60 .17 .73 .20 .73 .13 .07 .71 .02 .01 .03 .04 .08 .26 .18 .01 .10 .05 .11 4 .19 .09 .13 .25 .23 .07 .15 .20 .19 .73 .57 .73 .03 .34 .15 .09 .01 .23 .11

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5 .06 .07 .02 .07 .04 .02 .14 .10 .69 .03 .27 .05 .75 .38 .30 .02 .38 .38 .18

Note. Extracted components were those that possessed eigenvalues greater than 1.00 in a principal components analysis. Loadings were obtained from an oblique (oblimin with Kaiser normalization) rotation of the extracted components. Italicized loadings indicate the largest loading for each item.

supportive of each other during difficult times, and My mother and I avoid each other at home (reversed). This scale has been used in previous research on the changes in parent child relationships during adolescence (Fuligni, 1998; Steinberg, 1987, 1988). The scale possessed good overall internal consistencies (as: father 5.81, mother 5.75). Family discussions. Adolescents responded to five items asking whether they discussed different topics (future job plans, current classes, personal problems, future educational plans, future family plans) with each of their parents. The adolescents rated the frequency of these discussions from 1 (almost never) to 5 (almost always). The measure had good internal consistencies (as: mother 5 .78, father 5.79). Parent adolescent conflict. Adolescents perceptions of conflict with their parents were measured using the Issues Checklist, developed by Prinz, Foster, Kent, and OLeary (1979). This measure has been used in numerous studies of parent child relationships during adolescence (e.g., Fuligni, 1998; Steinberg, 1987, 1988). Students indicated whether any of 11 topics (e.g., chores, cursing, helping around

the house) were discussed with their mother and father in the last 2 weeks. For each topic that was discussed, the intensity of the discussion was rated from 1 (very calm) to 5 (very angry). To be consistent with previous research (e.g., Steinberg, 1987), a measure of the incidence of parent adolescent conflict was computed by summing the number of discussions rated as containing anger (two or more). Students completed two versions of the checklist, one in reference to each parent. The scale possessed good internal consistencies for both conflict with father and conflict with mother (as: father 5.73, mother 5 .72). Academic Attitudes and Behavior Utility of education. Adolescents completed a measure that assessed their beliefs in the importance and usefulness of education for their future lives as adults. Using a scale ranging from 1 (not at all true) to 5 (very true), adolescents responded to five statements such as Going to college is necessary for what I want to do in the future, I need to get good

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grades in school to get a good job as an adult, and Doing well in school is the best way for me to succeed as an adult. The measure demonstrated good internal reliability (a 5 .81). Values of mathematics and Chinese. Students rated the importance and their enjoyment of mathematics and Chinese using items developed by Eccles and her colleagues in their studies of achievement motivation (Eccles et al., 1983). Students used 5point scales to respond to four statements regarding each subject: How much do you like doing math [Chinese], In general, I find working on math assignments very interesting, For me, being good at math is important, and How useful do you think math will be for what you want to be after you graduate and go to work. This measure possessed good internal consistencies for both mathematics and Chinese (as: mathematics 5 .83, Chinese 5 .84). Educational aspiration and expectation. Students aspiration and expectation for educational attainment were measured using two items in which the students were asked (a) how far they would like to go in school and (b) how far they thought they actually would go in school. Students answered using a 5-point scale where 1 5 finish some high school, 2 5 graduate from high school, 3 5 graduate from a 2-year college, 4 5 graduate from a 4-year college, and 5 5 graduate school. Study time. Students indicated the amount of time they spent on a typical weekday, Saturday, and Sunday studying for school. A weekly estimate of the amount of time spent studying was computed by adding the Saturday and Sunday estimates to 5 times the weekday estimate. Results Variations in Adolescents Attitudes Toward Family Obligation Location, Gender, and Grade Variations Three-way analyses of variance (ANOVAs; Location Gender Grade) were conducted separately with each measure of family obligation to examine the extent to which adolescents views of their obligations to assist, support, and respect the family varied among different groups of adolescents (see Table 4). Overall, females reported a stronger sense of obligation on all three measures than did males, and rural adolescents placed a higher value on supporting the family in the future than did urban youths. These main effects were qualified, however, by significant interactions between location and gender for all aspects of family obligation. As shown

in Figure 1, male adolescents who lived in the city reported a weaker sense of obligation to the family as compared with male adolescents in the rural areas and compared with females in both locations. There were no differences in the attitudes of the male adolescents in rural areas and the females of both locations. Finally, a three-way interaction among location, gender, and grade was observed for future support such that the gender difference observed among the urban youths existed only for 12th-grade students and not 10th-grade students. There were no overall grade differences in any of the three measures of family obligation. Parental Education Variations To examine whether parental education could account for the location and gender differences in adolescents sense of family obligation described earlier, both mothers and fathers education were included as covariates in the original Location Gender Grade ANOVAs. Fathers education was not related to adolescents sense of obligation. Mothers education emerged as a significant predictor of future support, with adolescents whose mothers had lower levels of education placing greater importance on supporting and assisting their family in adulthood, F(2, 669) 5 4.55, po.05. After controlling for the effect of parental education on future support, the previously significant effect of location was reduced to nonsignificance, F(1, 669) 5 1.98, ns, but the significant gender, F(2, 669) 5 5.02, po.05, and Location Gender interaction, F(2, 669) 5 4.74, po.05, remained the same. Inspection of the adjusted means after accounting for parental education

Table 4 Summary of Location Gender Grade ANOV of Family ObligaAs tion Current assistance F 3.57 24.64 1.08 6.69 0.11 0.22 1.27 Respect for family F 0.75 6.75 0.82 4.42 0.17 0.41 0.00 Future support F 8.80 4.74 0.49 5.11 0.27 0.82 4.44

Effect Location Gender Grade Location Gender Location Grade Gender Grade Location Gender Grade

Note. F values are based on separate analyses for each measure of family obligation in which all effects were estimated simultaneously. dfs 5 1, 698 700. po.05. po.01. po.001.

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Current Assistance 4 3.8 3.6 3.4 3.2 3 Urban
4.5 4.3 4.1 3.9 3.7 3.5 Urban Future Support 4.5 4.3 4.1 3.9 3.7 3.5 Urban Rural Rural Family Respect

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Perceived Disagreement With Parental Attitudes

Male Female

Rural

Male

Female

Male

Female

Figure 1. Adolescents attitudes toward family obligation according to location of residence and gender.

Within-subject ANOVAs were conducted to determine the extent to which adolescents believed that their views of family obligation differed from those of their parents, and whether that difference varied according to location, gender, and grade. As shown in Figure 2, adolescents believed that they placed more emphasis on current assistance, F(1, 702) 5 100.75, po.001, and future support to the family, F(1, 701) 5 65.71, po.001, than did their parents. There was no overall difference in adolescents reports of how much they and their parents valued respect for the family, F(1, 704) 5 0.05, ns. The perceived disagreement about future support varied by location such that the disagreement was larger for urban adolescents (Mdiff 5 0.29) than for rural adolescents (Mdiff 5 0.10), F(1, 701) 5 14.35, po.01. The perceived disagreement about family respect varied by gender such that boys reported their parents as placing more emphasis on it than did the boys (Mdiff 5 0.05), whereas girls believed that they valued family respect more than did their parents (Mdiff 5 0.04), F(1, 704) 5 5.43, po.05. The perceived disagreement about family respect also varied by grade such that the 10th-grade students reported their parents as placing more emphasis on it than did the students (Mdiff 5 0.04), whereas the 12th-grade students believed that they valued family respect more than did their parents (Mdiff 5 0.04), F(1, 704) 5 4.19, po.05. There were no other significant variations in the perceived disagreement about family obligations according to location, grade, and gender.

indicated that, as was found before controlling for parental education, male adolescents who lived in the urban area reported a weaker sense of obligation to support the family in the future as compared with male adolescents in the rural area and as compared with females in both locations. Sibling Status Differences To estimate the independent effect of adolescents sibling status (only children vs. those with siblings), which was confounded with location of residence, analyses of covariance (ANCOVAs) were conducted in which sibling status was treated as a main effect and location and gender were included as covariates. Results indicated that sibling status did not have an independent association with any of the adolescents attitudes toward their family obligations after controlling for location and gender, F(1, 702) 5 0.04, to F(1, 702) 5 2.04, ns.

Associations of Family Obligation With Parent Adolescent Relationships As shown in Table 5, a consistent pattern of bivariate correlations emerged such that adolescents
Adolescent's View Perceived Parental View

4.2 4 3.8 3.6 3.4 3.2 Current Assistance Family Respect Future Support
Figure 2. Differences between adolescents attitudes toward family obligations and their perceptions of their parents attitudes.

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Table 6 Bivariate Correlations of Adolescents Attitudes Toward Family Obligations With Academic Attitudes and Behavior Current assistance r Educational utility Value of mathematics Value of Chinese Educational aspiration Educational expectation Study time Note. Ns 5 578 708. po.05. po.01. po.001. .08 .15 .20 .07 .02 .07 Family respect r .21 .14 .24 .01 .00 .01 Future support r .17 .12 .18 .05 .08 .04

with a stronger sense of obligation to support, assist, and respect the family generally reported more positive relationships with their parents. These adolescents felt more emotionally close to their mothers and fathers and were more likely to seek advice from their parents about the adolescents current life and future plans. There were no associations between family obligation and conflict with parents. Additional analyses were conducted to determine whether an extremely high sense of obligation to the family might have different and perhaps more negative associations with adolescents relationships with their parents than a more moderate sense of obligation. Regressions that included both linear and quadratic terms of the measures of family obligations did not reveal any curvilinear associations between the adolescents sense of family obligation and their reports of their relationships with their parents.

Associations of Family Obligation With Academic Attitudes and Behavior Adolescents sense of obligation was positively associated with their values of education and specific subjects but was unrelated to their educational aspirations, expectations, and study time (see Table 6). That is, adolescents who believed in the importance of supporting, assisting, and respecting the family were more likely to endorse the importance and utility of school, mathematics, and Chinese for the future lives. In contrast, adolescents with a stronger sense of family obligation were generally no different from their peers in terms of their hopes and expectations for educational attainment and in the amount of time that they spent studying. Youths

with a high endorsement of future support to their families actually tended to have slightly lower expectations for the amount of education they would receive after high school. As was done with parent adolescent relationships, additional analyses were conducted to determine whether an extremely high sense of obligation to the family might have different and perhaps more negative associations with motivation than a moderate sense of obligation. Regressions that include both linear and quadratic terms of the measures of family obligations revealed only 1 of 18 possible curvilinear associations between the adolescents sense of family obligation and academic attitudes and behavior, suggesting that such nonlinear associations generally did not exist. Discussion Despite the dramatic economic and social changes taking place in China, both urban and rural adolescents continued to report a strong sense of obligation to support, assist, and respect the authority of their families. Because data were collected at only a single time point, it is possible that adolescents attitudes, although strong, had nevertheless declined from prior years. Yet, even if a decline did occur, the Chinese teenagers appeared to retain enough of their traditional values that their sense of family obligation was substantially stronger than that of American adolescents with both Chinese and European backgrounds observed in a previous study (Fuligni et al., 1999). Such findings are consistent with research by Lee, Parish, and Willis (1994) that documented continued financial support of parents by adult children in Taiwan, which experienced the shift to an industrial, market economy much earlier than did the Peoples Republic of China. Lee et al.

Table 5 Bivariate Correlations of Adolescents Attitudes Toward Family Obligations with Parent Adolescent Relationships Current assistance r Cohesion with mother Cohesion with father Discussion with mother Discussion with father Conflict with mother Conflict with father Note. Ns 5 652 691. po.01. po.001. .36 .30 .27 .23 .05 .02 Family respect r .26 .24 .22 .23 .05 .04 Future support r .20 .21 .16 .12 .04 .03

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suggested that the continuation of parental support in the face of economic reforms may reflect the strength and uniqueness of Chinese cultural traditions, a position advocated by some Chinese observers (e.g., Yang, 1996). Yet, Lee et al. also acknowledged that such traditions could eventually decline in the face of long-term exposure to a market economy. It remains to be seen whether the same will be true in China in the coming decades, after the social changes brought about by market reforms have had the chance to permeate Chinese culture more deeply. There were few overall location and gender differences in adolescents sense of obligation to support, assist, and respect the family. Instead, Location Gender interactions emerged for all three measures such that urban male adolescents reported a lower sense of family obligation than did urban females and both males and females in rural areas. To the extent that urban rural comparisons test the impact of Chinas economic reforms, these results suggest that the changes taking place in contemporary China are affecting the sense of obligation of boys but not girls. It is possible that gender norms that favor the economic participation of men over women in China mean that urban males are more likely to see individual economic opportunity in the recent market reforms, thereby lessening their sense of obligation to the family. Urban females, in contrast, may not sense the same opportunity for individual advancement in the market economy and do not adjust their sense of duty to their families. An alternative interpretation is that regardless of the larger economic system, the demands of rural life tend to equalize the family obligations of male and female adolescents whereas urban life demands relatively more assistance from females than from males because the required duties in urban areas are largely domestic. In future research, longitudinal data are required to determine whether the Location Gender interactions observed in this study are the result of economic change or a reflection of longstanding patterns of difference in Chinese society. The tendency for Chinese adolescents to believe that they placed more importance on both current and future support to the family than their parents was a surprise. American adolescents reported that they placed slightly less importance than their parents on current assistance to the family and that they and their parents had the same ideas about supporting the family in the future (Fuligni et al., 1999). It is possible that Chinese parents were attempting to deemphasize the adolescents obligations to the family so that their children could

concentrate on their studies in the rigorous Chinese secondary school system. The adolescents, in turn, may have felt guilty about being unable to assist directly their families as much as they would like. Additional research, particularly ethnographic and qualitative studies, would be needed to explore this unexpected finding more deeply. The demographic characteristics of children and their parents did not account for much variation in adolescents attitudes toward their family obligations. The only association with parental education was that youths whose mothers did not receive a high school degree placed more importance on living with and supporting their parents in the future. The absence of grade differences suggests that, as has been observed in the United States (Fuligni et al., 1999), Chinese adolescents sense of family obligation tends to remain fairly stable during high school and middle adolescence. It remains to be seen whether the departure from secondary school and the transition to adulthood bring about an increase in individuals sense of obligation to the family in China as it does in American society (Fuligni & Pedersen, 2002). Only children did not differ from their peers in their attitudes toward supporting, assisting, and respecting the family. The lack of differences according to sibling status may be the net result of countervailing forces that simultaneously increase and decrease the sense of family obligation of only children. The potentially greater sense of obligation to assist the family that would result from being the only nonadult member of the household could be undermined by the greater indulgence of Chinese parents toward the only child whom they will be permitted to bear (Jing & Zhang, 1998). In addition, the lack of siblings does result in fewer family members that may need assistance and support. It is unclear exactly why only children do not differ from those with siblings, but the results of this study concur with those of other studies that suggest the one-child family policy does not have consistent negative effects on the psychological and behavioral development of children in China (Poston & Falbo, 1990; Rosenberg & Jing, 1996). Rather than being associated with demographic characteristics, Chinese adolescents sense of obligation to the family appears to be linked to the quality of the relationships within families. Teenagers who placed more emphasis on supporting and assisting the family also indicated having closer, more supportive relationships with both their mothers and their fathers. Similar associations were observed in the previous study of ethnically diverse American

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adolescents (Fuligni et al., 1999) and likely reflect the tendency for supportive relationships with group members to enhance ones identification with group and to lead one to be more willing to support and assist the group voluntarily (Tajfel & Turner, 1986; Tyler, 1999). The consistency of the pattern across different ethnic groups in the United States and different locations of residence in China suggests that such an association may be a universal feature of group identification and obligation. The links between family obligation and academic motivation were also consistent with what had previously been observed in the United States (Fuligni et al., 1999). The association between family obligation and a utility value of education may stem from the traditional emphasis on education in Chinese society and the belief that one of childrens primary obligations is to study and do well for the sake of the family (Chao & Tseng, 2002). The link between family obligation and academic motivation may also be a universal association that would be evident in all societies in which educational success is a valued goal for children because a sense of obligation to the family likely taps an inclination to internalize the values and goals of parents and other family members. In contrast to adolescents general motivation toward schooling, their specific aspirations and expectations for educational attainment were generally not related to their sense of obligation to the family. This was likely because there was little variation in the adolescents educational aspirations and expectations, with 98% of the youths hoping to receive postsecondary degrees and 90% of them believing they would actually receive postsecondary degrees. The selectivity of the high school system in China results in a smaller proportion of the adolescent population attending school, and although all high school students will not make it into college, those that do attend high school in China are more likely to be on a track toward postsecondary schooling than in the United States. It is less clear why there was no association between family obligation and study time, given the links between family obligation and motivation. Such an association was observed among American adolescents (Fuligni et al., 1999), although the magnitude of the association was relatively small. The long high school day in China, which can run from 7:00 a.m. until 9:00 p.m., likely diminishes variability in the study and homework time among Chinese students. Also, it is possible that although a sense of family obligation is linked to greater academic motivation, it also leads to providing more actual assistance to the family on a daily basis, which can

take away from the time adolescents have available to do homework and study for tests. As has recently been done among Chinese adolescents in the United States (Fuligni, Yip, & Tseng, 2002), future studies in China should assess the amount of time adolescents spend providing actual assistance to their families to examine whether a sense of family obligation does indeed create opposing pressures on the time students can spend on their studies. In addition to the possibility that the actual time adolescents spend providing assistance to their families could cut into their study time, the small negative association between the measure of future support and educational expectations highlights the potential negative implications that family obligations could have on adolescents adjustment. It is possible that the need to live near and support the family might limit the educational options available to adolescents in the future, and additional research should continue to follow adolescents as they move into young adulthood and follow their potential educational and occupational pathways. Although the tests of curvilinear associations conducted in this study revealed no negative implications of an extremely high sense of obligation to the family, it remains to be seen whether an extremely high amount of actual duties and family needs could interfere with adolescents academic progress. Finally, although adolescents in this study believed that they either shared or placed more importance on family obligation than their parents, more detailed examinations of the manner in which adolescents accept, resist, or negotiate the specific nature and extent of their obligations with their families would shed more light on the meaning and developmental implications of this type of connection to the family, as well as its potential evolution in response to changing social and economic circumstances (Wainryb & Turiel, 1994). The findings of this study are limited to those urban and rural Chinese adolescents who attend secondary school. Approximately 50% of Chinese adolescents do not attend secondary schools because they do not pass the required entrance exams (The Ministry of Education, Peoples Republic of China, 2002), and future research should attempt to examine the sense of family obligation among these students. It is possible that familial duties play a role in the inability of the students to succeed on the entrance exams, and a sense of family obligation may lead to different motivations and goals for these teenagers who can no longer pursue advanced education. The measures of family obligation employed in this study were created to tap issues of family

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assistance and respect that could be evident in many different cultural groups. The value of the approach taken in this study is the ability to compare this aspect of family relationships and adolescent development across cultural groups, but an important limitation is the inability to place it within the indigenous cultural traditions of each group being investigated. Future work would benefit by combining emic and etic approaches to determine whether and how the unique features of each cultural group and society might shape the developmental implications of family obligation. For example, the factor analyses suggested that the constructs of current assistance and family respect may be more multidimensional in China than is represented within the current measures. Additional items that tap the subcomponents of each of these constructs (e.g., spending time with the family vs. providing current assistance to the family) might reveal more nuanced aspects of Chinese aspects of family obligation and would likely enhance the internal reliabilities of the measures, some of which fell below .70 in the current study. In addition, this study examined only limited aspects of adolescents academic motivation, and the link between family obligation and other types of motivation suggested to be unique to Chinese societies (e.g., moral improvement) would be important to explore (Li, 2001, 2002). Additional research would also benefit from a more extensive examination of how family obligation may shape the daily lives and actual behaviors of adolescents in contemporary urban and rural China. Cultural values may change more slowly than their associated behaviors, and it is possible that the recent economic and social changes in China have already altered the behaviors of Chinese adolescents in regards to their support and assistance to the family (Yang, 1998). Future studies could employ daily diary and ethnographic techniques to examine the activities of adolescents and their families, and additional research should focus on the extent to which youths provide actual assistance to their families when the youths become adults. In summary, as China moved to a market economy at the close of the 20th century, the predictions of some observers that the new generation of adolescents would turn away from the traditional values of filial piety and family obligation seem to be unfounded. Both urban and rural adolescents profess a belief in the importance of supporting, assisting, and respecting their families both currently and in the future when they become adults. The tendency for urban males to have a lower sense of obligation, however, suggests that these youths

may be beginning a long-term trend away from an adherence to such traditions. Continued research is needed to determine whether such a trend will spread to other segments of the adolescent population and what implications it may have for intergenerational relationships and adolescent development in China in the future.

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