IJCM 10 (2) pp.

171–192 Intellect Limited 2017

International Journal of Community Music

Volume 10 Number 2
© 2017 Intellect Ltd Article. English language. doi: 10.1386/ijcm.10.2.171_1

FLORANTE P. IBARRA
Central Luzon State University

Voices from devotional

ritual: Practitioners’ unity
of purpose to building
community in araquio
musical tradition

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
This ethnographic-phenomenological study explores the holistic nature of araquio musical transmission
tradition. Araquio, a verse play on the search of the holy cross, is an indigenous music as social
folk theatre in the town of Peñaranda, province of Nueva Ecija, Philippines, that behaviour
has survived for over 100 years. The orihinal (script) utilized the local poetic styl- cultural anthropology
ized delivery of verses, conventionalized movements, choreographed sword fights, musical experience
songs and dances with distinct live musical accompaniment played by the commu- communal learning
nity band. Araquio’s musical tradition suggests a culturally specific metaphor that theatre ritual
has overshadowed its diminishing tradition. Constructed in the framework of music
as social behaviour, I investigated araquio’s musical tradition as the product of the
social behaviour of a specific group of practitioners and how music-making builds
a community. Eleven adult practitioners participated in this enquiry. An ethno-
graphic method was employed using participant-observation and an informal semi-
structured interview script. This oral tradition created a process of social structures
and situations stemmed initially from a self-imposed initiative that had become a

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Florante P. Ibarra

template to a group or community-building setting. The metaphorical iconicity of

the musical tradition, through unspoken meanings such as gender roles and religious
beliefs, offered certain unarticulated significance.

In the village of Santo Tomas, in the town of Penaranda, province of Nueva

Ecija, Philippines, the araquio is annually performed with the involvement
of the entire community of practitioners. With a script entitled Santa Cruz
de Mayo (‘The Holy Cross of May’) authored by Leon Estanislao in 1880, I
would define araquio as a verse play with a mythologized story on Queen
Helena’s search of the cross on which Jesus Christ was crucified. Composed of
seven chapters, the script includes sixteen major characters belonging to two
religious groups: Christian and Muslim. Its practitioners believe that araquio
began during the time that Peñaranda Band was established in 1876 (Bañas
1969:107). In the Philippines, Catholicism in folk theatre is significantly mani-
fested in all forms of komedya, a Filipino folk theatre that originated from a
western form introduced during the Spanish colonization of the Philippines
for more than three centuries (Briones 2010; Peterson 2007; Beltran 1987;
Lumbera 1986; Tiongson 1986).
Classified as the local genre of Filipino komedya, the araquio is considered
one of the most popular religious-secular local dramas in Philippine tradition.
In the most popular plot of the araquio, royal characters of medieval European
kingdoms battle against their Middle Eastern antagonists. Presented for two
consecutive days during the first Saturday and Sunday of May, usually from
morning to evening, its colourful costumes and conventional sing and dance
routines provide a delightful experience for the audience.
Nowadays, the araquio utilizes the local poetic stylized delivery of verses,
conventionalized movements such as structured marching formations, chore-
ographed sword fights, songs and dances with distinct live musical accompa-
niment played by the community band. Its music, songs and dances have been
transmitted for over 100 years as a part of unique social behaviour. Learning
to perform the araquio’s musical tradition has a significant impact on the
lives of its main practitioners, fulfilling dual functions: as a form of commu-
nity building and as devotional expression. An emblematic annual production
includes participation by the entire Catholic community who consider them-
selves devotees of the tradition. It was believed that this inclusion of religious
participation through ritual dance began in the village since it was considered
to be the cradle of araquio (Ibarra 2002: 24). Figure 1 presents the characters
of araquio play.
Araquio preparation starts with exclusive and simultaneous rehearsals at
least three months prior to presentation. I wish to note that exclusive rehears-
als pertain solely to personajes (characters of the verse play) and maestros
(teachers of araquio) while simultaneous rehearsals refer to combined prac-
tices between musikeros (community musicians) and personajes scheduled by
hermanos and hermanas (sponsors). Simultaneous rehearsals comprise twelve
sessions. Since the annual sponsors consist of twelve families, twelve sessions
are held either in the backyards of the sponsors’ residences, indoors if the
house has space for conventionalized movements and dances, under a mango
tree, or in the middle of the street at night.
As my point of reference, to begin rehearsing the stylized text deliv-
ery, songs and dances, maestros traditionally call for practice a week after the
sinisa (Ash Wednesday in the Catholic calendar). Verses of the script comprise

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 Voices from devotional ritual

Figure 1: The araquio personajes in traditional formation.

dialogues written in quatrains of either dodecasyllabic, decasyllabic, nonasyl-

labic, octosyllabic and heptasyllabic lines referred to as plosa (stanza), and all
lines in each particular verse form end in assonance. Decho or dicho (articu-
lation) as described by the maestros requires a stylized ‘singsong’ delivery of
verses. While the intonation is maintained throughout the stylized delivery,
the rhythm of each line also corresponds to hand gestures. Performing hand
gestures while reciting a line requires each personaje to internalize the meaning
of the words that are uttered. Maestros emphatically impart the idea of creating
hand gestures to all personajes. In rehearsals, maestros underscore some words
that require hand gestures, such as the following: Puso (heart) – right hand
palm on chest; mga mata(eyes) – right or left forefinger pointed at the right or
left eye; tayo (all of us) – right or left forefinger pointed at the audience; kapaya-
paan (peace) – tips of both forefingers joined together; kalaban (enemy) – both
hands in rolling action; victorya (victory) – both hands closed fists left over right
at centre chest level. Below is a sample poetic text taken from the Prologue:

Mahabaging Ama kami’y patnubayan, (Compassionate Father,

Dito sa gagawin naming pagdiriwang; Guide us in this celebration;
Papuri sa Krus na kamahalmahalan, Praise be to the beloved Holy Cross,
Tunghayan po kami ng matang maalam. Watch us with wise eyes).

Reciting poetic verse is as crucial as executing movements. I use the term

conventionalized movements to describe the different types of choreographed
sword fights executed, accompanied by the community band. Because proper
execution of the dance is important, these sword fights have to be synchro-
nized with the instrumental music. The choreographed sword fights are as
follows: Estrado, a U-shaped formation for both Christian and Moorish
troupes; Ehersito, a half-moon-shaped formation for both personajes; Rebista or
preparation for battle, a type of movement performed by separate groups of
personajes, either Christian or Moorish, that takes various shapes like straight
line, diagonal line or S-shaped formation in different angles; Panagaan

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Florante P. Ibarra

Figure 2: Male personajes performing choreographed sword fight movements.

urong-sulong (forward–backward fencing/spearing), a type of sword-fight

formation between two troupes in two lines or in scattered formation termed
as Sabog; Carranza, a conventional movement between two opposing person-
ajes; and Paradang pa-krus (cross-shaped formation), a type of movement
convention exclusively for Christian troupes. For the entire representative list
and complete description, see Ibarra (2002). Figure 2 depicts the traditional
swordfights solely for male personajes.
Fundamentally, vocal and instrumental music consists of constant and
variable repertoires. Constant songs with texts from the script are originally
composed by maestros while constant instrumental pieces are utilized to exclu-
sively accompany movement conventions, traditional dances and pantot (ritual
dance). I have transcribed and categorized instrumental music as batalla, paso
doble, pantot and slow marcha. Community musicians likewise use some folk-
songs and popular music as paso doble, such as variants of ‘Bahay Kubo’, a
Tagalog folk song, ‘Kataka-taka’ by Suarez, ‘It’s Now or Never’ by Schroeder,
and ‘Obladi, Oblada’and ‘Tragedy’, popularized by Beatles and Bee Gees,
respectively. By and large, there are musical excerpts from the regular reper-
toires. ‘Awit sa Hardin’ is a constant song with texts taken from the script
while Batalla serves as a constant instrumental piece exclusively for choreo-
graphed sword-fight movements.
Accompanied by various socio-musical and religious activities, the two-
day celebration habitually begins with the bisperas (first day celebration). A
procession carrying the icon of the Holy Cross is customarily held around the
small village, signifying the beginning of the festivity. Being the highlight of
the event, the presentation begins right after the celebrated mass. As soon
as the mass ends, musikeros immediately position themselves in an informal
setting for the araquio festival. In front of the church is an open stage about
five-feet high and approximately ten metres in dimension. Built on concrete
materials, the stage has a concrete divider that splits the centre stage from the
backstage. Its roof is made up of galvanized iron sheets supported by thick
pieces of wood without any ceiling to protect people on the stage from the
heat of the sun and from extremely humid weather.

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 Voices from devotional ritual

Figure 3: Female personajes in traditional sing and dance formation.

Musical Notation 1: ‘Awit sa Hardin’ (‘Song in the Garden’) Musical.

Musical Notation 2: Batalla (Battle music for choreographed sword-fight).

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Florante P. Ibarra

To signal its beginning, community musicians joyfully play the

Philippine National Anthem ‘Lupang Hinirang’, and an overture that
includes variations of Filipino folk tunes and popular songs in a medley. An
opening traditional dance by female personajes starts the first three chapters.
By tradition, the re-enactment of the search for the holy cross (fourth chap-
ter) is done on Saturday evening, followed by the remaining episodes on
the second day celebration, which is the feast of the patron saint. After the
last chapter, a communal ritual dance follows as the climax of the araquio.
All practitioners perform the ritual dance signifying their intentions and
renewal of vows on stage. In almost an hour of continuous music playing
and dancing, practitioners dance their infants and toddlers, believing that
this social phenomenon will give them blessings, good health and fortune.
Criticized over the years by non-practitioners for being a dying culture,
music-making in the araquio remains an avenue for community building
that overshadows its diminishing tradition. Notably included are learning

Figure 4: The communal ritual dance.

Figure 5: Musikeros accompanying the ritual dance.

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 Voices from devotional ritual

Musical Notation 3: Valse (Waltz) for araquio’s ritual dance.

experiences through social relations that define araquio’s primary function in

the community, as well as meanings of these experiences that challenge the
assumption that it is losing ground as an invaluable art form for humanity. The
significance of investigating the practitioners’ ways of community building
through music, songs and dances does not only purport to produce a docu-
ment of Filipino cultural tradition but more importantly to provide reasons for
its continued perpetuity. In the light of the present day threats posed by the
overpowering influence of electronic media entertainments on the lifestyle of
contemporary Filipino society, the preservation and dissemination of this folk
theatre is imperative for its survival.
Practitioners’ communal experiences have social significance anchored
in its unique holistic practice. Their involvement in community building as
an output of music-making has paved the way for their recognition as role
models. Their musical skills that helped perpetuate their musical heritage
inspire their family members, relatives, peers and devotees of the tradition.
The scheme of araquio’s musical tradition is bound by the belief that it is
staged as an offering. I therefore contend that music-making as social behav-
iour in this indigenous cultural context constitutes shared experiences among
practitioners. Each plays a significant role in fulfilling one common goal that
defines social relations and structures. Small notes (1998) music-making is
an activity. Thus, this musical activity denotes a shared meaningful learning
experience in which practitioners reflect their admiration and support to one
another in sustaining this Filipino heritage for humanity.

SUMMARY OF THEORETICAL FRAME

I utilized a qualitative-ethnographic hermeneutic. Because this enquiry
centred mainly on practitioners’ araquio experiences and meanings, my theo-
retical framework was constructed within the context of Music as Social
Behavior (Rice 2001; Geertz 1973; Merriam 1964). Rice (2001) argued that
music depends on its nature and how it is understood through metaphorical
predication, and interpretations of musical significance result from the process

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Florante P. Ibarra

of identity, iconicity, association and contrast that would offer manifold mean-
ing for music. In his metaphorical denotation on music as social behaviour,
Merriam (1964) likewise noted that each musical tradition connotes some-
thing significant about the nature of music in that specific group of society.
Since music is created and valued by the practitioners in that society, every
performance suggests a presentation of social structures and relations. Thus,
it is evident that araquio’s musical performance suggests social structures that
would dictate articulated and unarticulated meanings and boundaries.
Based on the premise that araquio is an avenue for musicological
discourse, I specifically examined how social behaviour creates social relations
and structures that would continually perpetuate araquio’s musical tradition.
In its capacity as a devotional ritual, I sought to reveal how these processes
became meaningful to the practitioners. Rice (2001) notes music’s significance
for human life, and its very nature is understood through metaphorical predi-
cation. Since music-making is a social phenomenon, it creates a social situa-
tion that is produced by a specific community of practitioners (Merriam 1964),
which has been expounded through interpretation of culture (Geertz 1973).
The interpretation of culture can be used to understand products of anthropo-
logical research consisting of thick descriptions. This forms an entity in which
social relation is regulated by customs and asserts that culture can be under-
stood by studying what people think about their experiences and ideas and
the meanings that are important to them. More so, it encompasses the inter-
pretation of human behaviour in a cultural context.
In relation to these underlying principles, my investigative study posited
that music as social behaviour constructed into categories can address the
symbolic and unique representation of araquio’s musical practice. This can
be organized into descriptive knowledge-based concepts on social relations,
social structures and meanings of practitioners’ experiences that are bound
outside the typical western perspective. The metaphorical connotation of
music as social behaviour was observed in relation to practitioners’ level of
exposure to araquio elements. Involving themselves in communal music-
making, social situations were created as a product of collective perfor-
mance that defined social structures. Since music-making was viewed as a
social phenomenon, this became a specifically significant area of enquiry.
The research enquiry illustrated the connection between social situations
and structures to community building through transmission phenomenon,
which framed the learning experience. This ethnographic documentation
aimed at discovering how these learning experiences were meaningful to
them. Thus, it underscored their shared experiences, what shaped their
beliefs, awareness and understanding of the araquio’s sociocultural and reli-
gious contexts.

METHOD
Using purposive sampling (Bernard 2006), I involved eleven adult practition-
ers in this study– four maestros, two female and two male personajes, and three
community musicians. Their ages varied according to their respective roles.
Purposive sampling was utilized to generate representative types of each role
in the araquio tradition, to adequately capture the diverse backgrounds and
characteristics of the practitioners, and determine the similarities and differ-
ences that would reveal social behaviours evident in araquio’s musical tradition
in the context of a social phenomenon. I had purposely chosen adult native

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culture bearers because their experiences had been whetted and nurtured
through the passing of time. Thus, they were able to share their meaningful
experiences on how musical behaviour had greatly affected their decision in
choosing roles for the araquio. They had acquired different musical skills repre-
senting the distinct characteristics of music, songs and movement conven-
tions. The distinctive representation of each of the participants shed light on
establishing a vivid comparison between the processes of social relations and
structures and how these processes were meaningful to the practitioners.
After the two-day production, I conducted semi-structured and open-
ended interviews with the participants that ranged from 30 to 40 minutes
each. Three different sets of questions, each for a specific group of partici-
pants, were used. The first section, comprising questions for all interviewees,
focused on their personal background in the araquio and the source of moti-
vation for their involvement. The second part was categorized according to
participants’ roles and centred on experiences and the meanings that defined
their experiences.
In gathering my data, I utilized an interactive method in the form of partic-
ipant-observation. This method served as my investigative tool to gather data
on participants’ experiences. I immersed myself in the investigative proce-
dure using a balanced emic and etic, or outsider–insider perspective (Bernard
2006; Geertz 1973). During the process of investigation, I stayed in the small
village of Santo Tomas for three months, and participated in the simultaneous
rehearsals and two-day araquio productions as a participant-observer and in
the exclusive rehearsals as a plain observer.
Consequently, I utilized three approaches to data analysis in this study:
classification of data, inductive coding, and hermeneutic/interpretive analysis.
I used classification of data as an initial approach to coding. Wiersma and
Jurs (2005) and Lofland (in Lofland and Lofland 1996) suggested a number
of ways in which data can be classified, which I have reconstructed to fit this
study. Further, I used categories such as meaning-makers and meaning descrip-
tion to define the meanings these four groups of participants identified in this
study. The unarticulated meaning was based on my own reflection as a prod-
uct of typification. It was then followed by inductive coding. ‘Inductive codes
were used specifically for categorizing the information in the data’ (Wiersma
and Jurs 2005: 259). Thus, it provided me with a clear path to identify factors
related to my research. Finally, I utilized hermeneutic/interpretive analysis.
Bernard (2006) defined it as the continual interpretation and reinterpretation of
texts. This analytical approach highlighted the underlying meaning contained
in the texts given by the participants who experienced the phenomenon
under study. In this view, the hermeneutic interpretive analytical tool offered
a logical approach to the search for meanings and their interconnections
in the araquio tradition. The idea that culture is an assemblage of texts was
the basis for interpretive anthropology (Geertz 1973). As Geertz (1973) noted,
cultural interpretation in anthropology denotes the meaningful experiences
of practitioners’ involvement in the sociocultural life of a community. Geertz
(1973) asserted that culture can be fully understood by studying what prac-
titioners think of their experiences and ideas as well as the meanings that
are significant to them. Because learning araquio music was considered a
social behaviour, eight salient themes that emerged in the research were: (1)
early induction into religious community, (2) socialization by imitation and
interaction, (3) expectations on content and learning behaviour, (4) mould-
ing of a master–apprentice relationship, (5) gender roles on music-making,

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Florante P. Ibarra

(6) communal learning as unifying element, (7) interdependence of song,

dance and instrumental accompaniment and (8) rituals on music-making.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

Early induction into the religious community
Mothers played a vital role in exposing and teaching children their tradition
(Custodero 2011; Campbell 2003; Custoderoand Johnson-Green 2003; Nettl
1996; Merriam 1964). Exposing infants and toddlers to the araquio tradition by
their mothers or grandmothers was a historical and social phenomenon in the
village, transmitted via the ritual dance. It has been an annual custom over the
years; thus its cultural identity has been established. It was also established
as a social phenomenon that babies, toddlers and pregnant mothers joined
on the stage for their offspring’s initial araquio experience. Current maestros
revealed that their mothers had performed the ritual dance when they were
still in their mothers’ wombs. Maestro Tino recalled his infant experience in
communal ritual dance as he explained:

[m]y mother was a devotee to the holy cross. She told me that when I
was in her womb, she danced onstage and prayed to our patron saint
that, when I reached certain age, she wished me to join the araquio
tradition which really happened.

Likewise, musikeros and personajes had similar infant experiences: according

to their mothers they were carried and danced onstage when they were still
babies. Francis, a community musician stated:

[m]y mother went up onstage and handed me over to a personaje for the
ritual dance. My mother said one female personaje carried and danced
me to the music.

Practitioners’ accounts suggested that an individual was exposed to his or

her culture at an early age. This process also indicated that an individual can
become a pliant follower, fulfilling his or her role in a group of practition-
ers. From their homes, mothers brought them onstage not only as a form of
thanksgiving for their offspring’s good health but in the hope that someday
their infants and toddlers would demonstrate initiative and realize their social
obligation to the community as members of the araquio.

Socialization by imitation and interaction

As a common denominator of socialization, imitation and interaction were
perceived to be the fundamental principles of musical behaviour in various
cultural practices of the world, such as the araquio tradition. The process of
socialization occurred in each individual account of childhood aspiration,
and was triggered by agents of socialization such as family members and
the social environment (i.e. watching araquio rehearsals and performances).
As the initial stage of socialization, each person’s early exposure to music,
songs and movements provided a vivid description of what was expected of
her or him in araquio society. The agents served as examples of the social
system, and in that way offering a child meant exposing herself or himself to
social contact with that system. As an essential element of this social system,
social contact existed between an aspiring child and a seasoned practitioner.

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 Voices from devotional ritual

Through imitation and interaction, the former desired to be a member of his

or her cultural practices, whereas the latter bequeathed inspiration to the
former. This trend of events appeared to be the foremost behavioural pattern
of their socialization, made evident and as observed in their respective narra-
tives. Ciano, one of the current maestros, described his first social experience
with araquio that took place with his grandparent and family members.

[b]oth my parents joined the production for several years when I was a
child, I remember I watched every rehearsal [and] tried to imitate the
dance movements at home and hum the songs then hum the music
while brandishing [imaginary] my sword.

Bernie, a 69-year-old community musician recollected thus:

[a]fter watching my father played in rehearsals and performances, and

every time I see my father’s trumpet at home, I try to manipulate and
explore the sound of it [the music of araquio]… When my father noticed
that I could make sounds of his trumpet, he let me study the instrument.

Constantine, a 20-year-old personaje, shared his experience:

I was inspired by bouncy rhythm of the paso doble that accompanied the
movements. My father was very good at sword-fight movement and I
wished to learn his skills. It was a delightful experience watching my
family members performed onstage having those skills.

The overall observation of participants’ childhood experiences on imitation

of and interaction with former practitioners confirmed that socialization in
araquio tradition depended on emulation. The symbolic representation of
the two poles, the child’s ability to imitate and the seasoned practitioner’s
capacity to inspire, depicted conscious socialization through social interac-
tion. By observing the actions of others around them, the practitioners’ imita-
tive behaviour occurred within the boundary of araquio elements and also
imbued the desire to replicate the family and community practices as a whole.
Therefore, socialization as a form of enculturation evidently impacted one’s
ability to adopt and emulate the cultural system in which he or she lives. This
innate ability to imitate a particular skill and practice served as one’s road to
cultural learning and education.

Expectations on content and learning behaviour

Content and learning behaviour were significant products of a specific cultural
group (Campbell et al. 2007; Waldron 2006; Cope and Smith 1997; Shelemay
1996). In the araquio, the process of learning its elements was based on a
cyclical approach, which involved instructions and demonstrations by experts
for novice ‘araquio-ers’.
Based on its social structure, the novice instrumentalist, for instance, had
to absorb the chronology or sequence of events in melodic context. When the
entire piece had been completely aurally grasped, the expert musician would
make the learner render the whole piece by himself, repeatedly, first in a slow
tempo and then gradually increasing in speed. The learner musician then
replicated the music through trial and error until every detail of the piece had
been mastered. An expert musician gave immediate critical evaluation and

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Florante P. Ibarra

technical advice with feedback on musical expressions, tempo, dynamics and

phrasings, and awareness of notes. Consistently complying with the cultural
norms, the learner musician upheld the authenticity of sound, in line with the
principles introduced by the agent musician and the output of musicianship
was context dependent.
The musikeros evidently utilized transmission strategies such as demon-
stration, sequential process, repetition, and assessment. Jerry, a 60-year-old
trumpet player, explained how he learnt the music:

[w]hen I play bit off key, I watch and listen to my friendand ask him
the right finger positions on trumpet keys. I let him play the notes with
sharp or without the effect of accidental, then I repeatedly practice the
melodic phrase afterwards.

Similarly, the cyclical approach to learning the songs was also evident among
female personajes. Consistently, the singer maintained a high-throaty singing
style to complement the verve and execution of the hand- and foot-work of
the masters. According to Blanca:

[w]hen maestros teach us a particular song, they surround us. One of

them holds atambol [drum] and plays the rhythm on it. Others sing the
melody using la, la, la. Even the male personajes who surround us join
in humming [the neutral syllables], for me it is a kind of improvised
vocal accompaniment. As I listen to them, I could recall the melody I am
singing.

In observing the norms of movement, Constantine emphasized the impor-

tance of upholding the actual movements, which were accompanied by rhyth-
mic patterns played on improvised instruments during rehearsals, or music
vocalized by their co-personajes. Constantine, one of the leading personajes,
described how he learnt the sword-fight movements:

[t]here are different kinds of formation and combination of step patterns,

maestros teach us footwork first, they count one-two, one-two then we
follow them exactly the way they demonstrate. Once we grasp the idea,
we are asked to perform individually then by two’s, and lastly by group.
This is followed by the demonstration of hand movements, then combi-
nation of footwork and sword-brandishing.

Fernando, another personaje, shared his learning experience:

[s]ince we usually get exhausted in vocalizing the music while moving,

we also use audio-tape recordings of the paso doble music to execute our
movements. We make ourselves familiar with the rhythm so that we
would have a clear idea on music flow when we rehearse movements
with musikeros.

Thus, improvisation was an established practice of musikeros as a response to

movements of personajes during the pasodoble. Conversely, practitioners’ prac-
tices relied only on pre-determined movements and songs. As a unique prac-
tice, music and movement were always together (Robertson 2011; Sheridan et
al. 2011; Waldron 2006; Trimillos 1989).

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Moulding of a master–apprentice relationship

In the background of their ardent desire to preserve the cultural heritage, the
maestros initially selected a handful of potential practitioners to band together
as a small musikeros and personajes. With time, the team grew from just a few
to a group of about thirty. From there, an ideal persona of a future maestro of
the araquio started to emerge, ready for apprenticeship training. The maestro
of araquio culture was required to have total knowledge of its vast traditional
practice, encompassing all aspects of the theatrical performance, which was
passed on to the apprentice. The expertise expected of a maestro was primarily
focused on the universal unification of the tribe (community) and preserva-
tion of its cultural practices and beliefs. This propelled the birth of an araquio
‘master–apprentice’ relationship.
Both the araquio master and the apprentice spent several years involved
in gradual yet in-depth training. This was confirmed by the current maestros
who had undergone apprenticeship. In my interview with the masters, it was
revealed that Ciano and Romeo had served eleven years as trainees, while
Tino had served twelve years. Being the son of a former maestro, Rodrigo had
spent fourteen years as an apprentice, the longest among the four maestros.
Prior to their internship, each maestro had been involved for at least a decade
in the araquio as personaje. Both Ciano and Romeo had ten years of participa-
tion in the community production. Rodrigo had participated for more than a
decade. Tino had the longest (twenty years) participation as personaje before
he took on the role of an apprentice maestro.
Ciano shared his experience as apprentice-maestro:

I told my Uncle Lucio [former maestro], I didn’t have his blessing yet
to assist him in rehearsals with the community musicians, it was not
proper to just assist in rehearsal without his approval. After a year, my
uncle granted me his permission. He asked me to undergo apprentice-
ship which I complied. I served for 11 years assisting them in rehearsals
from 1996 to 2007. Then just a couple of years later, he died.

In learning the songs, movements, and improvised sound effects, Tino shared
his experience:

[t]he four of us have assigned tasks. Ciano handles the songs and verse
recitation. Romeo and I teach the movements, we use improvised
bamboo instrument in teaching them the dance steps. And it took us
more than ten years to serve as apprentice maestro.

This long period of traditional preparation supported the idea that an inexperi-
enced individual can eventually become an experienced ‘culture bearer’ (Kerlin
2004; Klinger 1996). Their initial involvement necessitated immersion and
apprenticeship on araquio elements. With constant repetitive rehearsals and
training over the years, their skills were whetted and nurtured in a way that
conformed to their cultural criteria of becoming an apprentice. These criteria
had been met until they were officially appointed as maestros. This observation
gave credence to the truism that constant practice and repetition make one
perfect. Aptly put: practice indeed brings perfection to life and reality.
An interesting historical phenomenon that had been chronicled was that
in order for an apprentice to become a full-fledged maestro, he had to wait for
someone to die so he could take the place of an official maestro of the araquio

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Florante P. Ibarra

tradition. This established cultural norm became dependent on the health and
physical capability of the existing maestros. Once they reached the retirement
age or felt sickly, or incapacitated, a successor’s appointment became inevitable.

Gender roles in music-making

As elucidated by all current maestros of araquio, gender roles had an impli-
cation on ‘rule as meaning’. It was considered the predominant attribute
that had been drawn from practitioners’ social behaviour (Waldron 2006;
Phuthego 2005; Veblen 1994). From initial conceptualization to the time this
study was conducted, four types of gender roles were observed. First, the
masters of the tradition were predominantly male. Second, instrumentalists
were governed by male players. Third, singing was viewed as a feminine role.
Lastly, ­movement conventions were perceived to be a masculine task.
In my interview with Francisco Padilla in 2002, a former maestro of the
araquio, he believed that ‘man is born to be a leader’ (Ibarra 2002). This idea
was reiterated by Ciano and Tino – that, as a common rule, since the concep-
tion of the araquio up to the present time, male masters always dominated the
practice since this had been the standard set by their ancestors. Evidently, this
reflected a clear example of social structure. Ciano emphasized:

[w]e maintain the practice of araquio that only males can take the posi-
tion of maestro. We’ve inherited this from our ancestors.

Similarly, singing was a female-oriented role in various traditions (Feay-Shaw

2002; Ileto 1979; Llana 2009; Rice 1996, 1994). Customarily, maestros taught
the songs using the underlying principles of araquio as folk process. In the
same way, female singers like Liza and Blanca had adapted these approaches
to teaching songs to new female personajes. The feminine role associated with
singing was also established in the context of rules as meaning. Female person-
ajes’ roles included rendering the two categories of repertoire within song and
dance form: constant and variable repertoire (Ibarra 2002). Liza, the leading
female personaje, explained:

[s]ince then, my grandfather [former maestro] always tells us [female

personajes] that the one singing the songs and dances should be female.

Furthermore, musikeros were believed to be the leaders of araquio music.

Though the reason behind the dominance of male musicians was not been
explicitly expressed in their narratives, the reason for learning an instrument
for the araquio was the impetus from male sources like fathers, male relatives,
or peers. This was the cause for the male dominance in araquio music. Bernie
shared his observations:

I’ve been actively involved in araquio for almost fifty years. I never see
female playing an instrument for araquio, since then when I first joined
until now, male dominates the instrumental music.

Communal learning as a unifying element

Learning the araquio stemmed initially from a self-imposed initiative. It then
branched out into a group-building initiative. In this manner, the process of

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 Voices from devotional ritual

learning gradually shaped into a communal school of learning that was more
of an informal setting that required a unified communal setting.
Given their mutual and salient charted goals of perpetuating the araquio
tradition, a new generation of ‘araquio-ers’ have emerged who share recipro-
cal knowledge, skills, sentiments and beliefs in their own traditional practices.
They had become consciously and dynamically involved in learning together
within the context of reciprocity. Communal participation was believed to be
the dominant factor in learning. Ciano emphasized:

[a]ll practitioners [in the community] play their respective roles in the
araquio. We make sure that it is staged yearly. There are so many people
[believers] coming from abroad attending this to witness the venera-
tion of the cross through araquio. We have their full support until now
because they’ve been part of it.

Apart from a sense of belongingness, there were other social factors that
contributed to the practitioners’ definition of community. Desire to participate
was believed to be the dominant factor for learning to be communal. Each
member had a significant role to portray and each part could not be separated
from the others. The essence of membership in the community production
offered a feeling of belongingness within the group. Satisfaction was meas-
ured in terms of the emotional impact felt by an individual, such as feelings of
enjoyment, fulfilment, and the appreciation of unity that araquio offers. These
emotional attributes were attained from performing their respective roles as
maestro, musikero or personaje. Contentment was achieved when practition-
ers’ goals and expectations were met by means of their desire to contribute
something to the community. Through this process, a communal approach to
learning araquio was built and established.
The results that emerged on communal learning as observed in the araquio
tradition were also consistent with the key factors that defined a sense of
community articulated in the community of practice (Bonk et al. 2004; Elliot
1995; McMillan and Chavis 1986). Specifically, learning to be communal
necessitates membership, influence, fulfilment of individual needs, and shared
events and emotional connections. These key areas emerged consistently with
araquio practitioners’ communal learning experiences.
Further, the araquio-ers, through the unspoken import of their tradition,
purported to nurture some underlying principles in order to foster, preserve
and perpetuate their culture. They had certain unspoken unifying factors in
at least four areas: unity of purpose, ancestral adhesion, unification of tribal
strength, and shared experiences.
In their unity of purpose, the foremost common denominator of the
araquio-ers was their deep-rooted observance of their religious beliefs and
attending (or continuing) rituals. Their early exposure to their traditional prac-
tices, coupled with their stimulated interest in their music, performance and
play, songs, and dances to the corresponding celebrated occasion, all served
to propel them to maintain a natural inclination for ‘meeting of the minds,
souls, and spirit’. Those were primarily the elements, hence the achievement
of ‘unity of purpose’. One of the primary attributes of their ‘social factors’ was
their sense of belonging. Self-identity, their identified and recognized perso-
nas, and contributions to their community, as well as their sense of achieve-
ment and pride were evidently contributory to their preservation of a distinct
ancestral heritage.

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Florante P. Ibarra

Aside from the above-mentioned unifying factors and purposes, and serv-
ing well as common denominators of remarkable compelling forces, the araquio
people were evidently tribal. Their ancestral dominion could be traced directly
to those factors that brought them in the first place to be interdependent. Their
tribal style and practices were not quite the same as compared to those of other
neighbouring tribes (or of their neighbouring communities and regions). They
respected each other as people, as well as each other’s roles for fulfilling their
missions within the araquio tradition. Consequently, their mutual respect for
one another led them to their path of interdependency and their special close-
ness with one another as a unique community unto itself. That served as their
binding force against partition and the outward flow towards other groups.
Their sense of adhesion as a unique group was as non-detachable as glue. A
sense of being an independent political entity as a tribe gradually surfaced.
The unification of tribal strength was also their communal goal. The
araquio, for more than a century, did not depart to join other tribes, nor did
they merge with other tribal regions. Apparently, their ancestral adhesion,
with their purposeful unifying factors of their own religious beliefs, gave them
the earmark of being an independent political entity. Politically speaking, this
recognized entity may still be in the infancy stage of growth. I had a strong
perception that this small group has a strong propensity to influence the
nation as well. Behind the unifying factors of purposes and binding forces, the
chain of continuity could not be broken because of their ‘shared experiences’.
Their shared experiences are important elements of their cultural practice.
The secret of success of the araquio can be attributed to the process of promot-
ing social situations and relations from as early as pregnancy and progressing
into adulthood. Even an unborn fetus, while inside the womb of the mother,
can hear and appreciate the musical sounds and rhythms during practice,
actual participation, and finally during the public performance. Psychologists
often advise mothers to read and talk to their unborn child and infants regard-
less of whether the baby can openly respond to the music or to the stories.
The araquio practice seems to have adopted this unwritten norm.

Interdependence of song, dance and instrumental accompaniment

The interdependence of song, dance and musical accompaniment appeared
to be a remarkable, established norm that was evident in all performances.
The unanimity of song and dance (or singing and dancing) accompanied by
live music was a significant attribute of the araquio. Female personajes not only
learnt the dichotomies of both contexts, the songs that represent melodies
and dances that signify stylized movements, but also harmonized them with
musical accompaniment in forming one distinct entity as an expression of
rites. In reference to rituals, singing and dancing were viewed to be the most
powerful means of communication (Marsh 2002; Blacking 1995; Campbell
1989). Araquio utilized this framework to depict the unity of song and dance
as customarily observed.
Perceived as mutually important, the combination of songs and dances,
as specified in the orihinal (script), served as a unifying belief that inspired
them to creatively convey their expressive motions in giving life to the araquio
play. Comparable to the perspectives of female personajes, the male characters
articulated that stylized songs and dances and other forms of movement were
conventions that always necessitated the inclusion of music. Certainly, the
symbiotic rapport of music–movement and song–dance forms was perceived

186   International Journal of Community Music

 Voices from devotional ritual

to be an essential dualistic practice in bringing out motions and emotions in

the araquio tradition. Liza and Constantine emphasized the interrelationships
of songs, movements and instrumental music:

Liza: Musical accompaniment is very essential. I can bring out more

emotions when I sing with band accompaniment. I can also execute more
body expressions while dancing with live instrumental accompaniment.
Constantine: Music gives me a feeling of being alert because I need
to synchronize my footwork [movements] with the rhythm. When we
rehearsed without the musikeros, I got lost with the steps. So I asked
maestro Ciano to play the rhythm using bamboo sticks.

Fundamentally, musikeros and personajes recognized the symbiotic formulae

embedded in the complex structure of the araquio text. Articulated by promi-
nent community musicians like Bernie and Francis, musical markings in the
text labelled as redouble (drum roll), marcha (march), paso doble (duple metre
music) and valse (waltz) had distinctive musical characteristics inclusive of
well-defined idiosyncratic movements that had equally balanced reputation
and therefore were considered mutually significant. By treating this context
in dual form, musikeros highlighted their propensity to move while assisting
a specific stylized movement convention. Francis, a trumpet player, enunci-
ated his susceptibility to the musical rhythm he played and the body rhythm
of both players and personajes, who converted sounds into a visibly concrete
gesticulation. The cohesion of sounds and motions was symbolic of the fact
that the music and movement in the araquio were dependent on one another.
Tino highlighted the importance of musical accompaniment to songs, dances
and movements:

[y]ou cannot separate music [accompaniment] from songs or dances

[movements]. You’ve seen the ritual dance, all believers went up stage
and joined the personajes in dancing, musikeros continuously play the
dance music all throughout. Music is very important to araquio, we
cannot present it without music because music gives life to the whole
production.

Rituals on music-making
All practitioners believed that araquio is a form of offering to their patron
saint. Under the leadership of the maestros in the community, all practitioners
combined their efforts to annually observe and stage the play. This underscored
the ceremonial dance wherein audience members of all ages performed their
intentions onstage through a ritual dance termed as pantot. Celebrated with
the involvement of all sectors of the community, infants and toddlers were
handed over to the personajes for a common purpose as a culminating activity.
Elders, mothers, children of school age, and seniors having severe illnesses
(i.e. a person with Parkinson’s disease) joined the dancing, symbolizing their
veneration and thanksgiving for the blessings they had received through the
years. This included but was not limited to plentiful agricultural harvests,
good health, and divine guidance and intervention. While mothers wished for
their children’s good health and bountiful life in the future, elders with severe
sickness hoped for their immediate recovery from their illnesses. Blanca and
Bernie emphasized the reason for their annual participation thus:

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Florante P. Ibarra

Blanca: My parents are actively involved in the araquio for more than
20 years. According to them, it is their way of expressing their panata
[vows] to our patron saint. So I do the same.
Bernie: I have spent my whole life with the araquio and I consider my
participation as pamamanata [my devotional expression to the Holy
Cross].

With similar aims, maestros were viewed to be instruments in providing

devotees a space for this purpose. By continuously teaching the araquio, the
maestros preserved the role of the ceremonial dance a constant factor unify-
ing the practitioners, both socially and religiously. Congruent to this perspec-
tive, musikeros contributed vitally to the annual rite. The bouncy rhythm and
sophisticated melodious music of the pantot dance brought harmony to the
entire ceremony. The personajes being presented as ritual figures rather than
as individualized actors and actresses became the most important attribute
of the pantot dance. It was a communal belief that performing a ceremonial
custom with the characters onstage would be more effective. All of these were
forms of practitioners’ folk expressions to overcome the supernatural forcesin
their lives.

CONCLUSION
The Araquio musical practice as social behaviour created a process of social
structures and situations that stemmed initially from a self-imposed initiative
that had become template to a group or community-building setting. Such
a process gradually shaped into a communal learning experience by gene-
alogical transmission in an informal setting. This was a continuous process
of passing down the araquio skills. Communal learning was the end product
of genealogical transmission,which evidently occurred in the araquio tradi-
tion. The transmission of music, songs and movements happened within old
and young generations of practitioners. These were passed down aurally and
orally from their great ancestors within that particular community. This was
an enduring attribute of the practitioners’ communal process. The process of
communal learning also assisted each individual in developing self-identity
and communal solidarity. Through this unique intergenerational process,
their culture was revitalized, and their religious beliefs were put into practice
in celebrating their offering rites.
The modes of utilizing the music, songs, dances and stylized movements
were all considered fundamental elements in bringing vivaciousness to the
native folk tradition. Musikeros or maestros did not see themselves as sepa-
rate entities in fulfilling their obligation but rather as mutually important.
Their communality was evident when personajes combined the elements of
music provided by the musikeros and the song and dance patterns directed
by the masters into a collective rendition. Because of the collaborative effort,
the practitioners served the purpose of commitment to unite the community
in upholding its practices, traditions and religious beliefs. Even the commu-
nal non-performers (i.e. family members, relatives, peers, audience and tribal
members) showed devotion and passion in playing their passive roles, by
watching all elements of the music, song, dance and movements, interweav-
ing them together, utilizing their spiritual beliefs and religious expression
to their araquio supernatural. These essentials supported the holistic nature

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 Voices from devotional ritual

of the araquio, as well as the essentials that pushed individuals to eagerly

cultivate their palate towards playing an active or passive role therein. Their
commitment and enthusiasm inevitably contribute to the holistic nature of the
araquio musical tradition, sustaining the community of practitioners.

Preservation for future generations

The characteristics of the practitioners’ musical-social behaviour strongly indi-
cate that the araquio tradition will continue to propagate to future genera-
tions. Given their strong religious beliefs, self-initiative and self-discipline,
common communal goals, and their religious faith and socialism, the araquio
tradition will survive the passage of time, and evolve.
The growth of their unspoken tradition has been gradual, increasing from
only a few participants to approximately 100 (including the audience). Despite
the absence of written rules or musical notations, the custom has transformed
and fits well into this modern era. This gradual transformation – transforming
the use of isolated pitches and tones into the use of modern musical instru-
ments, changing costumes and attire, as well as modifying the choreographed
dances of ancient tradition – has fit undeniably into this modern societal
climate. These elements are highly indicative of the factthat the araquio tradi-
tion will continue to thrive and grow.
This unspoken tradition, however, needs the continuous support of each
community and the nation. This treasure, the unspoken relics and tradition of
the araquio, has to be preserved and cherished as dearly as one would archeo-
logical artifacts.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am most grateful to my academic adviser, Dr Lori A. Custodero, for her
inspiring mentorship, unwavering support, patience and generosity in shar-
ing her music research expertise. I thank my professors Dr Harold F. Abeles,
Dr Randall Allsup, Dr Jeanne Goffi-Fynn and Dr Lenore Pogonowski at
Columbia University Graduate School of Education for offering me such
wonderful learning experiences. The knowledge I acquired from all of you gave
me considerable insight to aid my investigation into araquio music as social
behaviour. I extend special thanks to Dr Esmeralda Cunanan, executive direc-
tor of Fulbright Philippines (Philippine American Educational Foundation –
Fulbright Philippines), for helping me transform my intention to study abroad
into reality. I thank Cinthya Alvarez, Jacqueline Sindoni and the entire staff
of the Institute of International Education (IIE) in New York City. I thank the
Santo Tomas community, especially the organizers of the araquio production:
hermanos, hermanas, maestros, musikeros and personajes. I am grateful to my
home institution, Central Luzon State University, for granting approval for
my study abroad. I extend special thanks to former deans Professor Mauricia
Borromeo and Dr Ramon Santos of the University of the Philippines, Diliman,
for introducing me to the araquio. I take this opportunity to say how grateful I
am to the Gottesman Libraries of Teachers College, Columbia University, for
their extensive and vast resources. I also extend my gratitude to The University
of the Philippines Main Library, University of Santo Tomas Main Library,
Ateneo de Manila Main Library, La Salle University Main Library, Cultural
Center of the Philippines Library, Philippine National Library, Central Luzon
State University Main Library and the Municipality of Peñaranda Library.

www.intellectbooks.com   189
Florante P. Ibarra

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www.intellectbooks.com   191
Florante P. Ibarra

SUGGESTED CITATION
Ibarra, F. P. (2017), ‘Voices from devotional ritual: Practitioners’ unity of
purpose to building community in araquio musical tradition’, International
Journal of Community Music, 10:2, pp. 171–92, doi: 10.1386/ijcm.10.2.171_1

CONTRIBUTOR DETAILS
Dr Florante P. Ibarra was a recipient of the 2009 Classic Fulbright Scholarship
Award to the Unites States for his doctorate degree in music and music educa-
tion at Columbia University, Graduate School of Education in the City of New
York, USA (2009–12). He finished his master of music at the University of
the Philippines College of Music major in music education and his bache-
lor’s degree at the University of Santo Tomas, Conservatory of Music major
in music education and voice with distinct honour of Cum Laude. A multi-
awarded music educator and music researcher, his interest centred on teach-
ing and learning musical traditions, cultural anthropology, choral pedagogy
and general classroom music teaching and learning. He is currently affiliated
with Central Luzon State University College of Education in Philippines.
Contact: Department of Elementary Education, College of Education, Central
Luzon State University, Science City of Munoz, 3120 Nueva Ecija, Philippines.
E-mail: [email protected]

Florante P. Ibarra has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work in the format that
was submitted to Intellect Ltd.

192   International Journal of Community Music