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ro
MUZEUL DUNĂRII DE JOS - 60 DE ANI DE EXISTENȚĂ
LOWER DANUBE MUSEUM - 60 YEARS OF EXISTENCE

ORIENT ȘI OCCIDENT
* * *
EAST AND WEST

CULTURĂ ŞI CIVILIZAŢIE
LA DUNĂREA DE JOS
XXVIII
CULTURE AND CIVILISATION
AT THE LOWER DANUBE

CĂLĂRAŞI, 2011

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Editorial Board:
Dr. Marian Neagu, Lower Danube Museum, Călăraşi – General Editor
Dr. Valentin Parnic, Lower Danube Museum, Călăraşi – Editor
Prof. Dr. Jacques Chamay, Geneve University and Conservator H. Museum of Art
and Archaeology Geneva – Honorary Chairman
Prof. Dr. Alexandru Avram, University Lemans, France – Honorary Member
Prof. Dr. Alexandru Barnea, Faculty of History, University of Bucharest –
Honorary Member
Prof. Dr. Yavor Bojadgiev, University of Sofia – Honorary Member
Dr. Ioannis Aslanis, Director of Research , Institut for Greek and Roman Antiquity
Hellenic Research Foundation – Honorary Member
Dr. Silvia Marinescu-Bîlcu, Vasile Pârvan Archaeological Institute, Bucharest –
Honorary Member
Dragomira Boeva, Lower Danube Museum, Călăraşi – Member
Aris Tsaravopoulos, Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquites, Athens –
Member
Dr. Constantin Chera, Museum of National History and Archaeology, Constanţa –
Member
Irina Oberländer-Târnoveanu, National Heritage Institute, Bucharest – Member
Dr. Adina Boroneanț, Vasile Pârvan Archaeological Institute, Bucharest –
Member

Reghina Georgescu, Vasilka Aleksova, Isabela Birzoaga – Translation

Mailing Address:
Lower Danube Museum, 4 Progresului Street, Călărași, Romania,
Phone: +40 242 313 161; Fax: +40 242 311 974
E-mail: [email protected]
Web site: www.mdjcalarasi.ro

Editura DAIM • www.daimph.ro

ISBN 978-973-1787-05-3

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SUMMARY

Alexandru Barnea
Orient et Occident au Bas-Danube ...........................................................................5
Lucinia Bal
A shared history and culture: ingredients of European cohesion .............................7
Krasimira Koleva
The river Danube for Homo Balcanicus – a basic concept in the
picture of the world .................................................................................................10
Marian Neagu
The Neolithic settlement from Gălăţui – Movila Berzei ..........................................15
Diana Bindea
Preliminary archaeozoological data on the Neolithic settlement in
Gălăţui-Movila Berzei .............................................................................................19
Yavor Boyadzhiev, Vladimir Slavchev
Late Neolihic settlement near the Village of Apriltsi, Pazardzik district,
Bulgaria ...................................................................................................................32
Stoilka Terziiska-Ignatova, Maria Gurova
Finds from the Neolithic settlement Apriltsi ...........................................................49
Dimitar Chernakov
A Hoard of ceramic vessels in a Chalcolithic necropolis near the
village of Kosharna, District of Rousse ...................................................................59
Marian Neagu, Dragoş Măndescu
The anthropomorphous clay figurines from Gumelnița tell settlements at
Teiu (Argeș county). A preliminary approach ......................................................... 75
Migdonia Georgescu, Gheorghe Niculescu
Preliminary considerations on Gumelnita statuettes of Teiu, Argeș
district, based on microscopy and XRF analysis .....................................................93
Maria Gurova
Prehistoric Flint Assemblages from Bulgaria: a Raw Material Perspective ..........96
Boryana Mateva, Valentin Parnic
Typological and use-wear analysis of flint tools from Tell Măriuța,
judeţul Călăraşi .....................................................................................................116
Neculai Bolohan
Resuming the research of the Coslogeni group (Late Bronze Age)
settlement systems. First step ................................................................................128
Cristian Schuster, Ion Tuţulescu
Some remarks about the tools used for obtaining salt in prehistory in
Northern Oltenia ...................................................................................................139

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Dan Elefterescu
Two gnostic pieces from Durostorum ....................................................................153
Peti Donevski
Urban planning of the Canabae Legionis XI Claudiae (Moesia Inferior) ............158
Georgeta El Susi
Animal breedind in late Roman settlements from Dobrudja,
in the light of research at Murighiol (Halmyris, Tulcea county) ..........................170
Cristian Matei
Warnings, alerts and signal-safety sounds and lights used by the Roman
army of the Danube ...............................................................................................190
Cristian Schuster, Traian Popa
The Santana de Mureș Culture on the Lower Argeș river district ........................ 210
Iuliana Barnea, Alexandru Barnea
La Basilique Episcopale D’Histria. Proportions ..................................................215
Georgi Atanasov, Valeri Iotov, Kristian Mihajlov
The medieval fortress /beginning of 9th – beginning of 11th c./
near the village of Okorsh, Silistra province. ........................................................220
Despina Makropoulou, Pari Kalamara, Elena Glytsi
The Βyzantine Museum of Didymoteichon: Its permanent exhibition
(under construction) .................................................................................... 240
Nikolaos Linardatos
Byzantine museum of Didymoteichon: the collection of archival material
for the documentation of its permanent exhibition ................................................242
Marian Trandafir
The life and activity of Petre Diaconu ...................................................................259

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ALEXANDRU BARNEA*

ORIENT ET OCCIDENT AU BAS-DANUBE

Dans les jours de la Session Internationale de Călăraşi et Roussé (11-15

octobre 2011), les deux villes devenaient, une après l’autre, en Roumanie et en
Bulgarie, capitales de l’histoire des relations entre l’Orient et l’Occident au Bas-
Danube. Il faut ajouter encore qu’on y se trouve au croisement des routes qui ont
marqué l’histoire de la région dès la préhistoire jusqu’à présent, entre l’Orient et
l’Occident et septentrion et midi.
Par exemple, pour des époques préhistoriques, la culture néolithique “Haman-
gia”, dont les origines orientales ont été depuis longtemps établies, a laissé dans la
région des vestiges et des traces remarquables. C’est dans ce dernier sens qu’on a
proposé sa succession par une autre culture néolithique, ”Gumelniţa”, elle aussi
très bien représentée au Bas-Danube.
Plus tard, les formes céramiques du Latène de la région apportent des preuves
des relations entre le nord et le sud du fleuve et des ressemblances surprenantes
avec celles de l’ouest de l’Europe. À remarquer, d’un autre côté, le cas de la
Galatie d’Anatolie par rapport à la domination celtique temporaire au Bas-Danube,
très bien prouvée par la toponymie et par des découvertes archéologiques.
Au-delà de la présence iranienne antérieure et, puis, de celle d’exception
d’Alexandre le Grand, la République Romaine et l’Empire Romain ont joué un
rôle de plus en plus important pour les liaisons entre les régions soumises ou
voisines.
Jusqu’à cette époque et avec une continuité comprenant l’époque romaine
aussi, les colonies grecques du Pont Gauche ont beaucoup contribué dans les
relations commerciales, interhumaines et spirituelles entre régions diverses et le
Bas-Danube. On va en donner un seul exemple parmi autres: découvertes
archéologiques et épigraphiques prouvant des présences spiriruelles et
commerciales égyptiennes de l’époque grecque jusqu’à l’époque romaine y
comprise.
Pour l’époque du Principat, ces relations ont continué, par la fonction du
croisement plus haut évoqué aussi. On ne va plus rappeler la voie toujours utilisée
de la Mer Noire. Celle du fleuve, qui la complétait, est elle aussi toujours visible,
par exemple, par l’import de l’Occident de la céramique du type terra sigillata,
dont le monopole se trouvait là-bas.
Un peu plus tard, le commencement du christianisme apporte parmi autres des
misionnaires de la Cappadoce, plusieurs d’entre eux connus comme martyrs (par
voie littéraire, épigraphique et archéologique) d’un côté et de l’autre du fleuve. En
*
Universitatea Bucureşti, Facultatea de Istorie, [email protected].

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même temps, on continuait, pour ce qui est des chrétiens, la liaison avec Rome, par
les ainsi-dits moines scythes, c'est-à-dire de la province de Scythie.
Encore plus tard, on va confirmer dans la même région un des endroits du
passage de la célèbre voie dès les Varègues chez les Grecs par les découvertes des
églises rupestres de Murfatlar. Dans la même époque, la muraille de défense de la
fortification byzantine de Păcuiul lui Soare suivait les principes vitruviens pour un
terrain inondable (muraille en pierre fondée sur pilotis en bois, structure observée à
cause de la sécheresse dix années auparavant), fait montrant par cette voie aussi la
conservation des traditions antiques chez les byzantins au Bas-Danube.
On va finir cet avant-propos avec l’exemple de l’église typique byzantine dont
les ruines ont été découvertes au XX-e siècle à Dinogetia et datée dans les XI –
XII-e siècles.

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LUCINIA BAL1

A SHARED HISTORY AND CULTURE:

INGREDIENTS OF EUROPEAN COHESION

Abstract: "Mi se întâmplă câteodată, la colțul unei străzi, în scurtele răgazuri care ni le
lasă lungile ore de luptă comună, să mă gândesc la toate acele locuri din Europa
binecunoscută mie. E un tărâm minunat, plămădit din durere și din istorie."
Albert Camus, A treia scrisoare către un prieten neamţ, aprilie 1944.
În 1944, în timpul celui de-al doilea război mondial, unul din multele războaie care au
sfâșiat Europa, unul dintre cei mai celebri susținători ai ideii unei Europe unite ca soluție
pentru a încheia șirul acestor războaie, scriitorul și filozoful Albert Camus, scria: "Mi se
întâmplă uneori (...) să mă gândesc la toate acele locuri din Europa binecunoscută mie. Este
un tărâm minunat, plămădit din durere și istorie." Această conștientizare a unei istorii
europene comune ca fiind nucleul unei identități europene este promovată și astăzi de
instituțiile europene și politicienii lor, pentru a sprijini Europa unită. Această identitate
poate fi construită dacă istoricilor li se oferă condițiile pentru a atrage atenția asupra istoriei
comune, a valorilor comune, dacă ei pot reînvia trecutul în prezentări către tinerele
generații. Cunoașterea și înțelegerea trecutului ajută în primul rând pentru a trage
învățăminte: dorim să păstrăm bunele tradiții și să evităm repetarea erorilor. Camus observa
că Europa este plămădită și din durere, iar istoricii ne pot povesti despre vremuri de pace și
vremuri de război, despre cum s-a putut menține pacea, sau despre imensa durere adusă de
războaie. Dacă astăzi "(...) Uniunea Europeană este cel mai bun exemplu din istoria lumii
de rezolvare a conflictelor," cum o caracterizează fostul deputat european și laureat al
Premiului Nobel pentru Pace, John Hume, în momentul de față durabilitatea acestei
construcții poate fi asigurată în primul rând de dezvoltarea unei identități comune.
Înțelegerea trecutului este și o sursă de mândrie, pentru că Europa are un bogat patrimoniu
cultural, acoperind mii de ani, care trebuie promovat și păstrat. Așa cum menționează un
text al Programului Patrimoniului European: "Europa are o diversitate culturală
remarcabilă, cu obiecte și obiective de patrimoniu care atrag milioane de turiști anual la
siturile și orașele istorice, la muzee, biblioteci, etc.". Dar textul atrage și atenția asupra
insuficientei griji pentru acest patrimoniu: "In ciuda acestei bogății, nu ne-am îndeplinit
îndatorirea de a ne îngriji suficient de patrimoniu." Prin urmare, este atât de mult de făcut,
începând de la conservarea siturilor, pana la încurajarea valorificării patrimoniului în
învățământ. Istoricii, guvernanții și noi toți care putem da o mână de ajutor avem o misiune
comună de a defini o Europă unită, creată din bucățele diverse, minunate, îmbinate într-un
întreg. Revelarea istoriei prin patrimoniu este unul din modurile importante prin care
definim unitatea europeană, iar evenimente ca cel care începe astăzi, prin care se schimbă
informații și se subliniază frumusețea istoriei comune, dar se discută și problemele care stau
în fața istoricilor, sunt ocazii în care putem căuta împreuna soluții. Doar prin mobilizarea
sprijinului atât european, cât și național și local, atât public cât și privat, poate fi păstrat și

1
Șeful Biroului de Informare al Parlamentului European în România.

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valorificat patrimoniul cultural european. Ceea ce trebuie să fie la baza creării de atracții
turistice din obiectivele de patrimoniu sunt cunoștințele istoricilor în a prezenta și a
conserva patrimoniul. Istoricii sunt, prin urmare, în centrul acestor eforturi de promovare a
istoriei europene comune. Pe lângă munca de cercetare, ei devin organizatorii unor proiecte
de dezvoltare locală în jurul obiectivelor istorice, mobilizând pentru aceasta sprijinul de
care e nevoie. Ei au cunoașterea necesară, dar și pasiunea necesară. Fostul președinte al
Parlamentului European, Hans-Gert Pöttering, a încurajat deschiderea unei Case a istoriei
europene la Bruxelles, unde ar putea fi găzduite evenimente ca cel de astăzi, dar și
expoziții, prezentări ale unor cercetări, dezbateri, așa încât să existe un centru unde să fie
adunate bucăți valoroase din istoria europeană. Casa istoriei europene nu a fost gândită să
fie un muzeu, ci gazda unei succesiuni de evenimente și expoziții prin care să se
reconstituie firul și imaginile trecutului Europei și să fie promovată munca istoricilor. În
cuvintele Domnului Pöttering: "Casa istoriei europene va aduce istoria Europei la viață
pentru toți, mai ales pentru tineri, și va ajuta prin aceasta promovarea identității europene."
Această casă a istoriei europene este simbolică pentru rolul central pe care istoria este
chemată să îl aibă în construirea viitorului Europei. Pe lângă transferul de cunoștințe,
predarea istoriei necesită comunicarea pasiunii pentru istorie, care poate să insufle iubire
pentru Europa și înțelegerea Europei. Numai astfel putem ajunge să simțim Europa așa cum
Waclaw Havel mărturisește că a ajuns să o definească pentru înțelegerea proprie, ca fiind
"patria patriilor noastre"; numai astfel, când vorbim despre orice parte a Europei, vom simți
că este "acasă". Un astfel de sentiment, al identității europene, este sursa unei solidarități și
coeziuni reale, iar istoria este între cele dintâi chemate să o construiască.
Keywords: history, culture, European Parliament.

"Il m'arrive quelque fois, au détour d'une rue, dans ces courts
répits que laissent les longues heures de la lutte commune, de
penser à tous ces lieux d'Europe que je connais bien. C'est une
terre magnifique faite de peine et d'histoire."
Albert Camus, Nobel Prize winner, Troisième lettre a un ami
allemand, avril 1944.

In 1944, during the second World War, one of the many wars that brought
devastation to Europe, Albert Camus, less-known as fervent supporter of a united
Europe, wrote, noticing that Europe is first of all shared history and shared pain:
"It happens to me at times... to think of all these places of Europe that I know
well. It is a magnificent land, made of suffering and history."2
What Europe's founding fathers envisaged, when dreaming of a Europe where
such devastation would not happen again, was to make this shared history a
common story that should unite rather than divide, especially that it is a history that
moulded the values a free Europe relies upon.
This awareness of a shared European history as core to defining European
identity is promoted today by European politicians and institutions, as a necessary
ingredient to strengthening the European project. This identity can only be shaped
if historians are supported to draw attention to this history, to tell the stories and
bring back to life the past and its lessons for the new generations.

2
Albert Camus, Third letter to a German Friend, 1944.

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 The understanding of the past is firstly a source of learning: we wish to avoid
repeating the same mistakes. Camus notices that Europe is a land made of suffering
too, and historians can teach us about times of peace and times of war, about what
helped peace, and what wars brought about. What a united Europe already
achieved is, in the words of John Hume, former Member of the European
Parliament, "(...) the best example in the history of the world of conflict
resolution."3
The understanding of the past is also a source of pride, as Europe is now home
to a rich cultural heritage that we need to preserve and promote. As a text on the
European Cultural Heritage programme mentions, "Europe has significant cultural
diversity together with exceptional ancient architecture, built environment and
artefact collections which attract millions of tourists every year to its historical
cities and sites, museums, libraries, etc. However, despite this richness, we have
failed in our duty to take sufficient care of historical physical artefacts – both
indoors and outdoors."4
Historians, politicians and all of us who can help, we have a joint mission of
defining a Europe united, made of many diverse and marvellous pieces. This is the
revelation of Europe alive, that we all need to contribute to in order to sustain the
European construction. Bringing to light its history is part of this making of
Europe, and events such as this week's meeting of historians, where information is
shared and where attention is drawn to the beauty of history, are needed to help
cooperation in promoting the European history and the teaching of history at all
levels.
Former President of the European Parliament Hans-Gert Pöttering encouraged
the opening in Brussels of a House of European History, where events such as
today's, but also exhibitions, results of research work, debates, presentations, can
be reported or repeated, to collect in one place the many pieces of historical
material, and to help their identification, to find resources and to bring them to
light. The House of European History is not meant as a museum, but as a lively
succession of events and exhibitions, to reconstitute a timeline and revive the
European past, and to promote the work of European historians. In Mr. Pöttering's
words, "The House of European History will bring Europe's history alive for
everyone, but especially young people, and will thereby help promote an awareness
of European identity."
We consider this House of European History to be symbolic of the central role
the study of history is called to have in building Europe's future.
Besides knowledge, history needs passion, love for Europe. Only so we can
feel about Europe the way Waclav Havel teaches us, as the "homeland of our
homelands"5, only so, when we speak about one country or another, about one
region or the other, we think "home", and we act upon this feeling. It's the genuine
solidarity and cohesion, and historians are among the first called to help to build it.
3
John Hume, Nobel Peace Prize winner, MEP between 1979-2004.
4
http://ec.europa.eu/research/environment/index_en.cfm?pg=cultural.
5
Speech at the European Parliament, December 2009.

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KRASIMIRA KOLEVA*

THE RIVER DANUBE FOR HOMO BALCANICUS

– A BASIC CONCEPT IN THE PICTURE OF THE
WORLD

Abstract: În tabloul lumii pentru Homo Balkanicus fluviul Dunărea a ocupat un loc
important. Statutul celui mai lung fluviu european – pod, peste care au trecut în Balcani
diverse etnii şi culturi atât din Est cât şi din Vest, se constituie într-un motiv de bază prin
care s-au verbalizat categorii şi metafore universale. Datele etnolingvisitce ale poziţiei pe
care conceptual despre Dunăre îl ocupă în tabloul balcanic al lumii sunt strâns legate de
reperele categoriilor semantice ale limbilor balcanice. Accentul în această lucrare este pus
pe termeni provenind din limba bulgară precum şi pe graniţele etnice.
Keywords: ethno-linguistic, concept Danube, Balkan picture of the world, cultural anthro-
pology, metaphor.

For homo balcanicus, the Danube occupies an important place in the picture
of the world. The status of the longest European river, a bridge through which
various nations and cultures come to the Balkans from the East, as well from the
West, is a basic concept. By means of it, universal categories and metaphors are
verbalized. The explanation highlights the indisputable importance of the river for
the life of the people populating the lands near the lower Danube. The regular
migration processes on the Balkan Peninsula and language contacts there broaden
the area of the distribution of linguistic facts associated with this hydronym as an
ethno-linguistic concept. Some facts about different meanings of the word formulas
containing the key lexeme Dunav (meaning Danube) are explored through the lens
of cultural anthropology. The analysis of the phenomena from this perspective
substantiates what is common in the mentality of the Balkans and the reasons for
the layers in the reception of these realia, so significant for everyday life in this
topography. They are not only a diachronic layer in the patriarchal language, but
represent certain innovations at the synchronic level.
The main focus in this paper is on some data from Bulgarian language in its
ethnic borders, integrated around the key lexeme Dunav (directly or indirectly),
providing information about a line of relations on the topic – such as ethnic and
confessional affiliation, Balkan languages and cultural interactions, territory
markers. Aspects explored are also connected with the characteristics nearness ~
remoteness and social parameters of prestige, significance, potential, status in the
community area, as well as in the individual one.

*
Episkop Konstantin Preslavsky University of Shumen.

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 The wide temporal frame of the language phenomena concerned can be
explained due to the significance of this geographical object for all civilizations,
which left some traces in this part of Europe. Basic concepts have had the longest
chronology and as a result of this – a large diversity and polysemantics.
Undoubtedly, this is rooted in the memory of origin that retains the deep semantics
of the name of the river. The Dunav hydronym (meaning Danube) is widely used
and known in different phonetic variants, including non-Indo-European languages,
although the base of its etymology was provided by Indo-European languages
(BER 1971: 446-447; Brückner 1985: 103; Vasmer 1986: 552-553). This is due to
the universality of its semantics. Dunav (Danube) means ‘river’. Of course, this
hydronym has a lot of meanings and usages, a wide derivative network and a high
degree of frequency, whereas these characteristics have the highest level of
intensity in the region of the lower Danube, i.e. the area in the Balkans where the
river is the widest and the biggest one, with the most feeders and associated
populated areas (Kоleva 2008).
The name of the river is mentioned in some of the most important sources of
Bulgarian history of the Middle Ages written in Bulgarian: the Suprasal collection
of writings dating back to the middle of the 10th century, the Bulgarian apocryphal
chronicle from 11th century and the Chronicles of Manasius (a translation of the
World Chronicles by the Byzantine Constantinus Manasius) made in the period
between 1335-1345.
The data of the ethnic language for the place of the concept Dunav (meaning
Danube) in the Balkan picture of the world are closely connected to significant
semantic categories for the Balkan languages.
One of these categories is the binary category definiteness ~ indefiniteness.
Contrary to the paradigmatic rules, this personal name is used not only in its
nominative form, but more often with the definite article: Дунавът // Дунава //
Дунавете (Dunavat // Dunava // Dunavete ‘the Danube // Danube // the
Danubes’). These usages render its semantics the same as appellatives (an
unrestricted class of words). This is not by chance, as analogies exist between the
Danube and sites of historical and social importance in the Balkans such as
Балкана / Balkana (the Balkans – the longest mountain chain that provided the
name of the Peninsula), Родопите / Rhodopi (the Rhodopes Mountains – the
widest and oldest mountain chain, where the cradle of Orpheus and Thracian
Orphism were situated), Искъра / Iskara (the Iskar River – the longest and the
oldest Balkan river, springing from the highest mountain in the Balkans – the Rila
Mountain, the only one crossing the Balkans and flowing into the Danube) and, of
course, Черното море / Chernoto more (the Black Sea), the waterway between
the Balkans and the Orient (West Asia), into which the Danube empties.
This is the way in which Bulgarian native speakers give an extra connotation
to the onym and express a social attitude towards the Great River. For members of
the society, it is not only a source of life and work but also a blessed site to settle
near to. The Danube is the symbol of water as one of the four elements of Creation,
as it provides an abundance of ecosystems existing in the lower course of the river,

11

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especially for its right (Bulgarian) bank. The cult of nature and its relation to the
divine, before which the man bows down in veneration, is expressed in the definite
linguistic reference (the definite article in Bulgarian).
The Balkan settlers placed the Danube next to the other large natural objects in
their own picture of the world using the semantic category quantity.
In the region of Nikopol, the name of the river and its banks is in the plural:
Дунавете / Dunavete ‘the Danubes’ (BER 1971: 446). The plural definite form is
created on the model of the names of the mountain chains (the Rhodope
Mountains, the Carpathian Mountains, the Apennines). The idea of a large space is
obligatory, expressed in oronyms by the plural form. Here it is verbalized in
analogue with those already known. Meanwhile, in this form the opposition high ~
deep plays an important role in human spatial ideas about the natural world.
In the folklore text from the region of Sofia (an area relatively distant from the
river), the name of the river is in the plural form as well: „въз тия бели Дунаве”/
Over these white Danubes. The collocation with the demonstrative underlines the
name and the epithet бели/ white is a “trade mark” of the Danube. This is not only
a colour term, but a polysemantic symbol of Heaven, beauty, light and life as an
antipode of black, including all its negative connotations (compared to the
opposition White sea / Aegean sea ~ Black sea already known for homo balca-
nicus).
The idea is of a large quantity of water expressed by phrases with the
hydronym Dunav (meaning Danube) on the Balkan Peninsula.
In the dialect of Embore (the Lerin region in Aegean part of Macedonia), the
expression ‘дунав водà’ (Danube water) is found, which means ‘a lot of water
usually after heavy rainfalls’ (BER 1971: 446).
The reference to the largest river for the Balkan population is indisputable.
There are some verbal characteristics about its large dimensions (Коlevа 2009).
The word formula of two hydronyms – the rivers Dunav and Sava (Danube
and Sava) – significant for the Balkans has a similar semantic.
The Bulgarian dialect collocation ‘туна и сава’ (tuna i sava), meaning ‘a
great amount of, quite a lot’, is used in Prilep (the region of the river Vardar,
Macedonia). The component ‘туна’ (tuna) is the Turkish variant of the Danube
(Тuna). Due to the bilingual language situation with the presence of the Turkish
language code as a historical context of five centuries of political rule by the
Ottoman Empire on the Balkan Peninsula, whose northern boundary was the River
Danube, is real this quantity metaphor to get trough the hydronym Tuna into the
Bulgarian dialects, which have more intensive contacts with the language of the
ruler. Tuna is used with the meaning ‘in great abundance’ in northeastern Turkish
dialects. The semantic of this metaphor becomes clear from the data about the
heavy and frequently occurring floods of the river Danube in the past.
The component ‘сава’ is the name of the second right-hand feeder of the
Danube – the river Sava, a large river used for navigation. In the discourse of the
patriarchal language of the Serbs, Sava means ‘rain’, because after rains its waters
were frequently high. As is well-known, the river flows into the Danube near one

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of the most emblematic places for the entire history of the Balkans: Belgrade. For
centuries, the waters of both rivers were often high, as is a fact today as well.
The combination of the two hydronyms ‘туна и сава’, which developed as a
result of certain language contacts, is registered only in the Bulgarian language
area and it is not known in the Serbian area. Its phonetic shape points to the
chronology of the phenomena, not earlier than the 14th century, which is supported
by the well-known historical data of the Turkish invasion into the Balkans.
Apart from being full over centuries, both rivers have served as language and
political boundaries (since the Slavonic colonization of the Balkans). In the history
of the Balkan peoples, the rivers Danube and Sava (Дунав и Сава) have been quite
important.
It is curious that the phrases ‘tuna i sava’ and ‘dunav voda’ have been
recorded in other areas not in the region of the river Danube. In the southwestern
part of the Bulgarian language area – in the geographical region of Macedonia (of
the river Vardar and the Aegean Sea) – there are large rivers, there flowing into the
White Sea due to the continental plate’s inclination toward the south. Out of the
specialized language information, the two regionally marked word formulas with
the hydronym components prove the significance which the two large rivers (with
the river Danube as a leader) have for the life on the Balkans and the role they play
in the picture of the world of homo balcanicus.
Within Bulgarian folklore culture, Дунав (the Danube) is a key word in
proverbs and sayings whose meaning involves the idea of great space that is also an
obstacle. The following expression has a high degree of frequency: Власите на
края на Дунава се давят // Накрай Дунава власите се давят. / The Vlahs
drowned when they almost reached the opposite bank of the Danube. It is said for a
person who loses, fails in the final stage of some work (RBЕ 1979: 263). The
following phrase is used in dialects: Не може ме опра ни Дунав. / The Danube
cannot wash me, meaning ‘to be in a difficult situation’, ‘no one can help me’
(PRBЕ 1974: 709). The fact that the above expressions are not restricted to the
regional usage is evidence of the wide scope of these linguistic phenomena.
Moreover, the above-mentioned expressions belong to an archaic layer of
phraseology and are fixed expressions.
It is an interesting fact that the concept Dunav (meaning Danube) is associated
with the idea of success, prosperity, the wealth of those who live on the river
banks. The Gorans from Albania and Kosovo have such a view. Gora is a high
mountain region, located on the west of Balkans, between Shar Mountain and
Vratsa Mountain from the East and Korab Mountain from the West, where the
Bulgarian and Albanian settlements are mixed. Life there is very difficult, and the
lack of work is a reason for emigration. The Gorans say: Za qerdosane, qe se
qerdosaje ka svi na Dunava. // За кердосане, ке се кердосайе ка сви на Дунава.
‘will earn’ < Greeks κέρδος ‘earning’ (RGNA 2007: 941).
A book title by a poet from Varna “Дунавът на паметта” // “The Danube
of the Memory” (Stoyanov 2011) is an innovation in the using of the hydronym

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Dunav (meaning Danube) as a metaphor. This title takes us to De Profundis, to the
very first and eternal word of the Bible.
The list of the word formulas and metaphors with the key word Dunav
(meaning Danube) is open and this is relevant to evaluating the river as a basic
concept in the Balkan picture of the world.

REFERENCES

BER 1971: Български етимологичен речник. Т. 1. (Вл. Георгиев и др. съст.).

София.
Brückner 1985: Brückner, Al. Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego.
Warszawa.
Kоlevа 2008: Kоlevа, K. Danube Bulgarian Anthropological Area. // Cultură şi
civilizaţie la Dunărea de Jos. Ediţia XIII. Călăraşi, 369-373.
Kоlevа 2009: Kолева, Kр. Река Дунав: един европейски концепт в българския
културноантропологичен дискурс. // Език и литература, № 1-2, с.
153-157.
PRBE 1974: Ничева, К., С. Спасова-Михайлова, Кр. Чолакова. Фразеологичен
речник на българския език. Т. 1. София.
RBE 1979: Речник на българския език. Т. 2. София.
RGNA 2007: Dokle, N. Reçnik goranski (nashinski) – allbanski. Fjalor gorançe
(nashke) – shqip. Сoфия.
Stoyanov 2011: Стоянов, Вл. Дунавът на паметта. Варна.
Vasmer 1986: Фасмер, М. Этимологический словарь русского языка. Т. 1.
Москва.

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MARIAN NEAGU*

THE NEOLITHIC SETTLEMENT FROM

GĂLĂŢUI „MOVILA BERZEI”

Abstract: În punctul Movila Berzei (Sat Gălăţui, com. Al. Odobescu) se află o importantă
staţiune arheologică aparţinând perioadei neolitice. Aceasta este situată la capătul podului
spre Bogata, peste lacul Gălăţui, pe terasa înaltă a malului estic, în imediata apropiere a
Movilei Berzei (pe unele hărţi Movila Verde sau Movila Coteţ), de care este despărţită
printr-o vale (Fig. 1.) Stratigrafia aşezării neolitice era următoarea: strat Bolintineanu
(Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei” I, mil. VI a. Chr.); strat pământ negru steril arheologic (Gălăţui
,,Movila Berzei” II); strat Boian cu două niveluri de locuire (Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei”,
nivelurile Boian-Giuleşti III/1 şi III/2 /mil. VI-V a. Chr.); straturile de cultură ale
populaţiilor eneolitice Gumelniţa şi Cernavodă („transferate” sub forma unui drum peste
lacul Gălăţui). Tentativele de organizare a teritoriului unei aşezări s-au materializat şi prin
dispunerea locuinţelor, tratarea anumitor zone ca spaţii cu destinaţie specială, sau cu alte
funcţii, fapt ce ar putea reflecta existenţa unui anumit tip de ierarhizare. Cercetările din
staţiunea arheologică de la Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei“ au arătat un grad mai mare de ocupare
a terenului pentru comunităţile Boian-Giuleşti din ultima etapă. Astfel, aşezarea Giuleşti
din prima etapă (III/1) are o suprafaţă de 50 x 60 m, faţă de aşezarea din etapa finală (III/2),
care ocupă o suprafaţă de 100 x 80 m. (Fig.2/b, c), cu observaţia stratigrafică a descoperirii
materialelor Boian-Giuleşti, doar în locuinţe şi imediata apropiere a acestora. Aşezarea de
la Gălăţui (nivelul III/2) are câteva elemente sigure de organizare a spaţiului. Cercetările
arheologice au pus în evidenţă diferenţe între locuinţele din momentul pătrunderii primelor
comunităţi şi etapa finală Boian-Giuleşti. Astfel, în prima etapă au fost cercetate bordeie şi
colibe. În primul nivel de locuire Boian-Giuleşti (III/1) au fost interceptate unsprezece
colibe marcate prin aglomerări masive de fragmente ceramice, oase, bulgări mici de
chirpici, resturi de vetre şi chiar unelte şi aşchii de silex. Aceste concentrări de materiale
arheologice au fost surprinse de secţiuni cu dimensiuni între 2,45 m şi 4,14 m. Două din
aceste aglomerări de materiale dispuse în zona de nord a aşezării erau acoperite de un strat
subţire de cenuşă fină, probabil provenit de la arderea acoperişului din materiale uşoare de
origine vegetală. Probabil această colibă a servit drept structură de locuinţă câteva sezoane,
după care a fost abandonată. La majoritatea locuinţelor (Boian-Giuleşti (III/1) se constată
un nivel de abandon, marcat prin material ceramic, osteologic, chirpici şi urme de ardere.
Keywords: neolithic, habitat, dwellings.

At Movila Berzei (Gălăţui village, Al. Odobescu commune) there is an

important archaeological site of Neolithic age. It is located towards the end of the
bridge to Bogata, over Gălăţui lake, on the higher terrace of the eastern bank, in the
immediate proximity of Movila Berzei (also known on some of the maps as
Movila Verde or Movila Coteţ) and separated by it only by a valley (Fig. 1.).
*
Muzeul Dunării de Jos, Călăraşi, e-mail: [email protected].

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 During the 1979-1983 pioneering age, the stratigraphy of the site was
established and several habitation complexes were observed.

I. Stratigraphy
The settlement from „Movila Berzei”, on the bank of Gălăţui lake, has several
layers of Neolithic habitation. It is probable – as suggested by the Gumelniţa and
Cernavodă pottery fragments uncovered in the soil employed the heighten the road
level – that Eneolithic layers existed as well. The stratigraphy of the site, suggested
by the research in the ’70-’80-ies and completed during the early first decade of
this millennium is as follows:
 Bolintineanu layer (Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei” I, VI millennium BC.);
 Layer of black soil, archaeologically sterile (Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei” II);
 Boian layer with two habitation horizons (Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei”,
Boian-Giuleşti III/1 and respectively III/2 /. VI-V mil. BC);
 Eneolithic cultural layers Gumelniţa and Cernavodă („transformed” into a
road over the Gălăţui lake).
The spreading area and the stratigraphy of the excavated sites indicate
successive population migrations rather than a development within the Boian-
Giuleşti settlements. All sites belonging to the first penetration stage have a single
habitation horizon. The only sites with more than a cultural layer are those from
Ciulniţa and Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei” (layers III/1 and III/2) for Muntenia, Isaccea
,,Suhat” for the eastern limit and Piatra-Sat ,,Vadul Codrii” for the western limit of
the spreading area1.

II. Habitat
The penetration vectors of the first Boian-Giuleşti communities, together with
scarce and often seasonal habitations (the site comprised a few dwellings, located
in the near proximity of a water source) are important arguments for a semi-
sedentary habitat (Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei”, Boian-Giuleşti III/1 layer).
The real sedentary settlements are known only during the second phase when
for some sites, ditches were noted, probably to delineate the area of the settlement.
Such a ditch, marking the area of the site on the upper terrace of the Gălăţui lake,
was observed in the last habitation layer from Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei”(layer III/2).
The small size of the ditch (0,75 m deep and 1,10-1,35 m wide) and its location on
the western side along a valley, rule out a defense function, pleading more for a
ritual perimeter of the settlement.
The attempts of organizing the territory of a settlement materialized in the
location of the habitations and also in the creation of areas with a special
destination or some other functions, perhaps reflecting a certain sort of hierarchy.
The excavations at Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei revealed a higher degree of occupation
for the Boian-Giuleşti community from the latest layer. During the stage Giuleşti
1
So far no absolute chronological dating was performed, only the typological criteria was
employed.

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settlement (III/1) occupied an area of 50 x 60 m whereas during the final stage
(III/2) it stretched over 100 x 80 m (noting that Boian-Giulești finds only occurred
inside houses and around them)2. The systematic research of the III/2 Boian-
Giuleşti Gălăţui ,,Movila Berzei” layer allowed us to make a few preliminary
conclusions: while many of the garbage pits were found close to one end of the
site, the houses occurred mainly towards the interior. There are a few safe elements
in what spatial organization is concerned. The Boian-Giulești dwellings reflect
more or less a certain mode of spatial organization (Fig.II /1,3). Archaeological
excavations showed the differences between the dwellings from the penetration
stage and the final Boian-Giuleşti one. Thus, for the first stage we excavated
sunken-huts and huts3.
A number of eleven huts occurred in the first Boian-Giuleşti (III/1) layer, as
massive agglomerations of pottery fragments, bones, small sized daub pieces,
hearth fragments and even flint tools and flakes. These concentrations, as caught in
our sections, showed sizes ranging from 2,45 m to 4,14 m. Two of these
agglomerations, situated in the northern area, were covered by a thin layer of ashes,
probably resulted from the burning of the roof, made of light vegetal materials.
One of the excavated huts (c1/2000) showed pole holes with diameters ranging
from 6 cm to 9 cm, a large quantity of daub, both fired and unfired, clay fragments,
pot sherds, hearth fragments. This hut probably served as a habitation place for a
few seasons and was eventually abandoned. Most of the habitations in this
particular (III/1) Boian-Giuleşti layer show traces of abandonment, materialized
through pottery, bones and traces of burning4. Inside the largest sunken hut
belonging to the first layer we found a triangular anthropomorphic protoma. The
sides were marked with a series of excised equilateral triangles, eyes were figured
as two horizontal lines.Nose was outlines, mouth was represented as a deep vertical
incisition, similar to a vulvar slit.
In this first stage remains of surface dwellings are only isolate occurrences.
There are a lot more dwellings during the next stage. They reflect the
sedentarization process undertook by the Boian-Giulești communities. The
identified types were sunken huts and surface dwellings. The size of the sunken
huts is bigger than for the previous stage and they were lived in for a longer period
of time5.
At this stage of research for the Giuleşti communities, the everyday
occupations included animal raising, plant cultivation, hunting, pottery making,
stone, bone and antler tool manufacturing. Although there is a small increase in the
number of chisels and axes for the sites belonging to the final phase, we cannot
2
M. Neagu, Gălățui-Movila Berzei in Boian civilization in Romania, Călărași, 1999, p.22.
3
E. Comșa, History communities Boian culture, Bucharest, 1974, p. 13-14.
4
M. Neagu, Boian-Giuleşti Communities in the Danube Valley, Istros X, Brăila, 2000, p.
30; Idem, Middle Neolithic Age in the Lower Danube Region wits special Consideration on
the Center of Muntenia, Călărași, 2003, p. 93.
5
Idem, Boian-Giuleşti Communities in the Danube Valley, p. 31.

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clearly delineate a differentiation between the two Giuleşti phases, at east at this
stage of the research.
Between 1999-2001 it was possible to find the limits of the Bolintineanu sites
(the earliest so far)6, Boian-Giuleşti I and II, and in 2008-2009 the Boian cemetery
was found. Various types of dwellings such as the sunken-hut, the hut or surface
dwellings were identified. The Bolintineanu layer overlapped by the first Boian-
Giuleşti layer belong to the upper Neolithic, whereas the last Boian-Giuleşti layer
could be considered as Eneolithic.

Fig. 1. The Neolithic settlement Gălățui-Movila Berzei.

Fig. 2. 1. Sanctuary Boian-Giulești (III/1); 2. Bolintineanu settlement; 3. Boian-

Giulești settlement.
6
Ibidem.

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DIANA BINDEA*

PRELIMINARY ARCHAEOZOOLOGICAL DATA

ON THE NEOLITHIC SETTLEMENT IN
GĂLĂŢUI-MOVILA BERZEI

Abstract: Satul Gălăţui, situat pe malul lacului cu acelaţi nume aparţine comunei
Alexandru Odobescu (judeţul Călăraşi). Săpăturile arheologice care au furnizat materialul
arheozoologic analizat de către noi s-au derulat în punctul ”Movila Berzei”, în anii 2008 şi
2009. Lotul faunistic studiat cumulează 348 resturi faunistice şi provine din stratul de
cultură Boian, cu două orizonturi de locuire: Boian – Giuleşti III / 1 şi III / 2, datate în
mileniile VI - V î. Hr. Din primul orizont de locuire au fost recuperate 94 de resturi osoase,
aproape integral provenite de la specii domestice. Calul, prezent în ambele nivele de locuire
prin câte un dinte izolat, îl vom considera fiind încă, în aceeastă perioadă istorică, în stare
sălbatică. Dacă excludem dintele de cal şi două resturi de valve aparţinând genului Unio,
toate celelalte fragmente osoase din acest prim nivel aparţin speciilor domestice, după cum
urmează, după numărul de fragmente (NR), 83,75 % bovine, 11,25 % ovicaprine, 2,5 %
porcine şi 1,25 % câine, iar după numărul minim de indivizi (MNI), 54,54 % bovine, 18,18
% ovicaprine, iar la egalitate, cu 9,1 %, porcul şi câinele. Pe baza unui metacarp de oaie
descoperit întreg se estimează o talie de 621,03 mm. Lotul faunistic descoperit în cel de-al
doilea orizont de locuire este mai numeros şi diversitatea speciilor mai mare. Prin urmare
raportul mamifere domestice / sălbatice, creşte mult în favoarea speciilor sălbatice faţă de
nivelul anterior. Procentajul acestora din urmă, aproape nul în primul nivel (un singur
fragment de cal), se ridică în nivelul superior la 4,1 %. Diferenţa trebuie privită cu prudenţă
datorită cantităţii reduse de material osos. Frecvenţa speciilor în cel de-al doilea nivel este,
după numărul de resturi, pentru bovine domestice 74,87 %, ovicaprine 17,94 %, suine
domestice şi câine 1,53 %. Procentajul speciilor sălbatice este 1,02 % pentru cerb, bour,
vulpe şi 0,53 % pentru mistreţ şi cal. S-a estimat pentru un taur o talie de 1329,3 mm, pe
baza unui metacarp întreg, iar pentru o femelă o talie de 1251,3 mm, după un metatars
complet. În secţiunea XVI, caroul 7 - 8, adâncimea 2 – 2.10 m a fost descoperită o locuinţă
neolitică în inventarul căreia erau şi 7 resturi osoase, dintre care 4 au fost determinate ca
aparţinând speciei Bos taurus. O privire comparativă – Bolintineanu – Boian-Giuleşti –
asupra aşezării de la Gălăţui, bazată pe criterii arheozoologice relevă asemănări, dar şi
deosebiri între cele două comunităţi. Observăm că au fost identificate aproximativ aceleaşi
specii sălbatice (un spectru faunistic redus), mistreţul este absent în stratul Bolintineanu şi
reprezentat printr-un singur fragment în materialul Boian-Giuleşti. Raportul mamifere
domestice / sălbatice este foarte apropiat în cele două culturi: 96,77 / 3,23 % în Boian-
Giuleşti şi 97,2 / 2,8 % în Bolintineanu, remarcăm în ambele cazuri frecvenţa ridicată a
mamiferelor domestice. Ponderea speciilor este foarte asemănătoare în cele două niveluri
de locuire. Analogii ale sitului Boian-Giuleşti de la Gălăţui cu alte aşezări contemporane
relevă, în primul rând, o diversitate redusă de specii la Gălăţui, la fel ca şi la Bogata şi

*
Muzeul Naţional de Istorie a Transilvaniei, Cluj Napoca, [email protected].

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Bucşani, în opoziţie cu Siliştea, Ciulniţa, Isaccea, Lăceni, aşezări cu un spectru faunistic
mai bogat. În ceea ce priveşte ponderea speciilor, situl de la Gălăţui se apropie cel mai mult
de cel de la Ciulniţa şi într-o oarecare măsură de cel de la Bogata, unde rolul principal în
cadrul creşterii animalelor îl deţineau bovinele domestice, toate celelalte aşezări Boian-
Giuleşti studiate având o economie animalieră bazată şi pe exploatarea sau vânarea altor
specii.
Keywords: archaeozoology, fauna, bones, Gălăţui, Neolithic, Boian – Giuleşti.

The village of Gălăţui, located on the shores of the lake bearing the same
name, is administratively part of the larger settlement of Alexandru Odobescu
(Călăraşi County). The archaeological excavations that have revealed the
archaeozoological material under analysis were performed between 2008 and 2009
on the spot called “Movila Berzei” (The Stork’s Mound). The animal remains
analyzed here include 348 items (table 1; fig. 1) and belong to the Boian culture
stratum, with two habitation levels: Boian – Giuleşti III / 1 and III / 2, dated to the
6th-5th millennium B.C. (Neagu 2010, p. 539).

1. Description of species according to habitation levels

Habitation level I – Boian – Giuleşti III / 1

94 bone fragments, almost all belonging to domestic species, have been
recovered from the first habitation level. Two isolated horse teeth have been
discovered, one in each habitation level, but during that period horses were not
domesticated but wild. Excluding thus the horse tooth and two valve remains
belonging to the Unio genus, all other bone fragments from this first level belong
to the following domestic species (percentages given according to the number of
preserved remains noted NR): cattle 83.75 %, caprovines 11.25 %, pigs 2.5 %, and
dogs 1.25 %. According to the minimum number of individuals (MNI) the
proportion of the species was 54.54 % cattle, 18.18 % caprovines, 9.1 % pigs, and
9.1 % dogs.
Bos taurus (domestic cattle) were the most numerous and almost all skeleton
elements were found in relatively equal proportions. The discovery of mandible
remains allowed us to estimate the minimum number of individuals (besides a
calcaneus with a partially ossified tuberosity) and the age when cattle were
slaughtered. Thus, the estimated 6 individuals might have had the following ages
when they were killed: 8-13 months; ca. 18 months; ca. 24 months; 30-31 months,
ca. 42 months, and over 48 months. On the basis of an entirely preserved
metatarsus we were also able to estimate the height at shoulders and the gender of
one individual. The female (Udrescu – Bejenaru – Hrişcu 1999, p.79) measured ca.
1180.08 mm (Driesch – Boessneck 1974, p. 336). One right cattle mandible
showed brown and black stains interpreted as traces of firing.
Ovis aries / Capra hircus (caprovines) are only represented in the first
habitation layer by 9 bone remains belonging to two individuals, one under 2 and
the other over 3 years of age. On the basis of a sheep metacarpus that was
discovered in its entirety one can estimate an individual measuring ca. 621.03 mm

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(Driesch – Boessneck 1974, p. 339). Traces of fine transversal cuts are visible on
the surface of its skull, at the distal end of the diaphysis, over ca. 7 mm; the
proximal half of the cranial face was also polished over ca. 22 mm.
Sus scrofa domesticus (domestic pig) is very poorly represented, by only two
fragments probably belonging to a single individual of ca. 16-17 months.
One fragment belongs to Canis familiaris (dog) and another to Equus caballus
(horse).

Habitation level II – Boian – Giuleşti III / 2

The faunistic lot discovered in the second habitation level is more numerous
and the diversity of its species is larger. The proportion between domestic and wild
animals is thus more in favor of the latter than in the previous level. The percentage
of wild species, almost lacking from the first level (a single horse bone fragment)
now reaches 4.1 %. The difference must be regarded with caution due to the
reduced quantity of bone material.
146 remains belong to domestic cattle, i.e. a minimum number of 5
individuals (estimated according to teeth and the ossification degree of the
vertebral body), slaughtered at 18-24 months, 24-30 months, ca. 36 months, ca. 40
months, and ca. 7-9 years old.
The four identified horn fragments are splinters, two from the base of horns
and two from the central part; they cannot give any indication on the
morphological characteristics of the cattle they belonged to.
One bull has been estimated as measuring 1329.3 mm in height on the basis of
a completely preserved metatarsus. This fragment and other 3 primary phalanges
show traces of firing. One phalanx presents black firing stains and there are traces
of human intervention on the skull surface, at its distal end, under the shape of a
fragment cut-out with a sharp instrument. Two other primary phalanges show
similar traces. One has black firing traces and indications of intentional cutting,
while another is burnt to black on the dorsal side. Another distal metatarsus
fragment is completely and uniformly burnt to dark brown.
Caprovines cumulate 35 fragments, among which two probably belong to the
Capra hircus species, while 17 remains seem to belong to the Ovis aries species.
The other 15 fragments could not be identified more precisely. One incomplete
goat horn (with a broken tip) corresponds to the “sword” type and probably
belonged to a male animal. One broken distal metatarsus was attributed to a male
ovine.

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Fig. 1. Percental distribution of mammal remains in the settlement of Gălăţui.

The ages when the 5 caprovines (including the male goat discussed above)
were killed were: 12-18 months, 26-28 months and 3 at adult age, one older than 5
(with vertebras that had ossified bodies).
Connected bone fragments from a female sheep (the individual over 5 years of
age) were discovered in section XX, square 2, at a depth of 0.25-0.30 m. The
following fragments have been identified: one skull fragment from the occipital
area, one atlas, one axis, 5 cervical vertebrae, 2 thoracic vertebrae and probably
two other thoracic vertebrae discovered in the same area but at a deeper level (all
vertebrae were fragmentary). We attribute two entire mandibles to the same
complex, confirming the fact that these bones belonged to an adult animal. On the
basis of the axis we believe this individual was female.
Domestic pigs are just as poorly represented as in the first habitation level, by
only 3 remains belonging to one male animal; one cannot identify the age of this
individual.
Two mandibles and one vertebra, all in fragments, probably belonged to a
single dog.
The following wild mammals have been identified: red deer (2 fragments, 1
individual under 3.5 years old), aurochs (2 fragments, 1 individual older than 18
months, possibly a female due to its relatively small size), fox (2 remains, 1
individual), and wild pig (1 remain, 1 individual, possibly female as well). One of
the two bone remains attributed to the fox has been identified as pertaining to the
parietal area, with the sagittal crest, while the other was a fragment with occipital
condyles, the tympanic bulla, and a fragment from the sphenoid. The presence of
horses is indicated here by a single isolated tooth remain as well. One of the
unidentified fragments shows traces of firing. 8 valves belong to Unio genus
mollusk. Fragmentary ribs discovered in both the first and the second layers were
not included in the statistic calculation.

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Neolithic dwelling - level I – Boian – Giuleşti III / 1
A Neolithic dwelling was uncovered in section XVI, squares 7-8, at a depth of
2 – 2.10 m. Its inventory included 7 bone fragments among which 4 have been
identified as belonging to Bos taurus species: one fragment of a femoral head with
black firing stains, one proximal fragment from a metatarsus, one entire secondary
phalanx, and one vertebral fragment with ossified head; 3 fragments remained
unidentified.

2. Animal husbandry and analogies

When looking at the percental distribution of mammal remains and individuals
in the two habitation layers of the Boian – Giuleşti Culture, III / 1 and III / 2 (table
1; fig. 2, 3), one notes a larger diversity in phase III / 2; almost all wild mammal
remains have been discovered in this horizon and over 70 % of the entire faunistic
material.

Fig. 2. Distribution of mammal remains in the settlement of Gălăţui according to

phases.

Fig. 3. Distribution of mammal individuals in the settlement of Gălăţui according

to phases.

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 A comparative overview – Bolintineanu (Bălăşescu – Radu 2003, p. 73-84) –
Boian-Giuleşti – of the settlement in Gălăţui based on archaeozoological criteria
(fig. 4) reveals common but also diverging elements between the two communities.

Fig. 4. Species frequency in Gălăţui – comparison with Bolintineanu and Boian-

Giuleşti.

One notes that almost the same wild species have been identified (a low
faunistic spectrum); wild pigs are absent from the Bolintineanu layer, while a
single fragment has been discovered among the Boian-Giuleşti material. The
proportion between domestic and wild mammals is very similar in the two cultures:
96.77 / 3.23 % in Boian-Giuleşti and 97.2 / 2.8 % in Bolintineanu; one notes the
high frequency of domestic mammals in both cases.
The proportion of species is very similar in the two habitation layers,
Bolintineanu and Boian-Giuleşti (fig. 4). Domestic cattle show the same percentage
(77.7 %) while caprovines have very similar frequencies (15.2 % and 15.77 %).
There are small differences in the case of domestic pigs and aurochs, species that
are slightly better represented in the Bolintineanu material; only isolated fragments
from wild pigs have been discovered in the Boian-Giuleşti culture and none in the
Bolintineanu layer.
As for the age when cattle were slaughtered, one notes differences between the
Bolintineanu and Boian-Giuleşti communities: in the first, cattle were mostly killed
at adult age, while in the latter it seems that juvenile and sub-adult individuals were
preferred. Mostly adult caprovines were killed in both communities.
The cattle raised by Boian-Giuleşti populations were of very similar size; the
average height at shoulder was of 125.35 cm. at Gălăţui and 125.9 at Ciulniţa
(Bălăşescu – Radu 2004, p. 147). Comparable figures were also obtained for the
size of cattle in Vidra phase from Vărăşti, where a metacarpus bone belonging to a
female animal indicated a height of 123.6 cm (Bolomey 1966, p. 29) and at
Vlădiceasca, where an average of 125.1 cm was calculated (Bălăşescu – Radu
2004, p. 148). In Căscioarele, Spanţov phase, the estimated height of a female was
of 114.6 cm (Bolomey 1981, p. 176), comparatively smaller than the one calculated
for the female animal in Gălăţui, i.e. of 118 cm.

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Fig. 5. Frequency of domestic mammals on Boian-Giuleşti sites.

The height of sheep in Gălăţui, of 62.7 cm, is bigger than that of sheep in
Ciulniţa (Boian-Giuleşti), of 58.2 cm, Vlădiceasca (Boian-Vidra), of 55.4 cm and
Căscioarele (Boian-Spanţov), of 54.3 cm, and very close to that estimated for
ovines in Lăceni-Măgura (Boian-Giuleşti), of 62.7 cm (Bălăşescu – Radu 2004, p.
137).
Metric data (Driesch 1976) on faunistic remains is shown in annex 1.
The analysis of analogies for the Boian-Giuleşti site in Gălăţui, i.e. other
contemporary settlements (Bălăşescu – Radu 2004, p. 75-83), reveals, first of all, a
small diversity of species in Gălăţui, just as in Bogata and Bucşani, unlike in
Siliştea, Ciulniţa, Isaccea, and Lăceni that showed a wider spectrum of fauna (fig.
5, 6).

Fig. 6. Frequency of wild mammals on Boian-Giuleşti sites.

As for the proportion of species, the site in Gălăţui resembles mostly that in
Ciulniţa, but also that in Bogata where domestic cattle held the main role in animal
husbandry; all other analyzed Boian-Giuleşti settlements were based on raising,
exploiting, or hunting other species.

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REFERENCES

Bălăşescu – Radu 2003: A. Bălăşescu, V. Radu, Paleoeconomia animalieră a

comunităţilor Bolintineanu, in M. Neagu, Neoliticul mijlociu la
Dunărea de Jos cu privire specială asupra centrului Munteniei,
Călăraşi, p. 73-87.
Bălăşescu – Radu 2004: A. Bălăşescu, V. Radu, Omul şi animalele. Strategii şi
resurse la comunităţile Hamangia şi Boian, Târgovişte.
Bolomey 1966: Alexandra Bolomey, Fauna neolitică din aşezarea Boian A de la
Vărăşti, in Studii şi cercetări de antropologie, 3, 1, p. 27-34.
Bolomey 1981: Alexandra Bolomey, Contribuţie la cunoaşterea economiei
animale a culturii Boian în lumina materialelor de la Căscioarele,
jud. Călăraşi, in Cercetări arheologice, 5, p. 169-193.
Comșa 1974: History Communities Boian Culture, Bucharest, p. 13-14.
Driesch – Boessneck 1974: Angela von den Driesch, J. Boessneck, Kritische
Anmerkungen zur Widerristhöhenberechnung aus Längenmaβen vor-
und frühgeschichtlicher Tierknochen, in BLV-Verlagsgesellschaft
München, 40, 22, 4, p. 325-348.
Driesch 1976: Angela von den Driesch, A Guide for the Measurements of Animal
Bones from Archaeological sites, in Peabody Museum Bulletin, 1,
Harvard University, p. 1-137.
Neagu 1999: Gălățui-Movila Berzei in Boian Civilization in Romania, Călărași,
p. 22.
Neagu 2000: Boian-Giuleşti Communities in the Danube Valley, Istros X, Brăila,
p.30.
Neagu 2003: Middle Neolithic Age in the Lower Danube Region wits special
Consideration on the Center of Muntenia, Călărași, 2003, p. 92.
Neagu 2010: M. Neagu, The Neolithic settlement from Gălăţui „Movila Berzei”,
in Tracii şi vecinii lor în Antichitate, p. 539-541.
Udrescu – Bejenaru – Hrişcu 1999: M. Şt. Udrescu, Luminiţa Bejenaru, Carmen
Hrişcu, Introducere în arheozoologie, Iaşi.

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 30

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 Explanation of codes (Driesch 1976): APD – Antero-posterior diameter; APD d – Antero-
posterior diameter of the distal end; APD df – Antero-posterior diameter of the diaphysis; APD p –
Antero-posterior diameter of the proximal end; B M1 - Breadth of the lower 1st molar; B dens –
Breadth of the dens; BA – Breadth of the acetabulum; Bc – Breadth of the condyle process; Bd –
Breadth of the distal end; BF – Breadth of the Facies articularis; BFcr – Breadth of the Facies
articularis cranialis; BFcd – Breadth of the Facies articularis caudalis; BFd – Breadth of the Facies
articularis distalis; BFp – Breadth of the Facies articularis proximalis; Bp – Breadth of the proximal
end; BPacr – Breadth across the Processus articulares craniales; BPacd – Breadth across the Processus
articulares caudales; BPC – Breadth across the coronoid process; BT – Breadth of the trochlea; Cb –
circumference of the base; DC – Depth of the Caput femoris; Dl – Depth of the lateral half; DLS –
Length of the sole; Dm – Depth of the medial half; DPA – Depth across the Processus anconaeus; GB
– Greatest breadth; GBoc – Greatest breadth of the occipital condyles; GBfm - Greatest breadth of the
foramen magnum; Gdab – Greatest diameter of the auditory bulla; GL – Greatest length; GLl –
Greatest length of the lateral half; GLm - Greatest length of the medial half; GLPa – Greatest length
from the Processus articulares craniales to the Processus articulares caudales; H – Height; Hfm -
Height of the foramen magnum; HmbM3 – Height of the mandible behind 3rd molar; Hmfdp2 – Height
of the mandible in front of deciduous 2nd lower premolar; HmfM1 – Height of the mandible in front of
first molar; Hrv – Height of the vertical ramus; L C - Length of the canine; L Calv – Length of the
canine alveolus; L dp4 – Length of the deciduous 4th upper premolar; L dp4 – Length of the deciduous
4th lower premolar; L dp1-dp4 – Length of the lower deciduous premolar row; L dp2-dp4 – Length of
the lower deciduous (2nd-4th) premolar row; L M1-M3 – Length of the upper molar row; L M1 –
Length of the lower 1st molar; L M3 – Length of the upper 3rd molar; L P1-P4 – Length of the lower
premolar row; L P2-P4 – Length of the lower (2nd-4th) premolar row; L P2-M3 – Length of the lower
cheekrow; L M1-M3 – Length of the lower molar row; L M3 – Length of the lower 3rd molar; LA –
Length of the acetabulum; LAPa - Length of the arch including the Processus articulares caudales;
LCDe – Length in the region of the corpus including the dens; Ld – Length of the dorsal surface; LDb
– Large diameter of the base; LF – Length of the Facies articularis; LG – Length of the glenoid
cavity; LgcM3 – Length: gonion caudale – M3; LgcP2 – Length: gonion caudale – P2; Lgcfm –
Length: gonion caudale – mental foramen; LO – Length of the olecranon; Lsy – Length of the
symphysis; MBS – Middle breadth of the sole; PL – Physiological length of the bodies; SBV –
Smallest breadth of the vertebra; SD – Smallest breadth; SB – Smallest breadth of the shaft of ilium;
SDb – Small diameter of the base; SDO – Smallest depth of the olecranon; SH - smallest height of the
shaft of ilium; SLC – Smallest length of the Collum scapulae.

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YAVOR BOYADZHIEV*, VLADIMIR SLAVCHEV**

LATE NEOLITHIC SETTLEMENT NEAR THE

VILLAGE OF APRILTSI, PAZARDZIK DISTRICT

Abstract: Aşezarea cercetată se află în partea de vest a Depresiunii Tracice, lângă satul
Aprilţi, regiunea Pazargic. Săpăturile au fost efectuate cu prilejul trasării conductei de gaze,
care trebuiau să traverseze periferia sudică a aşezării de-a lungul a 80 de m. S-au făcut trei
sondaje, fiecare cu lungime de 10 m şi lăţime de 2,50 m. La capătul de est şi la cel de vest
al sectorului cercetat s-au descoperit părţile nordice a două locuinţe pe jumătate săpate în
pământ. Suprafaţa lor era de peste 100 m2. Locuinţa 1 este săpată în terenul de odinoiară la
adâncime de peste 1, 40 m şi prezintă trei niveluri de dezvoltare. Locuinţa 2 are 0,90 m în
pământ şi arată cinci etape de restructurare. În ultimele etape (III pentru locuinţa 1 şi IV –
V pentru locuinţa 2) podelele locuinţelor ajung la nivelul suprafeţei. Între cele două
locuinţe rămâne o porţiune cu lungime de circă 55 m, în care stratul cultural este analogic
cu cel al locuinţelor din ultimele etape menţionate. Materialele arheologice din partea
cercetată a aşezării arată unele trăsături specifice: foarte puţine oase de animale – mai ales
la adâncime până la 1 m; cantitate mare de unelte de piatră; puţine la număr obiecte de
silex. Complexul ceramic din etapele timpurii ale edificiilor este tipic pentru cultura
Karanovo III. În etapele târzii, apar şi forme caracteristice pentru Karanovo III-IV.
Rezultatele obţinute de cercetarea aşezării lângă satul Aprilţi dau posibilitatea să fie
clarificate unele momente importante ale dezvoltării neoliticului târziu în Tracia de Vest.
Aceasta este cea mai timpurie aşezare din neoliticul târziu în Tracia cu locuinţe
semiîngropate având dimensiuni impresionante. Particularităţile materialului ceramic,
grosimea stratului cultural şi multiplele niveluri de podine si refaceri, permit să se admită că
aşezarea de lângă satul Aprilţi există de la începutul culturii Karanovo III până la trecerea ei
treptată la Karanovo IV. Aşezarea aparţine unui grup etnocultural aparte care se stabileşte
în această regiune în perioada de tranziţie de la neoliticul timpuriu spre neoliticului târziu.
Acest grup etnocultural îşi continuă existenţa şi după încetarea locuirii aşezării cercetate,
probabil în aşezarea apropiată de lângă satul Kalugerovo.
Keywords: neolithic, settlements, dwellings.

The settlement is situated in the western part of the Thracian Plain, near the
village of Apriltsi, Pazardzhik district (fig. 1a). It is located on a southwest facing
slope that descends to the adjacent gully (fig.1b). The site covers an area of cca. 25
daa (Цончев 1963, 10). The excavations were conducted in relation with the
construction of a gas pipeline. The pipeline crosses the settlement in east/ west

*
National Institute of Archaeology with Museum, 2 Saborna Str., 1000 Sofia, Bulgaria,
[email protected].
**
Regional Museum of History - Varna, 41 Maria Luiza Blvd., 9000 Varna, Bulgaria,
[email protected] .
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direction over an area of around 85-90 m (fig.1b). It was dug out before the
archaeological excavations and the cultural layer was destroyed. That is why the
possibilities for sensible archaeological work were severely limited – only the area
between the already excavated outline and the dirt road constructed to serve the
future pipeline.
The investigation was conducted in three sondages, each 10m in length and
2.50m in width. Sondage 2 was in the centre of the excavated strip where the dark-
brown to brown soil contained destroyed fired clay features. Sondage 1 was to the
east part of the site, while sondage 4 was to the west. Both sondages covered the
north part of two large patches of grey soil that were formed during the digging of
the pipeline and were visible in the channel dug into the sterile brown clay for a
control cable to the south of the outline. It was established that there were two
semi-sunken dwellings in the east and the west end of the settlement periphery.
Dwelling 1 (fig. 2). It is located in the southeast periphery of the settlement
(Sondage 1). Only its northernmost part was investigated. Its northern ‘wall’ was
registered for 7.20 m in north/northeast -south/southwest direction but its east and
west boundaries were not found. To the west, there is a beginning of a curve to the
south in the southwest corner of Sondage 1В (fig.2e), but it is not clear how the
building continues to the south and whether it widens again, since this area is
destroyed by the pipeline. To the east, the wall reaches the north cross-section and
the building occupies the entire east part of Sondage 1А and continues to the east
and north (northeast) (fig. 2 b, e). The southern limits of both dwellings were not
established but according to the size of the grey soil-mark, that is obviously
corresponding to the buildings, they covered an area of at least 10 m to the south.
The total thickness of the investigated cultural layer is up to 2.10 m. It is clear,
however, that it was even thicker since the above figure does not include the
heavily destroyed surface layer of 0.20 m. In addition, there is a series of indicators
suggesting that the sunken structure was more substantial in the uninvestigated
area. The lowermost floor has a clear slope (at an angle of 300) to the south (fig.
2a, g).
Three major occupational stages were registered in the investigated northern
part:
I. From the bottom to a strip of whitish clay with limestone concretions. The
finds are very few from this stage. There are limited strata and lenses. They are
most pronounced in the southeast part, where four floor levels were registered
above the initial floor, all of which are descending at an angle (fig. 2g). Obviously,
in this phase the main part of the dwelling was in the southern uninvestigated area.
The thickness of the layer from stage I is around 0.80 m but it increases to the
south where the sunken structure deepens. It is not impossible that an even earlier
stage of occupation has taken place in the central and the deepest part of the
building. The finds (including sherds) are very few from stage I. This is probably
due to the fact that in this period the investigated area was at the very northern part
of the building and constituted part of a wall rather than a living space.

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 II. Marked by a layer of whitish clay with limestone concretions that indicates
the beginning of a floor level (fig. 2b, f, h). Over the layer is a hearth, which has
been renewed four times and, in three of the four cases, there area traces of partial
reconstruction, too (fig. 2d, g). Although the clay coating was also multiply
renewed, it does not form separate clearly defined floors but it is rather mixed with
the grey-greenish fill. The total thickness of the layer that contains the whitish clay
is up to 0.30-0.35 m. The spots of whitish clay usually contain a concentration of
fragmented vessels which means that this combination marks different sub-stages
of the floor utilization. The finds from this stage are most numerous – fragmented
vessels, clay weights, stone tools, a figurine and animal bones. Its end coincides
with the leveling of the sunken part with the surface part and the establishment of
an above-ground dwelling. The thickness of the stage II layer is around 0.60 m.
III. During this stage the dwelling is above-ground (fig. 2c, e, f, h). Perhaps
the floor level was extended to the north in this stage since no traces of a northern
wall were found. The thickness of the stage II layer is around 65 cm with three
distinguishable sub-stages.
Dwelling 2 (fig. 3). It is located in the southwest periphery of the settlement
(Sondage 4). Similarly to dwelling 1, only its northernmost part was investigated.
The northern wall was registered for 6.40 m in east -west direction but there are at
least five more meters to the west. The northeast corner of the dwelling and the
beginning of the eastern wall up to 60 cm in length were excavated. The southern
boundaries of the building were not found but the grey fill, dug into the bedrock
and clearly related to the dwelling, was visible in the channel for a control cable
that is at 9.50 m to the south of the sondages. The digging into the bed-rock is
almost vertical. It is not impossible that there was a deeper part located to the south
– an indication for that is the depth of the dug-into structure with grey fill that is
traceable in the cross-section of the control-cable channel. There are five stages of
the sunken structure:
I. From the initial floor to the first coating of the fill with yellow clay (fig. 3e).
The bottom is at 0.85-0.90 m under the ancient surface. It is covered with yellow-
reddish sandy clay. Traces of two slightly sunken round burnt features are visible,
perhaps serving as places for shallow clay hot-plates.
II. From the first to the second coating with yellow clay (fig. 3f). A new floor
level was made 20-25 cm above the initial floor and on top of the grey-greenish
fill. It is 3 cm thick layer of sterile yellow clay that is more clearly marked in the
eastern part of the building. In the western area it is thinner and missing at places.
In that part of the building, under this layer there is another layer of 15 cm thick
grey-brown clay that is very strongly rammed. The second stage was relatively
short and has produced only 8-10 cm of fill.
III. Between the second yellow clay floor and the level of the oven, when the
sunken part is leveled with the above-ground par (fig. 3a-d)t. It starts with a new
floor level of yellow clay that is at 40 cm under the ancient surface. It is thicker
than the first floor level (6 - 7 cm) and it is clearly traceable over the entire
investigated area. The floor, however, does not reach the wall of clay bedrock but

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stops 25-35 cm from it. The situation is the same with the previous floor. The
distance corresponds to the diameter of the two post-holes found there, which
suggests that there was a wall along the northern part of the sunken structure that
was separating the building from the bedrock. The cut is much more vertical here
than in dwelling 1. The third stage finishes with the infill of the sunken part and its
leveling with the ancient surface when the dwelling becomes above-ground.
IV. The period of the use of the oven (fig. 3a-f). The building was extended to
the north, since now there was a new surface area available. An oven was built next
to the northern wall and its northern part is over the bedrock, while its south part is
above the fill of the sunken structure. The soil in the northern end of sondage 4В is
close to the bedrock clay in terms of structure and colour and perhaps belongs to a
washed-away wall of the building that was made of the clay extracted from the
dwelling pit.
V. Period after the destruction of the oven (fig. 3a-d). Very weak traces of
human activities – several large pottery fragments and a flint blade. It is possible
that this area was used for different purposes rather than dwelling.
An oven with a preserved dome was found at 2 m to the east of the northeast
corner of the dwelling 2 (fig. 3g). Its south half remains in the cross-section. The
oven id directly over the bedrock and perhaps was serving dwelling 2 during the
first two stages, while it was still outside it.
Between dwellings 1 and 2 there is an area of 55 m in length. The nature of
the cultural strata there (sondages 2, 1В, 4А) is the same as that in the dwellings
after they occupy an above-ground position. It seems that the area between the
dwellings was more intensively occupied during the later stages of habitation when
the sunken structures were filled and the dwellings were above-ground. The daub
and the concentration of archaeological material at a depth of 0.30-0.40 m in
sondage 2 and the fired clay remains scattered by the building machines suggest
that there were some architectural feature in this area during its last occupational
stage. It is possible that some new dwellings have appeared or that the old ones
have changed their size and location.
The archaeological material from the investigated part of the settlement has
shown some particularities:
• very few animal bones – especially up to 1 m in depth;
• large number of stone tools (fig. 4: 11-17) – especially pestles, pestles-
smoothers (with different shapes and sizes) and grinding stones - relatively
few flint artefacts – only 7;
• great amount of clay weights (36) (fig. 4: 1-10) – different in shape but with
approximately the same size and weight (i.е. most probably with similar
function). The greatest concentration is along the line of the sunken structure
in sondage 1.
Numerous fragments of vessels were collected during the investigations.
Unfortunately, the high acidity of the soil has had an adverse effect on this
material.

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 Two technological groups of fine Late Neolithic pottery are usually found in
the Upper Thracian Plain – those with a grey-black to black surface and those with
a light-brown to grey-brown surface. However, this is not the case for the
settlement near Apriltsi. A steady graduation from grey-black to grey-brown
(sometimes even to light-brown) is clearly visible on part of the sherds. There is a
substantial difference neither in the cross-section of the sherds nor in the
consistency of the surface layer of the fragments. A specific feature of the
assemblage is its slip – although the majority of the sherds are eroded or even their
surface layer is removed as a result of the acidity effect, there are many fragments
with a clear slip whose compact burnished surface is in sharp contrast with other
sherds. We can securely infer that there was a local pottery tradition in Apriltsi.
The following types of vessels are found:
Conical dishes (fig. 7: 1). The rim is straight, the body undecorated.
Shallow conical dishes (fig.8: 1). Examples with thickened rim predominate
(fig. 5: 9), usually with incised decoration (fig.5: 1, 14, 15).
Shallow hemispherical dishes. There are undecorated examples (fig. 8: 2, 4,
5), examples with applied plastic knob (fig. 5: 10) 1, with oblique incised lines over
the rim (fig. 5: 12), that in some cases is thickened (fig. 8: 3), and finally, examples
with relief band with small holes that is attached to the interior middle part of the
vessel (fig.6: 8).
Necked carinated dishes (fig.8: 6, 7). The carination between the upper and
the lower part is very clear and almost sharp. The rim is slightly everted.
Dishes with inverted rim (fig. 8: 8). They are rare.
Globular dishes/bowls. This type includes vessels whose shape and size put
them between deep dishes and bowls. The rim could be straight (fig. 5: 13, 16; 8:
12, 14) or slightly everted (fig. 7: 11; 8: 10; 9: 1). Some of the vessels have an
incised oval over the upper parts of the body (fig. 5: 17; 7: 3). Decoration
consisting of a group of shallow impressions over the body is also registered (fig.
8: 9) and a relief band with small holes that is attached to the interior middle part of
the vessel (fig. 7: 10).
Globular bowls. In most cases, they are decorated with a relief band (usually
with small holes) or knobs over the widest part of the vessel (fig. 6: 10, 11, 12; 7:
9, 13; 9: 17); incisions (fig. 6: 5-7); all-over finger-nail impressions (fig. 6: 12; 7:
13); finger-impressions on the rim (fig. 6: 9).
Biconical bowls (fig. 5: 3). They have straight rims and are usually
undecorated.
Bowls with S-profile (fig. 5: 18). They are rare, found mainly in the upper
layers.
Many sherds of undecorated necks were found. Due to their fragmentary
nature, the type and shape of the vessels is very difficult to establish. According to

1
The fragment discussed here is missing the knob but the place of its attachment to the
vessel is very clear.
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their diameter, height, rim curvature and the transition to the lower part of the
vessel, they can be generally divided into two groups – pots with a neck and jugs.
Pots with a neck (fig. 9: 5, 6, 13). These are closed vessels, most probably
with spherical, spherical-conical or biconical body and short cylindrical or slightly
conical neck.
Jugs (fig. 5: 4, 20; 9: 7). The high necks with small diameter (up to 10 cm)
probably belong to these vessels. Some middle vessel parts may also come from
this type (fig. 7: 14, 15). The necks are undecorated. The body may have been
decorated with relief bands with incisions (fig. 7: 14), or very shallow wide
channels sometime accompanied by a knob (fig. 7: 15). The place of detachment of
the handle is visible on some examples.
High cylindrical cups (fig. 6: 1, 2; 9: 15). Most of them gradually widen
toward the rim (fig. 9: 8-10). One fragment is decorated with oblique shallow
channels. On the same fragment there is also a vertical line perhaps made of
bitumen (fig. 9: 10).
There are multiple handles with round cross-section whose fragmentary nature
makes it very difficult to determine whether they belong to cups or jugs (fig. 5: 5-8;
7: 6-8; 9: 16).
There are also feet with round cross-sections (fig.7: 5).
A single fragment of a neck from an askos-like vessel is found (fig. 9: 12).
Rarely, vertically-profiled lids and a low dome are also found (fig. 6: 3).
The pottery assemblage from the lower layers is characteristic for the classical
Karanovo III culture as defined by G. Georgiev (Georgiev 1961, 69; 1967, 97;
Георгиев 1974, 15). This is confirmed by the numerous parallels with the
assemblage from Karanovo itself (Николов 1998, т.8.1-6, т.9.5,6, т.10.1-3,10,
т.12.9-13, т.13.1-7). The total lack of the characteristic straight-sided bowls is
noteworthy. The upper layers are characterized by shapes that are more common
for the Karanovo III-IV phase (defined by V. Nikolov (Николов 1998, 105-163;
Nikolov 2000, 12-13). There is also a tendency to smoother lines of vessel profiles
and to a more diverse ceramic repertoire. The comparison with the pottery
assemblages from Karanovo tell (Николов 1998, т.14-19) and the closer Kapitan
Dimitrievo tell (Николов 1999, т.1-3), however, shows a lack of the characteristic
Каranovo ІІІ-ІV dishes with inverted rim in Apriltsi and only single cases of
another characteristic feature – decoration with shallow channels. At the same
time, it is noteworthy that vessels with incised decoration typical for Karanovo IV
appear during stage IIIc if as single examples. The settlement near the village of
Kalugerovo corresponds to the Karanovo IV culture and it is at 15 km to the west
of Apriltsi (Гиздова, Кънчев 2000, 14-131). The pottery from the settlement has
numerous exact parallels in the Karanovo ІV assemblage.
The results from the investigations of the settlement near Apriltsi provide an
opportunity to clarify some peculiarities in the development of the Late Neolithic
in Western Thrace. So far, it is the earliest settlement in Thrace with semi-sunken
dwellings from the Late Neolithic that have an impressive size – an area above 100
m2 (Boyadzhiev 2004). The characteristics of the pottery assemblage, the thickness

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of the cultural layer and the multiple floor levels and reconstructions give grounds
to suggest that the Apriltsi settlement lasts from the very beginning of the
Karanovo III phase to its gradual transformation into Karanovo IV. It belongs to a
separate ethno-cultural group that has settled in the area at the time of the transition
between the early/late Neolithic and which continued to stay in the region after the
demise of Apriltsi by, most probably, occupying the adjacent settlement of
Kalugerovo.

REFERENCES

Георгиев 1974: Г. Георгиев. Стратиграфия и периодизация на неолита и

халколита в днешните български земи. – Археология, 1974, 4,
1-18.
Гиздова, Кънчев 2000: Н. Гиздова, К. Кънчев. Калугерово - къснонеолитното
селище и тракийският могилен некропол. Пазарджик, 2000
Николов 1998: В. Николов: Проучвания върху неолитната керамика в Тракия.
София, 1998.
Николов 1999: В. Николов. Къснонеолитна керамика. – В: В. Николов (ред.).
Селищна могила Капитан Димитриево. Разкопки 1998-1999.
София-Пещера, 1999, 39-53.
Цончев 1963: Д. Цончев. Археологически паметници по южните склонове на
Панагюрска Средна гора. София, 1963 (Материали за
археологическа карта на България, кн. IХ).
Boyadzhiev 2004: Boyadzhiev Y. Late Neolithic Sunken Houses in Thrace. – In:
Prehistoric Thrace (V. Nikolov, K. Băčvarov, P. Kalchev eds.), Sofia,
2004, 203-214.
Georgiev 1961: G. Georgiev. Kulturgruppen der Jungstein- und der Kupferzeit in
der Ebene von Thrazien (Südbulgarien). – In: L'Europe a la fin de
l’âge de la pierre. Praha, 1961, 45-100.
Georgiev 1967: G. Georgiev. 'Beitrage zur Erforschung des Neolithikums und der
Bronzezeit in Südbulgarien. - Archaeologia Austriaca, 42, 1967,
90-144.
Nikolov 2000: V. Nikolov. Neolitishe Keramikkomplexe in Thrakien. – In:
Karanovo, Bd. III. Beiträge zum Neolithikum in Südosteuropa (S.
Hiller, V. Nikolov eds.), Wien 2000, 11-19.

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Fig. 1. a – Apriltsi: location of the site; b – the route of the pipeline that crosses the
settlement.

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Fig. 2. Dwelling 1: a – stage I; b – stage II; c – fireplace from stage II; d – cross-
section of the fireplace from stage II; e – horizontal plan; f – southern profile of
Sondage 1A; g – section along the A-B line in Sondage 1A; h – eastern profile of
Sondage 1A.
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Fig. 3. Dwelling 2: a – Sondage 4A, southern profile; b – Sondage 4B, southern
profile; c – Sondage 4B, eastern profile; d – Sondage 4B, western profile; e – stage
I and an oven from stage IV; f – floor level from stage II and an oven from stage
IV; g – an oven to the east of dwelling 2.

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Legend of figures 2 and 3

1. Grey-black soil; 2. Black-brown soil; 3. Grey-black sandy soil; 4. Dark grey-

brown soil; 5. Greenish grey-brown backfill; 6. Whitish clay; 7. Yellow clay; 8.
Burnt plaster; Dark grey clay; 10. Light grey ashes; 11. Black ashes; 12. Animal
hole; 14. Dark grey-green soil with brown layers; 15. Yellow-brown soil; 16. Black
burnt layer; 17. Red-brown soil; 18. Bedrock; 19. Pottery, clay weight; 20. Stones;
21. Bone; 22. Hearth; 23. Oven; 24. Brown soil; 25. Grey-brown soil with various
inclusions.

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Fig. 4. Finds: 1-10 – clay weights; 11-17 – stone tools.

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Fig. 5. Pottery from stage I (a) and stage II (b) of dwelling 1.

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Fig. 6. Pottery from stage II of dwelling 1.

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Fig. 7. Pottery from stage IIIa (a) and stage IIIb (b) of dwelling 1.

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Fig. 8. Pottery from stage IIIc and of dwelling 1.

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Fig. 9. Pottery from stage IIIc of dwelling 1.

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STOILKA TERZIISKA-IGNATOVA*, MARIA GUROVA**

FINDS FROM THE NEOLITHIC SETTLEMENT

APRILTSI, PAZARDZIK DISTRICT, BULGARIA

Abstract: The paper focuses on the importance of the raw material factor in the
interpretation of flint assemblages. The general perspective and consideration of every
prehistoric chipped stone industry should include an assessment of the raw materials used,
their availability, variability and the supplying potential of the palaoenvironment. Bulgarian
prehistory is characterized by a remarkable abundance and diversity of flint raw materials.
The main sources are located in the Moesian platform in northern Bulgaria, hosted by the
Lower and Upper Cretaceous limestones and chalks. Some of them gain a noticeable
importance as an immanent feature among the diagnostic flint assemblages’ characteristics.
Typical is the case of ‘Balkan Flint’ which attains a noticeable significance in the
Neolithisation of the Balkans and subsequently – in the context of the supra-regional
Karanovo I–Starčevo–Criş-Körös cultural complex. Another well known example of wide
spatial distribution and use of the flint raw material referred to the so-called
‘Dobrudzhanski’, or Ludogorie flint, served for the production of the remarkable and
incomparable super blades from the Varna and Durankulak cemeteries, as well as from sites
like Sava, Smiadovo, etc. The paper aims to improve present day knowledge on the topic
and to prevent confusion, consequent upon the irrelevant use of, and speculation about
some of the terms and statements related to this problem.
Keywords: raw material, Moesian platform, Ludogorie flint, Balkan Flint, flint assem-
blages, super blades.

The Neolithic settlement near the village of Apriltsi has been investigated by
Yavor Boyadziev1 and Stoilka Terziiska-Ignatova in 2001 in a rescue excavation
(Бояджиев, Терзийска-Игнатова 2002).
The finds from the site (95 in total) include clay, stone, flint and bone tools,
anthropomorphic figurines and altars. The small number of bone and flint artefacts
is noteworthy – only two of the former and seven of the latter. There are no
zoomorphic figurines. Most numerous are the clay objects – 53, 35 of which are
weights.

*
Regional Historical Museum – Pazardzik, [email protected].
**
Study of flint artefacts, NAIM - BAS – София, [email protected].
1
See the article Boyadzhiev, Slavchev “Late Neolithic settlement near the village of
Apriltsi, Pazardzik district” in this volume.

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 Clay finds
Weights
The weights are made of clay with different amount of non-organic temper,
the organic temper is less common. Most of them are well smoothed and their
colour varies from dark-grey to grey-brown. There are some red-brick coloured
weights that were probably burnt secondarily.
The weights can be divided into four types two of which have several sub-
types according to their longitudinal and transverse cross-section.
I. Weights with parallelogram shape, whose upper part is formed as an arch
(fig. 1, 1-3). All of them have a hole in the upper part. Their transverse cross-
section is: rectangular, rectangular with rounded corners, rectangular with slightly
bulging sides in the middle. The height is 6.5-7 cm, the width in the base is 3-3.5
cm, and the length is 6-7.2 cm.
II. Weights with round shape and a hole in the middle or a hole that is slightly
away from the geometric centre (fig.1, 6,8,9,11). The cross-section at the hole is
oval, flat from below and convex on the top, rectangular. Their diameter varies
between 5.3 cm to 9 cm. Most of them have well-treated surface and grey, grey-
black to brick-brown colour.
III. Weight with a quadrangular shape, rounded corners and a hole in the
upper part (fig.1, 7). Quadrangular cross-section with rounded corners. Well
smoothed, brick-brown colour, 7 cm high.
IV. Weight with an ovoid shape and a hole in the upper part (fig.1, 4). Made
of clay mixed with sand and small pebbles. It has worn surface and brick-brown
colour. Round cross-section, diam. - 4.5 cm, height - 5 cm.
Discs
They are made of reused walls of vessels, roughly shaped with no particular
form. Irregular round shape, diam. 5.6-6 cm. One example has a hole (fig.1, 12).
A spindle whorl
It is made of fine clay, slightly biconical shape, grey colour, well treated
surface, diam. 3.8 cm (fig.1, 5).
A scraper
It is made of wall of a vessel. It has a quadrangular shape, its preserved
working surface is in a form of an arch and is tapering. The preserved length is 5.3
cm, its width is 3.4 cm, which at the edge is 2.2 cm (fig.4, 5).
A small vessel
It is made of clay mixed with sand and has a cylindrical shape. Its neck is
moved away from the centre, it is strongly deformed in the upper part and perhaps
presents secondarily burnt production waste. Its height is 4.8 cm ( fig.1, 13).
Stone tools
The stone tools are the second most numerous found on the site – 30 in total.
Adzes
There are several fragments and one complete example that is fairly battered
at the dorsal side. It has a trapezoidal shape, slightly rounded butt and rectangular
cross-section. The longitudinal cross-section is asymmetrical, the blade is arch-

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shaped and also asymmetrical (fig.2, 3). The surface is very well smoothed, grey-
green colour. The height is 5.6 cm, the width at the blade is 4.2 cm.
An axe
It has a trapezoidal shape, symmetrical wedge-like longitudinal cross-section
and an arch-like blade. The surface is very well smoothed, grey colour. The height
is 7.6 cm, the width at the blade is 5.1 cm (fig. 2, 1).
Chisel
It has elongated approximately quadrangular shape that widens in the middle,
non-symmetrically tapering and narrowing working edge, and rectangular cross-
section (fig.2, 4). Smoothed surface and grey colour.
Pestles
They are very diverse in terms of shape and size. Naturally shaped large river
pebbles (9 to 13 cm in length) are used alongside well made tools that can be
divided into several types according to their longitudinal cross-section. The
transverse cross-section is usually oval or round:
I. Pestles with trapezoidal longitudinal cross-section, convex on the top, with a
flat base (fig.2, 2). The surface is smoothed.
II. Pestles with almost rectangular longitudinal cross-section and flat or
slightly convex base (fig.2, 6). The surface is smoothed.
III. Pestles with conical shape and flat or slightly convex base (fig. 2, 7). The
surface is smoothed.
The size varies between 7-8 cm and 11-12 cm.
IV. Pestles with globular or oval shape. Some of them are with very worn
surface, probably as a result of long use (fig.2, 5). The diameters vary between 5-6
cm and 8-9 cm.
Grinding stones
The fragments of grinding stones are too small and cannot be reconstructed.
Burnishers
They are with oval shape, some have traces of use on both sides. The size
varies between 4 cm and 7-8 cm (fig.4, 3,4).
Bone tools
As mentioned above, the bone tools are only two. One is probably a part of
pin/needle, the other is a large awl or a chisel, but since the working edge is
missing, its identification is difficult (fig.2, 8).
Anthropomorphic figurines
There are two standing figurines – male and female, and a male head.
Standing figurines
The male figure is preserved from the waist down and it is ithyphallic. It is
made of one piece of clay, the legs are attached to each other, separated only by an
incised line (fig.3, 6).
The torso and a small part of the hips are preserved from the female figurine
(fig.3, 7). The realistic rendering and proportionality of the female body is
noteworthy. The surface is smoothed, red-brick colour as a result of secondary
burning. There is no decoration and the pubic triangle is modelled, not incised.

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 A head
A head of a large clay figurine was found, both sides of the neck have traces
of attachment to the body. The rendering of the head astounds with its
individualized features and right proportions. This is one of the rare for this period
cases of realistic depictions. The surface is very well smoothed, the colour is grey.
The eyes and the mouth are incised, the cheek-bones and the eye-brows are
modelled, the ears are attached and have the shape of small spirals (fig.3, 5).
Altars
These numerous finds from Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlements have been
studied by many scholars who consider them as objects used in different cults
(Николов 2007 and the references quoted there).
There are five fragments of altars from Apriltsi and most probably three of
them belong to one artefact with triangular shape and Г-like legs (fig.3, 3). The
decoration is mixed, chequerboard incrusted fields and two plastic knobs.
Triangular foot and part of a deepened recipient are preserved from another altar. It
is not decorated and has a very worn surface (fig.3,2).
The remaining fragments cannot be reconstructed (fig.3, 1,4). They are
decorated by alternating metopes of white incrusted geometrical concavities and
incised lines or empty fields.
The finds from the Neolithic settlement Apriltsi have many parallels from
sites in Thrace, North and West Bulgaria – along the Struma valley (Гиздова,
Кънчев 2000, 23-36; Станев 2002; Чохаджиев 2001, 30,46; Чохаджиев 2007,
83-84; Georgiev, Nikolov, Nikolova, Cohadziev 1986, 148, fig.2; Höglinger 1997,
Taf. 68).
What is intriguing among the artefacts from Apriltsi are the weight of type I.
There are similar weights at other Late Neolithic sites but they are significantly
larger, much rougher and with larger holes. Generally, all weight types from
Apriltsi are very well formed with smoothed surface and rather small in size. Most
probably this is related to their function.
Flint artefacts
The flint collection of the site of Apriltsi is relatively poor, consisting of only
7 artefacts. Fortunately, some of them are diagnostic tools. The artefacts were
submitted to typological and functional (use-wear) analyses2. There are five
typological tools, one blade and one undetermined fragment.
The tools belong to the following typological groups:
 Borer on blade with semi abrupt bilateral retouch (fig. 5- 2). Pointed distal
part possesses fine ventral scares, most likely due to the utilisation. At the
proximal part – there is a breakage on the shoulder like shaping with
sporadic smoothed polish, remaining hafting traces of accommodation
/hafting. The tool was used for drilling into hard material (pottery, soft
stone);

2
The use –wear analysis was made using microscopes MBS 10 (x100) and Metam P1
(x200).

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  Blade with a high step bilateral retouch and distal endscraper –like rounding
(fig. 5 - 3). The edges of the tool have post-depositional alterations which
hamper any functional determination;
 Blade with a bilateral discontinuous retouch and angular cereal polish on the
left distal part of the left edge (fig. 5 - 1). This tool was used as a sickle
insert of the ‘Karanovo type’. The working edge shows re-sharpening during
the utilisation;
 Flake with a partial cortex and abrupt lamellar retouch on the right side (fig.
5 - 4). The tool was used for cutting plants with the left virgin edge;
 Fragment of a tool (most probably truncated blade) (fig. 5 - 5). Distal part of
the right edge has Si polish which texture indicates clay processing.
 A single blade is attested among the artefacts: mesial fragment with trape-
zoidal section (fig. 5- 6). The blade has parallel polish on the right edge,
indicating plant cutting.
 There is also one undetermined fragment without any traces of use.
The analysis of the artefacts allows the following observations:
 As for the raw material attested - there are 4 pieces made of the common
‘Balkan flint’ yellow-honey white spotted high quality flint (pieces of fig. 5 -
1, 2, 4, 6). One of the most diagnostic tools (fig. 5 - 3) is made by the greyish
variant of this type of flint. It is worth reminding that both yellow and
greyish white spotted flints are the most numerous among the abundant flint
assemblages of the tell Karanovo and tell Azmak and as such their deposits
were localised to be near St. Iliya hills in Thrace (Gatsov, Kurčatov 1997).
In the light of recent research, this repeatedly quoted assumption could be
considered as disproved. At present, it has been argued that Balkan flint
deposits are situated in the Moesian platform in northern Bulgaria (Начев
2009; Gurova 2008, Gurova, Nachev 2008).
 Two of the tools are very characteristic cultural markers – they are part of
the diagnostic tools that appear in the full Neolithic package within the Early
Neolithic Karanovo I and II cultures in Bulgaria. They are made of Balkan
flint and are recently defined as Early Neolithic ‘formal toolkits’ (fig. 1 – 2,
3) (Gurova 2008). The tool categories of the toolkit are known as remi-
niscent forms till Karanovo III and III-IV period in the Karanovo Tell
sequence, i.e. till the Late Neolithic in the conventional prehistoric
chronology (Гюрова 2005; Gurova 2004).

REFERENCES

Gatsov, I., Kurčatov, V. 1997: Neolithische Feuersteinartefakte. Mineralogische

Untersuchung und technisch-typologische Charakteristik. In Hiller,
V. Nikolov (eds.). Karanovo, I. Die Ausgrabungen im Südsektor
1984-1992, 213-227. Salzburg-Sofia, Verlag Ferdinand Berger &
Söhne, Horn/Wien.

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Georgiev, G., Nikolov, V., Nikolova, V, Čohadžiev, S. 1986: Die neolithische
Siedlung Kremenik bei Sapareva Banja, Bezirk Kjustendil. – Studia
Praehistorica, 8, 108-150. Sofia.
Gurova, M. 2004: Evolution and Retardation: Flint Assemblages from Tell
Karanovo. In Nikolov, V., Băčvarov, K. and Kalchev, P. (eds.)
Prehistoric Thrace, 239-253. Sofia-Stara Zagora, Institute of
Archaeology.
Gurova, M. 2005: Flint artefacts in the context of the diagnostic finds. Annuary of
Department of Archaeology, NBU, VI, 2005, 88-103 (in Bulgarian
with English summary).
Gurova, M. 2008: Towards an understanding of Early Neolithic populations: a
flint perspective from Bulgaria. Documenta Praehistorica 35,
111-129.
Gurova,M. Nachev, Ch. 2008: Formal Early Neolithic Flint Toolkits:
Archaeological and Sedimntological Aspects. In Kostov, R. I.,
Gaydarska, B. Gurova, M. (eds.). Geoarchaeology and Archaeo-
mineralogy, 29-35. Sofia, St. Ivan Rilski.
Hŏglinger, P. 1997: Neolithisches Tongevät. In: S. Hiller, V. Nikolov (eds.).
Österreichisch-Bulgarishe Ausgrabungen und Forschungen in
Karanovo. Bd. I, Salzburg-Sofia.
Nachev, Ch. 2009: The main types flint in Bulgaria – raw material for artefcts.
Interdisciplinary Studies XX –XXI, 7-21 (in Bulgarian with English
summary).
Бъчваров,К.1999: Предмети от неолитната материална култура. – В
В.Николов,В.Мацанова, Т. Стефанова,В.Божилов, К.Бъчваров,
И.Гацов, Е.Маринова, Л. Нинов. Селищна могила Капитан
Димитриево.Разкопки през 1998-1999, 55-76, София-Пещера.
Бояджиев,Я., Терзийска-Игнатова, С. 2002: Спасителни разкопки при с.
Априлци, Пазарджишко. – Археологически открития и разкопки
през 2001 г., 24-27, София.
Гиздова, Н., Кънчев, К. 2000: Калугерово – къснонеолитното селище и
тракийският могилен некропол. Пазарджик.
Николов, В. 2007: Неолитни култови масички. София.
Станев, П. 2002: Самоводене- неолитна селищна могила. Велико Търново.
Чохаджиев, С. 2001: Ваксево – праисторически селища. Велико Търново.
Чохаджиев, С. 2007: Неолитни и халколитни култури в басейна на р. Струма.
Велико Търново.

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Fig. 1. Clay finds - Sondage 1: 1-3, 5-8; Sondage 2: 4; from the surface: 9,11.

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Fig. 2. Stone finds – Sondage 1: 1,3-5; from the surface: 2,7. Bone tool – from the
surface: 8.

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Fig. 3. Anthropomorphic figurines – Sondage 1: 5,6; Sondage 2: 7. Култови
масички – Sondage 1: 2,4; Sondage 4: 1; from the surface: 3.

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Fig.4. Stone burnishers: 3, 4; Stone pestles: 1,2; Clay burnisher:5.

Fig.5. Flint artefacts: 1 – retouched blade; 2 – borer on blade; 3 – blade with high
bilateral step retouch; 4 – retouched flake; 5 – fragmented tool; 6 – mesial blade
fragment. Drawings – M. Gurova.

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DIMITAR CHERNAKOV*

A HOARD OF CERAMIC VESSELS IN A

CHALCOLITHIC NECROPOLIS NEAR THE
VILLAGE OF KOSHARNA, DISTRICT OF
ROUSSE

Abstract: The Kosharna tell is known since 2006, when regular terrain observations were
conducted in the region of the Slivo pole municpality. It is located in the “Kainak dere”
area, 3 km to the south of the village of Kosharna, Slivo pole municipality. The mound has
the shape of a truncated cone. It is located on a slope with a southeastern exposure next to a
small spring, out of which a small stream starts. The site has a size: diameter of 66 m,
average height of 5 m, area of 2,7 dca. It is researched since 2007 with Dimitar Chernakov
being the scientific director. Through archaeological drillings 4 construction horizons have
been partially investigated so far, the materials of which belong to the Late Chaclolithic
Age and the Gumelnitsa culture. In 2009 and 2010 the necropolis, which belongs to the tell,
have been investigated through drills (26 in number) in the “Koru Gioldjuk” area, located
160 m to the northwest. The investigated area is a total of 900 m2. 6 graves and other burial
structures (4 pits and two positive structures) have been found. The graves are at a depth of
between 0.67 – 1.20 m from the surface. The skeletons belong to men in a mature age (30 –
35 years old), 2 pieces, women in a mature age (30 – 35 years old), 1 piece, female
individual at a infans II age range (12 – 18 years old), 2 pieces, and one of a child (infans I).
the skeletons of the male individuals are strongly flexed, which is probably the result of
intentionally binding of the corpse. The deceased are buried through body-laying in a
hocker position to the left with their heads to the northeast. Inventory is found in only one
grave, lumps of red ocher are found on the bones of some of the skeletons, small coals are
found in the fill of the grave pits of the female and of one child's skeletons. Some of the
graves form a row. In direst proximity to grave 3 at a depth of 0,75 m from the surface is
found a collective find of 31 pieces of ceramic vessels, one cover and 2 vessel stands. They
are located one next to another and are laying on different sides of a fired floor level.
Fragments of thick-walled vessels are registered among them, as well as a stone with a flat
shape (a millstone), cracked. Over the vessels are found burned plasters brown in color. The
floor level, over which the find was discovered, lies 0,10 m above the loess surface. The
situation may be interpreted as a depot for ceramic vessels, which have been used during
the burial ceremonies. The collective find belongs to the Late Chalcolithic Age and the
Gumelnitsa culture. On the basis of the finds discovered in this context the necropolis
allows to be referred at the Late Chalcolithic Age and the Gumelnitsa culture. With a view
to the analogs of finds from the tell, investigated by us in proximity to the necropolis, we
can conditionally state that the necropolis belongs and is chronologically referred to the last
three construction horizons of the tell.

* Regional Museum of History – Rousse, [email protected].

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Keywords: Chalcolithic, necropolis, hoard, vessels.

The village of Kosharna is located 37 km to the South-East of the town of

rousse and 11 km away from the town of Slivo pole. The prehistoric monuments in
the area are presented by 4 tells and one cave dwelling, which belong to different
stages of the Chalcolithic Age in terms of chronology (Чернаков 2007, 624-627).
Tell № 1 is located 3 km to the South-West of the village. It has the shape of a
truncated cone and the following size: 66 m in diameter, and an average height of 5
m. Its area is 2.7 dca. It is located on a slope with a Southeastern exposure next to a
small spring. The site is excavated since 2007 with the author of the present report
being its scientific director. Four construction horizons were partially investigated
through soundings and can be related to the Late Chalcolithic Age and the
Gumelnitsa culture. The destructions of several burnt constructions were found,
dug-into sites as well as other structures (Чернаков, Гюрова 2008, 68–70;
Чернаков, Гюрова 2009, 90–93; Чернаков, Гюрова 2010, 73–75; Чернаков
2010, 55-69). At around 40 m to the South-East of the first one, a second tell is
located, which significantly smaller in size.
The Chalcolithic necropolis is located 160 m to the West and North-west of
the tell on a slope with southeastern exposure (Fig. 1). It is separated from the tell
by a shallow gully. An area of 900 m2 was studied in seasons 2009 and 2010
through soundings (26). Stratigraphically, the situation is as follows: 1. A layer of
dark brown sediment with a mixture of burnt plasters, ceramic fragments and bones
(fallow land) with a thickness between 0.30 and 0.80 m. 2. A layer of yellow-
brown sediment with mixture of small rubble (loess) with cultural materials found
in it as well.
Six graves were discovered, along with other structures (Fig. 2), which may be
isolated as dug-into and positive.
The basic group of graves (5) is located on the border between the highest part
of the slope and its ridge. Prior the beginning of the excavations the terrain had
been used for agricultural purposes.
The deceased are buried through the method of body laying in burial pits with
an undetermined shape. They are dug into the loess at different depth (from 0,40
down to 0,60 m). The graves are at a depth between 0,64 – 1,20 m from the level of
the contemporary surface. All of the skeletons found so far are in a crouched
position (hockers), lying on their left side and with their heads oriented towards
Northeast and face to the South with the exception of a single skeleton, whose head
is pointing exactly to the East. Graves 1 – 3 form a row with a northeast-southwest
direction with an average distance of 5,5 m from one another. No regularity is
caught between the rest 3 graves in terms of their location. They don't overlap
which is an indicator that they were marked somehow on the surface. The skeletons
belong to two men of mature years (30 – 35 years old), 1 mature woman (30 – 35
years old), 2 female individuals in an age range infans II (12 – 18 years old), and

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one of a child (infans I)1. Lumps of red ocher were found in 5 of the graves. Grave
inventory is found only at a single skeleton (5), consisting of two ceramic vessels.
In the filler of the grave pits or at the level of the skeletons of 2 female and the
infant's graves were found small coals.
Besides the graves, several structures and situations were revealed, which may
be isolated as dug into (4 pits) and positive – 2 sites of sacrifice. Bones of domestic
animals (a cattle, a swine, a sheep and a dog) were found in them, as well as
fragments of ceramic vessels – the result of conducted funeral feasts.
Nowhere within the borders of the research a regular cultural layer or data for
the existence of a settlement have been determined, although in many places in the
fallow land and the loess small parts of plaster, ceramic fragments of vessels,
typical of the Late Chalcolithic Age, animal bones are found, as well as very little
in number flint artifacts. On the basis of the discovered archaeological materials,
we refer the revealed structures to the Chalcolithic necropolis. The animal bones
found in the necropolis are fragmented and possess the characteristics of kitchen
remains2.
To the so-called positive structures should also be referred a clay-rammed
structure with a hoard discovered in it, which is the subject of the present report.
Discovered at 3 m to the Southeast of Grave 3 at a depth of 0,75 m from the
surface (fig. 3). It consists of 31 pieces of ceramic vessels, one cover and 2 vessel
stands. They are located one next to another, lying on different sides over a coated
floor level of brown-red clay, some of them are standing upright over it. Two
vessels are found in each other. Among them fragments of broken thick-walled
vessels are registered, some of which with barboutine decoration, covers with
decoration of white paint, a stone with flat shape (a mill) relatively in the middle,
cracked. The stone is directly over the floor level. Burnt red-brown colored plasters
were found over the vessels, the result of the demolition of the building over them.
As a consequence some of the vessels are broken. The floor level, where the find
was discovered, is lying 10 cm above the loess surface, which is a marker that this
facility is not dug into the ground.
It is concerned of a clay-rammed facility, similar to a furnace, located over the
ancient Chalcolithic terrain and destroyed by fire. It was destroyed by fire after
vessels were deposited in it. It cannot be claimed for sure whether the fire was set
on purpose or the construction have fallen due to accidental factor, i.e. Whether the
structure and the situation are the result of conducted ritual-ceremonial actions or
not. We present the statement that there is no question of a dwelling, as the terrain
of the situation has been researched and there are no archaeological proofs for the
presence of such found. The location of the vessels (some of them in each other,
others with their rims down), the presence of a millstone, the coloring of the

1 The anthropological analysis is made by Steve Zauner, for which I'll take the opportunity
to express my gratitudes.
2 The osteological analysis is done by Dr, Lazar Ninov, for which I'll take the opportunity
to express.

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plasters in red-brown and mainly of the floor level, exclude the possibility for
interpretation of the situation as a kiln for pottery. According to us the question in
matter here is of a depot for ceramic vessels of a clay-rammed construction within
the borders of the necropolis, which have went out of use after the end of the given
burial ritual3. They have acquired from brick to orange-red color as a result of their
secondary burning as a consequence of the burning of the structure. With a view to
the location of the situation it can be presumed that the facility has had a relatively
oval shape with a diameter of around 2,5 m.
The vessels of the collective find have been produced on a slow wheel4. They
are made of purified clay with mineral admixture in low concentration. The surface
of the smaller vessels is copperbrowned while that of the larger ones – lightly
smoothed. Its color is from beige-brown to orange-red, a result of the secondary
burning of the vessels, which have fire-burnt to a different degree. They are well
baked and strong, which is the result of the fore-mentioned. This is the reason that
we can say nothing about their primary baking. It is most likely that the vessels
were not produced for the burial rituals specifically, but to have been used in
everyday life and have been brought here from the settlement when the necessity of
their use has emerged. A reason for this conclusion is the fact, that vessels with
similar shape and decoration were found in the settlement tell as well.
By shape and decoration 5 groups can be isolated (fig. 4–7). First group – it is
the largest and covers 25 vessels (73,6 %). Those are cups and bowls with
biconical shape, concave under-rim part and profiled on the outside and thinned
rim edge (fig. 4 1-10; fig. 5 12, 14, 17,18, 21; fig. 6 22, 23, 25, 27-29; fig. 7 32,
34), with decoration of graphite over some of them (fig. 8) in the under-rim part in
negative (6) (fig. 4 1,2,7,9; fig. 5 20; fig. 6 26) and positive (2) (fig. 4 10; fig. 6
24). The decoration motifs are of parallel aslant lines, limited at the upper or lower
side with a single horizontal (fig.8 2,3), in combinations with triangles (fig. 8 4,5)
or concentric arcs (fig. 8 6), in three cases the lines form V-shaped motifs (fig. 8
4,7,8); only one of the vessels has a decoration of pairs of concentric arcs in
combination with single ones, laid consecutively (fig. 8 1). Second group – it
includes 2 vessels (5,9 %). Those are cups with biconical shapes, concave under-
rim part and profiled on the outside and thinned rim edge with relief-plastic
decoration of vertical ribs in the most protuberant part (fig. 5 19), as well as the
same decoration in combination with scratches in the lower half of the vessel and a
graphite one in the under-rim part and between the ribs, which however is almost
completely erased and unrestorable (fig. 7 30). Third group – it consists of 3
vessels, one of which with a cover with a mushroom shape (11,7%). They have a
cone-cylindric shape, concave under-rim part, profiled on the outside and thinned

3 With the term «burial ritual» I mark the totality of all ritual actions, concerning the
deceased, before, during and/or after their burial takes place.
4 The consultation is made by Vasil Georgiev, a potter, who has participated in the
excavations of a tell and a necropolis at the village of Kosharna, for which I'll take the
opportunity to express my gratitudes.

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rim edge and protuberant middle part. Those are two cups (fig. 5 5, fig. 5 13, fig. 5
16), one of which is with a stabbed and indented decoration over the whole surface,
with exception of the under-rim part, and a bowl with two opposite roped handles
in the most protuberant part (fig.7 31). Fourth group – it is the smallest and consists
of 1 large flat vessel (2,9 %) with double-truncated cone shape, profiled on the
outside rim edge and barboutine decoration (fig. 7 33). Fifth group – it consists of 2
stands for vessels with a double-truncated oval shape (5,9 %) (fig. 4 11; fig. 5 15).
Vessels with a similar form and decoration (mainly those of the first group,
which present to be the largest part of the collective find) are found as an inventory
in graves of other Late Chalcolithic necropoles : Vinitsa (Радунчева 1976, 71, fig.
59 2; fig. 65 2; fig. 66 2; fig. 75 2; fig. 84 3; fig. 93 4; fig. 97 5), Liliak (Овчаров
1963, 54, fig. 1), Smyadovo (Чохаджиев, Венелинова 2008, 215, fig. 1), in grave
5 from Kosharna is also discovered a cup with a similar form, etc. Placing
millstones or parts of them in the graves is also a well-known practice from the
Neolithic and Chalcolithic Ages. All of this is indicative for the grave purpose of
the collective find. Chronologically, it can be referred to I-II phase of the
Gumelnitsa culture. The situation is without an analogy in the known Chalcolithic
necropoles so far.

Catalogue of the hoard5

1. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown. Biconical form, thinned

and profiled on the outside rim edge, graphite decoration in negative in the under-
rim part, concave bottom. Size: height 5,2 cm, diameter of the rim 6,8 cm, diameter
of the bottom 2,3 cm.
2. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown. Biconical form, thinned
and profiled on the outside rim edge, graphite decoration in negative and positive
in the under-rim part, concave bottom. Size: height 5,1 cm, diameter of the rim 7,3
cm, diameter of the bottom 2 cm.
3. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – beige. Biconical form, thinned and
profiled on the outside rim edge, leveled bottom. Size: height 6,3 cm, diameter of
the rim 8,9 cm, diameter of the bottom 2,9 cm.
4. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown, fire-blackened in some
places. Biconical form, thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave
bottom. Size: height 5,5 cm, diameter of the rim 7,4 cm, diameter of the bottom
2,9 cm.
5. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – brown, fire-blackened in some
places. Biconical-cylindric form, protuberant middle part, thinned and profiled on
the inside rim edge, decoration of aslant stabs in combination with incised lines,
concave bottom. Size: height 6,3 cm, diameter of the rim 6 cm, diameter of the
bottom 2,4 cm.

5 The numbers of the entire vessels of the hoard in Fig. 3 corresponded with the numbers in
the catalogue and figurines 4 – 7.

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 6. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – beige. Biconical form, thinned and
profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom. Size: height 5,5 cm, diameter of
the rim 8,5 cm, diameter of the bottom 2,3 cm.
7. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – brown. Biconical form, thinned and
profiled on the outside rim edge, graphite decoration in negative in the under-rim
part, concave bottom. Size: height 7,5 cm, diameter of the rim 10 cm, diameter of
the bottom 3,5 cm.
8. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown. Biconical form, thinned
and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom. Size: height 5,5 cm,
diameter of the rim 7,7 cm, diameter of the bottom 2,9 cm.
9. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown. Biconical form, thinned
and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom, decoration of graphite in
positive. Size: height 5,3 cm, diameter of the rim 7 cm, diameter of the bottom
2,2 cm.
10. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – brown. Biconical form, thinned
and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom, decoration of graphite in
positive at the under-rim part. Size: height 7,7 cm, diameter of the rim 10,2 cm,
diameter of the bottom 3,3 cm.
11. A ceramic stand, color of the surface – brown, fire-blackened in some
places, a truncated spherical shape. Size: height 3,4 cm, diameter 6,6 cm.
12. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – beige. Biconical form, thinned and
profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom. Size: height 4,9 cm, diameter of
the rim 7,1 cm, diameter of the bottom 2 cm.
13. A ceramic cover, color of the surface – brown, fire-blackened in som
places. Mushroom shaped. Size: diameter 6,8 cm.
14. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown. Biconical form,
thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom. Size: height 5,2 cm,
diameter of the rim 6,7 cm, diameter of the bottom 2,2 cm.
15. A ceramic stand, color of the surface – red-brown, fire-blackened in some
places. A truncated spherical shape. Size: height 3,3 cm, diameter 6,2 cm.
16. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown, fire-blackened in some
places. Biconical-cylindrical shape, thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge,
leveled bottom. Size: height 6,5 cm, diameter of the rim 7,2 cm, diameter of the
bottom 2,4 cm.
17. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown, fire-blackened in some
places. Biconical form, thinned nad profiled on the outside rim edge, concave
bottom. Size: height 5,8 cm, diameter of the rim 8,5 cm, diameter of the bottom
2,6 cm.
18. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – brown, fire-blackened in some
places. Biconical form, thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave
bottom. Size: height 5 cm, diameter of the rim 6,6 cm, diameter of the bottom
2,2 cm.
19. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – beige-red, fire-blackened in some
places. Biconical form, thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave

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bottom. Decoration of vertical ribs. Size: height 7,1 cm, diameter of the rim 7 cm,
diameter of the bottom 3,2 cm.
20. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown. Biconical form,
thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom, graphite decoration
in negative in the under-rim part. Size: height 5 cm, diameter of the rim 7 cm,
diameter of the bottom 2,3 cm.
21. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown, fire-blackened in some
places. Biconical form, thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave
bottom. Size: height 5 cm, diameter of the rim 7 cm, diameter of the bottom
2,3 cm.
22. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown. Biconical form,
thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom. Size: height 5,8 cm,
diameter of the rim 8,5 cm, diameter of the bottom 2,6 cm.
23. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – brown. Biconical form, thinned
and profiled on the outside rim edge, level bottom. Size: 4,6 cm, diameter of the
rim 5,3 cm, diameter of the bottom 2,3 cm.
24. A ceramic vessel, fragmented, color of the surface – red-brown. Biconical
form, thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, level bottom, graphite
decoration in positive in the under-rim part. Size: height 5,1 cm, diameter of the
rim 7,3 cm, diameter of the bottom 2,8 cm.
25. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – beige. Biconical form, thinned and
profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom. Size: height 10,4 cm, diameter of
the rim 13,7 cm, diameter of the bottom 4,8 cm.
26. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – beige-brown. Biconical form,
thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom, graphite decoration
in negative in the part under the rim. Size: height 8 cm, diameter of the rim 12,9
cm, diameter of the bottom 3,5 cm.
27. A ceramic vessel, fragmented, color of the surface – beige. Biconical form,
thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, level bottom. Size: height 4,2 cm,
diameter of the rim 5,5 cm, diameter of the bottom 2,2 cm.
28. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – beige, fire-blackened in some
places. Biconical form, thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave
bottom. Size: height 10,5 cm, diameter of the rim 13,4 cm, diameter of the bottom
5,2 cm.
29. A ceramic vessel, fragmented, color of the surface – beige. Biconical form,
thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, level bottom. Size: height 4,6 cm,
diameter of the rim 6,1 cm, diameter of the bottom 2,4 cm.
30. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – red-brown. Biconical form,
thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave bottom. Decoration of
vertical ribs at the most protuberant part in combinations with scratches from the
most protuberant part down to the bottom. Size: height 7 cm, rim 6,7 cm, diameter
of the bottom 3,3 cm.
31. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – brown, fire-blackened in some
places. Biconical form, protuberant middle part, thinned and profiled on the outside

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rim edge, concave bottom, two roped handles. Size: height 9,2 cm, diameter of the
rim 15,1 cm, diameter of the bottom 5,7 cm.
32. A ceramic vessel, color of the surface – brown, fire-blackened in some
places. Biconical form, thinned and profiled on the outside rim edge, concave
bottom. Size: height 9,8 cm, rim diameter 12,7 cm, diameter of the bottom 4,4 cm.
33. A ceramic vessel, fragmented, color of the surface – gray, fire-blackened
in some places, form of a truncated cone, barboutine ornament. Size: height 6,9 cm,
diameter of the rim 45 cm, diameter of the bottom 27 cm.
34. A ceramic vessel, fragmented, color of the surface – grey-black, fire-
blackened in some places. Biconical form, thinned and profiled on the outside rim
edge, concave bottom. Size: height 11 cm, rim 14,5 cm, diameter of the bottom
5,7 cm.

REFERENCES

Овчаров 1963: Д. Овчаров. Енеолитен некропол до с. Лиляк, Търговищко. -

Археология, 1963, 1, 53–56.
Радунчева 1976: А. Радунчева. Виница. Енеолитно селище и некропол.
(Разкопки и проучвания, 6). София, 1976.
Чернаков 2007: Д. Чернаков. Теренни археологически обхождания в община
Сливо поле, Русенска област. – Археологически открития и
разкопки през 2006 г. София 2007, 624-627.
Чернаков, Гюрова 2008: Д. Чернаков, M. Гюрова. Аварийни археологически
разкопки на селищна могила № 1 до с. Кошарна, община Сливо
поле, Русенска област. – Археологически открития и разкопки
през 2007 г. София, 2008, 68-72.
Чернаков, Гюрова 2009: Д. Чернаков, M. Гюрова. Археологически разкопки
на селищна могила № 1 до с. Кошарна, Русенско. –
Археологически открития и разкопки през 2008 г. София, 2009,
90-93.
Чернаков 2010: Д. Чернаков. Селищна могила № 1 до село Кошарна, община
Сливо поле (Археологическо проучване през 2007). – Във:
Великотърновският университет «Св. св. Кирил и Методий» и
българската археология». 1, Велико Търново, 2010, 55–69.
Чернаков, Гюрова 2010: Д. Чернаков, M. Гюрова. Археологически разкопки
на селищна могила и некропол до с. Кошарна, Русенско. -
Археологически открития и разкопки през 2009 г. София, 2010,
73–75.
Чохаджиев, Венелинова 2008: С. Чохаджиев, С. Венелинова. Новооткрит
халколитен некропол край Смядово: предварително съобщение. –
В: Праисторически проучвания в България: новите
предизвикателства. София, 2008, 211–218.

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 67

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Fig. 2. Chalcolithic necropolis at tell 1 near Kosharna. A general plan.

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Fig. 3. A collective find of ceramic vessels in situ.

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Fig. 4. A collective find of ceramic vessels. Forms.

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Fig. 5. A collective find of ceramic vessels. Forms.

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Fig. 6. A collective find of ceramic vessels. Forms.

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Fig. 7. A collective find of ceramic vessels. Forms.

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Fig. 8. A collective find of ceramic vessels. Graphite decoration, ornamental
motifs. 1. Vessel 10; 2. Vessel 7; 3. Vessel 26; 4 Vessel 24; 5. Vessel 2; 6. Vessel
20; 7. Vessel 9; 8. Vessel 1.

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MARIAN NEAGU*, DRAGOȘ MĂNDESCU**

THE ANTHROPOMORPHOUS CLAY FIGURINES

FROM GUMELNIȚA TELL SETTLEMENTS AT
TEIU (ARGEȘ COUNTY). A PRELIMINARY
APPROACH***

Abstract: Localitatea Teiu situată în sud-estul judeţului Argeş este cunoscută în literatura
arheologică prin intermediul celor două aşezări preistorice de tip tell descoperite şi
cercetate în apropierea satului Teiu-Vale. Din punct de vedere geografic, cele două situri
sunt amplasate în Câmpia Piteştiului, la o altitudine de circa 200 m, iar distanţa între cele
două telluri este de 3 km. Cercetările de suprafaţă efectuate în perioada 1956-1958 de Ion
Nania, au atras atenţia asupra potenţialului arheologic al acestui sit preistoric (Nania 1967,
7; Nania 2004, 94). Colectivul de cercetare a fost alcătuit din Sebastian Morintz,
responsabil, din partea Institutului de Arheologie, şi de doi muzeografi de la Piteşti, Ion
Nania (1934-2009) şi Marinel Popescu. Documentaţia şantierului arheologic de la Teiu nu
s-a păstrat, astfel încât este imposibil de reconstituit imaginea de ansamblu a tehnicii de
săpătură, a manierei de lucru şi a evoluţiei cercetării. Aşezarea-tell nr.1a fost împrejmuită
cu un şanţ circular şi val de pământ. În privinţa stratigrafiei, informaţiile de care dispunem
nu sunt unitare şi concordante. Astfel, Sebastian Morintz vorbeşte de trei niveluri de locuire
arse (Morintz 1962, 279), pe când Ion Nania menţionează cinci niveluri, punând accentul
pe descrierea situaţiei nivelului 2, cel mai bogat în depuneri arheologice (Nania 1976, 7-23
pe larg, sintetizat la Măndescu 2003, 61-63, fig. 3). Încadrarea ambelor telluri de la Teiu în
faza B a culturii Gumelniţa a fost făcută după analiza inventarului descoperit în locuinţele
de suprafaţă din cele două situri, inventar ceramic, numeroase figurine antropomorfe şi
zoomorfe, dar şi material litic, unelte din os şi corn (săpăligi, brăzdar de plug) etc. Piesele
de metal (cupru) sunt rare: un ac, două străpungătoare şi un topor-ciocan – Hammeraxt – de
tip Vidra (Morintz 1962, 278; Nania 1967, 17). Plastica de la Teiu are cele mai multe din
caracteristicile şi canoanele plasticii Gumelniţa. Statuetele antropomorfe, zoomorfe, aşa-
numitele reprezentări de mobilier, vase şi piese mininaturale cu valoare de simbol (pan-
dantive-topor, greutăţi de lut, coarne de consacrare) reflectă aspecte importante ale vieţii
spirituale ale comunităţilor Gumelniţa B1 de la Teiu. În studiul de faţă ne-am propus câteva
consideraţii preliminare asupra pieselor antropomorfe, urmând ca celelalte categorii ale
plasticii de la Teiu să facă obiectul unui volum special. După aspectul general (pastă,
modelare, gestualitate), plastica antropomorfă de la Teiu poate fi împărţită în două mari
categorii. O altă trăsătură generală a lotului de la Teiu o constituie lipsa de preocupare
pentru reprezentarea elementelor anatomice ale feţei, redate invariabil prin tipul cu nasul

*
Muzeul Dunării de Jos, Călăraşi, [email protected].
**
Muzeul Judeţean Argeş, Piteşti, [email protected].
***
This work is part of the project The Archaeological Relevance of Periphery funding by a
grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research, CNCS-UEFISCDI (PN-
II-RU-TE-2011-3-0070).

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ciupit şi modelat en bec d'oiseau (în „cioc de pasăre”). Piesele au fost rupte intenţionat,
probabil în urma unor proceduri de magie. Statuetele antropomorfe descoperite la Teiu
reprezintă majoritar personaje în picioare. Poziţia mâinilor coroborată cu alte elemente are
un rol precis ca semnificaţie în gestualitatea artei preistorice. Sugerarea stării de graviditate
a fost realizată în mai multe modalităţi. Astfel, la unele statuete au fost rupte capul şi
mâinile în scopul evidenţierii abdomenului fertil, redat printr-o bombare exagerată (2689,
2692). Fragmentul de statuetă cu pântecul proeminent, denivelat sub forma unui sul ar
putea fi legat de un ritual de fertilitate (1549). În privinţa îmbinărilor de semne care dau
complexitate desenului, putem vorbi de nişte structuri simbolice care aveau cu siguranţă o
anumita valoare şi semnificaţie pentru membrii comunităţilor eneolitice de la Teiu. Pe
numeroase piese s-au aplicat înţepături fine sau chiar împunsături în cadrul unor probabile
ritualuri de magie. O discuţie aparte merită aşa numitul ,,decor” spiralic şi în benzi formate
din linii incizate mai mult sau mai puţin oblic, specific culturii Cucuteni, figurat pe
statuetele gumelniţene care aparţin fazei B1(607, 1530, 1537, 1542, 1544, 1548, 1565,
1574, 2067, 2069, 2073, 2079 ). Statuetele reprezintă majoritar personaje feminine, dar
piesele cu nr. 603, 1552 sau 1553 pot fi încadrate în categoria statuetelor androgine
asemănătoare ca tradiţie cu statuetele androgine descoperite în mediu cucutenian la
Dumeşti, dar şi în aşezarea gumelniţeană de la Morteni. Analiza atentă a stilului modelării,
dublată de cea a desenelor incizate pot atesta mai mulţi „autori” ai statuetelor, fapt
confirmat şi de analizele microscopice şi XRF calciu-titan. Din punct de vedere al
semnificaţiei considerăm că termenul de ornament sau decor este impropriu cel puţin pentru
lotul de statuete de la Teiu, de aceea am preferat utilizarea expresiei desen incizat. Deci,
desenul alcatuit din semne geometric-abstracte incizate pe suprafata statuetelor nu are o
funcţie decorativă, ormanentală, ci, mai degrabă, una simbolică, de reprezentare.
Keywords: eneolithic, Gumelniţa, figurines, anthropomorph.

The Eneolithic clay figurines discovered at Teiu constitute a unitary group of

special significance for the study of the Gumelnița communities’ spiritual life and
even for the identification of their cultural quiddity by certain practices and norms.

Location
Teiu (the south-east of the Argeş County, at 37 km distance from Piteşti) is
known in the archaeological literature through the two tell type pre-historical
settlements discovered and studied near the village Teiu-Vale. From a geographical
point of view, the two sites are situated in Câmpia Piteştiului (Piteşti Field), at
about 200 m of altitude and the distance between them is about 3 kilometers (Pl. 1).
Teiu Tell 1 is situated in the south of Teiu-Vale, on the left side of Mozacu
River, in the floodable meadow. The inhabitants called this area "Silişte", while the
archaeological site’s point is known as “Măgura” (Morintz 1962, 278). The
dimensions of Teiu Tell 1 are small: it has an eastern mild 1 meter high slope
whose diameter is barely measuring 40 m (Morintz 1962, 278).
Teiu Tell 2 is situated at about 2 km north-north-east of the village Teiu-Vale,
on the left side of a dale which flows in the Neajlov River (Morintz 1962, 279;
Nania 1965, 316). Its dimensions are slightly bigger than those of the Tell 1: it is
maximum 1.2 m and has an about 50 m diameter (Morintz 1962, 279).

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The history of the discoveries
In 1947 the first prehistoric archeological pieces were discovered by chance in
the Tell no. 1 from Teiu (the head of an anthropomorphous figure, flint blades and
fragments of pottery)1. A decade later the surface researches performed between
1956 and 1958 by Ion Nania, revealed the archeological potential of this prehistoric
site (Nania 1967, 7; Nania 2004, 94).
The research team was formed by the archeologist Sebastian Morintz (1927-
1997), as leader and representing the Institute of Archaeology from Bucharest2 and
by two curators from Piteşti, Ion Nania (1934-2009) and Marinel Popescu.
The first digging campaign took place in the summer and autumn of 1959
(July, August and October), Ion Nania excaved the tell no. 1, while Marinel
Popescu excaved the tell no. 2 (Nania 2004, 96); the coordinator of the work was
Sebastian Morintz (Morintz 1962, 278, note 7; Nania 1967, 7; Babeş 1997, 4).
The documentation of the Teiu archeological site was not preserved; thus it is
impossible to reconstitute the image of the digging technique, of the way the work
was performed and of the evolution of the research. The information regarding the
campaign of 1959 in the tell no. 1 are scarce and non-concordant: Sebastian
Morintz talks about ditches “digged in the direction of the rays of the tell" (Morinz
1962, 278), while Ion Nania mentioned the digging of two perpendicular ditches in
the centre of the tell (that were eastern-western and northern-southern oriented, as
well as a cassette in the quarter of the circle from the North-Western side) (Nania
1967, 8). The same passionate curator-archaeologist promises “the presentation of
the excavation pattern and also a detailed description of the site’s stratigraphy in a
future monograph dedicated to the archaeological researches from Teiu” (Nania
1967, 7) which unfortunately never was drafted.
A new campaign took place in 1963, but only in the tell no. 1. During July and
August the tell was exhaustively studied (Nania 1965, 316) (Pl. 2). From this
research comes the most of the clay figurines discovered at Teiu.
The last stage of the archaeological research of the two tells from Teiu took
place in 1967-1970, when a series of surface researches was performed by Ion
Nania, who at that time was a teacher of history at the school from Mozacu, a
village situated in the proximity of the sites. Those researches led to the discovery
of the vestiges from about 20 surface dwellings destroyed when the vineyard was
planted on the terraces situated in the eastern side of the tell no. 1 (Nania 2004,
96-97).

Dating and synchronisms

The including of the two tells from Teiu in the stage B1 of the Gumelniţa
Culture is based on the analysis of the inventory discovered in the surface
dwellings of the two sites: pottery, a lot of anthropomorphous and zoomorphous

1
All of these artifacts being left behind by the treasure hunters.
2
Because at that time the museum from Piteşti did not have a qualified staff for performing
an archaeological research study, a partnership with the Institute of Archaeology “Vasile
Pârvan” from Bucharest was done in order to explore the two tells from Teiu.

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figurines, as well as lithic material, tools made of bones and horn (weed hooks,
plough share) etc. The pieces made of metal (copper) are rare: a needle, two
piercing tools, a Vidra type Hammeraxt.
This micro-area certainly was very important in prehistory, here found a
complex of settlements and tells showing a concentration and intensity of
Eneolithic habitat. Thereby, both tells belong to phase B1 of the Gumelniţa culture,
they represent the most northern points of a compact nucleus of such relativelly
contemporary settlements (Pl. 3), - i.e. the tells from Zidurile, Negraşi, Leşile and
Morteni (Măndescu 2003, 59-60), the group spreading towards south: the tells from
Vişina, Surduleşti, Popeşti and Glavacioc (Mirea, Frânculeasa 2005, 55-74). The
two tells from Teiu are situated towards the north-western periphery of the
Gumelniţa Culture (Ştefan 2010, 108-109, catalogue no. 237-238, pl. 18-21, 70,
72-73).
The figurines from Teiu have most of the features and canons of Gumelnita
art. Anthropomorphous and zoomorphous figurines, so-called representations of
furniture, miniature vessels and small artifacts having a symbolic purpose and
value (pendants-ax, loads of clay, horns of consecration) reflects important aspects
of the spiritual life of Gumelnița B1 communities from Teiu.
In this paper we set out some preliminary considerations only on
anthropomorphic part of the collection. These and the other types of figurines from
Teiu will be discussed in detail in a volume that we prepare, dedicated to this
important collection of prehistoric art elements.
According to the general appearance (clay, modeling, gestures), the
anthropomorphous figurines from Teiu are divided into two broad categories. To
the first category belongs most part of the entire lot of figurines, made in a dirt
sandy paste, the grease with lots of small pieces of ceramic, limestone and pebbles,
and modeling (verniss too thin) and drawings were made negligently.
The unequal and uneven burning was done at a low temperature. The second
category is characterized by the qualitative better paste, with chosen clay and a
tight and more substantial verniss, and finally well burned to a brown or yellow-
brick nuance. Laboratory analyzes confirmed our observations and identified two
distinct categories of ceramic paste3.
Generally there is a relationship between the head of the figurines and their
gestures. Thus, the face of the figurines are immobile and expressionless like a
mask, probably deliberately shaped so, intended to capture and highlight the
gestures of certain figurines and the dynamic of the incised design displaying signs
repeated on several artifacts, in fact the main feature of the batch of figurines from
Teiu.
Another general feature of this lot from Teiu is the lack of concern for the
representation of anatomical features of the human face, invariably displayed by
the type having the nose pinched and shaped en bec d'oiseau (“bird beak” like).

3
See in this respect the results of the laboratory tests performed by the MNIR specialists
and published in this volume (Georgescu, Niculescu 2012).

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 Fragmentation is undoubtedly intentional. With a single one exception (598),
the figurines were intentionally broken, probably as a result of certain magic
procedures. Intentionality is clear, separate modeling of the head, legs and hands of
the figurines are made for future breaks (1575, 1579). Incised design is highlighted
by deliberately breaking various parts of the body. In the case of some figurines,
the head, the legs and even the hands intended to reveal incised design of the basin
(2067). For the same reasons others figurines have broken the head and all the right
or left side, half figure with hands, trunk and legs (1575, 1579). Even the breakages
of legs with thigh, torso or foot highlight the rows of spiral incisions placed on the
back thigh or upper thigh. Signs incised on the lower leg are repeated in different
combinations, most of them horizontal or slightly curved incisions (606, 1526,
1528, 1547, 1549, 1564, 2078).
A particular case is represented by the fragmentation of the figurines 1575 and
1579, with the highlighting and separate modeling of the head and limbs then in a
secondary stage were intentionally broken. As noted above, we inclined to believe
that intentionally breaking of various parts of the figurines body can be placed
directly in connection with the evidence of design elements traced on the figurines’
surface. However, one thing is undeniable: breakings are deliberate fragmentation,
corresponding to behavioral practices, cultural values and beliefs that have become
customary in the Neo-Eneolithic era, having a symbolic nature and functions of
representation and representativeness4.
Anthropomorphous figurines discovered at Teiu displayed in majority
characters that are standing, but the figurines 1549, 1552 and 1578, although strong
fragmented, could depict others postures. Position of the hands, in conjunction with
other elements, has a specific role as significance in the gestures repertory of the
prehistoric art. Hands are placed on the hips (598), close together on the chest
(595) or stretched sideways (596, 597, 601, 602, 604, 1532, 1552, 1556, 2315,
2535, 2687, 2689, 2692) to most of figurines. A special case is the figurine 2085
that very likely has one arm up (the right one) and the other down (the left one).
The face with “bird beak” shaped nose has widened and perforated sides (595,
597, 598, 599, 600, 601, 602, 605, 634, 1532, 1554, 1558, 2086). On some
figurines the nose is highlighted by representation of the mouth through a few
small holes, some of them careless horizontal (600, 1532), others disposed in a
series of five holes deep and regularly drawn, which join in a unitary drawing with
the ones prevailing on ear lobes (1554, 1558). Two figurines point out by a slightly
grotesque expression and pragmatic manner to delineate the mouth of chin by a
horizontal cut (599, 604). The two opposed sided figurine 599 has a well
pronounced top of the head, crown, common to both faces having different poses
and expressions. The mouth is represented only by two deep holes applied under
the nose (598).
Suggesting a state of pregnancy by breaking the head and hands is done in
order to emphasize the abdomen fertile, figured through an exaggerated swell

4
Thanks to Andreea Bîzu and Alexandru Paraschiv for their suggestions and support.

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(2689, 2692). Not incidentally, both statues were a large dress and are empty
inside. Add to this the figurine 601 that displays a character standing with early
pregnancy and incised sexual triangle but without a representation of the breasts!
Fragmentary figurine 1549 with prominent belly, uneven like a roll, could be linked
to a fertility ritual.
Procedures of magic are strongly attested on the lot of figurines from Teiu,
more clearly than in any other Gumelniţa culture settlement. Precision of the
drawing and the signs with magical significance on the statues 1553 and 1556 are
undeniable. Thus, breaking limbs highlights one incised triangle on the front and
rear, filled with strings of small circles imprinted (1556) or the V-like neck
pendants (1532, 1553).
Reusing statues by the next generation belongs to certain tradition, by the
transmission and conservation of practices and beliefs from one generation to
another, from one phase of cultural evolution to another. The plastic art becomes an
element of continuity through the intervention of a new grossly and negligent
incised design applied over the original.
On some figurines were practiced two types of incisions6. On the figurines can
be seen new signs incised and redrawn over the old motifs slightly grooved (1528,
1529, 1547, 1548, 1551, 1565, 1592). Looking the joints of signs (rarely or not at
all can be observed isolated signs on the surface of the anthropomorphous
figurines) giving the complexity of the design, we agree that we can talk about
some symbolic structures. Signs designed by master merge together, unite and form
the symbolic structures that are designed to convey a specific message to those
who use them. These symbolic structures certainly had a certain value and
significance for the members of the Eneolithic community from Teiu. On many
figurines were applied fine needles or stitches in the evidence of magic rituals
(1527, 1532, 1549, 1565). Representation of a possible home instead the classic
incised triangle of life, make the figurine 2067 unique. Magic practices are also
certified by the concentric circular and spiral rows of the buttocks, coupled with
uneven but deep stitches on the fragmented body of the figurine.
A special discussion deserves the décor in spiral or in stripes motifs, formed
by incised lines more or less oblique specific to the Cucuteni culture art, figured on
figurines belonging to the Gumelniţa B1 phase (607, 1530, 1537, 1542, 1544,
1548, 1565, 1574, 2067, 2069, 2073, 2079). This reality may be due to a craftsman
came from Cucuteni cultural milieu or may be the result of a process of cultural
contamination, hypothesis to which we agree. The members of Gumelnița
community could take (not necessarily consciously planned) some Cucuteni
elements (also vice versa happened, from the Gumelnița communities towards the
Cucuteni ones). This would explain, in fact, close relationships between the two
cultures. In support of this hypothesis comes one of three phalloi discovered in the
settlement Gumelniţa B1 from Teiu and the traditional Cucuteni spiral decor drawn
6
The analyses revealed two types of incisions, "the first large type, thickness of about 1
mm, and the finer second type, about 0.3 mm thick, both filled with a white paste, probably
calcite” (Georgescu, Niculescu, 2012).

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on the bottom of many of the figurines (607, 1530, 1537, 1542, 1544, 1548). The
phallus from Teiu is anthropomorphous (635) and recalls the identical artifact
discovered in the Cucuteni A3 settlement from Truşeşti-Ţuguieta (Cucuteni 1997,
148, no. 120-121; Monah 1997, 193, fig.261/1).
The figurines display in majority female persons, but the pieces having no.
603, 1552 and 1553 can be classified as androgynous personages. Careful analysis
of the modeling style, coupled with the approaches on the incised designs can attest
the works of many "authors" of the figurines.
We agree that, in general, the term of ornament or decoration is inappropriate /
unsuitable at least for the group of figurines from Teiu, so we preferred the term of
incised drawing. So, the drawing consists of geometric-abstract signs incised on
the surface of the figurines does not have a decorative and ornamental function, but
rather a symbolic representation.

REFERENCES

Sebastian Morintz: Tipuri de aşezări şi sisteme de fortificaţie şi de împrejmuire în

cultura Gumelniţa, în "Studii şi cercetări de istorie veche", 13, 1962,
p. 273-284.
Ion Nania: Două depozite neolitice în raionul Costeşti, în "Studii şi cercetări de
istorie veche", 16, 1965, 2, p. 311-321.
Alexandru Vulpe: Die Äxte und Beile in Rumänien II, PBF IX, 5, München, 1975,
p. 22, Nr, 25, Taf. 2, Pl. 2/25.
Ion Nania: Locuitorii gumelniţeni în lumina cercetărilor de la Teiu, în "Studii şi
articole de istorie", 9, 1976, p. 7-23.
Dan Monah: Plastica antropomorfă a culturii Cucuteni-Tripolie, Piatra Neamț,
1997.
Mircea Babeş: Sebastian Morintz (1927-1997) - Necrolog, în "Studii şi cercetări de
istorie veche şi arheologie", 48, 1997, 1, p. 3-9.
Cucuteni - The Last Great Chalcolithic Civilisation of Europe, Thessaloniki, 1997.
Dragoş Măndescu: Sfârşitul epocii pietrei şi începutul epocii metalelor în zona
Argeş, în "Argesis" - Seria Istorie, 12, 2003, p. 59-72.
Ion Nania: Mozăceni - o veche aşezare din fosta ţară Vlaşca, Editura Paralela 45,
Piteşti, 2004.
Pavel Mirea, Alin Frînculeasa, Locuirea eneolitică gumelniţeană de la Mănăstirea
Glavacioc, judeţul Argeş, în "Argesis" - Seria Istorie, 14, 2005, p.
55-74.
Radian Andreescu: Considerations about the Decoration of Antropomorphic
Figurines from Gumelniţa Culture, in Cercetări Arheologice, XIII,
Buc, 2006, p. 159 – 171.
Ruxandra Alaiba: Complexul cultural Cucuteni-Tripolie. Meşteşugul olăritului,
Iaşi, 2007, p. 81-110; p. 106, pl. 40, 2 şi p. 107, pl. 41, 2.
Cristian Eduard Ştefan: Settlement types and enclosures in the Gumelniţa culture,
Editura Cetatea de Scaun, Târgovişte, 2010.

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Ana Ilie, Florin Dumitru: La plastique anthropomorphe Gumelniţa du site de
Morteni, departement de Dâmboviţa, în Cercetări arheologice, XVII,
Buc., 2010, p. 32, pl. 2, 1.
Migdonia Georgescu, Gheorghe Niculescu: Consideraţii preliminare în urma
analizei microsopice şi de fluorescenţă de raze X a statuetelor
gumelniţene de la Teiu, jud. Argeş, in this volume, 2012.

Pl. 1. The village Teiu and the two tells (Teiu 1 and Teiu 2). Satellite photography,
according to Google.

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Pl. 2. Draft plan of the archaeological diggings at the tell 1 from Teiu, according a
sketch displayed in the Argeș County Museum exhibition.

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Pl. 3. Map showing the micro-area of Teiu tells. (1) tell 1 from Teiu, (2) tell 2 from
Teiu, (3) tell from Morteni, (4) tell from Negrași, (5) tell from Zidurile. Military
map from the second half of 20th c.

Pl. 4. 1. Graphic reconstitution of the “building of worship” discovered in tell 1

from Teiu; 2. graphic reconstitution of the scorched clay “great idol” from the same
complex (drawings by G. Dobre according to descriptions made by I. Nania); 3.
Scorched clay fragment from the “great idol” displayed in the Argeş County
Museum exhibition.

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Pl. 5. Standing clay figurines with incised signs (597, 598).

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Pl. 6. Clay figurines showing various gestures (595, 602, 604,1552).
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Pl. 7. Clay figurines (1552).

Pl. 8. Clay figurines with parallel rows of grooves and incised symbols (1553,
1556, 1564, 2078).

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Pl. 9. Clay figurines designed to breakage (1575, 1579, 2067, 2085).

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Pl. 10. Legs with successive incisions (606, 1526, 1528, 1590).

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Pl. 11. Legs with incised symbolic decor (1542, 1544, 1547, 1574, 2069).

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Pl. 12. Phalloi: a. anthropomorphous (635); b, c. cylindrical (633, 634).

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Pl. 13. Ruptured heads (600, 1553, 1554, 1558).

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MIGDONIA GEORGESCU*, GHEORGHE NICULESCU**

PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS ON
GUMELNITA STATUETTES OF TEIU, ARGEȘ
DISTRICT, BASED ON MICROSCOPY AND XRF
ANALYSIS

Abstract: The analytical study was carried out on 13 Eneolithic statuettes displaying
incisions made in the wet clay, prior to firing. The XRF (X-ray fluorescence) analysis was
performed with InnovX Alpha Series handheld instrument, based on 30 kV mini W-target
X-ray tube, working at 40 A intensity, using 60s acquisition time. There are two distinct
categories of ceramic paste – with feldspars and without feldspars. In the graphs repre-
senting calcium vs. titan concentration three groups of items distinctly separates.
Keywords: gumelnița, statuettes, microscopy, xrf analysis.

The analytical study was carried out on 13 Eneolithic statuettes displaying

incisions made in the wet clay, prior to firing.
The microscopy was performed on Nikon SMZ1000 stereomicroscope, at
magnifications from 40x to 80x and photographs were taken with the microscope
camera.
The XRF (X-ray fluorescence) analysis was performed with InnovX Alpha
Series handheld instrument, based on 30 kV mini W-target X-ray tube, working at
40 A intensity, equipped with electrically cooled Si-PIN detector, using 60s
acquisition time. The measurements were performed using Soil acquisition mode,
presenting the concentration values in ppm (parts per million), in two stages – for
heavy and for light elements. The measuring errors lye between 1-5%. The deter-
mined values are presented in Table 1.
As a result of microscopic study we reached the following conclusions:
The statuette N.I. 1548 shows two kinds of incisions: a first type, wider,
nearly 1 mm width, and a second one, finer, of 0.3mm width, filled with a white
paste, probably calcite (Photo 1). The amount of sample was not sufficient enough
for compositional analysis.
The statuette N.I. 2069, unlike the other similar items, was realized by another
artisan, using sharper incision tools. The density of the material (gravimetrically
determined) is higher (Photo 2).
*
Migdonia Georgescu - Laboratorul Național de Cercetare în Domeniul Conservării și
Restaurării Patrimoniului Cultural Național Mobil, Bucureşti, [email protected].
**
Gheorghe Niculescu Laboratorul Național de Cercetare în Domeniul Conservării și
Restaurării Patrimoniului Cultural Național Mobil, Bucureşti, [email protected].

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 At the statuette N.I. 2079, even if the incisions seem to have been filled with a
paste, in fact it is sand deposited from the environment.
At the statuette N.I. 2078 the incisions have been filled with a white paste,
possible calcite, poorly preserved, probably as a result of binder quality. The
amount of sample did not allow the material identification.
The statuette N.I. 1532 shows superficial firing. Even if the firing was
performed at relatively high temperature, in oxidant conditions, the firing time was
insufficient to transform the whole clay quantity in ceramics; the transformations
reaching a deepness of 1.5 mm beneath the surface.
At the statuette N.I. 1562 incisions are barely visible and no white deposits
exist in the incisions or on the artefact’s surface.
The statuette N.I. 2067 shows some sand deposits in incisions, which seems to
be done with another type of tool.
The statuette N.I. 1556 shows sand deposits in incisions (Photo 3).
The items N.I. 2067 and 1556 were, presumably, buried in the same
environment, considering the nature of sand deposits within the incisions.
The statuette N.I. 610 shows silicates deposits from surrounding soil. It is also
possible that this statuette have been buried in other conditions than the other
studied items (Photo 4, 5).

Table 1 Concentration of constituent elements in the ceramic paste of the

statuettes (XRF determinations)
Nr.inv. Ti Ba Mn Fe Cu Zn Pb Rb Sr Zr K Ca
2067 5213 829 355 28822 74 157 180 93 309 230.5 0 13578.5
2079 6633.5 1159 410.5 36989.5 67 180.5 28.5 93.5 313 236 8368 13399.5
1556 5375.5 844 469 21052.5 62.5 104 34.5 95.5 268 225.5 8484 11439.5
1532 6057.5 857.5 427.5 38751 52 124 20.5 98 180 236.5 2675.5 8296
1562 6949 959 614 47639 72.5 119.5 37.5 83.5 333 271 0 9494.5
1542-II 5820.5 934.5 246 39136 30 96.5 34.5 81.5 218.5 239.5 6375.5 6978
2069 5283.5 752.5 188.5 21811 52 86.5 28 76.5 246.5 288.5 15576.5 17074.5
2078 6092 1105 308.5 32071.5 40.5 154 30.5 91.5 258.5 264.5 3164.5 7895
1558 4589 848.5 319.5 27017 52 91.5 26.5 85 235.5 244.5 3925 15655
1548 7372.5 992.5 270.5 36013 66 91 38.5 71.5 256.5 289.5 0 7406
1542-I 5821 879 464 39298.5 47.5 131 35 90.5 214.5 239.5 2781.5 7583
1553 6316 1004.5 940.5 45507.5 66 146.5 32.5 110.5 165 205 0 6483
610 7612.5 1245 281.5 41625.5 62 122 57 81.5 216 328 0 8181

The values included in table are the average of two distinct measurements
performed on the same statue.

Some conclusions can be drawn from the above table:

1. There are two distinct categories of ceramic paste – with feldspars and
without feldspars (with K and without K).

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 2. In the graphs representing calcium vs. titan concentration (Fig. 1.) three
groups of items distinctly separates. It had to be underlined that this grouping
agrees well with archaeological observations concerning the nature and the
decoration technique.

Fig. 1. Calcium/titan concentration graphical representation.

In order to go deeper into the study of this type of Eneolithic ceramics a

greater range of archaeologically excavated items had to be analyzed concerning
their composition and decoration materials.

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MARIA GUROVA*

PREHISTORIC FLINT ASSEMBLAGES FROM

BULGARIA: A RAW MATERIAL PERSPECTIVE

Abstract: The paper focuses on the importance of the raw material factor in the
interpretation of flint assemblages. The general perspective and consideration of every
prehistoric chipped stone industry should include an assessment of the raw materials used,
their availability, variability and the supplying potential of the palaoenvironment. Bulgarian
prehistory is characterized by a remarkable abundance and diversity of flint raw materials.
The main sources are located in the Moesian platform in northern Bulgaria, hosted by the
Lower and Upper Cretaceous limestones and chalks. Some of them gain a noticeable
importance as an immanent feature among the diagnostic flint assemblages’ characteristics.
Typical is the case of ‘Balkan Flint’ which attains a noticeable significance in the
Neolithisation of the Balkans and subsequently - in the context of the supra-regional
Karanovo I-Starčevo-Criş-Körös cultural complex. Another well known example of wide
spatial distribution and use of the flint raw material referred to the so-called
‘Dobrudzhanski’, or Ludogorie flint, served for the production of the remarkable and
incomparable super blades from the Varna and Durankulak cemeteries, as well as from sites
like Sava, Smiadovo, etc. The paper aims to improve present day knowledge on the topic
and to prevent confusion, consequent upon the irrelevant use of, and speculation about
some of the terms and statements related to this problem.
Keywords: raw material, Moesian platform, Ludogorie flint, Balkan Flint, flint assembla-
ges, super blades.

Introduction
As an introduction to the problem a very short historiographical retrospection
is needed. The first scholar to emphasize the importance of a proper approach to
the flint problem in the context of intensified archaeological research in prehistory
was K. Kănchev in his publication on problems and purposes of flint studies (K.
Kănchev 1978). His active fieldwork undertaken with the mineralogist I. Nachev
led to the discovery of 224 raw material outcrops in the country (data relating to
1978). According the authors the biggest concentration of flint sources was
recorded in three districts in north Bulgaria: Razgrad – 32 outcrops, Russe – 27 and
Pleven – 24 (ibid. 87). An important result of the fruitful collaboration of this team
is the presentation of the geographical and geological distributions of the siliceous
rocks in northern Bulgaria, as well as some outcrops in the southern part of the
country (K. Kănchev et al. 1981). In fact, it is the most basic, synthetic work ever
done on the topic (including data on the chemical analysis of the siliceous rocks).

*
National Institute of Archaeology and Museum, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 2,
Saborna Str. 1000 Sofia, [email protected].

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A particular study was devoted to the Izbegli deposit, Plovdiv district (I. Nachev
1984), and the numerous and abundant flint deposits in north-eastern Bulgaria,
which were identified as Aptian primarily bonded in Cretaceous limestones and
consequently transformed by resedimentation as Quaternary (secondary) placers
with rounded concretions (I. Nachev, K. Kănchev 1984).
For the past few years a new opportunity for advancement in the field has
been provided thanks to a basic article by the geologist Ch. Nachev directed at
archaeologists with the intention of providing essential new and relevant insights
into the topic of flint raw material use in prehistory (Ch. Nachev 2009). In the
meantime the present author introduced into the specialized literature the ’Balkan
Flint’1 (BF) problem, based on more general research on the Early Neolithic flint
assemblages from Bulgaria, and tried to argue its importance in the context of
(supra)regional cultural (ex)changes alongside the Neolithic emergence in the
eastern Balkans (M. Gurova 2008, 2009, 2011a, forthcoming). A promising
collaboration and small scale international network has been established and a
couple of articles have been published introducing important sedimentological and
petrological information on the flint sources in Bulgaria as well as some innovative
analyses focused on the identification and the provenance of BF (C. Bonsall et al.
2010; M. Gurova, Ch. Nachev 2008) (see below). How does the situation look
today?

Early Neolithic flint assemblages in the ‘Balkan Flint’ prospect

As mentioned above the present author is trying to deal with the problem of
BF using a rigorous scientific approach including the accumulation of reliable
geological information, as well as raw material samples and archaeological
samples, both submitted to relevant analytical procedures. In order to avoid useless
repetition of already published data, interpretation and hypothesis only a brief
summary of the BF formal toolkit from the Early Neolithic context will be
presented. On the basis of numerous personally studied flint assemblages, coming
from the important and emblematic Early Neolithic sites of Tells Karanovo,
Azmak, Kapitan Dimitrievo, and the open-air sites of Yabalkovo, Slatina,
Rakitovo, Kovačevo and Dzhuliunitsa, the author distinguished a category of
formal toolkits (figs. 1 and 2). They consist of a particular tool repertoire based on
medium to large blades produced by punch technique and retouched by pressure
technique: as a result a large spectrum of uni - and bilateral blades with pointed/or
rounded ends is produced, with a typical semi- to abrupt/step retouch (see M.
Gurova 2008). This particular toolkit is distinct for the following reasons: it
corresponds to Andrefsky’s description of ‘formal tools’ (W. Andrefsky 1994) and
represents a very diagnostic feature of the Early Neolithic flint assemblages of the
Karanovo I and II cultures in Bulgaria, as well as one of the characteristics of the
supra-regional techno-complex of Karanovo I–Starčevo–Criş-Körös cultural unit.

1
‘Balkan Flint’ is used further on as abbreviation BF, containing the sense of the inverted
commas.

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 One of the most striking features of the Early Neolithic formal toolkits is the
uniform raw material they were made of: it is yellow-honey (waxy) coloured, white
spotted high quality flint called in the literature “(Pre-) Balkan platform flint”,
“Dobrudzha flint” or simply “Balkan flint”2. Taking into consideration the
importance of the problem, on the 15th EAA Annual Meeting in Riva-del Garda
(Italy, 2009) a particular session on ‘Balkan Flint in SE European Prehistory’ was
organized by M. Gurova, with co-organisers, C. Bonsall, B. Voytek and D. Borić),
which brought together scholars whose research on the early farming societies of
SE Europe has inevitably led them to confront the problem of the appearance of a
new, high quality, raw material for the manufacture of chipped stone artefacts at
the beginning of the Neolithic3.
What of scientific relevance has already been done in the context of the BF
research agenda?
With regard to the crucial problem of the origin of BF, the map prepared by
the mineralogist Ch. Nachev is quite instructive, focusing on the spatial distribution
of the main flint outcrops in Bulgaria (according to its geological stratigraphy) with
implications for prehistoric archaeology (fig. 3). As observed by Nachev
significant accumulations of siliceous/flint concretions are located in the Moesian
Platform and adjacent parts of the Balkan Alpine Orogen. The term “Pre-Balkan
Platform” is considered an incorrect term for Moesian Platform from where
“Balkan flint” probably means every flint in the Moesian Platform and adjacent
parts of the Balkan Alpine Orogen including both Lower Cretaceous (Aptian) flint
and Upper Cretaceous (Campanian and Maastrichtian) flint (M. Gurova, Ch.
Nachev 2008, 32). Two main flint strata are considered as promising from an
archaeological point of view for resolving the problem of the BF provenance:
Moesian (primarily!) and Ludogorie flints. The silica concretions of the Moesian
flint are hosted in the Upper Cretaceous (Campanian) chalk, chalk-like limestones
and fine-grained biomorphic limestones (Maastrichtian) (M. Gurova, Ch. Nachev
ibid.). The first step of investigating the relation between the archaeological and
raw material samples consisted in comparative thin section analysis (made by
Nachev) of a small series of archaeological samples with flint from known sources
across the Moesian Platform. Three samples taken from the Dzhuljunitsa, Rakitovo
and Yabalkovo sites show typical cryptocrystalline structure and microfaunal
remains. Subsequently, samples from three other Bulgarian Early Neolithic sites
(Slatina, Ohoden, and Kovačevo), as well as from the Early Neolithic site of Aria
Babi in the Serbian Iron Gates area, were included in the study4. The results of this
analysis are partially published and, unfortunately, we must confess that the
observations and comparison of a limited series of thin sections have proved
insufficient to discriminate between the samples. Some general conclusions were

2
More details on this subject are included in the article of BF volume (Gurova forth-
coming).
3
A volume with the contributions on the BF problematic is in preparation.
4
This approach was made in the frame of a pilot study of ‘Balkan’ flint sources and ex-
change networks in Neolithic SE Europe (co-directed by C. Bonsall and M. Gurova).

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drawn underlining the impossibility for a reliable identification of raw material
type; with a higher probability that the archaeological samples are derived from the
‘Moesian’ rather than the ‘Ludogorie’ flint region and outcrops.
These inconclusive results from comparative thin section analyses of ‘Balkan
flint’ made by Ch. Nachev and M. Gurova led us to consider other means of
identifying the source or sources of provenance of the BF, used by Neolithic
communities in Bulgaria and the neighboring regions of southeast Europe. A series
of archaeological samples from Early Neolithic sites and geological samples from
outcrops of Moesian and Ludogorie flints have been analyzed by C. Bonsall using
laser ablation inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS) and
electron probe micro analysis (EPMA) (fig. 4). The combination of these
techniques aimed to test the effectiveness of trace-element analysis as a tool for
characterizing Balkan Flint, because used together both techniques are capable of
high precision quantitative chemical analysis with high spatial resolution (up to 1
micron and 25 microns for EPMA and LA-ICP-MS, respectively). It is noteworthy
that apart from Bulgarian Early Neolithic samples, two samples from the Iron
Gates region are added – from Aria Babi in Serbia and Schela Cladovei in
Romania. The preliminary results of this approach are presented in the recently
published collaborative paper (Bonsall et al. 2010), but in more details and
interpretive aspects the results are prepared for the forthcoming BF volume,
including a further series of samples analyzed by LA-ICP-MS equipment in Sofia
with additional trace-element precisions made in UK.
In general, it is worth noting that in spite of the optimal technical equipment
and analytical procedure applied, the small number of samples analyzed did not
allow for the determination of their sources with much certainty. In the hope of
obtaining more satisfactory and definitive results about revealing the
similarities/differences between archaeological samples, and between them and
raw material samples, a new stage of the BF international network was established.
A new HRAR project (Prehistoric flint sourcing in NW Bulgaria and NE Serbia:
Field survey and laboratory analyses) was offered to and awarded in 2011 by the
America for Bulgaria Foundation (ABF) and co-ordinated by the American
Research Centre in Sofia (ARCS)5. The project focuses on the identification of
flint sources, used by prehistoric communities in the areas of northwest Bulgaria
and northeast Serbia, by means of field survey and archaeometric analyses. The
survey of the studied area allowed the identification of more that 50 flint raw
material outcrops which were sampled for subsequent LA-ICP-MS analysis that
will be carried out in the Geological Institute of the Bulgarian Academy of
Sciences in Sofia. The analytical approach combines geochemistry with
petrographic observation of the polished thin sections for identification of trace
element composition of the flints, and requires a significant number of comparative
samples from natural flint deposits for obtaining reliable results. The analyses are
5
The project is co-directed by M. Gurova (Sofia) and D. Borić (Cardiff) with the partici-
pation of archaeologists and geologists: S. Ivanova, Pawlikowski, E. Stefanova, P.
Andreeva, D. Milovanović etc.

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already in progress and apart from the reliable results that will be offered and
probably will partially answer the BF provenance problem, there are some practical
issues of the project that merit mention:
• Establishing a reference raw material collection (lithoteque) along with the
digital archive of the raw material for the given region;
• Reconstruction of networks of acquisition of flint raw material for identified
prehistoric periods.
While this consecutive, different scale and level, work of the author’s team in
the BF field was being undertaken, a parallel research “initiative” is being done by
scholars who preferred to be outside the BF scientific session and common
collaborative efforts.
Recently new proponents of Moesian flints from the Nikopol area as the
object of Early Neolithic exploitation, distribution and use have appeared. This
perspective on the BF puzzling problem will be incomplete if I omit to mention a
couple of new publications, claiming to propose a ‘new discovery’ and largely
affirming the major importance of this “first evidence of Early Neolithic knapping
activity” at this find spot (P. Biagi, E. Starnini 2010a). First in Antiquity online, a
discovery of a BF outcrop qualified as workshop was published by P. Biagi and E.
Starnini as a result of a ‘study trip’ (P. Biagi, E. Starnini ibid.). This discovery as a
part of their view on the Neolithization of the Carpathian Basin has also been
recently published in two different books under different titles but with identical
content (P. Biagi, E. Starnini 2010b, 2011). Thus in a triple reproduction they
describe an ‘accidental’ discovery made near Nikopol on the hill Ali Koch Baba
(the name of the place is wrongly written in the publications) and consisting of an
outcrop of ‘Balkan Flint’ and a scatter of artefacts: cores, blades, flakes and a
single endscraper (the finds are listed with terms like few, many, several). The
artefacts are carefully photographed and even drawn (difficult to envisage as a
chance find in the field!) and in spite the authors’ remark that because of the
accidental character of the discovery its subsequent investigation was impossible.
Gradually this discovery from “possible BF source”… and “flint outcrop with
traces of Neolithic exploitation” (P. Biagi, E. Starnini 2010b, p. 124, 131) evolved
to BF “sources and workshops along the Danube” (P. Biagi, E. Starnini 2011, p.
69). As a first comment on this quite weakly argued conclusion, it should be
stressed that the region has been prospected and studied by geologists and
archaeologists for decades, and the flint outcrops along the Danube could be
repeatedly of course ‘revisited’ by everyone, but NO ONE should be allowed to
take finds from their background and publish them just as a result of spontaneous
(tourist/study?) trips in a foreign country with quite well structured laws and
regulations about every kind of archaeological practice6. The second comment is

6
An administrative precision is indispensable here: according to Bulgarian law every kind
of archaeological prospecting/or excavation must be approved and permitted by the
Ministry of Culture. All legal archaeological field activities (including surveys) carried out
by foreigners are co-ordinated by Bulgarian professionalists in archaeology. There is no

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that there is NO certain evidence that the described assemblage belongs to the
Early Neolithic. The very few cores known from Early Neolithic strata (Slatina,
Ohoden, Karanovo) differ from those presented by Biagi and Starnini in their
articles (see I. Gatsov 1992, 100; R. Zlateva-Uzunova 2009). On the other hand
quite similar finds to the cores, blanks and tools presented by Biagi and Starnini are
known from a Late Holocene sequence in the region and part of them (completely
identical) are published by S. Sirakova as a result of trench investigations on the
sites of Osum and Zhabeshki kamak (in vicinity of the village Musselievo,
southwest of Nikopol). The materials are interpreted as the remains of flint
workshops in use during the Bronze and Iron Ages. Several local raw material
deposits along the Danube and a little way to the south are also presented in the
book (S. Sirakova 2006, 9). The most common flint from the Holocene Osuma site
is described by S. Sirakova as BG-MO-F7 (beige not homogenous, not translucent,
with dark brownish inclusions and small whitish spots) and comprising 90% of the
whole assemblage (S. Sirakova 2006, 14 and 38). This flint appears identical to
some of the examples shown by Biagi & Starnini (P. Biagi, E. Starnini 2010a, figs.
5 and 6; 2010b, fig. 7; 2011, figs. 6 and 7). If Biagi and Starnini tried to learn
about some research and publication done in the region, they would probably
interpret the find as belonging to the Bronze Age, as suggested by the similarity
with Harrapan workshops in Pakistan, mentioned by themselves (P. Biagi, E.
Starnini 2011, p. 75). It should be stressed also that in this region (less that 10 km
from Nikopol) is situated the famous Middle-Upper Palaeolithic site of
Musselievo, with an amazing assemblage of leaf points, which was studied and
published decades ago (P. Haesaerts, S. Sirakova 1979). The flint from the
Musselievo settlement has a local origin and has a pronouncedly more beige-
greyish appearance than the BF. There is no doubt that in this region rich in
accessible and different raw materials a flint knapping know-how had emerged and
underwent different technological transformations/evolution since the Palaeolithic.
Unfortunately, we have a gap (i.e. no archaeological records) in the chronological
sequence between the end of the Epipalaeolithic and the beginning the Early
Neolithic, and ergo – no evidence of any activity by the eventual indigenous pre-
Neolithic substratum. It will certainly be very important and welcome if one may
confirm that Biagi & Starnini’s unstratified discovery could be related to an Early
Neolithic (first!) workshop of ‘Balkan Flint’, but no serious arguments are yet
forthcoming.
The BF problem definitely deserves serious systematic and relevant research
and it is slowly and continuously being done. The alteration of spontaneous illegal
approaches will certainly not contribute properly to a professional and appropriate
scientific solution.
Eventually, after its remarkably important role in Neolithisation and its broad
distribution in the Early Neolithic cultural complex in southeastern Europe, BF

official option like a ‘study trip’ that could result in a publication without Bulgarian
collaborators.

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declined in use and significance after the end of the Early (or Middle?) Neolithic
stage. According to the Bulgarian chronological framework the process of disin-
tegration took place during the Karanovo III and III-IV periods at the eponymous
tell settlement7. As the end of Karanovo III is dated ca 5500–5280 cal BC (J.
Görsdorf 1997, p. 379), this can be regarded as a terminus ante quem for the
presence of formal toolkits and, ergo, for the importance and use of BF. There is no
satisfactory explanation of the changes taking place during the Middle and Late
Neolithic phases in the final centuries of the VI mill. BC. This particular gradual
shift is differently detectable and recognisable in the features of the material
culture. As for the flint assemblages and their evolution, degradation or innovation,
the process is captured and described in the cultural sequence of the Karanovo Tell
(Gurova, M. 2004). It that respect, and in regard to the flint raw material problem,
very relevant is the comment in one of the above-mentioned articles about why BF
lost its importance in the whole area of its spread during the establishment of the
Linear Pottery Culture (LBK) (P. Biagi, E. Starnini 2010b, p. 131). Seemingly the
best natural background for investigating this challenging problem is the northern
Bulgarian Moesian platform with its numerous and varied flint deposits and the
attempt to assess the raw material factor in the arenas of social development and
changes. This problem related to the last centuries of the VIth mill. in prehistoric
Bulgaria has still to be resolved.

Chalcolithic flint assemblages and the Ludogorie flint deposits

In flint raw material perspective the chalcolithic period in Bulgaria (or the
golden Vth mill. BC) is marked by the apogee of know-how in flint knapping
technology and the intensive and extensive exploitation of high quality
cryptocrystalline flints from northeastern Bulgaria.
As described by Ch. Nachev the silica concretions of Ludogorie (or
Dobrudzha) flint are hosted in Lower Cretaceous (Aptian) micrite limestones with
pale grey colour and characteristic white silica-carbonate cortex. The primary
sources gave material for numerous secondary (placer) deposits with eluvium-
proluvium character. They are located mainly in the Ludogorie plateau (on the
hills), hosted in soft sandy-carbonated masses (M. Gurova, Ch. Nachev 2008, p.
33; Ch. Nachev 2009). The Ludogorie flint has two microscopically distinct types:
Ravno (in the northern part of the spread area and Kriva Reka type (in the southern
part). In relation with its petrographic characteristics Ch. Nachev describes
Ludogorie flint as the highest quality flint raw material in Bulgaria (and on a
broader scale of southeastern Europe and Asia Minor [Ch. Nachev 2009, pp. 11-
12]). Both types mentioned above possess favourable properties that determined its
use for general large-scale domestic needs during the Chalcolithic period. As for
the most sophisticated knapping techniques and the production of extra-long blades

7
According to V. Nikolov the late Neolithic sequence in Thrace starts with Karanovo III
period (V. Nikolov 2004).

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for ritual purposes in the mortuary domain, the Ravno flint type was used, with
localised deposits in the vicinity of Tetovo, Ravno, Kamenovo, Topcii and Kubrat.
In the last two decades of the 20th century the Chalcolithic flint industry (and
particularly spectacular finds from northeastern Bulgaria) was submitted to
different investigations with the most systematic studies done by the Russian
specialist, N. Skakun, and the French specialist, L. Manolakakis. The first has been
focused mainly on functional determination of the assemblages and their domestic
(household) interpretation (N. Skakun 2006). The latter offered a broader
technological approach, applying the concept of the ‘chaîne opératoire’ and
providing a new challenging insight into the social meaning and consideration of
the flint grave-goods from the Varna cemetery (L. Manolakakis 2005, 2006). Both
scholars have concluded that the huge amount of the flint artefacts in northeastern
Bulgarian tells (Goliamo Delchevo, Durankulak, Vinitsa, Smiadovo and Sava) and
cemeteries (Varna, Durankulak) are made of Ludgorie (Dobrudza) flint.8 The same
conclusion was reached by N. Sirakov about raw material variability among the
Durankulak cemetery flint grave-goods. The author distinguishes Radingrad-Topcii
from Kriva Reka flint types emphasizing the predominant role of the first type in
quantitative aspect and diachronic perspective (N. Sirakov 2002, p. 215-7).
Unfortunately, in spite of the largely affirmed quality and broader distribution
of the Ludogorie flints, the information about raw material extraction and supply in
prehistory is still rather scarce. The some conclusion holds for reliable geochemical
and mineralogical comparative analyses between archaeological and raw material
samples. Regarding raw material procurement and the first stage of flint
production, L. Manolakakis’ prospections in the Razgrad area led her to identify
one workshop with the remains of lever pressure technique at Kamenovo tell, in
proximity to the raw material outcrops of excellent quality flint (L. Manolakakis
2006, p. 11). Advancement in this field was made recently through the systematic
surveys in the Razgrad district area made by B. Mateva. She describes the
secondary flint placers as easy for access and nodule extraction from the soft loess
layers. Several new workshops have been identified near Ravno, Chakmaka
(Isperih), Kamenovo and Kriva Reka (B. Mateva 2010, p. 174).
It is still debatable how early in prehistory the exploitation of Ludogorie flint
took place. The idea of the Early Neolithic BF provenance from Ludogorie is quite
tempting and already promoted in the literature on the basis of visual macroscopic
similarity and/or theoretical modelling (M. Gurova 2008, N. Skakun 1993; Ts.
Tsonev 2004). But until there are reliable analytical results of identification
between archaeological and raw material samples many different hypothesis,
assumptions and speculations are possible.
However that high quality large nodules of Ludogorie flint (particularly type
Ravno) were used for the amazing extra-long (super blades) from the mortuary
contexts of Varna and Durankulak cemeteries, as well as the hoards from tell

8
According to N. Skakun the ‘Dobrudzha flint types represent 90% of raw material used in
the Varna culture area (N. Skakun 2006, p. 16).

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Smiadovo and Sava, is unquestionable (figs. 5 - 7). Hundreds of pages have been
produced concerning different aspects of these sensational finds: from the
sophisticated know-how applied in their production (percussion by punch
technique; standing pressure by long mediating device; lever pressure), via their
typological uniformity/variety, to their functional connotations. Much has also
been done to reveal the flint industry in its every-day life circulation and household
meaning (M. Gurova 2002, 2010, 2011b; L. Manolakakis 2005, 2006; N. Sirakov
2002; Skakun 1999, 2006).
The distribution of Ludogorie flint during the Chalcolithic is well documented
beyond present-day Bulgaria: in northern Greece (L. Manolakakis ibid.), Moldavia
and Ukraine (N. Skakun 2006). The present author published recently the
summarised study on flint assemblages derived from the last couple of years of
excavations, which are mainly rescue projects. The results suggest a similarity
rather than diversity among the assemblages that is evident on several levels: raw
material availability, typological repertoire, and principal functional parameters
and connotations, in spite of the fact that the settlements belong to such different
cultures/cultural complexes as Varna, Kodžadermen–Gumelniţa–Karanovo VI and
Krivodol–Salcuţa–Bubani (M. Gurova 2010c).

Discussion
As discussion I would like to present a point that seems confusing and could
create further misunderstanding in the research agenda devoted to ‘Balkan Flint’.
The question was discussed at the BF Session in Riva del Garda, but still there is
no particular publication on the topic. What the organizers put in the term ‘Balkan
Flint’ was clearly defined as the common and broadly distributed flint tracing the
pathway of the Neolithisation of the Balkans. This feature of the Neolithisation
spread has NO Anatolian routes, because the only known and geologically
documented primary deposits of this raw material are located in the Moesian
platform in northern Bulgaria. The potential sources of provenance of BF are (most
likely) some of the outcrops of Moesian flint with 3 main clusters of deposits:
Montana/Lovech, Pleven/Nikopol and Shumen/Devnia. BUT they also include
some of the outcrops of Ludogorie flint, and especially the Kriva Reka and
Chakmaka placers. The two last mentioned are very similar visually to the flint
used for many of the Early Neolithic formal toolkits (personal observation). As
already mentioned identifications based on ‘naked eye’ expertise have no value and
are not valid for resolving the problem of the BF provenance. A rich collection of
archaeological and raw material samples has been collected and is in process of
serious analysis and all proponents of different hypotheses should wait for the
reliable analytical results.
On the other hand the term ‘Dobrudzha flint’ having a large and quite
ambiguous use has been attributed to E. Comşa. In fact what E. Comşa wrote is
that during the Neolithic period, the main type of flint in use in Dobrudzha, the
Wallachian Plain of Oltenia, and the south of Moldavia was the “silex balkanique”
of which numerous outcrops had been located in Dobrudzha (probably on both the

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Bulgarian and Romanian sides?) and on the Pre-Balkan platform in northern
Bulgaria (Comşa 1976, 240). From here, and definitely because of the incorrect
reading and use of Comşa’s terms, many variations on the basis of ‘silex
balkanique’ ‘dobrudzha flint’ and derivatives like Pre-Balkan-platform, Balkan
flints, etc. have circulated in the literature without clear discriminatory meaning
from the chronological and spatial points of view. ‘Dobrudzha flint’ as a
provenance characteristic is used by Skakun for defining both Early Neolithic and
Chalcolithic flint types (N. Skakun 1993, 2006). In the French literature the terms
‘silex balkanique’ and ‘silex blond’ are both in common use. ‘Silex balkanique’
was used by L. Manolakakis for describing the repartition of the Ludogorie flint
during the Chalcolithic (L. Manolakakis ibid.). Commenting on a kind of
exogenous raw material among Early Neolithic flint industries in Greece, C. Perlès
used the term yellow/honey flint, which corresponds to the French ‘silex blond’ (C.
Perlès 2001).
In order to avoid further misreading and misunderstanding it should be borne
in mind that ‘Balkan Flint’ is already used as a term relating to one of the
diagnostic features of the Neolithisation of the Balkans. As a raw material it is
visually easily recognisable, with source(s) in the Moesian platform of northern
Bulgaria, including probably some adjacent parts of the Balkan Alpine Orogen.
Let us hope that the fruitful collaboration and efforts of the enthusiastic BF
adherents will soon provide satisfactory answers to the numerous puzzling BF
problems.

Acknowledgements
I should like to thank Marian Neagu for his kind invitation to participate in the
conference and to submit a paper. My gratitude also to Clive Bonsall for suggesting
improvements to the English of my paper

REFERENCES

Anderfski, W. 1994: Raw material availability and the organization of technology.

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ac.uk.
Biagi, P., E. Starnini 2010b: The Early Neolithic Chipped Stone Assemblages of
the Carpathian Basin: Typology and Raw Material Circultion. In
Kozlowski, J.K., P. Raczky (eds.) Neolithization of the Carpathian
Basin: Nortjernmost Distribution of the Sarčevo/Körös Culture, 119-
136. Kraków-Budapest.
Biagi, P., E. Starnini 2011: First discovery of Balkan flint sources and workshops
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Bonsall, C., M. Gurova, C. Hayward, Ch. Nachev, N.J.G. Pearce 2010:
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Gates using LA-ICP-MS and EPMA. Interdisciplinary Studies XXII-
XXIII, 9-18.
Comşa, E. 1976: Les matières premières en usage chez les homes Néolithique de
l’actuel territoire Roumain. Acta Archaeologica carpathica, XVI, 239-
249.
Gatsov, I. 1992: Kremachen ansambal ot rabotilnitsata. In Nikolov, V.
Rannoneolitno ziliste ot Slatina (Sofia). Razkopki i prouchvanija 25,
99-101. Sofia, Izdatelstvo na BAN (in Bulgarian).
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Karanovo, I, Die Ausgrabungen im Sudsektor 1984-199,. 377-384.
Salzburg–Sofia, Verlag Ferdinand Berger & Söhne, Horn/Wien.
M. 2002: Mobilier en silex de la nécropole Dourankulak - analyse fonctionnelle.
In H. Todorova, H. (ed.). Durankulak, Band. II, Teil 1, Die
prähistorischen Gräberfelder von Duranlkulak, 247-256. Sofia,
Deutsches Archäologisches Institut in Berlin.
Gurova, M. 2004: Evolution and Retardation: Flint Assemblages from Tell
Karanovo. In V. Nikolov, K. Bačvarov, P. Kalchev (eds.). Prehistoric
Thrace, 239-253. Sofia-St. Zagora, AIM-BAS.
Gurova, M. 2008: Towards an understanding of Early Neolithic populations: a flint
perspective from Bulgaria. Documenta Praehistorica 35, 111-129.
Gurova, M. 2009: The flint factor on the Neolithisation debate. In Petrunova, B., A.
Aladzhov, E. Vassileva (eds.), LAUREA. In honorem Margaritae
Vaklinova (volume II). Sofia, 1-14. Sofia, NIAM (in Bulgarian with
Engish summary).
Gurova, M. 2010: Connotations fonctionnelles des grandes lames chalcolithiques:
Exemple de la Bulgarie. Archaeologia Bulgarica, XIV, 2, 1-10.
Gurova, M. 2011a: Early Neolithic site of Kovačevo: A case study of ‘Balkan
Flint’ formal toolkit. Studia Praehistorica 14, 71-81.
Gurova, M. 2011b: A Late Chalcolithic Flint Assemblage from the Site of
Kosharna, Russe District. In Mills, S., P. Mirea (eds.). The Lower
Danube in Prehistory: Landscape Changes and Human-Environment
Interactions, 179-196. Bucureşti, Editura Renaissance.
Gurova, M. 2011c: Chalcolithic Flint Assemblages: Trajectory to the Regional
Diversity/Similarity. In Boyadziev, Y., S. Ignatova (eds.). Golden Vth
millennium. Thrace and neibourhingh regions in the Chalcolithic,
273-284. Sofia, NIAM-BAS.
Gurova, M. (forthcoming): ‘Balkan Flint’ – fiction and/or trajectory to
Neolithisation: Evidence from Bulgaria. In Bonsall, C., M. Gurova,
B.Voytek, D. Borić (eds.) Balkan Flint’ in SE European Prehistory:
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Gurova, M, Ch. Nachev 2008: Formal Early Neolithic flint toolkits: archaeological
and sedimеntological Aspects. In Kostov, R. I., B. Gaydarska, M.
Gurova (eds.). Geoarchaeology and Archaeomineralogy. Proceedings
of the International Conference, 29-30 October 2008 Sofia. 29-35.
Sofia, St. Ivan Rilski.
Haesaerts, P., Sirakova, S. 1979: Le Paléolithique moyen à pointes foliacées de
Mousselievo (Bulgarie). Prace Archeologiczne, 28, 36-66. Kraków,
Universytet Jagelloński, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe.
Кănchev, К. 1978: Investigation of the flint material from the archaeological
excavations: problems and purposes. Interdisciplinary Studies II: 81-
89 (In Bulgarian).
Kănchev, К., I. Nachev, G. Kovnurko 1981: Flint Rocks in Bulgaria and their
exploitation. Interdisciplinary Studies VII-VIII: 41-59 (In Bulgarian
with Engish summary).
Manolakakis, L. 2005: Manolakakis. Les industries lithiques énéolithiques de
Bulgarie. Internationale Arcaologie, Band 88. Rahden/Westf.: Verlag
Marie Leidorf GmbH.
Manolakakis, M. 2006: Les tres grandes lames de Varna (Bulgarie): quelle
fonction? In Vaquer, J., F. Briois (eds.). La fin de l’Age de Pierre en
Europe du Sud. Matériaux et productions lithiques taillées
remarquables dans le Néolithique et le Chalcolithique du sud de
l’Europe, 5-24. Toulouse, Editions des Archives d’Ecologie Préhis-
torique.
Mateva, B. 2011: Exploiting flint deposits in Northeastern Bulgaria in the
Chalcolithic. In Mills, S., P. Mirea (eds.). The Lower Danube in
Prehistory: Landscape Changes and Human-Environment Interac-
tions, 173-178. Bucureşti, Editura Renaissance.
Nachev, I. 1984: Composition and Origin of Siliceous Rocks from deposit Izbegly
(Plovdiv Dostrict). In III Seminar on Petroarchaeology (Plovdiv 27-
30 of August, 1984, Bulgaria), 45-54. Plovdiv.
Nachev, Ch. 2009: The main types flint in Bulgaria – raw material for artefcts.
Interdisciplinary Studies XX –XXI, 7-21 (in Bulgarian with English
summary).
Nachev, I., K. Kanchev 1984: Aptian and Quaternary flint in north-east Bulgaria.
III Seminar on Petroarchaeology, Plovdiv 27-30 of August, 1984,
Bulgaria, 65-82.
Nikolov, V. 2004: Dinamics of the Cultural Processe in Neolithic Thrace. In V.
Nikolov, K. Bačvarov, P. Kalchev (eds.). Prehistoric Thrace, 18-25.
Sofia–St. Zagora, AIM-BAS.
Perlès, C. 2001: The Early Neolithic in Greece. The first farming communities in
Europe. Cambridge World Archaeology. Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press.
Skakun, N. 1993: Results of traseological examination of flint implements from
Neolithic settlements in Western Bulgaria. In I. Gatsov. Neolithic

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 Chipped Stone Industries in Western Bulgaria, 52-54. Kraków,
Jagellonian University Press.
Skakun, N. 1999: Evolution of agricultural techniques in Eneolithic (Chalkolithic)
Bulgaria: Data from use-wear analysis. In Anderson, P. (ed.).
Prehistory of Agriculture: New Experimental and Ethnographic
Approaches, 199-210. University of California, Los Angeles.
Skakun, N. 2006: Orudia truda i hoziaistvo drevnezemledelcheskih plemen Iugo-
vostochnoi Evropy v epohu eneolita. Nestor-Istoria, St.-Petersburg (in
Russian).
Sirakov, N. 2002: Flint artifacts in prehistoric grave-good assemblages from the
Durankulak necropolis. In Todorova, H (ed.). Durankulak, Band. II,
Teil 1, Die prähistorischen Gräberfelder von Duranlkulak, 213-246.
Sofia, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut in Berlin.
Sirakova S. 2006: The late Prehistoric exploitation of lint deposits on the Osum
and Vit valleys in North Bulgaria. Sofia (in Bulgarian with English
summary).
Tsonev, Ts. 2004: Long blades in the context of east Balkan and Anatolian
complex sedentary society. In V. Nikolov, V., K. Bacvarov, P.
Kalchev (eds.). Prehistoric Thrace, 259-263. Sofia-Stara Zagora,
AIM-BAS.
Zlateva-Uzunova, R. 2009: Early Neolithic stone assemblage from Ohoden-Valoga
site, Building N1. In Ganetsovski, G. Ohoden. Selishte ot rannia
neolit. Razkopki 2002-2006, 63-55. Sofia, Craft House Bulgaria, Ltd.

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Figure 1. Formal flint toolkit from the early Neolithic site of Yabalkovo, Haskovo
district (drawings M. Gurova).

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Figure 2. Early Neolithic artefacts of ‘Balkan Flint’: 1 – from the site of
Yabalkovo (Haskovo district); 2 – from the site of Kovačevo (Blagoevgrad district)
(photo M. Gurova).

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 111

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 112

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Figure 5. Super blades of Ludogorie flint from Varna cemetery (photo M.
Gurova).

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Figure 6. Super blades of Ludogorie flint from tell Smiadovo – hoard I (photo M.
Gurova).

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Figure 7. Super blades from Varna cemetery (drawings M. Gurova).

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BORYANA MATEVA*, VALENTIN PARNIC **

TYPOLOGICAL AND USE-WEAR ANALYSIS OF

FLINT TOOLS FROM TELL MĂRIUȚA,
JUDEȚUL CĂLĂRAȘI

Abstract: The assemblage is examined compactly because investigator Mr. Parnic dated all
levels in a single period, and considerable part of them occurs from the surface too. The
assemblage comprises 241 artifacts. Flint raw material of most of the artifacts is most likely
“dobrodjean flint”. The use-wear analysis of artifacts from the collection shows that it
covers almost the whole domestic production during the Chalcolithic period in which flint
tools were used, and the most important of them are present even though in small numbers
(tools for working stone, bone and horn). The most part of objects are made of quality flint
"Dobrudjean type”. The population of this last phase of the settlement has used sparingly
each piece of quality flint. It is highly possible the settlement Măriuța also been site who
imports quality tools from settlements-workshops situated nearby flint deposits, dwelling of
skilled masters flint-knappers. Should also be noted availability of some homework flint
tools production.
Keywords: flint tools, use-wear analysis, wear traces.

Tell Măriuța is located Northeast of v. Mariutsa, Kalarash County, in the

lower bank terrace of the river Mostista, where a large quantity of pottery
fragments and flint tools were gathered. It looks like an ellipse with large diameter
of about 50 m and a diameter less than 30 m. The lift of cultural strata is from
about 4,2 m and 2,7 m not as stated within. Two cultural levels were identified;
both belong to stage B, Gumelnița culture. Studied material originates from the
Southern sector of the Tell (top 4 levels, 0 to 0.8 m in dept) which is excavated by
Valentin Parnic from Museum of Lower Danube in September 2009. The flint
collection is explored in the field; all of artifacts are examined by handheld digital
microscope Celestron (20x up to 400x). The assemblage is examined compactly
because investigator Mr. Parnic dated all levels in a single period and considerable
part of them occurs from the surface too.
The assemblage comprises 241 artifacts. Raw material of most of the artifacts
consists of flint in colour grey, grey-yellowish, waxy yellow, with dark spots, no
visible cracks and impurities inside. It cannot be claimed with certainty that this
material originates from the right bank of the Danube, but regardless of where the
deposit is (probably this will be demonstrated by petrography studies in the future)
*
Historical Museum of Isperih, 6, Tzar Osvoboditel str. Isperih, Bulgaria, tel.: +359 08431
478, fax: +359 08431 4684, [email protected], [email protected].
**
Muzeul Dunării de Jos, Călăraşi, [email protected].

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most of the tools have the same properties as dobrоdjean flint. About 15% (mostly
flakes and micro-blades and pestles) are made of different material quality, light
grey translucent flint with many dark and light spots, and small micro-cracks and
impurities in the material structure. The sources of this type of material are pro-
bably riverbeds. Some of the investigated artifacts had been exposed to high tem-
peratures, as an after-effect their colour is changed; the flint is greying and
cracking.
At present, there is only one core in the entire collection (0.42%), one core’s
fragment and two fragments of flint nodules. The core has a pyramidal shape, trea-
ted in the perimeter and forged moulding of the surface of cleavage.
Flakes are 29-12.03% of all objects, limestone cortex detected in 17.29% of
them. Only 7- (24.14% ) of flakes have a length between 40 and 65 mm, and flakes
of less than 10 mm were 8- (27.58%). Structure of debris – low percentage of
flakes and cores, the lack of large flakes with limestone cortex and the presence of
many blades show that in this part of the settlement people were engaged mainly in
priming of the ready tools and shaping of the blanks. Also occasionally, they
produced individual tools of not very high quality flint, found in local riverbeds.
The great part of the assemblage (Fig. 1) consists of blades – 124 pieces,
which is 51.45% of the total number of artifacts. 62.9% of all blades are wider than
20 mm and have regular form. Only one of them is whole, without traces of use.
People have used in work specifically segmented blades; the most numerous is the
group of middle-sections with straight profile and parallel edges. These blades are
used as elements of different composite tools. The separated distal and proximal
parts of the blades from this settlement were used for work too.
The group of the typologically distinct tools include 83 pieces – 34.44% of all
items. The butts are preserved on only about 20% of the artifacts (flakes, blades,
tools and fragments). The reason is not only in the large number of medium-sized
parts (sections) of the blades, but also in the fact that most of them were hammered
out to confront the profile of the plate, possibly to be placed in the handle. The
dominant parts are smaller butts- elliptical, rounded triangle or diamond shaped
with almost invisible bulbous, which is one of the alleged signs of knapping by
pressure. About ¼ of the butt’s platforms are double and multifaceted with a
marked bulbous and a tiny defect. In the experimenters opinion this is due to
indirect knapping (Girya 1997, p.80-87; Pelegrin, 2002, p. 131-147; Mateva and all
2004,50-55; Skakun 1984,p.83-92; and according to information received by dr.
Vitold Migal from Liublin University, Poland).
The identified types of the instruments in the collection are not too variable
(Fig.2) and include endscrapers, piercers, knives, one drill, a fragment of bifacial
tool (maybe an axe) and pestles. The most abundant is the group of endscrapers,
39.76% of all tools, followed by burins – 18.08% and piercers – 14.46%. Pestles
(Fig.3) are 7.23% (6 pcs.). Usually as pestles were used exhausted cores, processed
to lie comfortably in the hand of a worker (Mateva.2003 p.75-79; 2004, 55-57;

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Mateva in print; Skakun 1984, p.83-92;1999, p. 287-307; 2006; Skakun and all
2005, p.65-68).In the settlement Măriuța cores might have been scarce, even the
worn out ones, because people were using as pestles small flint nodules formed
from river rubbles, perhaps found nearby watercourses (Fig. 6). Rounded by the
water stream, they did not have much need of additional treatment, one or two
knock-ups here and there to make it more comfortable for the workers, and a little
piketage to prevent cutting your hand on the new sharp edges. Quite remarkable is
the presence of two two-combined tools in the collection: burin/endscraper and
endscraper/piercer. Using the same tool for several operations has been common
practice during the Chalcolithic period, as it will become obvious from the use-
wear analysis. However, in spite of all that, typologically differentiated combined
tools are very rare. However, here in percentage terms they are 2.41% of all tools.
The additional treatment (Fig. 3) is scarce as a quantity of treated subjects
(34.51% of all artifacts). The types of secondary treatment are characteristic for the
Chalcolithic – retouching (56.57%), burring spall (26.32%), combined (11.84%)
and forge out (piketage) (2.63%) (Skakun 2006, p. 17). From the 43 retouched
objects, 42 were treated with steep retouch dull and only one flat retouch on both
sides. Combined treatment includes burring spall and steep retouch. There are three
types of lateral separation (burring spall) found in this collection- on one side, on
both sides, and just one object has it all around its perimeter. In most cases, this
type of treatment has served an accommodation purpose, so that the item would not
hurt the hand that holds it with its sharp edges. Only several of the artifacts, which
account their additional processing defined as burins, have performed this function
in reality.
In general, the functions of the objects from this collection overlap only
partially with their typological characteristic. From 241 objects, as tools were used
only 126 – 103 do not have traces of use and 12 cannot be determined. As
endscrapers are typologically differentiated 42 tools, however as endscrapers for
leather processing have been used 13 of them. Three endscrapers were used as side
scrapers– part of a consisting instrument for leather scraping, two items were
combined, both leather-scraper and leather-knife, two were bone-saws, three were
used as wood-scrapers, six up as part of the consisting sickle, one as the lateral
burin, one as retoucher and the rest of them don’t have any traces. There are 15
burins in typological terms, three of them were used as burins for wood-processing,
two for bones processing. Two burins were used as leather piercers, one of them as
leather – knife, the rest of the 15 burins do not have any traces of use.
Agricultural implements (sickles, reaping knives and grass-knives) are
40.48% in total of the used artifacts from the collection (51 objects), 48 of them
are parts of consisting sickles. It is very interesting that three of the blades have
two working edges, i.e., when one of them has been worn out, they begun to use
the other. Pastoral’s tools and hunting weapons in the collection presented leather

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processing (scrapers, endscrapers, knives and piercers) and knives for meat cutting,
in general, 39.69% of the total number of tools. As quantity in second place are the
woodworking tools (saw and burins) 9.52%, and tools for bone/ antler processing-
4.76%. There is only one tool for processing stone and flint; it is one retoucher - 0,
79% of all. Pestles (4.76%) presented in separate group because they are
investigated only in the field and it cannot be said with certainty whether they
served for grinding seeds and nuts or are they hammers for flint processing.
126 of the articles (Fig.4) have traces of use (52.28% of the entire collection)
and typologically differentiated are 55 items (43.65%) and 71 items (56.35%) are
used without further processing. Some of them are elements of sickles – 48 items
(Fig.7, 1-2), followed by meat knives with one or two working edges – 14 (Fig.7,
4). The use-wear analysis of artifacts from the collection shows that it covers
almost the whole domestic production during the Chalcolithic period in which flint
tools were used, and the most important of them are present even though in small
numbers (tools for working stone, bone and horn). The number of tools linked to
agriculture on the one hand, and livestock and hunting – on the other hand – are
almost equal (Fig.4/2). The huge amount of harvest tools is noteworthy, so is the
almost complete absence of hunting weapons, but there are many tools for
processing leather and meat. It figures that the settlement managed to meet its’
needs for basic subsistence products without recourse to barter. To jump at
conclusions in towards reconstruction of the village economy based on data only
from this collection, however, would be possibly quite wrong, partly because of the
limited amount of subjects, partly because of the limited horizontal and vertical
excavated area. In my opinion there would rather be exhibited the specialization (or
on the contrary- unification) of the individual households, if excavations and
studies of more homes on that same stratigraphic level are made and on their basis
could be marked areas for different activities in a dwelling, jobs etc, in it. At this
stage of the study collection of the last, top layer of the tell Măriuța shows clearly
that:
1. The population of this last phase of the settlement has used sparingly each
piece of quality flint. The tool, now in an unusable quality, has been reshaped and
used in another to wear out completely. E.g.: sickle parts: some of which has
processed as leather-scrapers and as wood processing scrapers (planes). The
presence of combined tools and implemented tools with several functions is an
evidence for it, too.
2. The most part of objects are made of quality flint "Dobrudjean type”. They
were separated from the cores skilfully, have small butts platforms and
unexpressed bulbous- a sure sign for the use of an advanced for its time
technology. People have not been using all of the available "good" instruments;
some of them had been kept unused, so that they could replace the instruments that
were completely damaged.

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 A similar situation and similar characteristic of artifacts is observed in many
settlements of Kodjadermen-Gumelnitza-Karanovo VI culture from the same
period (Mateva 2003, 2004; 2009, p.350-356; Gurova 2001, p.38-47; 2011, p.179-
196; Skakun 1999; 2006) therefore researchers to define them as settlements-users
of flint production.It is highly possible the settlement Măriuța also been site who
imports quality tools from settlements-workshops situated nearby flint deposits,
dwelling of skilled masters flint-knappers. Should also be noted that, there is an
untypical for the end of the Late Chalcolithic period trend – people begun using a
considerable amount of poor quality flint, perhaps dragged from the rivers, used to
obtain medium-sized blades and flakes. This is a trend rather typical for the
Neolithic period (Angelova, Bin 1988, p.16-33; Gatsov 1985, 1990, p.91-101;
1992, p.196-199).
It would be interesting to explore the reasons for this phenomenon and it is
likely to clarify some aspects of the tribal and intercultural relations on both sides
of the Danube during the Chalcolithic period.

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kremnevih artefaktov iz tell’a Cheshmekulak. Isperihskii raion,
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Mateva, in print: B. Mateva Rezultati tipologicheskogo analiza kremnevih izdelii s
verhnih sloev tel’a Hotnitza, Severo-vostochnaya Bolgaria.
Mateva, 2009: B. Mateva “K voprosu ob organizacii pervichnoi obrabotki kremnia
v epohu eneolita (geologicheskie Dannie I etnograficheskie paraleli”//
S.N. Bibikov I pervobitnaya arheologia, S. Petersberg 2009. p.
350-356.
Pelegrin 2002: Pelegrin J. La production des grandes lames de silex du Grand-
Prissigny//Materiaux productions du Neolithique a l’ Age du Bronse.-
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Skakun 1984: N.N. Skakun “kremneobrabativayushtee proizvodstvo v epohu
paleometalla v Bolgarii//III Seminar on petroarchaeology- 1984,
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Skakun 1999: N.N. Skakun ”Progress tehniki v epohu eneolita na Yugo-vostoke
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Arheologicheskie vesti – 6, SPb p. 287-307.
Skakun 2005: N.N. Skakun, et autres « Arheologicheskie issledovania tripolskogo
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plemen Yugo-vostochnoi Evropi v epohu eneolita SPb 2006, 207 p.

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Fig. 1. Typological characteristic of flint artifacts.

Fig. 2. Typologikal characteristic of flint tools.

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Fig.3 Additional treatment of flint artifacts;1.Proportion of treat artifacts and
artifacts without treatment; 2. Proportion to kinds of treatment.

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Fig. 4. Use-wear analysis; 1. Proportion of activitysq in the base of wear-traces 2.
Proportion of branches of economy, in the base of tools numbers.

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Fig. 5. Types of blades, found at Măriuța settlement in 2009.

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Fig. 6. Pestles from 2009 year assemblaje.

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Fig. 7. Use-wear traces 1-2-Elements of sickles; 3-part of consisting leather
scraper; 4-Meat knife with one working edges.

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NECULAI BOLOHAN*

RESUMING THE RESEARCH OF THE

COSLOGENI GROUP (LATE BRONZE AGE)
SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS. FIRST STEP**

Abstract: This contribution is a first step in trying to resume the issue of settlements and
housing structures in the Lower Danube area. Archaeological sources provide very little
data about the topic under discussion. However, the type of economy, habitat and building
materials determined the type of settlement structure and housing forms. Largely, they
resemble the pattern of the Sabatinovka-Noua-Coslogeni “cultural complex”, but such
structures were found sporadically in the area of other contemporary cultures, too. The
limited number and the very often-fortuitous character of the discoveries and the location of
the Coslogeni group in a Western Black Sea passageway point out the seasonal nature of
the shelters. Moreover, the obvious similarities between Sabatinovka and Coslogeni groups
plead for the idea that the latest might be considered as a southern or south-western
extension on the road to the rich southern lands.
Keywords: Late Bronze Age, Lower Danube, Settlements, Dwellings.

Preliminary notes
Discovered in the early 70’s of the last century, the Coslogeni pottery group
has been ascribed to the Late Bronze Age in the region of the Lower Danube, being
often considered a southern extension of the Sabatinovka – Noua I “cultural
complex”1. This new cultural set up, which resembles in several features - type of

*
University Alexandru Ioan Cuza of Iaşi, Faculty of History Carol I, 11 700506 – Iaşi,
[email protected].
**
This contribution represent some introductory notes to my PhD thesis (Civilizaţiile de la
sfârşitul Epocii bronzului din spaţiul sud-carpatic al României şi relaţiile lor cu cele din
sud-estul Europei, mss) in the chapter dedicated to the Coslogeni pottery group. I have now
the opportunity to express my warmly thanks to dr. Marian Neagu and Vasile Oprea from
the Muzeul Dunării de Jos-Călăraşi, They generously helped me to focus on the” Coslogeni
connexion”during my PhD program.
1
For this discussion on the origin of the Coslogeni pottery group and/or the alien cultural
contribution were expressed different opinions regarding the dominant cultural elements.
Adrian C. Florescu and other scientists from Romania considered that this new cultural
group is a southern extension of the Noua culture. On the other hand, especially
archaeologists from the Republic of Moldova believe that this pottery group is a southern
extension of the Sabatinovka culture. See at Marian Neagu The eastern component of the
Coslogeni culture, CCDJ, X, 1993, 166 and footnotes 23, 24. For a highlighted view on the
North Pontic cultural input at the setting up of the Coslogeni pottery group see, Mihai
Irimia Descoperiri din bronzul târziu pe teritoriul Dobrogei şi unele probleme privind

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settlement, ceramics, bone, stone and metal artefacts – with the aforementioned
“cultural complex”, covered, during its maximum development, the South-Eastern
Romania (Muntenia/Walachia and Dobrudja) and the North-Eastern Bulgaria,
down to Varna. Location-wise, the Coslogeni pottery group may be regarded as a
bridge between the cultural phenomena in the northern Black Sea area and the
Western and South-Western Black Sea area. Within this frame, towards the end of
its existence, the Coslogeni group stood out through its own characteristic features.
The fluctuating economy type, mostly based on livestock and agriculture, might
explain this preference for low hilly, flat or sometimes flooded areas. Throughout
their development, the communities belonging to this cultural group did not extend,
to the north, beyond the Ialomița river basin, which stands as a cultural contact
area. In recent years, due to new research, there is new data about the northern area
of the Coslogeni pottery group. This includes North-Eastern Muntenia/Wallachia
and much of the northern Dobrudja. According to these findings, another contact
area/cultural corridor between Sabatinovka and Coslogeni groups, can be presumed
as well.
Moreover, there is archaeological evidence for proving the survival of some
characteristics belonging to the Middle Bronze Age and for some borrowings from
the neighbouring Noua culture. It remains to establish which cultural items of
North and North-West Pontic coast have impressed the cultural aspect in South-
Eastern Romania and North-Eastern Bulgaria2. To the west, the Coslogeni pottery
group extended beyond the Mostiştea river basin, reaching, as disparate forms,
Zimnicea on the Danube. In fact, between these two parts there might be another
area of contact between the Coslogeni and Zimnicea-Plovdiv/Čerkovna groups, a
phenomenon that also included some Late Tei cultural imprints, ultimately leading
to the birth of the so-called mixed-aspect of the Radovanu type The latter might be
considered as a western outpost of the Coslogeni communities. To the east,
although sporadically, features of this culture were found as far as the Black Sea
shores. Finally, to the South, the Danube line was crossed. Artifacts of the
Sabatinovka and Coslogeni types have been reported in a diffused way up to
Yagnilo, Varna (in Bulgaria)3 and Troy in North Western Anatolia4. If estimates

cultura Coslogeni, Thraco-Dacica, XXII, 1-2, 2001, 184, pl. 1-2. Analyzing the large
vessels from Grădina (Constanţa County), he concludes, “they belong to a Sabatinovka
community entering in Dobrudja during the historical process that preceded (s.n.) the
formation of the Coslogeni culture”. An “external” view regarding the components of the
Sabatinovka-Noua-Coslogeni cultural unit see at Dietrich Koppenhöfer, Buckelkeramik und
Barbarische Ware in Troia: Anmerkungen zur Herkunft, in Rustem Aslan, Stephan Blum,
Gabrielle Kasti, Frank Schweizer, Diane Thumm (Hrs.) Mauerschau. Festschrift für
Manfred Korfmann, Band 2, Remshalden-Grünbach, (2002), p. 679, 687.
2
see supra.
3
For the Yagnilo discoveries and the pottery analogies see, Goranka Tončeva, Fouilles
d’une necropole et d’un site de l’âge du bronze récent du village Yagnilo (dép. de Varna),
Thracia IV, 1977, 147-182. Although from 1970 to the present the Coslogeni map has
grown up, the representative archaeological site remains Grădiştea-Coslogeni. Researches
in the eponymous site were resumed in 1986 under the direction of Petre Diaconu and

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are correct, some of the artifacts found in Central and Eastern Macedonia
(Kastanas, Assiros, Toumba-Thessalonikis etc.)5 and even in Southern Balkan
Peninsula, at Tyrins, Korakou, Menelaion in Sparta may found their analogies
north of the Stara Planina, towards the Lower Danube area.6
This fluctuating boundary reflects the cultural convulsions occurring at the
end of the Bronze Age and the complexity of the phenomena in which these
communities were involved. Some of these elements were involved in the events
that took place on large areas of the Balkans and North-Western Anatolia and
which, eventually, led to a new cultural pattern. Archaeological data does not
provide enough arguments to determine the existence of two or three areas of
development corresponding to the alleged stages of the Coslogeni pottery group.
Therefore, it appears that for a long time this group has controlled a very important
part of the Lower Danube, especially, a marginal way of access to the “fascinating”
southern world or to the natural wealth of the Northern Pontic area.

Settlements
Archaeological sources and the environment provide very little evidence on
the settlements and housing structures. However, the type of economy, habitat and
building materials (generally rapid combustion) determined the type of settlement
structure and housing forms. Largely, they resemble the pattern of the Sabatinovka-
Noua-Coslogeni “cultural complex”, but such structures were found sporadically in
the area of other contemporary cultures, for example in the eastern area of the Tei

Marian Neagu and continued until mid 90’s. Besides a wider excavation, report published
in 1986 by currently, no monographic study was drawn up to clarify "the situation" of this
final Late Bronze Age group. For certain information and details on stratigraphy and some
archaeological details, as well as the history about the investigations from Grădiştea-
Coslogeni to see Marian Neagu, Dan Barasab Nanu, Consideraţii preliminare asupra
aşezării eponime de la Grădiştea-Coslogeni, judeţul Călăraşi, CCDJ, II, 1986, 99-117 and
footnote 2. For a broader view of this culture and its position in the cultural conglomerate
of the Lower Danube in the period, see Bernhard Hänsel, Beiträge zur regionalen und
chronologischen Gliederung der älteren Hallstattzeit an der unteren Donau, 1976, I, 73-76
(Henceforth Hallstattzeit) and S. Morintz, Contribuţii arheologice la istoria tracilor
timpurii, I, 1978, 121-152. (Henceforth Contribuţii).
4
A first attempt for finding this kind of relations between the Lower Danube and Troy, see
Ida Carleton Thallon, Some Balkan and Danubian Connexions of Troy, JHS XXXIX, 1919,
193-202; Attila László, Dates radiocarbonne et chronologie de la civilization Noua-
Sabatinovka-Coslogeni, CCDJ, X, 1993, 24-43 and the bibliography.
5
A review of this possible north-south connection across the Stara Planina range see at,
Neculai Bolohan, Danube, Balkans, Northern Aegean. trade routes, influences and buffer
zones in late Bronze Age in, Robert Laffineur, Emmanuele Greco (ed. by), Emporia.
Aegeans in the Central and Eastern Mediterranean), Aegeum 25, Liège (2005), p. 161‐171
and pl. XXXVI‐XLII and references.
6
Neculai Bolohan, op.cit. footnotes 2, 27-29 and the recent bibliography concerning the
presence and the spreading of a Balkan-Danubian like pottery.

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culture7 and further north, in Central Transylvania within the area of the western
variant of Noua culture, recently reported8. Thus, archaeological monuments of
"ash pan" type, with presumed different destinations and interpretations9 were
characteristic of this area for the Late Bronze Age10. Most of the settlements were
concentrated along the watercourses and were located higher than the surrounding
area, and are noticed in the shape of flattened mounds with diameters up to 50 m
and a high content of ash, pottery and animal bone fragments, found in layers
between 0,90 m to 1,50 m11.
Depending on the number, the degree of concentration, size and internal
structure of the “ash-pans”12 the following typology could be established:
 Habitation area consisting of several „ash-pans” or groups of “ash-pans”,
see the examples from Grădiştea-Coslogeni, Lupşanu, Stejaru13, Ştefan cel
Mare14;

7
Christian F. Schuster, Alexandra Comşa, Traian Popa, The archaeology of fire in the
bronze age of Romania, 2001, 27-28 and footnote 22.
8
Mihai Wittenberger A special site of the Noua culture – Bolduţ, Cluj County in Neculai
Bolohan, Florica Măţău, Adrian Felix Tencariu, Signa Praehistorica. Studia in honorem
magistri Attila László septuagesimo anno, Editura Universităţii Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Iaşi,
2010, p. 265-283.
9
An relevant analysis concerning the significance of these multiporpose structu-
res/settlemets encountered from the Urals toward the Eastern Carpathians in a very
generous chronological niche see at Eugen N. Sava, Die spätbronzezeitlichen Aschenhügel
(„Zol’niki”)-ein Erklärungsmodell und einige historisch-wirtschaftliche Aspekte, PZ, 80, 1,
2005, 66-109, especially pages 88-93.
10
For the resuming of the “ash-pan” research, inner structure and multiple destination see,
Laura Dietrich, “Aschenhugel” der Noua-Kultur als Plätze von Arbeit und Fest in, Sándor
Berecki, Rita E. Németh, Botond Bezi, (ed. by) Bronze Age Rites and Rituals in the
Carpathian Basin, Proceedings of the International Colloquium from Târgu Mureş, 8+10
October 2010, Editura Mega, Târgu Mureş, 2011, 131-143 and the references.
11
Sebastian Morintz, Niţă Anghelescu, O nouă cultură a epocii bronzului în România.
Cultura de tip Coslogeni, SCIVA, 21, 3, 1970, 377, 404. (Henceforth Cultura de tip
Coslogeni ) See also the article „ash-pan”, where the author rightly finds analogies between
the process of forming of the „ash-pans” and the formation of the tells; Ion Chicideanu,
Cenuşar, EAIVR, I, A-C, 1994, 280. For a short review concerning the main features of
this archaeological monument, see Eugen Comşa, L’évolution des types d’habitation du
territoire de la Roumanie (depuis l’énéolithique jusqu’à la fin de l’âge du bronze), in:
Anton Peschew, Dimitar Popov, Kiril Jordanov, I. Von Bredow (Hrsg.), Dritter
internationaler Thrakologischer Kongress zu Ehren W. Tomascheks, 2. -6. Juni 1980, Wien,
Band 1, 1984, Sofia 132, 134 (121-137).
12
I considered that, at least within the Coslogeni group, “ash-pans" had a domestic
destination. Until now, no reliable data has been reported in order to support another
meaning of their role. At Coslogeni, based on stratigraphic analysis and internal structure
has been observed that “ash-pans” are the result of a sequence of deposits covering certain
facilities; Marian Neagu, Valentin Parnic, Anişoara Topârceanu, Stănică Pandrea, Roseţi
(com. Roseţi, jud. Călăraşi), Punct Grădiştea Coslogeni, CCA, Campania 2003,
(2004), 261.

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  Habitation area consisting of a single larger “ash-pan”, up to 80 m in
diameter, which includes dwelling traces in the form of adobe floors, splice
fragments, pit houses and hearths, as at Călărași-Măgureni, Dorobanţu,
Ulmu15.
The research initiated during the late '60s, resumed later in the '80s and '90s,
did not provide conclusive data regarding the shape and structure of the settlements
belonging to the Coslogeni pottery group. There is no standard set of data (type of
habitat, dimensions, external and internal facilities, the degree of attending the
place) allowing classification and interpretative patterns. Even data from the
eponymous site has been rather controversial on this aspect. Thus, the research
done in the mid 80’s in the “ash-pan” No 1 reported the existence of eight clusters
of archaeological materials, while the 1995 archaeological report mentioned only
the existence of three irregularly - shaped earthen platform. These data left open
the issue of domestic arrangements within the habitation structures of the
Coslogeni pottery group. In 1986, when the research at Grădiştea-Coslogeni was
resumed, there have been investigated four loci containing hearths or ovens, while
some other three arrangements presented alveolar shape not exceeding 5,00 m long
and 0,45 deep. The authors of the research suggested cautiously the presence of
some dwellings, although there was no floor or clay platform16. The work done by
Valeriu and Galina Cavruc on the Ștefan cel Mare site provided solid data
regarding the area and the structure of a typical Coslogeni settlement. Thus, as seen
on the plan, the settlement encompasses 14 “ash-pans” clustered north of ash no. 9,
which has the largest area. South of it are just four “ash-pans” (1-4). The maximum
diameter of these structures range between 10,00-20,00 m. Research conditions
have allowed only unveiling the “ash-pan” no. 1, where were unearthed the
remains of three huts and 33 pits containing a significant domestic archaeological
material consisting of pottery and various bronze, bone, stone and clay artifacts.

13
Sebastian Morintz, Niţă Anghelescu, Cultura de tip Coslogeni, 1970, 377, 398, 403;
Sebastian Morintz, Contribuţii I, 1978, 122, 136, 143.
14
Valeriu Cavruc, Galina Cavruc, Ştefan cel Mare (jud. Călăraşi), CCA, Campania 1994,
(1995), 90-91. In March 2006, I had the opportunity to discuss wit Valeriu Cavruc some
details on the content of the findings from Ștefan cel Mare. On the same occasion, the
author provided some illustration related to my research and the permission to integrate it in
my work. I thank this way for understanding and generous help.
15
Sebastian Morintz, Niţă Anghelescu, Cultura de tip Coslogeni, 1970, 290, 379-381, 386,
388; Sebastian Morintz, Contribuţii I, 1978, 126, 136.
16
Marian Neagu, Dan Basarab Nanu, op. cit., 1986, 104. A further opinion has been made
in 1995 when the authors of research in 1992 to 1993 stated that the platforms (2) "could
not serve as dwellings floorings"; Valeriu Cavruc, Marian Neagu, Date noi privind
stratigrafia Grădiştei Coslogeni, CCDJ, XIII-XIV, 1995, 77. Almost the same view was
also expressed in 1976 in a well known monography devoted to the beginning of Iron Age
from the Lower Danube; B.ernhard Hänsel, Hallstattzeit, 73. The remark arising from these
views cause further on disputed and diverse nature of the ”ash-pans” destination in the area
of North-West Pontic coast.

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 In practice, it appears that the communities tried to adapt to the environmental
conditions specific to the Lower Danube, where the landscape varied from the
flattened hills in Dobrudja to the flooded banks of the Danube, an area where sandy
islets have been used for raising settlements. However, there was a preference for
lowlands, open generally on the southern slopes, exposed to sunlight for a longer
time. One of the exceptions is represented by the habitation within the Coslogeni
level in the Iron Age settlement from Garvăn-Mlăjitul Florilor, in North-Western
Dobrogea. This is located on a rocky promontory whose habitable surface was of
2,50 ha. West and south edges are bounded by the water pond Jijila17. Such
location of the settlement shows again the ability of the communities to adapt to
differentiated ecological microzones. Under the same category of exception might
be included the Bronze Age settlement of Radovanu, considered a Coslogeni
cultural inheritance or the result of an acculturation phenomenon. This settlement is
situated on a plateau on the high bank of the Argeș River, about 20 km north of the
Danube valley. The plateau on this terrace appeared to have been carefully chosen,
being “naturally” shielded on all sides, dominating visually the entire area. These
cardinal features are closely linked to the basic occupations which ensure the
survival of communities, ranging between livestock and agriculture. They were
completed with other lucrative activities, such as hunting, fishing, exchange
activities, largely determined by environmental conditions. The location of many of
these settlements in the proximity of large watercourses or even on the Danube
riverbank, on the sand banks of the flooded area, suggests that one of the
subsistence sources was coming from the exploitation of fords or other places for
crossing the streams. Payment of such services would have been done in the fairly
numerous bronze items found in the proximity of the Danube18.

Dwellings and household annexes

Although research in the eponymous settlement has been conducted for more
than 30 years, we still do not have a standard set of dwelling characteristics. The
authors of the research at Grădiştea Coslogeni-La Clinci pointed out the existence
of „a large building with three levels of habitation and restoration of the clay
platform reinforced with adobe”. North-south side is more than 40 meters long19.
On some other occasion, the same building was referred to as a building with
several level of flooring that preserve a part of the walls. The floor (with a
thickness ranging from 3,00 to 14,00 cm) is interrupted by traces of poles20. There
is also a final assessment on the destination of this complex: it has been suggested

17
Alexandru Barnea, Gabriel Jugănaru, Mihai Ionescu, Garvăn-Dinogetia, CCA, Campania
1994 (1995), 31-32.
18
The communities did not dominate any rich sources of raw material. Thus, there is still
work to accomplish in order to prove a local metallurgy in the area of Coslogeni group.
19
Marian Neagu, Valentin Parnic, Eugen Paveleţ, Stănică Pandrea, Cătălin Lazăr, Grădiş-
tea (com. Grădiştea, jud. Călăraşi), CCA, Campania 2000, (2001), 96.
20
Marian Neagu, Valentin Parnic, Stănică Pandrea, Grădiştea (com. Grădiştea, jud. Călăraşi),
CCA, Campania 2002 (2003), 254.

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that it represented a range of buildings and facilities (which can not be considered a
dwelling), on which layers of ash and earth21 were deposited.
The data regarding the dwellings and household annexes for other settlements
is equally incomplete. There are some short notes on precarious dwellings,
annexes, on the presence of some splice fragments and pieces of burned adobe
fallen from the walls of some houses. These are both on the whole „ash-pan”
surface and in the area between the „ash-pans”. Fortunately, in Călăraşi-Măgureni
a hearth could be observed inside a hut as well as other overlapped hearths together
with a burnt adobe wall, as shown it the situation at Dorobanţu (Ialomiţa County)22.
Some additional data on the manner of fitting the houses come from the research of
an „ash-pan settlement” from Crăsani (Balaci commune, Ialomița County). Here
were observed, alongside a floor of raw clay, some fragments of walls with traces
of twigs, architectural components that test a potential dwelling area23.
Supplementary data regarding the habitation structures and household annexes was
brought to light by excavations in South-Western Dobrudja from Bugeac-Gheţărie
(Constanţa County). Here were unearthed „two pits”, which in size and shape were
considered „rather pit-houses than simple domestic pits”24. In the same context has
been investigated a household pit containing animal bones, ashes, fragments of
adobe and fragments from a burning platform with holes for air circulation,
originating from an oven25. Within the eponymous settlement together with the
„ash-pan” no. 1 were investigated in 1993 and 1994 three bell-shaped pits whose
fillings consist of pottery fragments and animal bones. These data suggest the
domestic nature of these related facilities26.
The continuation and extension of research led to the amplification of the
knowledge about the household annexes specific for Late Bronze Age. In this
category are encompassed pits with household destination filled with pottery, bone

21
M. Neagu, Valeintin Parnic, Anişoara Topârceanu, Stănică Pandrea, op. cit., 2004, 261.
22
Adobe fragments were collected on the ground from other settlements belonging to this
culture. Such traces of habitation were unearthed along with other artifacts at Andolina,
Ulmu, Lupşanu; Sebastian Morintz, N.iţă Anghelescu, Cultura de tip Coslogeni, 1970,
379-404.
23
Adrian C. Florescu, Repertoriul culturii Noua-Coslogeni din România. Aşezări şi
necropole, CCDJ, IX, 1991, 148 and the bibliography.
24
The first of these pits has a lenght of 3,05 m and 1,50 m in depth to the current level. The
second pit has a lenght of 1,50 m and a depth of about 1,00 m. However, there are no clear
indications (potholes, floors, adobe fragments) to support this hypothesis; Mihai Irimia,
Observaţii privind epoca bronzului în Dobrogea în lumina unor cercetări recente, SCIVA,
32, 3, 1981, 353-354, pl. 1, 2, (347-369).
25
Ibidem, 254, pl. 1. recently, the content of the pit no. 2 (fragments from a burning grill)
from Bugeac-Gheţărie (jud. Constanţa) was interpreted as belonging to a potter’s kiln. At
the same occasion, was presented a scrap of an another grill belonging to a potter kiln from
the „ash-pan” at Lupşanu; Christian F. Schuster, Alexandra Comşa, Traian Popa, op. cit.,
2001, 45 and footnotes 313 and 314.
26
Valeriu Cavruc, Marian Neagu, Grădiştea Coslogeni (jud. Călăraşi), CCA, Campania
1994, (1995), 38.

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fragments, shells, fish bones. Two of these household pits present traces of
previous arrangements, meaning that the edge was reinforced either by coated clay
or its bottom was reinforced by treading and burning27. The same type of
arrangement was found also at Ştefan cel Mare (Călăraşi County) where in the
space between the „ash-pans” were found 20 bell-shaped pits28. Their filling is
completed with ash, animal bones, pieces of adobe and slag.
Although with an uncertain functionality, here could be included the
household pit/warehouse consisting of four storage vessels assigned to Coslogeni
pottery group researched at Deduleşti-Mircea Vodă (Brăila County). The pit has a
diameter of 1,50 m and the depth of 1,00 m and contains fragments from the
bottom of the aforementioned vessels together with some fragmentary pieces from
an oven29. Within the same category of uncertain assignments could be included
the ritual pit from Căscioarele-Valea Coşarului30, where among the debris of the pit
no. 1 were found fragmentary vessels, a possible portable fireplace and four
statuettes (a whole one and three fragmentary).
The archaeological data, although incomplete or unevenly published indicate
some general patterns, which characterized the founding of settlements in this
period. Thus, it appears that this group has efficiently used the habitat conditions
from the inferior part of the Lower Danube. Settlements are located on elevated
places (hillocks, knolls) or even on denudated heights31. In the first category may
also be included the settlement of Stelnica-Grădiştea Mare32 located on a hillock of
about 15 ha that amounts up to 2 m from the environment.
There are certain exceptions, for example the fortified settlement from
Axintele (Ialomiţa County), dated to the second phase of the Coslogeni group. This
is located within the area marked by the Ialomiţa river and the Danube valley, on a
high terrace of the river, with an area of approximately 6,50 ha. The defensive
system consisted of the steep slopes of the terrace and a moat (16,50 m in opening
and 4,60 m deep), that closes the triangle encompassing the settlement33. Into the
same framework, it may also be included the findings belonging to Sabatinovka-
Noua-Coslogeni culture from Jijila- Cetăţuia (Tulcea County). They are located on

27
Marian Neagu, Valentin Parnic, Grădiştea Coslogeni (com. Roseţi, jud. Călăraşi), CCA,
Campania 2001, (2002), 148-149.
28
According to the latest information, they are 33 holes of rectangular and bell-shaped
shape. Kindly information, Valeriu Cavruc, April 2006.
29
Valeriu Sîrbu, O descoperire aparţinând culturii Coslogeni de la Deduleşti, judeţul
Brăila (groapă – „depozit de vase”?), Istros VI, 1992, 257-258, pl. 1-2.
30
Christian F. Schuster, Alexandra Comşa, Traian Popa, op. cit., 2001,43, pl. 24.
31
See Enisala (Tulcea County) where traces of Bronze Age habitation were found in the
place Palanca (7,00 m height and a diameter of 115 m); Sebastian Morintz, Niţă
Anghelescu, Cultura de tip Coslogeni, 1970, 403.
32
Niculae Conovici, Anca Ganciu, Gheroghe Matei, Stelnica (com. Stelnica, jud. Ialomiţa,
punctul Grădiştea Mare), CCA, Campania 2001 (2002), 297-301.
33
Anca Păunescu, Elena Renţa, Contribution à la connaissance des habitats de la culture
Coslogeni dans la vallée de Ialomiţa , CCDJ, X, 1993, 193-195.

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the top of a natural and artificial fortified plateau dominating the surrounding area
from a height at 175 m34.
Data that is more extensive were provided by the research on the right bank of
the Danube at Tutrakan–Gyaur Punar, which may be considered a „mirror
settlement” of the Grădiştea Coslogeni. Here, the settlement is situated on a
plateau with a height of 80 m. A building was excavated whose traces are
discernible as a pattern of two rows of pot holes which seems to be oriented NE-
SW and SE-NW. Two pits have been found in the proximity of these structures.
Their stock is characteristic of the Late Bronze Ages (Coslogeni group)35 .
The south-east extremity of this pottery group is represented by the findings
from Yagnilo (Varna), where in the survey area no. 4-7 the basis of a strengthened
stone wall containing pottery fragments was investigated. This site was assigned,
based on pottery analogies, to the Late Bronze Age, during the same period with
the findings of Emen, Ruse, Ezerovo in Bulgaria and the findings of the second
phase of the Sabatinovka-Noua-Coslogeni36. Approximately from the same zone
came the discoveries from Durankulak (Bulgaria), which provided new data
regarding the architecture of dwelling structures. Here, at Golemija Ostrov, quasi-
rectangular shape dwellings ended in an apse were investigated, whose
„foundations” were of stone, a less common situation for the western and south-
western variant of the alleged cultural complex37.
According to the remains of the dwellings and the appreciable quantity of ash,
I believe that shelters, houses, at least the roofs, were made of material with a rapid
combustion, abundantly present in the area. Fragments of coarse plaster surface
and of burnt adobe suggest that they were strengthened with another raw material
easily found and processed. As for the purpose and use of the „ash-pans”,
ethnographic and archaeological data advanced multiple purposes, according to the
wishes of local communities. A careful interpretation shows that many of these
„ash-pans” had a cultic utility or were designed to consecrate the place. It was the
researchers from the Republic of Moldova who mainly advanced this hypothesis,
and undertook detailed analysis of these structures. At Cobîlnea, in the Prut-Dniestr
interface, there was a quadripartite tendency for organizing the space within the
“ash-pan”, as suggested by the ordered layout of the offerings divided into
sectors38. The majority of the Romanian researchers have adopted the A. C.

34
Gavrilă Simion, Jijila, com. Jijila, jud. Tulcea. Punct Cetăţuia (La movila popii Isac),
CCA, Campania 2001, (2002), 177, pl. 69.
35
Stefan Alexandrov, Nikolai Sirakov, Bysserka Gaidarska, E. Petkov, Trial Excavations of
a Bronze Age Site near Tutrakan (North-Eastern Bulgaria), ArchBulg, II, 1998, 3, 7-10,
pl.1, 3-4 (7-31).
36
Goranka Tončeva, Fouilles d’une necropole et d’un site de l’Âge du bronze récent du
village Yagnilo, dép. de Varna, Thracia, IV, 1977, 149-151, pl. II (147-164, 160-163).
37
Henrieta Todorova, Istorija na Dobroudža I, 1984, 64-65, 68-69 with illustration.
38
For a broader discussion of this finding and the significance of the „ash-pans”, space and
the orderely manner to deposit the offerigs, see Oleg G. Leviţchi, Eugen N. Sava, Nouvelles
recherches des établissements de la culture Noua dans la zone comprise entre le Prout et le

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Florescu’s view and that advanced by former Soviet Union researchers, according
to which the „ash-pans” represent traces of dwelling structures39. I. T. Dragomir,
expressed a different view40 and, by analyzing a series of ethnographic sources,
believed that the „ash-pans” resulted from burning cattle dung around the
temporary shelter.

Some closings
Unfortunately, to this moment, we have rather insufficient data to set the
features for the issue of settlements, dwellings and household annexes specific for
this group. However, the limited number and the very often-fortuitous character of
these discoveries and the location of the Coslogeni group in a Western Black Sea
passageway point out to a seasonal nature of these shelters. Moreover, the obvious
similarities between Sabatinovka and Coslogeni groups plead for the idea that the
latter might be considered as an southern or south-western extension on the road to
the rich southern lands. In this scenario, the settlements of Tutrakan41 and
Yagnilo42 acted as bridgeheads for facilitating the access to south. It is not
excluded that these, along with settlements on the left bank, have played a major
role in controlling the Lower Danube area, holding absolute power in the Danube
fords area or of the large rivers. This latest hypothesis is in accordance with the
impressive number of animal bone fragments unearthed within the inhabited areas
or in the proximity of these. I think this might explain the abundance of metal
objects south of the Danube, in comparison with the Coslogeni group itself, an area
that stand out through the reduced amount of metal artifacts.
As it can be seen, the south-east of Muntenia is characterized by scarcity of
housing structures43 an assumption based on the reduced amount of housing debris
and of the related annexes. A different pattern presents itself south of the Danube,
in the north-east corner of Bulgaria, especially at Durankulak, where one notices

Nistru, Archaeological research CCDJ, X, 1993, 135-136 and bibliography. Among the
causes of significant presence of the ash in the archaeological sites of this period was
inoked the extensive economy which require periodic abandonment and land use planning,
in this case by fire; Kalin Porožanov, Les habitats et les demeures proto-thrace et thrace en
Europe du sud-est aux IIIe-IIe mill. av. J-C., Studies on settlement life in ancient Thrace.
Proceedings of the IIIrd International Symposium „Cabyle”, 17-21 May 1993, Jambol
(1994), 24.
39
Contra Adrian C.Florescu, Contribuţii la cunoaşterea culturii Noua, AM II-III, 1964,
146-147. A similar view that support domestic nature of these arrangements has been made
by the research team (Morintz and Anghelescu) of Coslogeni; Supra n. 7.
40
Ion T. Dragomir, Contribuţii arheologice şi etnogafice referitoare la procesul de formare
al aşezărilor de tip cenuşar, Danubius, X, 1981, 234-235.
41
S. Alexandrov, Nikolai Sirakov, Bysserka Gaidarska, E. Petkov, op.cit., 1998, 7-31.
42
Goranka Tončeva, Fouilles d’une necropole et d’un site de l’âge du bronze récent du
village Yagnilo (dép. de Varna), Thracia IV, 1977, 147-182.
43
It is not excluded that this situation espress, in fact, the stage and the manner to
investigate archaeological sites belonging to Late Bronze Age in the area; Valeriu Cavruc,
Marian Neagu, op. cit., 1995, 71-78, pl. I-Ia, II.

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elaborated housing structures. Here, the settlement occupies an islet and consist of
six dwellings with an apse built up in four phases, whose walls were preserved to a
height of 0,50 m44. This time, they are situated in favourable positions (Tutrakan on
the Danube) or benefits of friendly habitat conditions (Durankulak). In the latter
case, one can speak even about an „architectural tissue”, the prevailing use of
lasting building materials. The apses of some of the buildings remind us of the
existence of an architectural prototype in the North Pontic world, in the
Sabatinovka area or of some influences from southern area from the periphery of
the Mycenaean world45, which is not so far.

44
Henrieta Todorova, Die Spätbronzezeitliche Siedlung auf der „Großen Inseln” bei
Durankulak (Bulgarien), Bohuslav Chropovsky, Joachim Hermann (Hrsg.), Beiträge zum
bronzezeitlichen Burgembau in Mitteleuropa, Berlin-Nitra, 1982, 417-425.
45
For the analogies with the North Pontic world, in the area of Sabatinovka culture,
although there are more complicated and developed buildings, see Igor T. Černjákov,
Severo-Zapadnoe Pričernomorje vo vtoroj polovinie II tys. Do. N. E., 1985, pl. 10; Magda
Piniažek-Sikora, Neue Anregungen zur Diskussion über die Beziehungen zwischen Troia
und dem nordwestpontischen Gebiet, in: Rustem Aslan, Stephan Blum, Gabrielle Kasti,
Frank Schweizer, Diane Thumm (Hrs.), Mauerschau. Festschrift für Manfred Korfmann,
Band 2, Remshalden-Grünbach, (2002) 710-713, pl. 6 (705-716). Regarding the possible
influence of the southern world may be considered the many similar buildings in Central
Macedonia. Some suggestions as regard some similarities between the Eastern Balkans and
the neighboring area in the Middle and Late Bronze Age were made at the beggining of the
80’s by Rumen Katincharov, Relations culturelles entre la Thrace, la Grèce, et l’Anatolie
du nord-ouest a l’âge du bronze moyene et recent, in: Jan Best, Nanny de Vries (eds.)
Thracians and Mycenaeans: Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of
Thracology, Rotterdam, 24-26 September 1984, 1989, 68-85.

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CRISTIAN SCHUSTER*, ION TUŢULESCU**

SOME REMARKS ABOUT THE TOOLS USED

FOR OBTAINING SALT IN PREHISTORY IN
NORTHERN OLTENIA

Abstract: This article discusses the functionality of a certain type of hammer-axe, found
especially in northern Oltenia. Mostly probable, this was also used for breaking salt lumps.
Keywords: northern Oltenia, salt, mining tools, hammer-axes.

Some series of specialists, including us, had referred in extensive or short

studies to a certain type of stone hammer-axe, specific to an extended Euro-Asian,
North-African spaces, reaching up to South American ones. In a synthesis we had
published more than ten years ago, we have revised some of the items in this
category on the territory of Romania (Schuster 1998). Subsequently, to that list, we
have brought some completions (Schuster 2000).
As we have established on those occasions, such hammer-axes, had been iden-
tified in Eneolithic manifestations (Cucuteni and Gumelniţa cultures; Dumitrescu
1933: 95 and fig. 3/3; Dumitrescu H. 1954: 259 and fig. 23/2-3; Harţuche, Anas-
tasiu 1968: 14 and fig. 15/4; Harţuche, Anastasiu 1976: 83 and fig. 95; Harţuche
1983: 18 and fig. 18/3; Harţuche 2002: 34 and fig. 32/3; Pricop 1983: 35-38 and
fig. 1, 3; Lăzurcă 1984; Cucoş, Muraru 1985: 619; Haşotti 1985; Petrescu-
Dîmboviţa et alii 1995: 35 şi fig. 3/8; Harţuche, Bounegru 1997: 41 and figs. 24/2,
28/9; Micu, Maille, Mihail 2005: fig. 10/7), Bronze Age (Glina, Verbicioara,
Wietenberg, Monteoru, Tei cultures; Ciurea 1933: 53 and fig. 4/2; Berciu 1939:.
89-91 and fig. 103-1-4; Berciu 1953: pl. 12/B3; Berciu 1961: p. 123-161; Leahu
1966: 63; Leahu 2003: 74; Comşa 1972: 256 and fig. 8; Ignat 1981: 133 and fig.
1/6; Diaconescu, Diaconescu, Tuţă 1981; Petre-Govora 1986: 279 and fig. 1/a-b;
Petre-Govora 1995: fig. 1/a-b; Ciucă 1986: 74 and fig. 9/12; Andriţoiu 1992: 44-
45; Vasiliu 1995: 91 and pl. 4/3; Vasiliu 1996; Vasiliu 2004: 25 and pl. I/a; Vasiliu
2007: 124 and fig. 4/7; Simion 2003: 23 and fig. 10/2; Crăciunescu 2007: 77; Ilie,
Mecu, Frânculeasa 2010, 30-31and pl.I/1) and even Early Iron Age (Harţuche,
Silvestru 1992:19 and pl.12/3; Harţuche 2002:144 and fig.105/4).
Also then, we have mentioned some considerations of diverse specialists
regarding their functionality (Schuster 1998: 15 with lit.). Thus, some of these
items had been considered to be trawl weights or fishing utensils proper, others,
being more flat, hoes, used for leather processing or cutting wood, hunting, or

*
Institutul de Arheologie Vasile Pârvan Bucuresti, [email protected].
**
Muzeul Judeţean Vâlcea, [email protected].

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fighting weapons and not the least, for mining. For the last mentioned purpose,
there are mentioned some finds of such stone artifacts, made in mine galleries or
their proximity (Schuster 1998: 125 and footnotes 271 and 273). A hammer-axe of
this category had been discovered in a mine from Romania, namely the one from
Căraci-Ţebea (Popescu 1956: 197; Andriţoiu 1992: 45 and pl. 39/14).
This polyvalent utility of these items, had induced the use of several
denominations in the English language, like: „stone double-headed hammer”,
„stone axes”, „stone hammer”, „hammerstones”, „massive hammers”, „heavy-duty
stone hammers for mine working”, „waited pounder-ruber”, „groovier hammer-
stones”, „maul handles” (Koumouzelis 1981; Hood 1982; Eliopoulos 1991;
Craddock 1991; O’Brien 1994; Jovanović 1995; Bogosavljević 1995; Gale 1995).
This diversity in terminology is also confirmed by the „specialized” vocabulary in
German and French (Schuster 1998: 125 with lit.).
Even a less attentive approach concerning the distribution of the hammer-axe
on the territory of Romania, reveals that the consistent part of these items had been
found in the northern part of Oltenia. Such artifacts had been recovered from
Aniniş, Căpreni, Cărbuneşti, Hurezani, Raci, Săcelu-Chicioara, Sura, Târgu Jiu,
Ţânţăreni, Ţicleni, all in the Gorj County, Căzăneşti, Armăşeşti, Mateeşti, Herăşti,
and Ocniţa villages in the Vâlcea County (Schuster 1998: 113-116; Blăjan, Panait
2007; Tuţulescu, Binder 2009: 88 and pl. V/6). To those from the Vâlcea County
we could also add four other items of unknown provenance (Berciu 1939: 88-89
and fig. 103/1; Tulugea, Blăjan 2009: 40 and figs. 1-3).
Regarding these hammer-axes, Dumitru Berciu had considered, even in 1939
that they could have been used for mining (Berciu 1939), a hypothesis also
accepted by Eugen Comşa (1972). An extra nuance was brought by Gheorghe Petre
(1968), who had discussed about mining and salt extraction and Augustin Ulanici
(1981), who was sure, referring to the find from Braneţ, that they were used in salt
mines.
A revalorification of the information regarding the hammer-axes in the range
of the Vâlcea County, the analysis of this kind of item in the collections of the
County Museum „Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu” (R. Vâlcea) and, especially those of the
Museum of Arcaheology and Religious Books „Petre Govora” (Băile Govora),
brings further data about the functionality of these tools.
Even if, as already pointed out (Schuster 1998: 118), many of hammer-axes
from the Vâlcea County had an unknown provenance, fact confirmed by some new
published papers (Tulugea, Blăjan 2009: 40) and our recent investigations (see the
Catalogue from the end of this article), it is obvious that the items come from an
area rich in rock salt.
The cultural assignment of the items in the area is hard to be done. In an
article made by Petre Gherghe (1987), he author had assigned these find in the Gorj
County as part of the transitional period to the Bronze Age and Early Bronze Age.
This assignment had been done by considering the dimensions of the tools (the
smaller one had been considered as belonging to the Coţofeni Culture, the bigger
ones to the Glina Culture), without being discussed the exact and clear stratigraphic

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position of those finds, In fact, the only axes more clearly dated based upon a
stratigraphic situation are those from Căzăneşti and Ocniţa (Petre 1968: 279 and
fig. 1; Petre-Govora 1995: 33 and fig. 1; Schuster 1998: 114 and fig 6.1; Tuţulescu,
Binder 2009: 88 and pl. V/6), assigned to the Glina Culture of the Early Bronze
Age.
Along the history, the salt in north-eastern Oltenia had been exploited by
using the salted springs, but also by mining. The so-called salt breads, obtained by
briquetting may be specific to the Eneolithic time: we mention here those two
briquetting vessels found in the site of the IIIb-Iva phased of the Starčevo-Criş
Culture from Copăcelu-Valea Răii, in turn, the galleries digging being specific to
the Dacian, Roman, Middle Ages and Modern periods (Schuster, Tuţulescu,
Dumitrescu 2010, with lit.). What would happen in the transitional period to the
Bronze Age and during the latter one it just starts to be revealed, by reassessing
some older investigations. Therefore, by the analysis of the archaeological
materials from the repository of the County Museum „Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu”
Vâlcea and that of the Museum of Archaeology and Religious Books „Petre
Govora” from Băile Govora, we can signal the existence of five settlements
belonging to the Coţofeni Culture, where the salt obtaing and processing had
probably played a significant role, namely Ocnele Mari-Coasta Ungurească,
Ocnele Mari-Zdup, Ocniţa-Cosota, Govora-Dealul Săpunarului and Căzăneşti-
Fabrica de Cărămidă. Dumitru Berciu (1966: 135) discussing about a certain kind
of conical vessels, documented for the first time during the archaeological
investigations carried out at Govora-Dealul Săpunarului, had considered them as
being cultic items. Judging this shape of receptacles in the light of the new
knowledge, we believe they could be briquetting pottery that appeared in the
second phase and were maintained during the subsequent one (Petre-Govora 1982:
14 and figs. 4/5, 18, 8/5). To some items, the bottom of the vessels is flat and added
after the shape was fully defined, its purpose being a practical one. As a decoration
we could find the incised lines upon the entire body of the pot, without being group
in certain registers.
We can observe that, the same like in the case of the coarse and semi-fine
ceramics, a great importance was dedicated to the inner part of the briquetting
vessels. This is well processed, compared with the outer one, where the surface is
superficially treated. According to their dimensions, the vessels found in those five
settlements could be grouped into three categories: small = 8-10 cm; middle = 14-
15 cm and big = over 20 cm.
By considering the large amount of broken fragments uncovered during the
archaeological investigations, we consider that the briquetting activities detained an
important role in the life of the Coţofeni communities situated in the area of the
saline platform from Ocnele Mari. During the excavations from Ocniţa-Cosota,
Dumitru Berciu had mentioned the discovery of hundreds of fragmentary
bitruncated vessels used in this technical process (Berciu 1981: 13).
Observing the stratigraphy of the Coţofeni settlements in those up mentioned
five spots, we could consider that two of them were seasonal habitations (Govora-

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Dealul Săpunarului, Ocnele Mari-Coasta Ungurească), while the last three were
stable ones (Petre-Govora 1995: 20).
Besides the salt briquetting, the Coţofeni groups had also exploited the rock
salt. We consider that the mining hammer-axes were used for breaking the salt
lumps, but, we don’t know it they were also used in the gallery labor, a more ample
procedure for those times.
To the salt fragmentation at the surface, visible even today in the region, had
surely contributed also the Bronze Age communities, especially the Glina ones, as
suggested by the mining hammer-axes surely discovered in settlements of this
culture, but also in spots were Early Bronze Age pottery could be recovered.
If they also used the briquetting, we don’t have (yet?) proofs in this sense.
But, it is certain that, Glina materials had been identified in the follosing spot,
where salted spring were also documented: at la Căzăneşti-Platformă, Ocnele
Mari-Coasta Ungurească, Ocnele Mari-Aval Baraj, Ocnele Mari-Cosota, Ocenle
Mari-Zdup (Petre-Govora 1995: 26, 30). The Verbicioara pottery was found at
Căzăneşti-Săveasca, Cărămidărie, Ocnele Mari-Cărpiniş, Cosota, Coasta
Ungurească, Ştrand, Zdup, Ţeica (Petre-Govora 1995: 43, 47-51, Ridiche 2000:
39, 47).
Therefore, if in the Gorj County the mining hammer-axes had been probably
used for exploiting some ores, in North-Eastern Vâlcea County they served for
displacing and fragmenting pieces of rock salt. From Northern Oltenia, these items
had penetrated, together with the salt, towards the region of Mehedinţi, Dolj and
downstream Olt. Confirmations in this sense we could consider the tools found at
Drobeta-Turnu Severin, Ostrovul Corbului, Rocşoreni, Veleşti, Lişteava, Braneţ
(Schuster 1998: 114-116, with lit.).

Catalogue of some Hammer-axes in the museums from the Vâlcea County

The measuring to the hammer-axes had been done by using: L = maximal
length, A = the length between the cutting edge and the center of the hole for fixing
the handle, B = the length between the neck and the center of the hole for fixing the
handle, C = cutting edge, l = maximal width, D = neck, E = the hole for fixing the
handle, l.E = hole width.

1. Inv. No. 205, pl. III/1;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = Căzăneşti;
 Max. L. = 18,2 cm;
 Max. l. = 5,2 cm;
 A = 9,6 cm;
 B = 6 cm;
 E = 2,6 cm;
 l.E = 4,1 cm
 D = 12,2 x 3, 6 cm;

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  C = broken in ancient times.
 References: Petre-Govora 1968: 279 and fig. 1/1a-b; Petre-Govora 1995,
fig. 1/1a-b.

2. Inv. No. 221, pl. I/4;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 9,67 cm;
 Max. l. = 3, 63 cm;
 A = 6, 27 cm;
 B = 1, 56 cm;
 E = 1,84 cm;
 l.E = 3,2 cm
 D = 7,2 x 3,84 cm;
 C = 4,9 cm.
 References: unpublished.

3. Inv. No. 219, pl. I/2;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 12,92 cm;
 Max. l. = 5,4 cm;
 A = 6,5 cm;
 B = 3,6 cm;
 E = 2,82 cm;
 l.E = 4,34 cm
 D = 7,2 x 5,7 cm;
 C = broken in ancient times.
 References: unpublished.

4. Inv. No. 223, pl. II/1;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 12,33 cm;
 Max. l. = 5,2 cm;
 A = 6,8 cm;
 B = 3,6 cm;
 E = 1,94 cm;
 l.E = 2,84 cm;

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  D = 6 x 4,1 cm;
 C = 4,3 cm.
 References: unpublished.

5. Inv. No. 224, pl. II/2;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 11,6 cm;
 Max. l. = 5,9 cm;
 A = 6,1 cm;
 B = 3,3 cm;
 E = 2,2 cm;
 l.E = 3,1 cm;
 D = 7,7 x 3 cm;
 C = 4,1 cm.
 References: unpublished.

6. Inv. No. 226, pl. II/4;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 9,2 cm;
 Max. l. = 5,4 cm;
 A = 4,3 cm;
 B = 3 cm;
 E = 1,9 cm;
 l.E = 2,67 cm;
 D = 2,37 x 5,1 cm;
 C = 4,9 cm;
 d. perforaţie = 1,6 cm.
 References: unpublished.

7. Inv. No. 222, pl. I/5;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 12 cm;
 Max. l. = 6cm;
 A = 7,2 cm;
 B = 2,6 cm;
 E = 2,2 cm;

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  l.E = 4 cm;
 D = 5,4 x 4,2 cm;
 C = 2,8 cm.
 References: unpublished.

8. Inv. No. 225, pl. II/3;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 12,36 cm;
 Max. l. = 11 cm;
 A = 5,4 cm;
 B = 3,6 cm;
 E = 3,36 cm;
 l.E = 2,6 cm;
 D = 5,4 x 4,2 cm;
 C = 3,3 x 5,7 cm.
 References: unpublished.

9. Inv. No. 220, pl. I/3;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 12,4 cm;
 Max. l. = 6,2 cm;
 A = 5,3 cm;
 B = 3,9cm;
 E = 3,2 cm;
 l.E = 4,4 cm;
 D = 7 x 5,6 cm;
 C = broken in ancient times.
 References: unpublished.

10. Inv. No. 207, pl. I/1;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 15,5 cm;
 Max. l. = 9,6 cm;
 A = 9,9 cm;
 B = 2 cm;
 E = 3,6 cm;

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  l.E = 4,3 cm;
 D = 6,4 x 8,5 cm;
 C = 7 cm.
 References: unpublished.

11. Inv. No. 228, pl. II/5;

 Hosting repository: Museum of Archaeology and Religious Book „Petre
Govora”, Băile Govora;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 18,3 cm;
 Max. l. = 9,9 cm;
 A = 10,5 cm;
 B = 3,8 cm;
 E = 4 cm;
 l.E = 3,9 cm;
 D = 4,9 x 7,4 cm;
 C = 7 cm.
 References: unpublished.

12. Inv. No. 41, pl. III/2;

 Hosting repository: History Museum „Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu” Vâlcea;
 Locality = Armăşeşti ?;
 Max. L. = 12,2 cm;
 Max. l. = 8 cm;
 A = 5,2 cm;
 B = 3,1 cm;
 E = 3,9 cm;
 l.E = 4,4 cm;
 D = 4,1 x 7,2 cm;
 C = 5,9 cm.
 References: unpublished.

13. Inv. No. 226 A, pl. III/3;

 Hosting repository: History Museum „Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu” Vâlcea;
 Locality = unknown;
 Max. L. = 8,9 cm;
 Max. l. = 9 cm;
 A = 4,2 cm;
 B = 1,7 cm;
 E = 3 cm;
 l.E = 3,6 cm;

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  D = 4 x 5,8 cm;
 C = 6 cm.
 References: unpublished.

14. Inv. No. 41, pl. III/4;

 Hosting repository: History Museum „Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu” Vâlcea;
 Locality = Mateeşti?;
 Max. L. = 18,8 cm;
 Max. l. = 8 cm;
 A = 9,6 cm;
 B = 5,1 cm;
 E = 4,1 cm;
 l.E = 4,2 cm;
 D = 5,4 x 6,2 cm;
 C = brooken in ancient times.
 References: unpublished.

REFERENCES

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Fântâneanu, Zur Bronzezeit in Südrumänien. Drei Kulturen: Glina,
Tei und Verbicioara, Bd. II, Târgovişte: 75-110.

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Cucoş St., Muraru A. 1985: Studiu tipologic şi petrografic al uneltelor litice din
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Eliopoulos Th. 1991: The Earliest Ritual Hammer? Notes on the Emergence of a
Cretan Emblem. Journal of Prehistoric Religion, V: 48-61.
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timpuriu în judeţul Suceava. Thraco-Dacica, II:133-146.
Ilie A., Mecu L., Frânculeasa M. 2010: Topoare preistorice din cadrul Complexului
Naţional Muzeal „Curtea Domnească Târgovişte. (I). Buridava, VIII:
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in Ancient Minning and Metallurgy in Asoutheast Europe, Bor-
Belgrade: 29-35.
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şi armelor litice din colecţia Muzeului din Tulcea. Peuce, 9: 281-291.
Leahu V. 1966: Cultura Tei, Bucureşti.

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Leahu, V. 2003.
Micu C, Maille M., Mihail F. 2005: Outils et pieces en pierre portant des traces de
façonnage et/ou d’utilisation découverts à Luncaviţa. Cultură şi
Civilizaţie la Dunărea de Jos, 22: 223-243.
Nica M., Ciucă I. 1986: Descoperiri arheologice pe teritoriul comunei Piatra-Olt.
Arhivele Olteniei, S.N., 5: 61-76.
O’Brien W.F. 1994: Mount Gabriel. Bronze Age Minning in Ireland, Galway.
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nordul Olteniei. SCIV, 19, 2: 279-281.
Petre-Govora Gh. 1982.
Petre-Govora Gh. 1986: Asupra problemelor culturii Glina în nord-estul Olteniei.
Thraco-Dacica, VII (1-2): 154-166.
Petre-Govora Gh. 1995: O preistorie a nord-estului Olteniei, Râmnicu-Vâlcea.
Petrescu-Dîmboviţa M. et alii. Istoria românilor de la începuturi până în secolul al
VIII-lea, Bucureşti.
Popescu D. 1956: Prelucrarea aurului în Transilvania înainte de cucerirea romană.
Materiale, 2: 196-250.
Pricop C. 1983: Două ciocane de piatră de tip miner descoperite în aşezarea de la
Brăiliţa. Istros, 2-3: 35-38.
Ridiche F. 2000: Noi date privind cunoaşterea culturii Verbicioara (Partea I).
Oltenia, N.S., 12: 41-72.
Schuster C. 1998: Despre un anumit tip de ciocan şi ciocan-topor neperforat din
piatră de pe teritoriul României. Thraco-Dacica, XIX, 1-2: 113-144.
Schuster C., Tuţulescu I., Dumitrescu I. 2010: Câteva gânduri privind exploatarea
sării în nord-estul Olteniei. Din preistorie până în epoca modernă.
Angustia, in print.
Simion G. 2003: Culturi antice în zona gurilor Dunării, I. Preistorie şi
protoistorie, Biblioteca Istro-Pontică, Seria Arheologie, 5, Cluj-
Napoca.
Tulugea C.A., Blăjan M. 2009: Topoare-ciocan de minerit din colecţia Muzeului
Judeţean „Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu” Vâlcea. Buridava, VII: 40-43.
Ulanici A. 1981: Cercetările arheologice din anul 1979 de la Braneţ, jud. Olt. CA,
IV: 20-29.
Vasiliu I. 1995: Mormintele cu ocru de la Luncaviţa, Movila Mocuţa. Peuce, 11:
49-87.
Vasiliu I. 1996: Topoare din piatră din epoca bronzului aflate în colecţiile
Muzeului de Arheologie din Tulcea. Peuce, 12: 9-26.
Vasiliu I. 2004: Cercetările arheologice de salvare de la Frecăţei, jud. Tulcea.
Peuce, S.N., II (14): 9-32.
Vasiliu I. 2007: Noi informaţii privind epoca bronzului în nordul Dobrogei. Peuce,
S.N., V: 13-138.

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Pl. I. Govora Museum: 1 = inv. no. 207, 2 = inv. no. 219, III = inv. no. 220, 4 =
inv. no. 221, 5 = inv. no. 222. Pictures I. Tuţulescu.

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Pl. II. Govora Museum: 1 = inv. no. 223, 2 = inv. no. 224, III = inv. no. 225, 4 =
inv. no. 226, 5 = inv. no. 228. Pictures I. Tuţulescu.

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Pl. III. Govora Museum: 1 = from Căzăneşti; Vâlcea Museum: 2 = Armăşeşti, 3 =
Ocniţa, 4 = Mateeşti. Pictures I. Tuţulescu.

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DAN ELEFTERESCU*

TWO GNOSTIC PIECES FROM

DUROSTORUM**

Abstract: Obiectul acestei scurte comunicări îl constituie două mici piese gnostice,
descoperite fortuit, pe plaja Dunării în zona aşezării romane de Ostrov-Ferma 4. Aşezarea
(cod sit 62547.01), se află pe teritoriul societăţii Ostrovit S.A., în dreptul Km 132, D.N. 3A
(Constanţa-Bucureşti), la aproximativ 3,5 Km de anticul Durostorum. Printre miile de
artefacte ce dovedesc o intensă activitate meşteşugărească se află şi două mici piese din
plumb, un inel cu inscripţia IAW şi un mic medalion având pe avers, încadrată de un chenar
circular ce se deschide în dreptul torţii, inscripţia IAW/ º /TPC (P-ul invers, cu bucla spre
stânga), iar pe revers, mărginită de 17 perle, inscripţia ABPA / CAZ. Piesele prezentate
certifică, credem, indubitabil (datorită în primul rând materialului şi execuţiei) existenţa în
zonă a unor adepţi ai acestui cult în prima parte a secolului III d. Ch.
Keywords: roman, setlements, Durostorum, Gnostic.

The subject under discussion consists of two small Gnostic pieces made of
lead, recovered by chance on the Danube River shore in the area of the Roman
settlement from Ostrov-Farm 4.
The settlement (code 62547.01) is found on the territory of Ostrovit Society,
S. A. at the Km 132, N.R. 3A (Bucureşti-Constanţa) at approximately 3,5 Km far
from the Ancient city of Durostorum1, and reflects a large amount of
archaeological material that proves an intense clay, bronze, lead, gold, bones, and
very likely glass processing.2

CATALOGUE
1/ Ring. Drawing board 1a***.
Conservation condition is relatively good.
Flattened and deformed.

*
Muzeul Dunării de Jos Călăraşi, e-mail: [email protected].
** Translated into English language by Rev.. Dr. Dumitru Măcăilă.
*** Foto Dan Lupoi; Desene Sorin Vreme; tehnoredactare Florin Rădulescu.
1
For a more detailed bibliography of the area see C. Muşeţeanu, Ateliere ceramice
romane de la Durostorum, Bucureşti, 2003.
2
C. Muşeţeanu, D. Elefterescu, Teracote de la Durostorum reprezentând-o pe Venus, in
Pontica, XVIII, 1985, 185-191; C. Muşeţeanu, op. cit.; D. Elefterescu, Figuratie bronzes
from Durostorum, in “The antique bronzes: typology, chronology, authenticity- The
Acta of the 16th International Congress of Antique Bronzes, Bucharest, May 26th-31st,
2003”, Bucureşti, 2004, 151-161; Idem, Statuete votive din plumb de la Durostorum, in
Pontica, XXXVII-XXXVIII, 2004-2005, 221-238.

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 Gross workmanship, obtained by pouring into a mould with blunted details;
the ring is thin and reflects a deformed rectangular profile. The chaton is
rectangular in shape, with rounded borders. On its facet, en-framed by two lines
(the upper one is plain, while the lower one is pearled) is found the inscription
IAW. On its laterals, possibly, two starlets. The dorsal side of the chaton presents
an alveolate form like a finger, which has avoided the stressing of the ring, anyway
too frail, while it has been worn. The frailty of the ring has posed the issue of its
usage and wearing time. If we take into account the frailty of this object, we have
to concede that, theoretically speaking, we may have to deal here with a pouring
pattern (for checking the pattern). In this case, we wouldn`t have dealt with a
pouring into a used clean pattern, neither a removal of the burr so carefully done.
Chaton`s, dim.: L = 13,62 mm; W = 6,20 mm; thickness = 1,68 mm.
Letter`s, H = 1,8 mm.
Inv. 39472. Beach, passim 1976. Open ground researches by Dan Elefterescu.
Analogies: Bulgaria, unknow place.3

2/ Amulet-pendant. Drawing board 1b.

Conservation condition is good.
The small ear is missing (we mention that it was broken after its discovery,
during the handling).
Poured into a bivalve pattern with well shaped details; circular. On its observe,
en-framed by a circle which open to its ear, there is the inscription IAW/TPC
(letter P is inverse, with the loop to the left). On its reverse, bordered by 17 pearls,
is found the inscription ABPA/CAZ.
Ø = 13 mm; thickness = 1,5 mm.
Letter`s H on the obverse = 2,3 mm; Letter`s H on the reverse = 2,1 mm.
Inv. 39475. Beach, passim 1976. Open ground researches by Dan Elefterescu.
Analogies: Ratiaria4, Viminacium5.

Relatively speaking, many known pieces are attributed to Basilide of

Alexandria`s Gnostics, most of them being magic gems or small plate amulets.
The quasi-totality of the pieces discovered and publisched in our country,
excepting the two small gold plaques from Dierna6, belong to the kind of gems

3
N. Markov, In the tracks of the ancient magic. (55 late antiquity amulets from several
private collections), Sofia, 2005, B4, an almost identical piece, whose chaton was
preserved and regarded as “an amulet in the shape of the eye”, had on its back, quite similar
to our piece, a thin casting line which was thought to represent a “vulva”, late dating (3rd-4th
centuries), 54.
4
Ibidem, B7, even if they do not come from the same pattern, they certainly have the same
prototype, the 2 rd -4 th centuries, 58.
5
T. Dimitrijević, A Gnostic amulet Abraxas, in Viminacium, 10, 1988, 17-20, fig. 1-3,
even if they do not come from the same pattern, they certainly have the same prototype.
6
D. Benea, A Şchiopu, Un mormânt gnostic de la Dierna, in Acta Musei Napocensis
(=Acta M.N), XI, 1974, 115-125 and Inscripţiile Daciei Romane, vol. III, Ed. Academiei,

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with inscriptions or with fantastic representations (gemmae aabraxeae)7. Such a
gem was discovered even in a tomb from Durostorum (Silistra) in 19738.
Some Gnostic lead amulets discovered in Bulgaria have been recently
publisched by Nicolay Marcov9.
Besides these, there are also known some Gnostic pieces made of lead, in the
shape of the plates with inscriptions in Gnostic style (see, for instance, the lead
sheet of the great demoniac adjuration, uncovered in a grave from Hadrumentum,
Africa)10.
With great reticence, first and foremost due to our lack of knowledge in this
field, we suggest as goal of their engendering their usage as funeral appointments.
In this case, we consider that they didn`t have the time to be used, the discovery
area being quite far from the necropolises as well as from the tomb groups from
that area.
Taking into consideration that the magic gems are dated in the 2nd-3rd cent.11, a
period of time during which the settlement from Durostorum-Ostrov (Farm 4)
reaches the upper limit of growth, we en-frame our pieces inside these historical
limits, most probably in the first half of the third century, when the faith of the
Gnostics reached remarkable proportions, touching all the provinces. This is the
period when, as pointed out by Doina Benea, “the Gnostic religion brigs to bear a
visible influence on the early Christianity, on its ideology”12.

1977, nr.42; N.Vlassa, O nouă plăcuţă de aur gnostică de la Dierna, “Acta M.N.”, XIV,
1977, 205-219 and Inscripţiile Daciei Romane, vol. III, Ed. Academiei, 1977, nr.43.
7
Porolissum, blak jasper. On one side it presents a fantastic effigy, on the other side an
EICA text (É. Lakó, N. Gudea, „Despre o gemă gnostică cu inscripţie din Muzeul de
Istorie şi Artă din Zalău” in Acta Musei Porolissensis, III, 1979, 449-451); Orlea
(Sucidava), green jasper, on the obversethere is ABPAC/ABPACAZ, on the reverse*
(Inscripţiile Daciei Romane, vol. II, Ed. Academiei, 1977, nr.317 with bibliography);
Romula, agate, on the obverse there is a fantastic effigy, on the reverse there is
A/BP/ACA/Z (Ibidem, nr. 492 with bibliography); Col. Capşa-Istrate (uncertain
localization, possibly even outside the country) black jasper. On one side, there is a
monstrous image; at the head two stars. On the border, there is the inscription ABPACAZ.
On the reverse there is A/BΛAN/AΘANA/ABAXA/PEY, and around it, on a frame* IAW
MAPIA (Ibidem, nr. 661, with bibliography).
8
I. Popović, P. Donevski, Gold and silver jewelry from Durostorum burials, Svishtov,
1999, 29-30. M5, cornalian gem attached to a gold medallion. On one side it is a fantastic
effigy, on the other, an inscription (?) ΘEO (?)S/MS/RSOST. (?) S?SOTH (?). Tomb
dated on monetary basis (bronze coin probably from Probus), in the second half of the 3 rd
cent., 29-30.
9
N. Markov, op.cit., B1-2 and B6.
10
Cf. D. Benea, A. Şchiopu, op. cit., 122, note 38 and N. Vlassa, Interpretarea plăcuţei de
aur de la Dierna, in Acta M.N., XI, 1974, 126.
11
I. Barnea, Abrasax (abraxas), in Enciclopedia Arheologiei şi Istoriei Vechi a
României, Bucureşti, 1994, 20.
12
D. Benea, A. Şchiopu, op.cit., 123-124 (gnosticismul exercită o influenţă pregnantă
asupra creştinismului primitiv, asupra ideologiei sale).

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 We assert this regardless of whether or not these pieces have been
permanently or occasionally worn, or whether they had funeral destinations;
moreover, if we admit to the utmost a negative, even derogatory goal (see, by the
way, the maleficent significance of the material)13, these pieces clearly and
undoubtedly certify the presence of Gnostics in the area.
We assert this bearing in mind that pieces modestly made on a stand without
an inherent value could not be taken over and passed on outside of experts` circle,
of those who know, or at least recognize the message. We cannot agree with the
assertion of the late Nicolae Vlassa made in one of his articles of 198014 with
regards to a gem found in the Constanta museum, and we quote, “Otherwise, the
obviously magic character of the object is defining it, par excellence, as a talisman
acting `for the bearer`, with magical virtues, working for the one (and not only for
the one) for whom it had been conceived from the moment of manufacturing”,
adding also that the assertion was used for the chronological en-framing of the
pieces; on the contrary, we consider that it is exactly this magic character that
could have constituted sometimes the reason for the passing on to an endeared
person, to a descendent in the family, or to a rival or a succesor. This kind of
situations entitles us to believe that, in principle, they can lead in the course of time
to the losing or even (to the) changing of the meanings, beside the possibility of
using the gems only for their artistic value, and automatically to make less certain
the assertion about the existence of some followers of this cult based only on such
discoveries. This assertion was corroborated (sic) by the same author in one of his
articles in 1974: “It was shown the almost impossible perseverance by which the
Gnostic tradition was perpetuated-over the Byzantine era- and deeply during the
Middle Ages and the Renaissance, being perticularly applied to the manufacturing
of occult amulets and talismans. But, in such case, it does not seem to be
impossible for a share of amulets, gems, and talismans – defined as being Gnostic

13
It is both known and recognized that there is a clear connection between magic
destination and the fact that, as pointed out by N. Vlassa, “througout the history of ancient
magic (and especially in the Semite-Greek-Alexandrian, Gnostic and Paleo-Christian
magic), the lead was considered, par excellence, a maleficent metal, being under the sign of
Saturn and Mars // în întreaga istorie a magiei antice (şi mai cu seamă în cea semito-greco-
alexandrină, gnostică şi paleocreştină) plumbul a fost considerat, prin exelenţă, un metal
malefic, stând sub semnul lui Saturn şi Marte”. (N. Vlassa, O nouă plăcuţă de aur gnostică
de la Dierna, “Acta M.N.”, XIV, 1977, 218 and J. Marqués-Riviére, Amulettes, talismans
et pantacles, Paris, 1938, 306, cf. N. Vlassa, Interpretarea plăcuţei de aur de la Dierna, in
Acta M.N., XI, 1974).
14
N. Vlassa, Interpretarea unei geme magice greco-egiptene, Acta M.N., XVII, 1980, 493,
(„De altminteri, caracterul evident magic al obiectului îl defineşte, prin exelenţă, ca un
talisman acţionând “la purtător” cu virtuţi apotropaice funcţionând pentru cel (şi numai
pentru cel!) căruia îi fusese zămislit din momentul confecţionării”), the stranger seems to
us the assertion on „Christianized” gem, especially as it practically conceals a good chapter
of the author, whose conclusions were stressed in a previous article (Idem, Două noi piese
paleocreştine din Transilvania, Acta M.N., XIII, 1976, 229-230).

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– which are found in the great collections referring to a museum, to come really
from periods which are sensitively subsequent to the Ancient era”15.

Fig. 1. a. Ring drawing board; b. Amulet pendant drawing board.

15
Idem, Interpretarea plăcuţei de aur de la Dierna, în Acta M.N. XI, 139-141. (...s-a
arătat aproape incredibila tenacitate cu care tradiţia gnostică se perpetuează - peste epoca
bizantină – până adânc în Evul Mediu şi Renaştere, aplicată fiind mai ales la
confecţionarea de amulete şi talismane oculte. Or, aceasta fiind situaţia, nu ni se pare
imposibil ca o parte din stocul de geme, amulete şi talismane definite ca gnostice, aflate în
marile colecţii muzeale, să provină în realitate din perioade sensibil ulterioare epocii
antice).

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PETI DONEVSKI*

URBAN PLANNING OF THE CANABAE

LEGIONIS XI CLAUDIAE (MOESIA INFERIOR)

Abstract: On the basis of the risk archaeological excavations carried out by the museum in
Silistra(Bulgaria) between 1972 and 1982 some of the problems concerning the topography
of the site were solved.In this way the castra of Legio XI Claudia, its canabae and
necropolises were located on the territory of the present day town of Silistra. This paper is
an attempt to make an appromaximate reconstruction of the street grid of the canabae
legionis, to indicate places of some public buildings and on this ground to show the likeness
between such type of settlements and the real towns of the Roman empire.
Keywords: Silistra, castra, canabae, vicus, building.

It has been mentioned, although briefly, in a number of my publications

concerning the Legionary fortress, the canabae Legionis XI Claudiae, the
municipium Durostorum, the necropolis, and the topography of Durostorum that
part of the street network, the adjoining drainage system and some of the more
important public buildings have been discovered (P. Donevski 1989, pp. 277-80; P.
Donevski 1990a, pp. 931-39; P. Donevski 1990b, pp. 236-45; P. Donevski, G.
Miloševič 2009a, pp.51-8; P. Donevski, 2009b, pp. 104 -30; G. Miloševič, P.
Donevski 1999, pp. 245-58; I. Popovič, P. Donevski 1999, pp. 9-16; R. Ivanov, G.
Atanasov, P. Donevski, 2007, pp. 166-262). Nevertheless, the issue of the urban
planning has not been discussed in details.
Unfortunately, the canabae of the other castra in the Bulgarian part of the
Roman Limes, namely Ratiaria, Oescus, and Novae, have not been discovered
using archeological methods during excavation work. Despite this difficulty,
imposed by circumstances, I will try to outline some of the issues of urban
planning of canabae legionis XI Claudia. I will do this by analyzing the current
condition of the excavations both in Silistra and other places along the Limes
abroad.
I find it natural to mention first the topographical situation in Silistra and its
surroundings when discussing this issue. There the legionary fortress is situated
almost in the centre of a peninsular like part of the modern city and is
approximately 800 – 1000 m away of the bank of the Danube river. The
necropolises are generally south, east, and west of the fortress.
The canabae, with a supposed area of about 80-90 hectares, occupy the
territory, generally speaking, north of the fortress. In their north – west part at the
end of 3rd century or the beginning of 4th century was built a small fortification.

*
Muzeul Regional Ruse, Bulgaria, [email protected].

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 Another civil settlement – vicus, and more probably later Municipium
Aurelium Durostorum, is situated according to me and some other archeologists (P.
Donevski 1990, pp. 236-45; C. Mușețeanu 1990, pp. 293-99; I. Piso 1991 pp. 149-
51) approximately 2.5 km. east of castra, on Romanian territory on the way to the
village of Ostrov(fig.1)
As it is known from the epigraphic and archeological material, in the
development of these two types of settlements there were many common features.
They can be found in their almost identical administrative organization, religious
activities, planning, architecture, etc. It seems that the only main difference was the
jurisdiction they belonged to. The canabae were on the territory of the legion and to
a certain degree their development and status were in accordance with the military
laws. On the othet hand, the vicus and municipium had greater independence
because they were outside the territory of the legion and were governed by the civil
laws.
When we speak about the Canabae Legionis XI Claudiae we should mention
the extremely valuable inscription from the time of Antoninus Piius discovered in
Silistra which reads: “…cives romani et consistentes in cannabis Aeliis legionis XI
Claudiae” (V. Parvan 1924, pp. 11-3; Y. Todorov 1927, pp. 17-23). The fact that
the honorary name of Aeliae was given could be explained with at least two
reasons. The first one is that this might have happened during one of the visits of
the Emperor Hadrianus in the province of Moesia Inferior for a probable inspection
of the legion. The second reason could be related to the obvious prosperity of this
settlement in the second and third decade of 2nd century AD. It could be assumed
that this flourishing was impressive enough to urge the Emperor to praise in this
exceptional manner the zeal of the citizens of the settlement.
That this gesture of attention on behalf of the Emperor was fully deserved is
proved by the number of stately buildings discovered north of the legionary fortress
and dated at the first half of the 2nd century AD and forward. Obviously, the
construction of the fortress and determining of the places that had to be occupied
by the civil settlement and the necropolises was done simultaneously. In addition,
data from the archeological excavation proves that the urban planning of the
settlement has started as early as the beginning of it construction.
In an attempt to reconstruct the street network, we should consider a number
of factors: first, the streets that have been discovered so far; second, the roads
going out of the castra gates; third, the continuation of via angularis to the north;
forth, the positioning and the orientation of the buildings; and finally, the
possibility that that there might be streets not found till now between some of the
buildings.
What immediately attracts the attention is the fact that the road which goes out
of Porta Pretoria of the legionary fortress to the north and the probable
continuations of via angularis (the street that circles the fortress from the outside)
to the north are not in one axis and do not form a right angle with the already
discovered sections of the streets in the civil settlement(fig. 2) For example, the
street that goes from north to south almost through the centre of the part of the

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canabae, that I have researched, reaches a street that is about 140 m north of the
fortress and goes from east to west. At the same time, the street that comes from
Porta Pretoria reaches a point which is 20 m from the crossing of these two streets.
At the continuations of via angularis to the north it is seen that after they cross at
almost right angle with the mentioned most southern street of the settlement
without overcoming any obstacles from the residence buildings they can continue
to the north where they will cross the discovered most northern street (for the time
being) of the canabae. If this imaginative reconstruction is true, then north of the
fortress between the above mentioned streets there is a big square area with a
length of 430 m from east to west and a width of 395 m from north to south (fig.
3). On the other hand, in the north end of this big square there are five smaller
square areas – insulae which have conjectured dimensions from west to east: 88 x
88m; 88 x 65m; 88 x 73m; 88 x 108m and 88 x 67m. In the south – east end of the
big square, where the east continuation of via angularis should go, there are
densely situated private buildings and a big public baths. This suggests that the
street can pass about 67 m to the west of the east continuation of via angularis
between the above mentioned buildings and another similar group of buildings to
the west of them. Thus, except for the one dimension of the insula, that is 67 m in
the direction east – west, the other one still remains unknown. It is very probable
that the area of this insula is different from what I assume because of the big public
bath that is situated there.
When we compare the directions of the discovered streets and the positioning
of the buildings in the canabae we clearly observe first, that some of the buildings
are in one axis with the network of streets; second, the orientation of others
coincides with the orientation of the legionary fortress; and finally, there is a third
small group of buildings with a different orientation. This situation could appear
confusing at first but it can be explained in a number of ways. First, if we accept
the orientation of the buildings according to the walls of the fortress as important
and defining, we can assume that the buildings built according to it are the oldest,
while the discovered streets and buildings that are in one axis are from later
periods. In addition, we can assume that the orientation of buildings in one insula is
not so important and this leads to the conclusion that the discovered network of
streets, despite the slight diversion from the orientation of the fortress – about 10
degrees, can be dated back to the initial planning of the settlement.
The streets that have been discovered so far differ mainly in their covering,
not in other characteristics. Most of them, together with the passages between some
of the buildings in one insula are covered with small stones and under them there
are canals built of stone and bricks. There is only one street for now that is an
exception. It is orientated north – south and is west of the area of the canabae that I
researched. This street is covered with big stone plates. Without considering the 3 –
4 meter wide passages between the buildings in one insula (fig. 4), the streets are
limited by curb stones and are 2 -3 m away from the buildings (fig. 5). There has
not been found any prove about the existence of pavements or colonnades.

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 If we compare the street grid of Canabae Legionis XI Claudiae with these of
the Canabae of Aquincum (fig. 6) and of Carnuntum (fig. 7), for example, we can
notice that there are also streets (fig. 8) orientated to the legionary fortress and
others that are not (Kl. Poczy 1976 p. 100, fig.4a,4b; Kl. Poszy 1983, p. 254,
(fig. 2).
Another key element in the planning of similar settlements is the position of
emblematic public buildings such as the Forum, the Amphitheatre, Temples of
Gods, Baths, etc. In Silistra archeologists have not found traces of an Amphitheatre
so far. Numerous inscriptions dedicated to various Gods that have been found
prove that there must have been temples but unfortunately their locations are still
unknown. There are also no indications where the Forum must have been. A sun
clock was discovered in the area of the excavation I did but it can not be considered
a solid proof of the location of the Forum although there are similar cases. On the
other hand, this clock can be connected with some of the temples or a public bath
because there is such a practice. Luckily, as a compensation for this uncertainty
and incompleteness of the research findings came the unearthing of two public
baths from the beginning of the 2nd century AD. They are situated about 200 m
north of the legionary fortress and 300 m away from each other. One of them has
rather impressive measures (70 x 40 m) and is very close to the border with
Romania (fig. 9). Both of the baths were reconstructed many times and were also
use after 4th century AD. What is more, there are doubts some of the parts of other
buildings also belong to public baths (fig. 10).
On the basis of what we have said we can summarize that during 2nd – 3rd
century Canabae Legionis XI Claudiae developed very intensely and their planning
and architecture are very close to these of the municipiums and colonies.
What happened to this settlement after the Gothic invasion in the middle of
the 3rd century AD and during the time of Diocletianus and Constantin the Great,
though? Observations show that despite the fires and distructions of that time some
buildings were reconstructed while many others were built again. Nevertheless,
there are indications that the area of the settlement diminishes. This can be proved
both by the construction of a new fortification in the north- west part of the
canabae and the appearance of some late ancient tombs on their territory.
In addition to this from the excavations of the castra it can be seen that it,
together with many others on the limes during 5th – 6th century AD, gradually
turned into an Early Byzantine city and in the region of the old canabae continued
to exist many public and private buildings. At this time they were included in the
territory of the city surrounded by a new fortress wall as shows the research done
east of the small fortress on the bank of the Danube River.

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REFERENCES

Donevski, P., 1989: Durostorum. Municipium Aurelium und das Lager der Legio
XI Claudia, Roman Frontier Studies, pp. 277-80.
Donevski, P., 1990a: Durostorum.Lager und Canabae der Legio XI Claudia,Akten
des 14. Internationalen Limeskongresses 1986 in Carnuntum,
pp. 931-39.
Donevski. P., 1990b: Zur Topographie von Durostorum, Germania 68 (1), 236-45.
Donevski, P., 2009a: Archaeological investigations in Silistra (Durostorum),
Buletinul muzeului judetean Teleorman, pp. 104-30.
Donevski, P., Miloševič, G., 2009b: Public and Private Baths at Canabae Legionis
XI Claudiae(Lower Moesia),Collection of works from the
Simposium”Water, Life and Pleasure” in 2008, Strumiča, R
Macedonia, pp. 51-8.
Ivanov, R., Atanasov, G., Donevski, P., 2007: The Ancient Durostorum, vol.I, pp.
166-212.
Miloševič, G., Donevski, P., 1999: The Late Antique Tombs at Silistra
(Durostorum), Der Limes an der Unteren Donau von Diokletian bis
Heraklios, Vortrage der Internationalen Konferenz, Svistov (1.-5.
September 1989), pp. 245-58.
Mușețeanu C. 1990: Contribuții privint topografia Durostorului SCIVA pp. 293-99.
Parvan, V., 1924: Municipium Aurelium Durostorum, Rivista di’ Filologia e d
Istruzione Classica 2, pp. 11-3.
Piso, I., 1991: Die Inschriften vom Pfaffenberg und der Bereich der Canabae
Legionis, Tyhe, 6, pp. 149-51.
Poczy, Kl., 1976: Städtebau in Pannonien, Kultur und Natur in Niederösterreich,
Band 1, p.100, fig. 4a, 4b.
Poczy, Kl.,1983: Das Strassennetz und die wichtigeren Gebäude der Militärstadt
von Aquincumin 2. und 3. Jahrhundert, Archaeologiai Ertesito, p. 254,
fig. 2.
Popovič, I., Donevski, P., 1999: Gold and Silver Jewelry from Durostorum Burials,
Svishtov, 1999, pp. 9-16.
Todorov, Y., 1927: Durostorum, pp. 17-23.

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Fig. 1. Silistra and its surroundings. A. Roman Castra; B. Canabae; C. Vicus and
Municipium Durostorum; D. Late Roman Fort. (After P. Donevski)

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Fig. 2. Silistra. Situation plan. 1. Roman Castra; 2. Canabae; 3. Late Roman Fort.
(After P. Donevski)

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Fig. 3. Silistra. Reconstructed Street Network of Canabae Legionis with marked
places of Public and Private Baths. (After P. Donevski)

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Fig. 4. Silistra. Passages between Three Buildings in the Canabae. (After P.
Donevski)

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Fig. 5. Silistra. A Street between two Insulae in the Canabae. (After P. Donevski)

Fig. 6. Aquincum. Situation plan of Canabae legionis. (After Kl. Poczy)

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Fig. 7. Carnuntum. Situation plan of Canabae legionis. (After Kl. Poczy)

Fig. 8. Aquincum.Dimensiones and boundaries of the Cnabae. (After Kl.Poczy)

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Fig. 9. Silistra. Public Baths in the South-east part of Canabae legionis. (After P.
Donevski)

Fig.10. Silistra.Presumed Public Baths in the north part of the canabae. (After P.
Donevski)

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GEORGETA EL SUSI*

ANIMAL BREEDING IN LATE ROMAN

SETTLEMENTS FROM DOBRUDJA, IN THE
LIGHT OF RESEARCH AT MURIGHIOL
(HALMYRIS, TULCEA COUNTY)

Abstract: În privinţa cercetării arheologice, perioada romană târzie este bine documentată
în Dobrogea (provincia Scythia Minor), în privinţa analizelor faunistice, până în prezent
s-au publicat materiale din şapte situri (tabel 2, fig. 1), însumând 3942 oase. În acest
context, cele aproximativ 3553 oase de la Murighiol aduc un plus de informaţie, oferind
date inedite asupra acestui subiect. Prima parte a lucrării prezintă pe scurt datele faunistice
de la Murighiol (anticul Halmyris), insistându-se pe profilele de abataj (fig. 6-8) şi
frecvenţa speciilor în diverse contexte (fig. 5). În partea a doua a lucrării se discută
frecvenţele speciilor, cât şi „schemele ipotetice de sacrificare” ale principalelor mamifere
domestice în siturile romane-târzii în Dobrogea. Conform acestora (fig. 4, 9) oasele de vită
prevalează în aproape toate eşantioanele, valorile taxonului, oscilând în jur de 40-55 %. La
extreme se plasează Jurilovca cu un procent foarte mare, de 71,04 % şi Murighiol cu numai
24 %. În materie de exploatare a speciilor de talie mică se înregistrează două categorii de
situri: a – cu predominanţă a suinelor domestice, e cazul lotului de la Murighiol (24,85 %)
şi Dinogeţia cu 22,65 %. O explicaţie ar reprezenta-o localizarea aşezărilor în vecinătatea
Dunării, creşterea speciei fiind relativ facilă şi la îndemână. Capidava ce ar intra în aceeaşi
categorie de situri cu condiţii ambientale similare, evidenţiază un procent de numai 9,94 %.
Celelalte eşantioane oferă valori cuprinse între 11-17 %. Diferenţele procentuale apar şi în
cazul aceleiaşi aşezări, dar pe loturi diferite, e cazul celor două eşantioane de la Adamclisi.
Unul oferă o valoare de 11,04, celălalt 17,78 %. Este un exemplu elocvent de fluctuaţii
procentuale rezultante al unor loturi nesemnificative sub raport cantitativ; b – situri cu
predominanţă a ovicaprinelor: Slava Rusă, Capidava, Histria, Adamclisi 1, Jurilovca,
Ovidiu. Se pare că şi în epoca romană târzie, clima şi mediul dobrogean au favorizat
creşterea ovinelor şi caprinelor, punându-şi amprenta puternic asupra caracterului
economiilor animaliere. Astfel că şi în situri cu valori sporite ale porcinelor (cele legate de
Dunăre), ovicaprinele înregistrează peste 15 %. Calul este documentat prin resturi
faunistice în toate eşantioane, indiferent de mărimea lor, comportând procentaje variabile,
oscilând între valoarea maximă de 43,46 % la Ovidiu şi 2,83 % la Dinogeţia. Element
oarecum comun acelor vremi, asinul are puţine oase în eşantioanele în discuţie, sub 2 %,
lipsind de la Jurilovca şi Ovidiu.
Keywords: Halmyris, Scythia Minor, Dobroudja, late roman sites, age profiles.

*
Institutul de Arheologie Vasile Pârvan Bucureşti, [email protected].

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 The Roman late period is well-known in Dobrudja (province Scythia Minor)
in terms of archaeological excavation, but in relation to fauna only 3,942 bones
from seven sites (table 2, fig. 1) have been published by now. Except for the
assemblage from Slava Rusă totalling over 2,600 pieces, the other ones contain no
more than 1,310 remains. In this context, the approximately 3,553 bones from
Murighiol1 partially complete the shortage of information, providing original data
on this subject. Unfortunately, in most cases there are few detailed published data
on slaughter profiles, probably because of small samples. At the very beginning we
give some information on sample from domestic taxa at Murighiol (fort Halmyris
in antiquity), collected during 2003-2007 campaigns, noting that professor Sergiu
Haimovici have previously published another sample in the same site2. Data about
hunting and characteristics of wild taxa from Murighiol were presented in a recent
paper3. To remember that the settlement is located at the eastern end of the Dunavăţ
Peninsula (the ancient Extrema Scythiae Minoris), within the Murighiol commune,
at about 3 km east of the village, on a rocky promontory, slightly higher than
surroundings. In ancient times the site was placed on the bank of the southern arm
of the Danube. Over centuries, the river moved to the northern and the terrain
around the settlement silted gradually. The course of the Danube runs now 1 km
north of the site nowadays. The close location of Halmyris to the mouth of the
Danube and the Black Sea suggests that it must have played an important role as a
naval base also in the 2nd century AD. The environment offered relatively
comfortable conditions for living and exploitation of the natural resources. Located
in an area rich in lakes, Murighiol village is surrounded by them, in almost all
parts: Lake Murighiol I - in the north-east, Murighiol II - to the east, both with
fresh water supplied by the arm of St. George, “Beibugeac” and “Sărat” Lakes in
the south and southwest, forming together “Sărăturile Murighiol”. They are
surrounded by a tough marsh vegetation (reeds, rushes), providing good conditions
for many species of birds nesting. The climate is influenced by the vicinity of the
Danube area, so winters are mild and summers are quite warm. The site produced
evidence of continued habitation of more than 11 centuries (4th century BC - 7th
century AD) containing no less than 13 identified archaeological levels. Three
main periods of occupation have been established: a- the native Getae settlement:
Two phases of occupation were uncovered. The first encompasses the 4th - 3rd and
the second the 2nd - 1st century BC, It is difficult to determine whether the Getae
settlement was an open or a fortified place, specifically called "dava", which seems
more likely; b- the Early Roman Fort: 1st - 3rd century AD. This fort seems to
have had the typical card-like plan following the 1st - 2nd century Roman grid
(castrametatio). A large civil settlement stretched out to the west; c- the Late
Roman Fort: 4th - 5th century AD. It shows a triangular shape. The new
fortification abandoned the rectangular plan of the early one and Roman civil

1
In addition, fish bones seem to be around 1,000-1,500 at least according to our
observations.
2
S. Haimovici 2009, p. 189-199.
3
El Susi 2008, p. 201-221.

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engineers adapted their design for the fort to the terrain and tactical requirements.
Starting with the end of the 4th century, the fort gradually turned into a fortified
town. The later phase of the site encompasses the period between the last quarters
of the 3rd until the second decade of the 7th century AD4.
The sample in question was brought to light in the following sectors: the
barracks - no. 2, 3, 4 occupied by soldiers of the garrison, a Domus (supposed
Episcopal palace), a Domus (building) no. 2, a block/building (related to the use of
two other important monuments, Basilica and Thermae), the Thermae sector and
the Towers no. 12 (defensive role) and 2 (role of food storage). Traces of a pool of
water, used to preserve fresh fish or other meat products have been identified at its
base5. Of the 3,553 wastes (excluding fish remains, still unidentified), 3,457 bones
(97.3%) derive from mammals, 87 fragments from birds/fowls (2.44%) and only
nine shells of molluscs. Fish debris, extremely high, reflecting a very rich fish
fauna have not been determined and included in any statistics text, they are to be
studied further. According to preliminary published data6, sample of hunted
mammals includes artiodactyls, carnivores and rodents (table 1). Preliminary data
confirm eight domestic species (cow, pig, sheep, goat, horse, donkey, dog and cat)
and nine hunted (wild boar, deer, hare, fox, otter, marten, badger, beaver and
aurochs), the ratio of domestic/ wild taxa being 78.76/ 21.24%. Referring to
livestock, percentages of domestic species are very similar, i.e. the pig totals
24.85%, cattle and small ruminants 24.04% and 22.53%. The differences are too
small to speak of a preference for particular exploitation of some taxon. Rather,
their exploitation was differentiated according to community needs for a certain
period of time, throughout the year. If cattle slaughter profiles (fig. 6) suggests a
reduced culling of calves under six months (3.33%), the largest share (58.3%) of
specimens cut up to four years, obviously for meat (Type A- exploitation7). The use
of milk products is suggested by a 28.3% proportion of animals 4-9 years old. A
10% animals kept over nine years, could suggest the use for traction, labours,
burdens. In this regard, to mention some phalanges of bovine, strongly flattened
and deformed (fig. 2). On castration, there are some metapodials from such
specimens. Therefore the beef is very used at Halmyris, mostly in feeding of the
soldiers, as is suggested by the increased share of cattle bones in the barracks area,
over 40% (fig. 5).
The pig age profile is as follows: a percentage of 28.73% culled up to a year, a
maximum value registered between 1-1.5 years (27.58%), with progressively
decreasing in the following age classes: 16.09% between 2-3 years and 13% above
this limit (fig. 7). The maximum rate of killing is reached between 12-18 months,
probably coinciding with achieving optimum weight; about 7% of specimens are
females for breeding. In terms of sheep exploitation, the sample from Murighiol
shows few culling between 0-6 months (categories A, B, 9%), 13% slaughtering in

4
Zahariade 1991, p. 311-317.
5
Zahariade, Topoleanu, Ene 2004; Zahariade et al 2006, Ibidem, 2007.
6
El Susi 2008, p. 201-221.
7
Blaise 2009, p. 133.

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post lactation period (6-12 months category C), suggesting an exploitation on a
small scale of the mutton from sub-adults. The slaughter of animals between 1-2
years (category D) and 2-4 years (categories E, F) reaches its maximum of 37%;
the statistics put forward the mutton use from mostly adults. Categories G, H refer
to animals over four years, summing up to 16.66%; therefore wool and dairy
products were exploited to a lesser extent. If goats, the culling of mature specimens
suggest as main purpose the meat obtaining (10.25%) and secondary the dairy
products (Class G, 7.69%). Slaughter profile is for the most part similar to sheep,
accepting that the use of juveniles is reduced (fig. 8). About a quarter of the small
ruminants’ bones are assigned to goats, their growth is relatively easy when the
environmental conditions. As regards the relations between the sexes in sheep
material, of 59

Table 1- Taxa frequencies at Murighiol

Tower 12 Tower 2 Domus 1 Domus 2 Therme Barracks NISP %

Bos taurus 316 99 114 99 17 40 685 24.04

Sus domesticus 433 132 104 24 8 7 708 24.85

Ovicaprine 352 132 95 49 5 9 642 22.53
Equus caballus 60 16 19 25 5 2 127 4.46

Equus asinus 6 1 2 4 3 16 0.56

Canis familiaris 34 2 5 15 1 1 58 2.04
Felis domestica 2 3 1 1 1 8 0.28
Total domestics 1,203 385 340 217 39 60 2,244 78.76
Sus scrofa 183 48 64 12 18 5 330 11.58
Cervus elaphus 108 29 44 24 2 2 209 7.33
Capreolus c. 6 9 1 16 0.56
Vulpes vulpes. 4 2 5 11 0.39
Lepus europaeus 10 10 0,35
Lutra lutra 9 1 10 0.35
Martes martes 5 3 8 0.28
Meles meles 4 1 5 0.18
Castor fiber 4 1 5 0.18
Bos primigenius 1 1 0.04
Total wilds 333 88 114 41 21 8 605 21.24
Total identified 1,536 473 454 258 60 68 2,849 100
Sus sp. 9 3 2 14
Unidentified 228 114 200 36 13 3 594
Mammals 1,773 590 656 294 73 71 3,457

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 Tower 12 Tower 2 Domus 1 Domus 2 Therme Barracks NISP %
Gallus domesticus 39 3 7 1 50
Anser domestica 4 1 5
Anas
plathyrinchos 4 4
Aves sp. 20 4 2 2 28
Molluscs 9 9
Total sample 1,849 597 665 298 73 71 3,553
*NISP- fragments

individuals, at least 19 are rams. The percentage should not surprise, the
slaughtering of males for meat is normal in order to preserve the females for dairy
products. Another group of mammals, with importance rather utilitarian than food,
refers to horse (4.46%) and donkey (0.56%). We do not exclude the use of horse in
diet, about 52% of the identified bones are from specimens killed between 2-4
years, and 21% from matures; among them two animals are 18-23 years old. The
16 bones of donkey (0.56%) originate from adult specimens. Although fragmented,
the skeletal remains do not suggest consumption. Introduced in Dobrudja by the
Greeks with the establishment of their colonies, its share is always reduced in
faunal samples. So far, there is no evidence of its use, although many of its bones
come from body parts with food importance. For example, its sample from
Murighiol included such elements, from the fleshy parts (tibia, shoulder blades).
Cat and dog complete the list of domestic taxa; their frequency is reduced, 2.04%
and 0.28%.

Table 2 – Taxa frequencies in late-Roman settlements in Dobrudja

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Dating IV-VII IV-VII VI IV-VI IV-VI V-VII VI VI IV-VI VI
Cattle 24.04 26.1 44.5 51.55 41.51 53.89 46.67 54 41.02 71
Pig 24.85 20 14.5 9.94 22.65 11.04 17.78 11.8 7.89
Ovic. 22.53 8.8 28.7 21.74 18.87 18.18 15.56 16.5 15.38 21.1
Horse 4.46 1.6 5.94 3.1 2.83 8.44 11.11 13.3 43.6
Donkey 0.56 3.46 0.5 0.62 0.94 2.6 2.22 0.75
Dog 2.04 1.76 1.24 3.77 0.65 2.22 0.56
Cat 0.28 0.65 0.18
Dom. 78.76 60 95.9 88.21 90.57 95.45 95.56 97.2 94 100
Wild 21.24 40 4.1 11.79 9.43 4.55 4.44 2.81 6
Total 3,553 495 2,632 180 180 185 56 570 90 49
1- Murighiol; 2- Murighiol (Haimovici, 2009); 3- Slava Rusă ("Baza 3"
sample); 4- Capidava; 5- Dinogetia; 6- Adamclisi (Stanc, 2005); 7- Adamclisi
(Haimovici, 1991); 8- Histria; 9- Ovidiu; 10- Jurilovca)

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 To outline an overview on what it means animal exploitation in Dobrudja and
to detect the peculiarities specific to each site were considered two issues: inter-
specific relationships, taxa frequencies and their slaughter profiles. In our
approach, we believe that clarification on bio-geographical position of the
mentioned settlements is necessary. From this point of view, some sites are located
west, north and north-west of Dobrudja in a biotope something more varied, with
more wooded areas (especially in the past), whether it's about the Murighiol hills or
Măcin, the Babadag plateau, or the Danube Plain. Current appearance of Dobrudja
as a steppe with few water courses, which dries up during the warm season, with
patches of planted forests, mainly consisting of acacia, alien species, distributed
mainly in Northern Province is the result of anthropogenic factor. Woods still well
represented, given the altitude (300 m maximum) belong to the sub-floor below
(part of the nemoral floor), various species of oak, silver linden, elm, and maple
being characteristic to them8. According to archaeozoological studies, the fauna is
various, with a prevalence of forest taxa (deer, wild boar) and waterfowl (in sites
located near the Danube). We include in this group settlements in Capidava,
Dinogeţia and Murighiol. The well-known city of Capidava, is located in western
Dobroudja on a limestone spur, at S-SE of the village on the right bank of the river,
halfway between Hârşova and Cernavoda, even crossing the road linking the
villages near the city walls. It has been working for more than a millennium9.
Roman and Byzantine forts of Dinogeţia were identified at 4 km north of Garvăn
village on a small island (Popina) called by locals "Bisericuţa" with a natural
strategic positioning and visibility on the left bank of the Danube10, being
surrounded by water (streams and ponds that make up the Danube to the right side
of the great city of Galaţi). The second group includes the settlements of Jurilovca,
Histria, Ovidiu and even Adamclisi11 located in the lowlands, south-eastern
Dobrudja, in a biotope somewhat poor in "forest" taxa, but better represented in
aquatic species (less Adamclisi). Fort Argamum (Orgame) is located on Lake
Razim, about 7 km east of the village Jurilovca and 40 km north of Histria 12.
Currently, Histria is at some distance from the sea, which is separated by a wide
coastal belt. The fortress was situated on a bay of the Black Sea, isolated by a
coastal belt which separated from it, making Sinoe lagoon with brackish water, to
the north. The area is part of Histria Plateau, which are the most eastern portion
and the lowest in Central Dobrudja. In terms of geography, the Histrian Plateau
presents heights below 100 m. Current vegetation is a typical steppe, including
secondary meadows and agricultural crops that have replaced the forest steppe

8
Haimovici 2001, p. 153, 174.
9
Haimovici, Cărpuş, Cărpuş 2006, p. 355.
10
Stanc 2005, p. 77.
11
We made this division based on percentages of wild species, which reflects some features
of the environment. Although the percentages of species are insignificant, they attest,
simply the presence of mammals in that area at that time.
12
Stanc 2005, p. 64.

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cover. A halophyle azonal and/ or psammophyle vegetation, mostly in the seaside
belt exists. “Vegetation however was not the same as the current one. The forest
was composed of Quercetum mixtum, yet xerophile type, with species of
thermophile oak and other deciduous woods13. Ancient settlement from Ovidiu is
located on Lake Shore Siutghiol, in the east of Casimcea Plateau. Adamclisi site is
located about 20 km from the Danube in the middle of the south Dobroudja
plateau, near the river Urluia. The current vegetation is strongly anthropogenic,
consisting of crops and xero-mesophilic pastures; remnants of oaks are also found
just to the west. And finally the site of Slava Rusă is located in the centre of one of
the most picturesque areas of Dobrudja, on both sides of River Slava. Our days,
over the ancient city Ibida lays the village Slava Rusă, located at an altitude of 55
m14. From our list, we excluded the sample from the villa rustica from Teliţa-Amza
15
, since it is dated earlier, (in II-III centuries AD) and it was unearthed in a single
rural farm and not a large settlement.
In terms of the report hunted/ domestic mammals (fig. 4), the following data
were recorded in the settlements of the first group. A large percentage of the game,
of 21.24% is found in Murighiol, even 40% (the second sample), in other cases it is
estimated below 15% as follows: 14.25% - Slava Rusă16, 11.79% - Capidava17 and
9.43% at Dinogeţia18. Wildlife is diversified, obviously it does not exhaust the full
list of taxa in those times, and however a majority of species typical to forested
biotope (red deer, wild boar) was found. Sites with a small percentage of the game,
less than 6% are: Ovidiu – 6%19, Adamclisi – 4.5%20, Histria – 2.8%21, Slava Rusă
– 4.1%. Red deer and wild boar consistently appear in all the samples, but with
small percentages. Perhaps they had low densities in antiquity in the lower regions
of the Dobrudja Plain compared to some higher areas, or the banks of the Danube
(Murighiol Capidava). As regards the faunal composition, interspecific
relationships, wild boar and red deer (forested area species) also occur in all cases,
regardless of sample size. Boar rate is variable, with a peak in Murighiol -11.5%;
that is not surprisingly given the proximity of the Danube Delta. Lower values are
found in Dinogeţia (6%), Capidava, and Slava Rusă (3%). Red deer has a rate of 6-
8% in Capidava, Murighiol, and Slava Rusă and below 3% in other sites. The bear
(another typical element of the forest) is revealed only in Slava Rusă (0.08%).
Perhaps somewhat higher wooded areas or those in the vicinity of the Danube were
suitable for it. The mammals adapted to an open area as roe deer, hare, aurochs are
present in almost all samples, especially in the central Dobrudja, in a drier

13
Haimovici 2007a, p. 541, 550.
14
Stanc 2005, p. 56.
15
Haimovici 2001, p. 153-174.
16
Stanc 2005, p. 59.
17
Haimovici, Cărpuş, Cărpuş 2006, p. 359.
18
Haimovici 1991, p. 356.
19
Haimovici 2007b, p. 561.
20
Stanc 2005, p. 63.
21
Haimovici 2007a, p. 551.

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environment. Except for roe deer and hare, common elements in Dobrudja, boar
seems to have a low density in the mid-first millennium, in this province. Whether,
aquatic carnivores (otters) or terrestrial (wolf, fox, marten and badger) appear in
almost all cases, obviously in the richest samples (e.g. Murighiol). Their hunting
was occasionally practiced. Beaver occupies a special place, being documented
only in Murighiol and Dinogetia, certainly the species was relatively dense in the
Northern Province, along the Danube branches. Ammianus Marceline’s notes on
the presence of dolphins in the waters of Pontus Euxinus „for in the Pontus nothing
of that kind has ever been seen, except small and harmless dolphins”22, species was
documented in terms of osteological material at Histria23 and Slava Rusă24. In
terms of domestic mammals (table 2, fig. 9), the following data were reported.
Regardless of site location cattle bones prevail in almost all samples, their rate
fluctuating around 40-55%. Jurilovca 25 with a very high percentage of 71.04% and
Murighiol, with only 24-26% represent extremes. In terms of exploitation of small
species, there are two groupings of sites: a – with prevalence of domestic pigs, as
Murighiol (24.85%) and Dinogeţia (22.65%). One explanation would be the
location of them in the vicinity of the Danube; the pig growth will be relatively
easy and convenient. Capidava, although falling into this category of sites with
environmental conditions conducive to the development of pigs, shows a rate of
only 9.94%. The other samples give values ranging between 11-17%. The
differences occur even for the same settlement, as is the case of two samples from
Adamclisi. The first gives a value of 11.04% and 17.78% the second. It is an
example of percentage fluctuations as a result of scarce samples; b – with
predominance of ovicaprids: as Slava Rusă, Capidava, Histria, Adamclisi 1,
Jurilovca and Ovidiu. It seems that the climate and environment in Dobrudja have
strongly influenced the character of animal husbandry, promoting sheep and goats
during Late Roman epoch. So, in sites with increased values of the pigs (those of
the Danube), ovicaprinele has over 15% as well. With an indisputable role in the
life of communities the horse is documented with faunal remnants in all samples,
regardless of their size. This involves percentages varying between a maximum of
43.46% at Ovidiu and a minimum of 2.83% at Dinogetia. The donkey, somewhat
common element of those times has few wastes in Dobrudja sites, less than 2%,
being absent from Jurilovca and Ovidiu.
In the slaughter of cattle, the mature and adult specimens prevail in almost all
settlements: a share of 84.2% (on post Cephalic skeleton) and 57.15% (on teeth) is
registered in Slava Rusă, and “at Adamclisi were estimated at least seven
individuals, over 20 months ... but still two over the age of 36 months and three do
not reached...”26. A rate of 100% of specimens culled between 4-6 years, according

22
Ammianus, XXII, 8, 46, p. 241.
23
Haimovici 2007a, p. 542.
24
Stanc, Bejenaru 2008, 275.
25
Limited number of bones- 49, certainly does not provide a basis for discussion.
26
Stanc 2005, p. 187.

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to dental remainders was also found in Adamclisi27. An animal slaughtered under
2.5 years and about three, just over the limit were identified based on skeletal
postcefalic, at Jurilovca. Perhaps they were concerned individuals with reduced
economic performance (to reform stock)28. On cattle in Capidava general
assessments were made, killing between 6 months and 8-10 years, focusing on
adults group are mentioned; thus, beef exploitation is secondary, only after
reducing economic efficiency. Dairy and traction were especially targeted,
according to the authors of the study29. About a third of the specimens are
immature, there are no specimens in one year according to material from
Dinogetia30. Specimens of 3-4 years were identified in material from Ovidiu, too 31.
Histria sample allowed estimating of 19 cattle, slaughtered "at very different ages,
ranging from calves and finishing with very old individuals, but most are
represented by adults and especially by matures, not very old"32. Specifically, the
data in Table 11 indicates a 36.83% percentage of animals slaughtered up to two
years, 21.05% between 2-3 years, 3-5 years 15.78%, 10.52% between 5-7 years
5.26% between 7-10 years and 10.52% over that limit. So, half of the animals were
used to obtain meat (especially males) but there are cuts at very advanced ages. „It
is obvious that the killing was done in a fairly balanced, aimed at young males and
even as adults, females and gelds after they were no longer good for other types of
exploitation. The small number of older animals indicates that the Histrian people
culled the cattle at the ages when they were still in their full power; maybe this
shows that their economy was booming somewhat, and could thus afford to
sacrifice adult and mature individuals”33. Overall, the mentioned data correlated
with those from Murighiol confirm (if needed) their importance as beef and by-
products. Depending on sample size, the kill-off patterns reported by authors,
points out one or other of components. To establish a common scheme, generally
valid for sites listed is a superfluous thing. Unfortunately the samples in question
"surprised" only disparate sequences of these economic "schemes". Probably, the
needs arising in a certain period of time will be adapted the economic strategies to
immediate or long-run requirements of the communities.
About pig management the statistics little vary from site to site; most of the
killings are performed up to two years. Something larger percentage of breeding
specimens, cut in 3-4 years, even seven years there have been only in numerous
samples. Specifically, the slaughter of pigs up to 2 years at the rate of 83.34% and
16.67% between 2-3 years are mentioned in Slava Rusă. A 54.54% share until only
two years and 36.36% between 2-3 years is highlighted in Histria. Surprisingly,
specimens over 7 years (9.09%) were also identified. About two thirds of the

27
Stanc 2005, p. 188.
28
Blaise 2009, p. 133.
29
Haimovici, Cărpuş, Cărpuş 2006, p. 356.
30
Haimovici 1991, p. 357.
31
Haimovici 2007b, p. 560.
32
Haimovici 2007a, p. 543.
33
Ibidem.

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individuals below two years, exactly between 1-1.5 years were found in Murighiol.
About 7% was killed over 4 years. Over half of the specimens were killed up to a
year, just less than six months at Dinogetia. The samples from Jurilovca and
Adamclisi did not provide reliable information on this subject. At Capidava the
slaughter took place constantly under two years.
As for small ruminants34, the data provided incomplete information,
inconclusive as follows: a moderate proportion of animals to obtain meat at Slava
Rusă: specifically 28.57% between 0-2 years, a maximum rate between 3-4 years
(35.71%)35, there are probably rams, barren females, or with low milk production;
the slaughter percentage is 28.57% between 4-5 years, decreasing by 7.14% over 5
years. Wool and dairy production are important components in their management.
According to materials from Jurilovca and Adamclisi, two individuals on each case
culled over 18-24 months, and two below this limit are assessed36. "There is a
young specimen, several adults and mature and one senile exemplar, in Histria"37.
Interpretation of data in table 11 38 however, highlights a high percentage - 63.63%
specimens culled up to three years, suggesting rather exploitation of meat, the milk
and wool exploitation going in the background. It supposed a rate of 36.37 between
3-7 years. The same pattern applies at Capidava „were killed even young
individuals but mostly adults and mature until five years. So ovicaprids were
mainly kept for by-products (milk, wool) and then killed, the meat amount is still
reduced compared to cattle”39. The sheep sample comes from three specimens
culled before 12-18 months and another about 4-5 years in the fortress at Ovidiu. In
the goats, two females are mature, an individual is young and a fourth copy
(unassigned sex) is sub-adult. Probably, the goats were supplying milk to a greater
extent than sheep (mainly for mutton). There is no information about ovicaprids’
age profiles in Dinogetia. As mentioned above a "scheme" focused on reduced
wool and dairy product exploitation offered the Murighiol sample. Exploitation of
this taxon was also focused on meat and milk production and lesser the wool. A
special picture is offered by Slava Rusă sample. According to it are exploited,
especially animals which exceeded two years (71%). For other sites, there are few
data to enter into a graphic summary. But overall, it seems that the slaughter of a
large proportion of small ruminants40 for meat in most settlements in Dobroudja
should not surprise. Environmental conditions will be favoured relatively numerous
flocks, as evidenced by high percentages everywhere. In the sheep/ goats ratio
there are insufficient data, for example there is a report of 3/ 1 (as NMI) in

34
We took into account data from the study of teeth, in their absence I brought for
discussion, data from postcefalic skeleton.
35
Stanc 2005, p. 192.
36
Stanc 2005, p. 62, 192.
37
Haimovici 2007a, p. 543.
38
Ibidem.
39
Haimovici, Cărpuş, Cărpuş 2006, p. 357.
40
The literature does not mention separate data for the two species.

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Murighiol, 3/ 2 in Capidava, 4/ 3 in Ovidiu and “sheep are more numerous than
goats” at Dinogeţia.
Regarding horse, we mention the largest share of animals 2.5 - 5 years old in
Murighiol, which would suggest the consumption of horse meat occasionally.
There is evidence for the horse meat consumption as well in Slava Rusă. Also “the
Histrian people current eating horse meat, probably the church not yet intervened,
to consider an impure animal and anathematize its consumption. We found that the
killing started from sexual maturity stage, but it is possible that individuals already
very mature not to have been employed for meat41. Estimation of three sub-adult
specimens in the lot from Ovidiu raises questions about its using in food. In
contrast to Capidava is not certified, the consumption of horse meat 42. Related to
the consumption of horse meat, some authors suggest that traces of cutting or
breaking of the bones could suggest, either the meat use for dog feeding, or for
their easy storage in various places, or result of their processing. However, these
interpretations do not explain the existence of sub-adult specimens, an increased
proportion of 52% occurring in Murighiol. Using horses43 in Dobrudja settlements
is complex, aiming riding, transport burden, agricultural work; As for waist (fig.
10) there is a variety of horses in the late Roman settlements in Scythia Minor:
small exemplars (around 130 cm tall) with thick legs and higher, of 143 cm at the
withers44, with semi-thin extremities, close to those of the Roman cavalry. It
appears that most individuals belong to eastern group of horses in Europe45. The
ass was quite frequently used by the Roman-Byzantine armies in Dobroudja. Its
remnants were identified in all sites mentioned in the text, except to Jurilovca and
Ovidiu. Archaeozoological literature attests the use of donkey by Persians against
the Scythians, about at the early first millennium BC, then adopted by the Greeks
and widespread in the Black Sea colonies46, so in cities on the shores of the Black
Sea. Values of 104 cm (Russian Slava), 111.4 cm (Histria), 118 cm (Murighiol)
seem to characterize the size of asses, and a value of 130 cm (Murighiol)
associated with an shaft index of 11.24 could suggest either something higher
donkey or a mule. As the mule, it is mentioned by Homer as increased by the
Greeks, suggesting that the animal was present in SE Europe, the Greek colonies,
from the seventh century BC. It was tall, with a waist like a horse47.
Finally we mention data relating to other groups of animals, as birds/fowls,
reptiles, fish and shellfish. In terms of poultry or birds exploitation, of course, they
had much higher percentages in the diet, only illustrates the samples. The bone
fragility, their small size (especially of juveniles) and their consumption by

41
Haimovici 2007a, p. 548.
42
Haimovici, Cărpuş, Cărpuş 2006, p. 357.
43
On the characteristics of horses, from Halmyris, we return to a future work.
44
Size estimate was performed with correlated factors, cf. May 1985, apud Johnstone,
2004, p. 156.
45
Haimovici 2007a, p. 545.
46
Bökönyi, apud Johnstone 2004, p. 72.
47
Ibidem.

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humans, pig and dog impede their reaching the archaeological deposits, their
preservation and collection. From this point of view, it is hard to establish their real
weight in the current diet. Statistics show that poultry bones do not exceed 4%;
they are missing in the samples from Histria, Ovidiu, Adamclisi and Jurilovca. In
the exploitation of some species of waterfowl, it seems that such practices existed
in the Danube settlements. There are a number of debris that would come from
such taxa to Murighiol and Capidava. Although all settlements were located near
water fish bones were absent in samples from Histria, Ovidiu and Jurilovca. In
other cases the percentages vary, partly reflecting the share of fisheries in those
communities. A significant percentage is registered to Capidava - 8% and 25% in
Dinogetia. We could say that fish bones from Murighiol would be at least 25-30%
of what was collected from archaeological deposits. The fish remains from the
"Curtin G" sector represent 78.97% of Slava Rusă sample, those in the group "Baza
3" (the one used in our statistics) totalling 17%. "Thirteen species belonging to the
families: Acipenseridae, Esocidae, Cyprinidae, Siluridae, Percidae were identified
in the settlement of Slava Rusă. The best represented is the family Ciprinidae
compared to other families"48. These are freshwater species from the Danube or in
rivers and lakes nearby. Remains of marine fish were not identified, even in
Histria. Reduced sample is the explanation provided by the author49. Since
archaeological evidence support the idea of adoption of new procedures and
techniques for land processing (crop rotation, natural fertilization, a new type of
plug) in Dobroudja territory50, in breeding, improved exemplars will be introduced,
along with new methods of managing domestic stocks as well. Archaeozoological
analysis largely reflects the "results" of these new techniques, mainly reflected by
the increase of body parameters, especially for cattle and horses and a racial
diversity in case of dog. There is no place for a breakdown of morphological types;
it will be done in another context.

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Stanc, Bejenaru 2008, p. 274-275.
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Haimovici 2007a, p. 542.
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 Danube delta documents stable Black Sea level since the middle
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romaine du nord de la Dobroudja (IIe-IIIe s. ap. J-C) dans un lot de
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Histria, Pontica, 40, p. 541-559.
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 1989. Proceedings of the XVth International Congress of Roman
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Fig. 1 Map of sites.

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Fig. 2. Cattle phalanges.

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Fig. 3. Horse metapodii.

Fig. 4. Domestic/ wild ratio.

Fig. 5. Species distribution according contexts.

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Fig. 6. Kill-off patterns in cattle at Murighiol and Histria.

Fig. 7. Pig kill-off patterns at Murighiol and Slava Rusă.

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Fig. 8. Small ruminants kill-off patterns.

Fig. 9. Taxa frequencies in Dobroudja.

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Fig.10. Scatter plot of withers heights vs. shaft index according metacarpal in
equids: • -Murighiol; ■ - Histria; ▲ - Teliţa Amza; + - Capidava.

Fig.11. Scatter plot of withers heights vs. shaft index according metatarsal in
equids: • -Murighiol; □ – Capidava; + - Dinogeţia; o – Slava Rusă.

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CRISTIAN MATEI*

WARNINGS, ALERTS AND SIGNAL-SAFETY

SOUNDS AND LIGHTS USED BY THE ROMAN
ARMY OF THE DANUBE

Abstract: Din cele mai vechi timpuri Dunărea a fost considerată ca fiind o graniţă naturală
pe care şi-au asumat-o ca atare, începând de la Alexandru cel Mare, trei imperii: Roman,
Bizantin şi Otoman. Începând cu domnia lui Augustus, Dunărea a căpătat o importanţă
deosebită pentru Imperiul Roman, forţele militare ale acestuia luând în stăpânire ţărmul de
sud al fluviului, inclusiv Dobrogea, şi trecând Dunărea sub controlul absolut al flotei, de la
izvoare până la vărsarea în mare. Prezenţa romanilor la Dunăre s-a concretizat prin punerea
la punct a unui sistem eficient de alertă timpurie şi control bazat pe o rapidă comunicare
între unităţile staţionate în fortificaţiile construite de-a lungul fluviului. Sistemul de alertă şi
comunicaţii roman a beneficiat de toate resursele de gândire şi experienţă militară
acumulate de societăţile antice, în special de cea greacă şi de cea latină, la care s-au adăugat
invenţii, idei şi moduri de acţiune preluate din lumea orientală. Conştienţi de faptul că o
rapidă şi eficientă circulaţie a informaţiei este crucială pentru câştigarea oricărei confruntări
militare, romanii au introdus în propria armată un înalt grad de gestionare a informaţiei şi
de profesionalism în transmiterea ei aproape în timp real. Adoptarea codului lui Polybios,
aşa numitul «cod patrulater», bazat pe o grilă de formă pătrată, alfa-numerică, cu al cărei
ajutor puteau fi transmise codat informaţii prin folosirea sunetelor, steguleţelor, semnalelor
cu fum, torţelor, oglinzilor sau lanternelor, a dat armatei romane un avantaj deosebit asupra
oricăror inamici potenţiali. Sistemul de alertă timpurie era funcţional, similar şi standardizat
în toată armata romană, ceea ce face ca sursele de informare de care dispunem - fie că
acestea sunt literare, artistice sau informaţii de ordin arheologic - să se coreleze şi să se
coroboreze în mod fericit pentru a recrea sistemul de comunicare şi avertizare roman pe
timp de pace şi pe timp de război. Mijloacele utilizate de armata romană au fost per-
fecţionate prin eficientizare, fiind totodată menţinute la nivelul de simplitate operaţională
care putea oferi aproape oricărui soldat, cât de cât instruit, posibilitatea să le folosească în
parametrii ceruţi de nevoile armatei şi ale civililor. Misiunile flotei, ca şi misiunile armatei
terstre, înglobau sarcini de comunicare ce aveau scopul de a preîntâmpina, întârzia şi stăvili
orice atac, de a salva, în ultimă instanţă, vieţi ale militarilor şi civililor precum şi cât mai
multe bunuri materiale. Textele antice prezintă informaţii disparate despre sistemul de
comunicare, avertizare şi alertă timpurie utilizat de armata romană, fie datorită unei treceri
cu vederea a acestor aspecte pe care anticii care le trimit în subsidiarul naraţiunii pentru a se
concentra asupra problemelor politice, fie având conştinţa, ca Vegetius, că trebuie să le
treacă sub tăcere pentru a nu dezvălui secrete inamicilor. Monumentele artistice ale
antichităţii au şi ele mari lacune în redarea unor amănunte ale existenţei cotidiene, a căror
importanţă le scapă, sau pe care nu le pot reda datorită constrângerilor artistice de spaţiu.
Cu toate acestea, încercarea de a reface un puzzle din teserae disparate, cum sunt

*
Ministerul de externe, Romania, [email protected].

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informaţiile despre semnalele de alertă şi siguranţă, avertizările acustice şi vizuale utilizate
de armata romană de la Dunăre, este nu numai posibilă, dar şi necesară.
Keywords: warnings, alerts, army, roman.

The potential of the Danube as a natural border - where the navy played a
decisive role and had demonstrated a huge potential on hostile and alien soil - was
emphasized by Alexander the Great during his Thracian campaign of 3351.
The attack of the Macedonians across the Danube had the constitutive
elements of speed and surprise. In this respect is obvious that the Getes of the north
bank were not advertised of the Macedonians’ intentions, nor of their capacity to
cross the river with their pedestrians and part of cavalry mounted on boats2.
According to the same text Alexander was supported by some ships which arrived
in theatre via Black Sea. He also found on the shores of the Danube enough boats
to transport over the river a part of his army and to realize the element of surprise.
The rapid crossing of the river allowed him to advance unharmed in the north bank
territory and to march against the Getes who opposed him an army of about 10.000
pedestrians and 4000 cavalry men.
The ancient literary sources are giving some details about the time of the day
when the river was crossed by the Macedonian army. The crossing of the Danube
took place in the summer time, when the boats were used at large by the indigenous
population for fishing and commercial activities. The numerous boats left by the
Getes ashore indicates that the Macedonian military action started sometime during
the night or in the very early morning when was still dark, a fact confirmed by the
ancient sources. The entirely action was coordinated and successfully finalized,
presuming the existence of a well done embarking, cross and debarking of the
troops and - by consequence - the existance of a good system of communication
based perhaps on a silent light advertising signals.
The total absence of surveillance of the river and the absence of an alert
system deprived the Getes to prepare a better resistance at the crossing point and
allowed the Macedonians to march through the rich crops until they were
discovered by the enemies in the open field, not very far from their earthen wave
fortified settlement, perhaps today Zimnicea3.
From this episode we can take two conclusions:
1. the south and north banks of the Danube were not guarded by the Getes
during night time because the river was not perceived like a border;
2. the north bank Getes did not establish a system of early alert which presume
the establishment of advanced observation points and a system of communication
with light and sound signals.

1
Marianna Koromila & alii, The Greeks in the Black Sea from the Bronze Age to the Early
Twentieth Century, ed. Panorama, Athens, 1991, p. 99.
2
Arrian, Anabasis I, 4,1.
3
For this identification see A. D. Alexandrescu, Autur des fouilles de Zimnicea, in Thracia,
no. 3, 1974.

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 Alexander returned to the south bank after he vanquished the Getes, taking the
Danube till the north branch of the delta as a border of his conquest and claiming
all the territories of the south bank as part of his empire, including Scythia Minor
with the autonomous Greek colonies and emporia.
In fact, Alexander defined at that moment the natural border for three
consecutive empires: the Roman, the Byzantine and the Ottoman.
During the reign of Burebista, the Danube becomes an internal river of his
archè - empire. It is obvious that during Burebista’s reign the river was undisputed
controlled by the Geto-Dacian army. Better equipped, better organized and with an
alert system more elevated, different from that of Alexander’s time, having an
efficient apparatus of information formed by spies and informers, Burebista’s army
could manage all the strategic situations on the Danube. Even after the death of the
Dacian king, in 44 B.C., the Danube remained under an effective control of the
barbarians, who were “masters of the land and river”4. For exercising their
authority on the river at the end of the first century B.C, the barbarians had to be
not only in control of the Danube’s shores, but as well in control of the navigation
along the river and inside the delta where the Bastarns probably had the potential of
navigation enough developed to intercept the fishing boats and even the
commercial ships belonging to the Greeks of the Black Sea.
Till Augustus, the Romans did not take into consideration the Danube as a
border. Starting with the period of Augustus the Danube become one of the main
targets of the Roman Empire’s strategy and the main element, in fact the main
road, structuring the so called Danubian limes5. Pushing the border to the Danube,
the Romans pushed the system of defense to the new border of the Empire. They
built up on the south bank castrae, castelae and vigillarium6 and started the
effective control of the river with the direct support of the fleet.
Immediately after the great rebellion of Dalmatia and Pannonia against
Romans (6-9 A.D.) came to an end, the entirely Danube, from the origin to the
delta entered under control of the Romans. In 9 A.D. was established classis
Pannonica as patrol force with an area of competence between Castra Regina
(Regensburg) and Singidunum (Belgrad)7. The activity of classis Pannonica
completed the activity of the Danubian fleet established earlier8, which patroled the

4
As states the decree of Aristagoras, son of Apaturios - AEM, VI, 1882, P.36,
No.78=Syll.3, 708, r. 44-46 - emitted by the Greek colony of Histria.
5
The definition of Roman limes gave by Giovani Forni, in E de Ruggiero, Dizzionario
Epigrafico di antichita Romane, IV, fasc, 34, Roma, 1959, p.1086, is concise, clear and is
covering all aspects of this problem:”the limes is a road, or a network of roads, guarded by
the troops which are marching on it, assuring the link between different military units…”
6
Vigillarium or specula are the Latin denominations of the watching towers.
7
H.D.L.Viereck, Die Romische Flotte, Classis Romana, MBH, Herford, 1975, p.255.
8
Probably in 15 B.C., but is possible that the Danubian fleet was made in 29 B.C., after
Geto-Dacian kings Dapyx and Zyraxes were defeated. For this discussion see Cristian
Matei, Raportul dintre Classis Flavia Moesica si fortificatiile limesului, in Pontica, XXIV,
Constanta, 1991, p. 144 and ref. 4.

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Danube between Singidunum and delta as well as the West and North of the Black
Sea.
In the late first century A.D., the limes was reinforced in the territories of the
south bank and on the right side of the river, in Scythia Minor, with numerous
strongholds, towers and fortifications in order to ensure a viable defense for the
settlements under the Roman rule and to give the possibility to the Roman army to
initiate operations against the Dacians9.
In the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. the Danubian fleet was still representing
an important tactical asset of the landward defenses10. The ancient Vegetius
speaking about the missions of lusoriae navis on the Danube is using the
expression “reticendum puto11”, leaving the impression that he knew more about
the missions of the Danubian fleet but his silence was determined by reluctance to
discuss publicly details of the operations lest such information could reach an
enemy outside the frontier12.
From the very beginning this system of defense - articulated by the river as the
main road of the region - was associated with the patrol activity of the Roman fleet
on the Danube as well as with its capacity of military intervention against any force
which could challenge the Roman Empire in its possessions over the Danube
border. As we can learn from the ancient sources, the missions of the fleet were
reaching a large diversity and contributed to preserve the political and economical
development of the Danubian region.
The naval units were charged at peace and at war with several consistent
missions:
 patroling the river during the navigation time13 in order to observe any
suspect concentration of military forces made by potential enemies;
 spying out conflicts or an opportunity for enemies’ expeditions in the Roman
territories14;
 signaling to the Roman forces settled in the fortifications of the limes any
attempt of potential enemies to cross the Danube border;

9
For the main fortifications of the Danubian limes in Scythia Minor and their relations with
Classis Flavia Moesica see Cristian Matei, op. cit., pp.147-158.
10
As we can understand from the Vegetiu’s discussion about the Danubian fleet, book IV,
XLVI.
11
Ibidem.
12
P. D. Emanuele, Vegetius on the Roman army: Translation and commentary, Book Four,
31-46, Bachelor of Arts paper, British Columbia University, November, 1974, p. 109.
13
The navigation season on the Danube started in the early spring, March or the beginning
of April, and was ended according to the weather conditions sometime in the late fall, in
October. Cristian Matei, op.cit., p.145. See also the seasons of maritime navigation
mentioned by Vegetius, De Re Militari, book IV, XXVIIII. According to the specific
weather conditions the Romans used to sail even in the winter time. In this respect J.
Rouge, La navigation hivernale sous l’empire romaine, in Revue des Etudes Anciennes, no.
54 (1952), pp.316-325.
14
Codex Theodosianus, 7, 17.

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  making the first contact with the enemies who might attempt to cross the
Danube with any boats and/or floating crafts15;
 transporting military supplies and carrying troops in any troubled area16
along the Danube;
 transporting members of the officia, exploratores17, to the points of call;
 preventing the civilians in due time of an imminent attack in order to save
their lives and goods18;
 carrying military written and verbal orders and civilian correspondence;
 checking, controling and calling for custom the commercial ships on the
Danube19;
 transporting medical supplies and/or immunes20 when and where they were
needed;
 transporting officials of the Roman Empire or ensuring the escort for their
ships.
In the war time the Romans used to be more precautious than at peace in terms
of troops’ readiness for enemy engagement. The Danube - as main part of the
Dobroudgea limes - was the main obstacle facing the barbarians. In war time the
mission of the fleet was at high in order to create the first alignment of battle and
the first heavy armed obstacle to confront the invasion started from the territories
over the Danube.
The first and the most efficient measure adopted in such circumstances
consisted in the establishment of a no-sail zone for any other vessels, excepting
those under the Roman rule or command. The naval units were alerted on the
whole course of the river and were in service day and night.
The establishment of such a zone required a persistent surveillance of the
river, on each segment between the strongholds and fortresses of the limes,

15
For other methods of sailing in crossing a river, including rafts sustained by empty clay
recipients, or leather filled with air or other lights materials, see Arrian, Anabasis, I, 4,1;
Plinius, VII, 57, 15; Caesar, De Bello Gallicum, VI, 35; Vegetius, De Re Militari, book II;
Ashmolean Museum, catalogue, Oxford, pl. XXVI, n. 262.
16
Tacitus, Annales, 13,53; Trajan’s Column, scene II.
17
For the activity related with exploratio see N.J.E. Austin and N.B. Rankov, Exploratio.
Military and Political Intelligence in the Roman World from the Second Punic War to the
Battle of Adrianople, New York, Routledge, 1995.
18
Vegetius, book IV, XLVI: “I think I ought to say nothing about the lusoriae navis on the
Danube that protect the farmlands with daily patrol”.
19
At Capidava, where the port installation has been entirely excavated (see Cristian Matei,
in Cultură şi Civilizaţie la Dunărea de Jos (CCDJ), Călăraşi, 1988, no. 3-4, pp. 95-101 and
LXI-LXVIII; idem, CCDJ, no.9, Călăraşi, 1991, pp121-141; idem, Pontica XXIV, pp.150 -
152 ) for the 3rd century A.D. are atested a custom office (ISM V, no.10) and a statio of
beneficiarii consularis (Gr. Florescu & alii, Capidava I, 1958, pp.107-108., no 29).
20
Immunes were trained specialists (surgeons, engineers, architects, exploratores) and
legionary soldiers and they were exempt from camp labour and dangerous tasks. See D.A.
art. Immunes.

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enabling capabilities and an interception capability to visual identify violating
boats and/or any floating crafts which could be used by the enemy to cross the
Danube. Response to violation could escalate from verbal and visual warning to
use of force, depending upon the rules of engagement.
Once in force, a no-sail zone could endure for a lengthy period of time until
military means established a lasting settlement through the enemy’s crushing, or
until the imminent peril disappeared.
Another mission of the Roman army, including the fleet, was that of
protecting the civilians and – as possible - their goods. Usually, the civilians are
trying to move away from the dangerous battle fields, or to ask for sanctuary inside
the military fortresses and strongholds in their proximity. For that, they have to be
prevented in due time of the imminence of an attack in order to organize their
escape from the dangerous area or to have organized entrance and temporary
settlement inside the walls of the military fortifications. In both cases time is
playing a crucial role and their salvation depends of the fast circulation of
information.
In the fleets, as in any legions, does exist a number of exploratores21 and
beneficiarii with missions of intelligence. As the ancient sources are stating,
exploratores used to deliver information directly to officia (to the governor of the
province) but they were charged also with the mission to inform by any means the
military units about any potential attack or revolt22 in their area of activity. As
revealed by some literary sources, they used to sent visual signals and warnings
when the situation could not permit some other way of communication.
The Roman defense system on the Danube limes was articulated, consistent,
efficient and interrelated, including all military terestrial and naval units sharing
responsibilities for the protection of the south bank provinces. In this respect the
communication between the components of the system were essential and used all
means of alert and all visual and sound signals and warnings the classical Greek
and Roman antiquity invented to transmit information at distance:
1. sound warnings including: verbal warnings, whistles, horns and drums;
2. visual signals using: coloured flags, crafts reflecting natural and artificial
light, lamps, open fire and smoke;
The combined sound and visual warnings, as well as the signal-safety lights,
were transmitted from terrestrial military unit to terrestrial military unit, from naval
unit to naval unit, from naval units to shore’s fortifications and from shore’s
fortifications and settlements to naval units. After reception, the signals and
warnings were retransmitted to the unavertised military units and/or settlements
locations on the same shore, across the river or to the settlements and military units
inland.
Among the sources of information which are permitting to recreate - even
partially and hypothetically - an image of the temporary alert system and military

21
Above reference no. 17.
22
Ibidem.

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communication used by the Roman army on the Danube is Trajan’s Column which
can be correlated with ancient texts and information offered by the monuments of
classical and late antiquity.
Sound warnings and signals are part of the elementary system of Roman’s
army communication. For communicating at distance, or during the battle, the
Roman army used the military trumpets, cornu or bucina23, tuba24 and lituus25.
Buccinatores are represented also on the Trajan’s Column playing a preeminent
role in the artistic composition26.
When describing the maneuver of the ships the poetical texts are speaking
about pilot’s use of tuba (cornu), but this instrument was merely involved in sacred
ceremonies. On board the ships were used buccina navalis. According to the
ancient sources27, the military trumpets were present at large in the Roman army
which created two centuriates of tubicines (cornicines). At 203 in a legion were no
less than 39 tubicines28 serving the infantry (36) and cavalry (3). The trumpets
usually gave the order for the attack, retreat, change of sentinels, soldiers
executions, lunch time, religious ceremonies, but were also used to advertise of an
imminent danger or of the maneuver of the ships when sailing, when calling
another ship for custom, entering to the docks or charging the enemy. For each
kind of action the coded signal was different and well known by the trained
soldiers or by the people in the civilian settlements who were day by day in their
proximity29. The ancient music’s historians are mentioning that a collection of 43
signals are evident by 200 A.D.30. The ancient musicians, specialized in signals,
were an integral part of military organization and were called aenatores31.
Each large military unit had its own aenatores so it could communicate
signals and warnings in preventing and advertising the citizens habiting the closest
settlement of an imminent attack, or the soldiers in mission outside the
fortifications, or alerting some other military units which were not in the area of a
visual signal. The advantage of sound warnings and alerts was that of their
instantaneous possibility to produce effects. By the experiments made in our time,
the use of two or more trumpets together could produce enough noise to clearly
alert in dangerous situations the people in an area of 5 up to 10 kilometers in
23
D.A. art. Cornu and art. Bucina. Cornu had a deep loud sound and was blown to give the
signal for basic battle formation. Bucina told soldiers when lunch breaks were happening.
24
D.A. art. Tuba. The instrument looks like a trumpet and gave precise orders in the battle.
It was a signal instrument by excellence.
25
C. Daremberg, E. Saglio, E.Pottier, Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines
(D.A.), Paris, 1877-1919, art. Lituus.
26
See Plate VI.
27
Titus Liviu, I,43; III, 1. In fact, since the Republic, in the Roman army there were two
centuriates (160 musicians) of aenatores, using different trumpets.
28
CIL , VII, 2568-2569.
29
R. Meucci, Roman Military Instruments and the Lituus’, in GSJ, XIII (1989), pp.85-97.
30
Richard Riehn, Strike up the Band, in Campaign, Journaux-Collections.com, Paris, 1983,
no. 49, p.13.
31
Ammianus, 16,12,36.

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diameter - or more in the open field - or to transmit coded signals and information
at the same distance. Even nowadays the shepherds are communicating so from hill
to hill.
The whistles were used daily by the military comanders to signal actions in
the battle field or to change the speed level of an action. In the fleets, together with
the drumms, the whistles could give the rithm of oaring but were less used in
coordinating actions of different ships in the battle.
For increasing the efficiency of sound signals and warnings the Roman army
used at large the visual warnings, safety-signals and alert system they created along
the Danube.
Polybios invented by 150 B.C. an amazing code of communication with
torches, the so called Polybios square32, which stands at the base of cryptography,
stenography, Morse code, telegraphy and even the “knock code”, system of
communication used in today prisons. For the first time in history Polybios
suggested in writing the signals could be transmitted by holding up pairs of torches,
flashing lamps, waving flags, emitting intermittent sounds or smoke signals. As
any useful invention for strengthening the force of the army, the Polybios’ square
code was adopted by the Romans.
A similar code for flags communication, based on that of Polybios, has been
discovered imprinted on the Hadrian’s wall. This flags code was used both for
transmitting information and orders on land and to communicate from land to the
ships and vice versa. It might be possible that for different actions or type of
information were used different colors of flags but this fact is less important as far
as the code was based on number of waves made with the flag. The visual signals
of this type had the advantage that were silent and information could be intercepted
only by the possessor of the code, and only in his visual range.
In the sunny days were used mirrors which could reflect the light offering to
the signals the advantage to be seen at distance33. On the Danube the light signals
made with mirrors could be easily transmitted between fortifications and naval
units in patrol and retransmitted from ships in patrol to some other fortifications or
watching points of the shore. Assuming that the distance between fortifications is
about 20 km. or less, and that on the hills in the vicinity could be placed posts of
guardian-observers without having fortified constructions but only small shelters
for the night, the signals could circulate very fast from a point of emission to a
point of reception and could be then after retransmitted farther with maximum
benefits in terms of troop’s readiness and preparation for an imminent attack or
danger.

32
Polybios, Hist., X, 45.6.
33
Recent experiments shown that a mirror flash may be seen 48 km. with naked eye. The
first record of this kind of signalling was in 404 B.C. when the Greeks signalled with
polished shields. The most notorious example of using mirrors for signalling is that of
Alexandria light house. According to Abou Haggag Al-Andaloussi, an Arab traveller of
1166 (cited by L. Sprague de Camp, Great Cities of the Ancient World, New York, Dorset
Press, 1972), he saw the mirror of the Alexandria light-house which was still in function.

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 According to Vegetius, at least in the late Roman time the ships were using
dark colours for the wooden body, for sails - painted in blue - and even for the
uniforms of the mariners, “so that not only at night, but even in the day time, they
more easily remain unseen…”34. If in the daylight the ships could be seen by a
medium distance, in the dark nights the camouflage of the dark colors painted ships
could ensure their anonymity and discreet movement in any action.
For the daytime navigation were used flags for emitting visual signals in the
mentioned code. By night, situation was different. It is well known that ancient
ships, made of wood and smeared with wax, pitch and resin, were highly
vulnerable to open fires. That is way the using of torches aboard was not
encouraged, excepting the situations of battle when open fires, including torches,
were used in order to attack other ships or floating crafts. The torches were used
only to give signals in night time following the rules established for flags’ signals
in day time35.
The literary sourcess and artistic monuments of the antiquity are mentioning
and depicting another kind of light used by the ships by night, lanterna or laterna.
Roman lanterna – which had the specific quality to protect the fire against the wind
- played multiple roles, from portable lights to be used by night for walking in the
streets36, sources of light for different rich houses and public places, to position
lights in navigation and instruments for signaling actions or information in a
commonly agreed code.
As described from the visual art of the antiquity, as well as from the
discoveries of such artifacts in ancient sites37, a Roman lanterna could be pretty
large and visible from the distance. The lanternae which appears on the ancient
monuments, including Trajan’s Column38, associated with battle ships seems to
have the same system of construction as the lanternae discovered in Herculaneum
and Pompeii. In fact, the lanternae were made in the same manner and with the
same materials as the lamps generaly used by all ships in the Middle Age, and even
in the modern time. Lantern of Pompeii ( see fig. 1,1) was made of two circles of

34
Vegetius, De Re Militari, book IV, XXXVII. This is the unique description of
camouflaging used for the ships which exists in the ancient literature.
35
On a 2nd to 3rd century relief of a sarcophagus coming from Ostia, appears a torch at the
back side of a ship, but that may be only an artistic license for the position light. See L
Basch, Le musée imaginaire de la marine antique, Institute Hellenique pour la préservation
de la tradition nautique, Athénes 1987, p.479, fig. 1082.
36
Ancient representations of Eros on different monuments are depicting the god of
mysterious love walking with a lanterna. The ancient texts are also abundant in information
about use of lanterna carried by slaves or domestic servants to enlighten the road for their
masters.
37
Among the first lanternae discovered there are two artifacts made of bronze which were
found in Herculaneum and Pompeii. See D.A., art. Lanterna ou Laterna. One of them here
in Plate I, no.1 (drawing after D.A.).
38
Conrad Cichorius, Die Reliefs der Traianssäule, Berlin-Leipzig 1896-1900, LXXIX-
LXXX. See here plate II. Another ships’ lanternae in Plate I, no. 4 (this representation is a
spheric one) and no.5.

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bronze (the bottom one as a full base), a coverlid and two vertical metal
reinforcements. On many monuments of ancient art it appears with a square form39.
The lid was supported with chains of bronze hanged from a T form piece of bronze
and tight with vertical reinforcement metal pieces. We can not exclude the
possibility that many chains of bronze attributed by the archaeologist to chandeliers
to be at origin parts of lanternae. The bottom has a support for the candle or a
support for the bronze or clay recipient designated to burn the fuel. The coverlid of
the lantern was hemispheric and it permitted the smoke resulted from the
combustion of the candle or fuel to be released in the air. The fuel was of vegetal or
animal origin and was placed in a special recipient made of bronze or clay. Were
also used large candles placed in recipients with bronze frame. The walls of
lanterna were made first of thin horn and were replaced in time with glass ensuring
the protection against the wind and a higher luminosity40.
Ancient written sources are speaking about lanterna used by the pretoria
navis to signal their position by night and to keep the fleets together41. From the
same text we found out that the pretoria navis was at the head of the naval
formation leading the other battle ships. Dio Cassius was not a practicing sailor and
maybe he noted only that the flagship was signaling its position with the lanterna
hanged on the aplustre42, placed at pupis, to be followed by the other naval units.
The ancient text is not speaking about the color of the flagships’ lanternae or about
the lights carried by other ships, but there is the possibility that all battle ships were
carrying lanternae to be identified in the dark and that the flagship had a distinct
color for its own lanterna in order to be individualized inside the battleships
formation. As stated above, lanterna is appearing on sculptural monuments of the
classical antiquity associated with battle ships and is giving a clear ideea that it was
associated with the military communication system by night43.
There are not many representations of ancient ships carrying a lanterna, but
this fact is not reducing the importance of this accessory for ancient navigation. As
we learned from Trajan’s Column’s case44 analysis made in the last decades of the
twentieth century on this artifact revealed that a lot of elements (weapons, pieces of
uniform and costume, etc.) belonging to the composition were not sculpted in stone
39
See plate I, no. 2 and no. 3.
40
D.A. art. Lanterna.
41
Dio Cassius, XLIX, 17.
42
The aplustre (Lat.), aphlaston (Gr.), is usually described as being an ornament fixed at
the back side of the ship. The aplustre wasn’t only an ornament which could create an
artistic equilibrium with the akrostolion - the ornament over the prow - but as we can judge
from the representations of ancient ships on ancient monuments, it had also a precise
function permitting the lanterna to be fixed on its arms (three or five, reinforced with metal
bands between them). For the limited role of aplustre see J. Schefferi Argentoratensis, De
Militia navali veterum, Upsala, 1654, p.156 and 157: “Aplustre tabulatum ad decorandum
superficiem navis ad positum, alii dicunt rostra navis ornamentum pupis.”
43
See here Plate I, no. 4 and 5; Plate II.
44
Trajan’s Column was investigated in the ninth decade of the twentieth century with X
rays revealing the information that the monument was entirely painted.

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but painted. The ancient monuments are suffering both conventions and distortions
due to the limited space in which the ancient ships were figurate45 and due to that,
many crafts used in navigation were not properly or at all represented. Even in
these conditions the appearance of the lanternae on certain ancient monuments
depicting ships, including Trajan’s Column, is a strong argument to determine the
assumption that this object was an important one on ancient ships’ board and was
helping for a more sure navigation and for transmitting signals from ship to ship
and from ships to land.
Lanterna was superior to a torch because it could be used in the windy
conditions and could be covered with intermittence with a screen or a piece of cloth
to form the words and signals of the code in which the information were circulated.
The power of light could also be increased with the help of a miror placed beside
the lanterna.
The legendary light house of Alexandria is famous and well known as one of
the wonders of the ancient world being in its time the tallest and the largest
construction of this type. Light houses were used at large in all Roman world and
we can rightly presume that every sea-port had a light house which was signaling
the position of the harbor entrance by night. For the river and lakes ports the
general rules were followed. Light houses across the time have more functions than
signaling the position of a harbor. They are signaling the distance to the shore or
the possibility to accommodate a new ship at the docks, and can transmit messages
in a known code of intermittent light to the ships sailing at sea or sailing on the
rivers and lakes. Its guardians also can observe with preeminence enemy ships and
alert terrestrial or naval units of the army when an external invader was targeting
the shore. We may presume that the screens used for a relatively small lanterna
could be used as well for obstructing with intermittence the lights of the big fires
made in the towers improvised as light houses, in order to transmit signals to the
ships. Till now, traces of such light houses on the rivers sailed by the Romans were
not found, but there are good evidences that they exists in some other forms than
constructions dedicated to that purpose.
The best proof of using the light and smoke signals by the Roman army of the
Danube remains the Trajan’s Column.
From the beginning of the Column’s story, the first and the second scene of
the monument are revealing, schematic and contracted, the entirely system of
watch and warning used by the Roman army of the Danube. According to
Cichorius46 and some other authors47, the fortifications and watching towers

45
Lucien Basch, op. cit, p.37.
46
Above, note no. 25.
47
Frank Lepper and Sheppard Frere, Trajan’s Column. A new edition of the Cichorius
plates, Alan Sutton Publishing Limited, 1988, p. 48.

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depicted in these scenes are situated on the south bank of the Danube, in Roman
possessions48.
The system of watching towers has been established under Domitian along the
Gask ridge in Scotland and in Upper Germany49 and perhaps during the war against
the Dacians on the south bank of the Danube50. As we can see from the Column’s
scenes I and II51, these constructions appears to be made of stone or most probably
of clay bricks - a rough material which is not resistant in time and more, not
resistant to the river’s erosion, but which could serve for the purpose of erecting
light constructions fortified with wooden palisades in a friendly territory. In time,
many fortifications of the limes which started likewise were replaced with solid
constructions made of stone52. That it might be the explanation of the lack of
archaeological evidences concerning the first fortifications of the Danubian limes
represented on Trajan’s Column.
In the scenes mentioned above appear seven fortifications followed by a larger
settlement. The first two and the last two fortifications represented in these scenes
have the aspect of stockade block houses, playing the role of army supply deposits,
fact proved also by the presence at their docks of three ships of linter or carabus
type53 loaded with barrels and ballots to be unloaded here. The first two deposits
appears to lay in an area without military activity, in the up-stream of the Danube.
We have to observe that the activity of the fleet occurs only in the last two deposits
which were closer to the designated invasion crossing point of the river.
Aelius Spartianus is mentioning the fact that “during this period (Hadrian’s
time), and frequently at other times, in a great many places where the barbarians
are separated off not by the rivers but by frontier-barriers, he (Hadrian) set them
apart by great stakes driven deep into the ground and fastened together in a
manner of a palisade”54. The ancient author is mentioning here two specific

48
This is a realistic approach assuming that the war started in the moment when the Roman
army is crossing the river from this bank to the north bank inhabited and protected by the
Dacian army.
49
For Gask Ridge see: David J. Breeze, The Northen Frontier of Roman Britain, London,
1993, chapter 3; S. Frere, Britannia, London, 3rd ed., 1987, p. 215.
50
F.Leper and S.Frere, op.cit. p. 48, are considering that these scenes “are merely
imaginative and are aiming to convey the concept of “frontier”. Their supposition is based
on the fact that till they wrote the book there were not archaeological evidences of this
system along the Danube, the evidences being related with stone constructions of a later
period of time.
51
Here below the plates III, IV and V.
52
To mention a single case we know very well, we would like to remind that at Capidava,
established during Trajan, the lower level of initial Roman fortification – which was mainly
made of wood and clay - wasn’t evidenced yet. More, in Dacia Hadrian authorised a
bieffing-up of defenses along the line of the Olt, in order to contain the Roxolani on the
opposite bank. Later the initial timber forts of the Olt were replaced in stone.
53
Cristian Matei, Flota romană în războaiele dacice, in Peuce X, Tulcea, 1991, vol. I,
p. 91.
54
Vita Hadriani, XII, IV.

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systems of defence: one which was based on the rivers as frontiers, with elements
of fortifications near the river placed at a certain distance one from the other, and
the land frontier which generated the long walss of defense. From this point of
view we may say that the Column is respecting the real situation in the field
supporting in images the ancient text.
The other three constructions are watching and signaling towers, vigillarium,
encircled by tight wooden palisades and guarded by the soldiers in arms. These are
taller than the deposits and have at least two floors and a gallery-passage at the last
floor which permitted soldiers to step around and to observe the whole
environment and in special the Danube river and its north bank. On any gallery-
passage of the towers there are long torches in flames signaling the position of
watching towers and serving for signals by night. Each torch is placed on the river
side of the tower signaling - as a light house - its position to the Danubian fleet
which patroled the river and participated in transporting supplies and weapons near
the starting point of the invasion. With the help of torches soldiers could also alert
the inland units in case of a surprise attack which could come from the north bank.
Near the first tower are another two important elements which are part of
Roman’s army alert signaling and advertising system: a tall and well done log pile
ready to ignite by night and two straw-piles which were ussualy used to transmit
smoke signals by day55. Smoke signals were used at large in this time to transmit
news, to signal danger, or gather troops for a certain area.
Between Column’s watching towers and the archaeological discoveries made
in Roman Britain are many similitude. The watching towers excavated at
Westerton56 or Roper Castle57, are confirming the Column’s images. In Westerton,
for example, G.Friell and W.S. Hanson discovered in 1980 a circular enclosure of
14 meters in diameter. At the center of the enclosure there were traces of a
rectangular timber tower of 3.5 x 2.5 meters. Almost the same situation was
revealed at Roper Castle were the enclosure has the same circular or ovoid form
containing inside the traces of a timber tower. From field evidences we can have
the conclusion that the watching towers were not erected as solid constructions in
stone. These were not fortifications to stand against an attack but just cheap and
replaceable constructions with a limited functions: to facilitate the surveillance of
the border, to permit the early alert of the troops in the main fortifications of the
limes and to gather the troops where they were needed.

55
Vegetius, book III, V, is speaking about the smoke-alert signals made with straw-piles.
For a brief history of smoke signals used in Roman world see Michael Woods and Mary
Wodds, Ancient Communication Technology. From Hieroglyphics to Scrolls, Lerper
Publishing Group, 2011, p.68 and ff.
56
W.S. Hanson, J.G.P. Friel, Westerton A Roman Watch Tower on the Gask Frontier, in
Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries in Scotland, no.125, 1995, pp.499-519; Britania
XII, (1981), p.319; J.K.St. Joseph, Air Reconnaissance of North Britain, in Journal of
Roman Studies, XLI (1951).
57
R. Farrar, Roman Military North Project, RCHME, 1971-1985, published by English
Heritage 2010 (access at http://www.pastscope.org.uk).

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 In the first scenes of the Trajan’s Column the artists did not represent anything
else but fortifications and soldiers. This is giving a strict military zone aspect to the
Danube’s shore in the proximity of the invasion’s starting point. So these elements
are revealing not only the means used by the Roman army to communicate at
distance but also the military units’ level of alert in the period preceding the armed
conflict with the Dacians. In fact, the preparations for the invasion were seen as a
status of war even this was not declared yet and the three towers are marking the
area of a maximum military activity signaling that the control on this segment of
the river and the Roman no sail zone was in force.
After the conquest of Dacia the line of the Danube has been reinforced
permanently. The 4th century A.D. started with a new program of constructions, in
special in Scythia Minor. The old fortifications of timber and clay were replaced by
solid fortifications in stone in order to ensure a better system of alert and first
defense.
As we could see above, the ancient authors of the 4th and 5th century are
speaking about the same system of early alert played by the fortified area of the
Danube since it was formed and about an improved mission of the Roman fleet on
the river and the Black Sea.
As far as the Empire could afford to maintain in function the army’s basic
education and discipline, the cohesion of the troops, the trust of the civilians - who
were backing soldiers with their daily activity - in the temporary alert system and
the soldiers’ know-how to manage it, the Danubian limes played its role designated
from the very beginning: to be the first contact battle line with potential invaders
and to protect the lives and goods of the civilians inhabiting the Roman provinces.

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PLATE I

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PLATE II

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PLATE III

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PLATE IV
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PLATE V

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PLATE VI
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CRISTIAN SCHUSTER*, TRAIAN POPA**

ABOUT THE SÂNTANA DE MUREŞ CULTURE

ON THE LOWER ARGEŞ RIVER

Abstract: The authors make a synthetic review of the last find concerning the Sântana de
Mureş Culture on the Argeş route in the Giurgiu County. There are small settlements, with
above ground, or deepened shelters, as well installations for burning pottery. Most of the
sites are located on the high terrace from the right side of the river, others, and few on the
lower one or on the banks of some valleys that „flow” into the river.
Keywords: Giurgiu County, Argeş River, Sântana de Mureş discoveries.

The Giurgiu County is bordered south and north by two running waters of the
southern Romania. In the first case, we refer to the Danube, while, when referring
to part of the northern border of the county, to the Argeş river. This running water
crosses obliquely from the north to the south and from northwest to the northeast.
The archaeological investigations, being either survey, rescue or systematic
ones, had enabled the identification, in several ranges on the banks of the Argeş
River of some spots with archaeological vestiges. The first of them, rendered from
west to the east, are those two sites identified on the territory of the locality, in the
commune Vânătorii Mici. One of the spots with Sântana de Mureş pottery had been
found on the north border of the village, while the second in the perimeter called
La Cazan (Schuster 2007: 43 with lit. and pl. I/32-33).
Downstream, on the Argeş, in the extravilan Bolintin Vale town, in the area
situated upon the higher terrace of the river, some surveys had resulted in the
identification of sporadically ceramic fragments (Schuster 2007: 43 and pl. I/1).
The same category of archaeological material, but richer in quantity, was also
documented at Drăgănescu, Mihăileşti town, more precisely on a height on the
right bank of the Argeş (Schuster 2007: 43 and pl. I/2).
In the range of the same village, on the bank of the artificial lake from
Mihăileşti-Cornetu, in the area of the church and the modern cemetery (Schuster
2007: 43 and pl. I/35), some Sântana de Mureş fragments had been also recovered.
We should mention here that rescue investigations, carried out by Bogdan
Tănăsescu around the church had not confirmed the existence on that spot of an
archaeological layer that could have belonged to the mentioned culture.
South-east from Mihăileşti, on the territory of the Adunaţii-Copăceni
commune, several spots with Sântana de Mureş vestiges had been identified. Even
in the residential village of the commune, bearing the same name, such ceramics

*
Institutul de Arheologie Vasile Pârvan Bucuresti, [email protected].
**
Muzeul Judeţean Teohari Antonescu, Giurgiu, [email protected].

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had been identified in five locations. Five of them were situated on the higher right
terrace of the Argeş From west to east, the first spot of interest was found in the
area known under the local denomination of „La Vie”-Punctul 2 (Schuster 2007: 43
and pl. I/3).There, could have been investigated the remains of two above ground
dwellings.
About 200 m east from he mentioned complexes, right on the edge of the
terrace, traces of an oven could be detected (Schuster 2007: 45 and pl. I/7). It is
hard to establish if it was one for pottery burning or was a domestic one.
Unfortunately, the objective conditions did not allow us to study them.
On the spot „La Porcărie” had been documented the third site of Sântana de
Mureş type (Schuster 2007: 43-44 with lit. and pl. I/4). This was also placed on the
high terrace of the river, approximately 150 m east from the previous one. Here
could be investigated an over for pottery burning, as well as an above ground
construction. The latter one must have been a shed and not a dwelling. The oven
comprised a burning room, with a perforated platform, that was sustained by a
central pillar, the fire place, the „mouth” of the installation and the ditch for the fire
feeding.
On the spot „La fostul C.A.P.”, situated west from the car bridge that crosses
the Argeş, the diggings had resulted in rare Sântana de Mureş ceramic fragments
(Schuster 2007: 45 and pl. I/5). Also in small amount was the pottery identified on
the spots „La Pod” (Schuster 2007: 45 and pl. I/6) and „În Vale”, this last location
being about 400 m south from the spot „La fostul C.A.P.”, on both banks of a small
valley that obliquely „flows” into the Argeş river.
În the Varlaam village, also belonging to the Adunaţii-Copăceni commune, on
its eastern side, on the left bank of the valley that merge into the same river, on
the spot „La Bazin-Pe Terasă”, another Sântana de Mureş site was investigated
(Schuster 2007: 45 with lit. and pl. I/8). It was dug a semi-deepened dwelling,
rather rich in pottery and other objects specific to this cultural manifestation
(fibulae, link, and knife).
Another interesting Sântana de Mureş site was studied at Mironeşti, com.
Gostinari. This was also an installation for pottery burning, discovered on the spot
„În Vale”, east of the village, in a valley that perpendicularly merges with the
Argeş river (Schuster 2007: 47 and pl. I/9; Schuster, Popa 2008: 29-32 with lit. and
pl. 34-35). This one, partly destroyed by water, was of the same kind like the one
from Adunaţii-Copăceni-La Porcărie, namely with a central pillar and platform.
Also in the outskirts of the Mironeşti locality, 500 m south-east from the
previous spot, on a hill foot called „Malul Roşu”, also placed on the high terrace
from the right side of the Argeş, as a result of the excavations carried out there for
more than two decades, also Sântana de Mureş pottery had been found (Schuster
2007: 47-48 and pl. I/10; Schuster, Popa 2008: 35).
South-east from Mironeşti, on the territory of the Izvoarele village, Hotarele
commune, on another hill foot, but, this time this time belonging to a valley that
merge with the Argeş on the spot „Valea Coşcovei”, another settlement of the
Sântana de Mureş communities had been investigated (Schuster 2007: 48 and pl.

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I/11). Within the range of another village of the commune, namely Herăşti few
burials had been discovered by hazard, thus being recovered four vessels (Schuster
2007: 48 and pl. 34).
As a result of the intensive works for what was desired to be the Bucureşti-
Dunăre Channel, between 1987-1989 some intense rescue archaeological
excavations had been done in northern Giurgiu County, on the lower course of the
Argeşului river. Amongst these finds could be also observed those belonging to the
Sântana de Mureş. In fact, these finds had offered the opportunity to notice that
traces of this cultural manifestation had been detected on 21 spots, comprising 17
settlements and 4 necropolises (Barbu 1998: 155; Petrescu 2002). This image had
been completed with several new spots, their total number reaching today to more
than 34 (Schuster 2007).
Even if the investigations had been predominantly surveys, some other being
rescue ones, they emphasized interesting aspects. Firstly, the sites uncovered in the
past few years, are all settlements. The places chosen for their establishing were
especially the high terrace on the right side of the river and just in a single case,
Mironeşti-În Vale, on the lower terrace of the Argeş.
The shelters, being either dwellings or annexes, were either above ground, or
deepened ones. Anyway, they were generally small sized ones. More solid was
proven the semi-deepened dwelling from Varlaam-La Bazin-Pe Terasă.
Regarding the installations for pottery burning, they were of deepened type,
with compartment for burning and space for the pottery deposition for burning.
Between those two rooms there was a portent perforated plaque, supported by a
central pillar and lateral edges. Both ovens had a praefurnium. If at Mironeşti-În
Vale in the oven was found a small quantity of pottery, in the one from Adunaţii-
Copăceni-La Porcărie it was discovered an entire charge vessels put out of shape
due to the heat (fig. 1-4).

REFERENCES

Barbu V. 1998: Aşezări de tip Sântana de Mureş în judeţul Giurgiu. Buletinul

Muzeului Judeţean „Teohari Antonescu” Giurgiu, II-IV, 2-4 (1996-
1998): 155-164.
Petrescu F. 2002: Repertoriul monumentelor arheologice de tip Sântana de Mureş-
Cerneahov de pe teritoriul României, Bucureşti.
Schuster C. 2007: Date noi cu privire la cultura Sântana de Mureş în centrul
Munteniei (jud. Giurgiu). Buridava, 5: 42-54.
Schuster C., Popa T. 2008: Mironeşti. I. Locuri, cercetări arheologice, monumente
şi personaje istorice, Bibliotheca Musei Giurgiuvensis III, Giurgiu.

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Fig. 1. Adunaţii-Copăceni-La Porcărie. Vessel from the kiln. Foto Gheorghe
Chelmec.

Fig. 2. Adunaţii-Copăceni-La Porcărie. Vessel from the kiln. Foto Gheorghe

Chelmec.

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Fig. 3. Adunaţii-Copăceni-La Porcărie. Vessel from the kiln. Foto Gheorghe
Chelmec.

Fig. 4. Adunaţii-Copăceni-La Porcărie. Vessel from the kiln. Foto Gheorghe

Chelmec.

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IULIANA* ET ALEXANDRU** BARNEA

LA BASILIQUE EPISCOPALE D’HISTRIA.

PROPORTIONS1

Abstract: Se poate vorbi prin această demonstraţie, pentru prima dată în cazul basilicii de
la Histria, în text şi ilustraţie, despre o concepţie unitară a construirii edificiului, de la
proiect la punerea în operă şi până la fazele ulterioare. Pe de altă parte, autorii sunt convinşi
că basilica se află într-un loc sacru mai vechi. Forma ei se supune regulilor arhitecturale
specifice edificiilor sacre şi în acelaşi timp celor teologice.
Keywords: la grand basilique paléochrétienne d´Histria; proportion modulaires; pied;
nombre parfait; hexagramme; cercle; lieu sacré.

1. La basilique épiscopale découverte plusieures années auparavant par notre

collègue et ami Alexandru Suceveanu reste une des plus grandes de la province de
Scythie et même de la région, hors peut-être celle tomitaine découverte au
commencement de l’année 1989, mais couverte après la recherche pour la plupart
par un hotel. Alexandru Suceveanu a dédié un livre à la grande basilique histrienne,
avec la contribution de ses collaborateurs, livre paru en 2007 à la suite des années
de recherches archéologiques et de plusieurs rapports et études2.
Dans l’étude d’architecture sur la basilique compris dans ce même livre, Mme
Gordana Milośevič constatait l’utilisation du pied de 0,306 m et de la coudée de
0,46 m et que "tous les éléments des fondements sont calculés proportionnellement
à un module (M) équivalent à 5 pieds (1 M = 5 pieds)"3. C’est en suivant ces pas
que l’architecte constatait que, par exemple, le rapport entre les deux dimensions
du naos était exprimé par les numéros rationnels 2:3. Il y a aussi d’autres très
importantes observations de nature géométrique concernant les proportions de la
basilique qui nous mènent à penser à une conception unitaire dès le projet
jusqu’aux phases ultérieures. D’ailleurs, dans les conclusions de son étude, l’auteur
revient sur les proportions avec ces précisions: “Les dimensions de l’édifice
basilical d’Histria montrent que l’architecte qui l’a projété a utilisé comme unité de
mesure le pied byzantin de 0,308 m […voir plus haut]. On a pris en considération

*
Universitatea Bucureşti, Facultatea de Istorie, [email protected].
**
Institutul de Arheologie Vasile Pârvan, Bucureşti.
1
Cette étude est déjà publiée dans le volume hommagial récemment paru et dédié à Mr.
Alexandru Suceveanu pour sa 70-e anniversaire. Vue la diffusion restreinte du volume,
nous avons décidé de le reprendre dans ce volume aussi, avec quelques changements qui ne
changent pas sa substance.
2
Histria XIII.
3
Ibidem, p.55.

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la seule longueur exactement divisible par une unité de mesure, à savoir la
longueur intérieure axiale du naos. Celle-ci était de 27,82 m, c'est-à-dire
exactement 90 pieds. La largeur totale du naos est de 17,82 m, à savoir 58 pieds
[…]. On observe le respect du principe des proportions entre la longueur et la
largeur du naos, c’est-à-dire 3:2“4.
2. Vitruve, dans son célèbre œuvre sur l’architecture, explique l’origine des
symétries des édifices sacrés par la comparaison avec les proportions se trouvant
entre les parties du corps humain, où se trouve d’ailleurs l’origine des unités de
mesure utilisées par les Grecs et par les Romains (De Architectura, III, 1). Dans le
même chapitre, Vitruve s’arrête sur le nombre parfait six, ainsi considéré par les
mathématiciens et qui se retrouve aussi dans les proportions dont il y parle. C’est
dans le IV-e livre du même œuvre que se trouvent des considérations plus exactes
concernant l’orientation des temples et leurs proportions. Parmi ces dernières, le
cas de la proportion toscane reste la plus explicite pour ce qui est des rapports entre
les espaces intérieurs des temples, en partant des six parties qui formaient la
longueur de l’édifice (VII-e chapitre). Sans doute, telles traditions ont été
transmises pour la construction des édifices sacrés dans tout l’espace de l’Empire
Romain et utilisées plus tard pour les basiliques paléochrétiennes aussi.
Il y en avait des raisons théologiques qui s’y ajoutaient, dont la première
source était l’Ancien Testament. Dans le Livre de la sagesse de Jésus, le fils de
Sirah (Sir.I, 9 et, dans la variante roumaine, I, 8), on peut lire: Deus creavit
sapientiam in Spritu Sancto et vidit et dinumeravit et mensus est et effudit eam
super omnia opera sua.
3. En partant de ces sources et des autres qu’on va évoquer plus bas, le
bénédictin Odilo Wolff de l’abbaye d’Emaus de Prague, cherchait, au
commencement du XX-e s. (la préface de l’auteur est datée 11 Novembre 1911)5,
dans une démonstration élégante, les racines des proportions des édifices sacrés
jusqu’au Moyen Âge. Ignoré ou peu connu, quelquefois cité mais pas lu, ce livre
devrait être présent dans toutes les bibliographies de spécialité. Vue la formation de
l’auteur, la motivation théologique générale (et pas seulement chrétienne) occupe
une place primordiale dans sa démonstration, ensemble avec celle géométrique et
mathématique, soutenues d’une manière savante. C’est de cette façon qu’on arrive
dans le II-e chapitre de la première partie de ce livre à un titre définitoire:
« l’hexagramme comme élément fondamental de l’esthétique formelle »6. Plus bas,
le même auteur cite des passages du Nouveau Testamant que nous allons reprendre
pour leur importance fondamentale dans la transmission de la tradition constructive
pour les édifices sacrés. Ille autem dicebat de templo corporis sui (Jean, 2, 21);
superaedificati super fundamentum apostolorum et prophetarum, ipso summo
angulari lapide Christo Iesu, in quo omnis aedificatio compacta crescit in templum

4
Ibidem, p.84.
5
Wolff, 1932, p. III-VI.
6
Ibidem, p. 17 sq.

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sanctum in Domino, in quo et vos coaedificamini in habitaculum Dei in Spiritu
(Ephes, 2, 20-22).
4. Il y a aussi d’autres sources – l’information n’est pas tellement riche – qui,
plus tard, comme Isidore de Séville (560-636), lui aussi cité par Wolff, ont laissé
des nouvelles concernant la transmission plus haut évoquée, dans ce cas sur
l’orientation des édifices en cause7.
On va reprendre cette étude plus largement avec une autre occasion, en
laissant maintenant place à l’illustration. Cette-ci va comprendre le plan de la
basilique histrienne plus haut évoquée et puis, le même plan avec l’application
graphique des principes qui l’ont fait érigée, en suivant les propositions de
Tempelmasze d’Odilo Wolff et nos remarques sur le même sujet.
5. Il ne faut pas oublier que, avec cette basilique, on se trouve dans le plus
haut endroit de l’ancienne acropole de la colonie milésienne où, peut-être, se
trouvait le plus important sanctuaire de la cité. Comme le deuxième auteur de cette
étude le soutenait dans un cours (1996-2009) à la Faculté d’Histoire de l’Université
de Bucarest sous le titre « Monument et esprit », il y a tant de places où on peut
poursuivre, d’une religion à l’autre, le même endroit comme lieu sacré. C’est le cas
de notre basilique aussi.
D’un autre côté, on va remarquer, parmi autres, que le centre du cercle qui
soutient la conception de la basilique se trouve exactement dans l’endroit de
l’ambon. En même temps, on peut voir comment le naos est inscrit dans le carré
inscrit à son tour lui aussi dans le grand cercle.
Sans doute, la conception originaire de l’époque (Anastase-Justinien) devait
adapter le projet à la situation locale, où les restes des édifices antérieurs
imposaient des changements planimétriques. Ils sont assez bien visibles au moins
par la comparaison des deux plans que nous avons maintenant illustrés.

REFERENCES

Novum Testamentum Graece et Latine, Stuttgart, 1986.

Histria, XIII: Alexandru Suceveanu et collab., Histria XIII. La basilique
épiscopale, Bucarest, 2007.
Wolff, 1932: Odilo Wolff, Tempelmasze. Das Gesetz der Proportion in den antiken
und altchristlichen Sakralbauten, zweite Auflage, Vienne, 1932.

7
Isidore de Séville, dans Migne, Patrologia Latina, t. 32, p. 544, apud Wolff, p. 54.

217

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1. Plan de la basilique avec les dimensions, après Histria XIII, pl. XXVI.

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2. Plan de la basilique avec les tracés du projet supposé de l’architecte antique.
219

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Prof. Dr. Habil. GEORGI ATANASOV*, Ass. Prof. Dr. VALERI IOTOV**,
KRISTIAN MIHAJLOV***

THE MEDIEVAL FORTRESS /BEGINNING OF

9TH – BEGINNING OF 11TH C./ NEAR THE
VILLAGE OF OKORSH, SILISTRA PROVINCE

Abstract: The fortress near the village of Okorsh is situated on an tongue-shaped hill on the
right shore of the dry valley Senebir, about 45 km south-west of Drastar (Silistra), 10 km
south of the fortresses near Ruino and about 25 km west of the fortresses near Skala and
Tsar Asen /Fig. 1/. It has the shape of an irregular pentagon, covering an area of over 45
decares. During archaeological excavations in the period 1997-1999 it was found that
originally after the beginning of the 9th c. an earth fortification was situated here, defended
from north-east with two ramparts with ditches in front of them. An Avar belt orna-
mentation, rings, adornments and a coin of imperator Basil I /Fig. 11, 18-20/ are evidences
for inhabitation during the 9th c. After the beginning of the 10th c. the earth fortification is
replaced by a stone fortress. Some ten dug-outs are investigated and dozens of adornments,
crosses and ceramics from 10th c. are found in it /Fig. 12-13, 15-17/. The stone fortress is
destroyed and burned down at the end of the 10th c. Dwellings, ceramics, a pecheneg
cauldron, crosses, adornments and coins – follises class A-2 /Fig. 14/ shows that at the
beginning of the 11th c. it is sparsely populated. The fortress is finally abandoned after the
pecheneg invasion in 1036.
Keywords: Fortress, ramparts, Okorsh, ceramics.

The fortress near the village of Okorsh was first registered at the end of the
19th c. by K. Skorpil.1 In the 1970’s R. Rashev made sondage surveys on the
fortification.2 The fortress is situated on an tongue-shaped hill on the right shore of
the dry valley Senebir, about 45 km south-west of Drastar (Silistra), 10 km south of
the fortresses near Ruino and about 25 km west of the fortresses near Skala and
Tsar Asen /Fig. 1/. It has the shape of an irregular pentagon, covering an area of
over 4.5 hectares (Fig. 2). Its maximum length is about 250 m and its average
width is about 175 m. Accessing the fortress from east and west is difficult, thus,
there are no towers on these sides. Three rectangular towers and a deep ditch in
front of them are registered at the northern wall. K. Skorpil described another ditch

*
Silistra.
**
Varna.
***
Silistra.
1
К. Шкорпил. Некоторыя из дорог Восточной Болгарии– ИРАИК, Х /=Абоба-
Плиска/, София, 1905, с. 483.
2
Р. Рашев. Старобългарски укрепления на Долния Дунав /VІІ-ХІ в./. Варна, 1982, с.
141, табл. XLVII-2, XLIX-6.

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in front of the southern wall, which is almost refilled nowadays (Fig. 3). The walls
are 3,10 – 3,50 m wide, without any fundament and built out of large and medium
sized unprocessed stones glued together with mud. A remarkable fact discovered
during our sondage is that the stones from the two faces at the southern wall are
bigger and better made, while the emplecton is composed of smaller unprocessed
stones and yellow clay /Fig. 4 and 5/. R. Rashev found a similar construction
pattern during the sondage at the northern wall, but in the middle of the wall, in the
emplecton, there were bigger and vertically arranged stones /Fig.6/. This reinforced
the wall. A ditch is registered in front of the northern wall. The entrance is a simple
break in the wall in the north-west corner, protected by tower № 1. A medieval
settlement from the 9th – 10th c. is registered in the foot of the fortress, on the first
terrace above flood level over the dry valley and it fits within the limits of a big
ancient settlement from the 3rd – 4th c.
At first glance, in terms of its topography and fortification, the fortress near
Okorsh is not essentially different from the rest of the defences in Dobruja, which
are considered to have been built after the beginning of the 10th c.3 Between 1996 –
1998 large-scale rescue excavations were made, which complemented and in some
aspects corrected our concept of the fortress /Fig. 2/. A second defense system was
registered and investigated 165 m. north of the northern wall and it consisted of a
ditch and a rampart, which restricted the access to the fortress from the line
between the eastern and western bank of the dry valley /Fig. 7/.
Another (middle) defensive line was registered 95 m. south of the rampart and
70 m. north of the fortress. It is parallel to the other two lines. It includes a rampart
lined with big and medium sized stones and a ditch 5 m. in front of it which is 2,85
m. wide and 1.60 m. deep /Fig. 8, 9, 10/. The rampart has two faces and it is 3.50
m. wide. The northern face is revetted with big semi-processed stones slightly dug
in the thin humus layer. The southern face is composed of smaller stones dug in
0.10 m. below the medieval ground level. The emplecton consists of rammed earth
together with many small stones. The evidence of conflagration suggests that the
construction probably featured wooden elements as well.
The defensive system at Okorsh and more specifically the first two lines of
ramparts and ditches are untypical of the stone fortresses of the Skala - Tsar Asen
type.4 Earth fortifications were a well-known practice in Northeast Bulgaria in the
9th c.5, but there is no evidence that they continued to be built after the end of 9th –
beginning of 10th c., the accepted period for the construction of the fortress at

3
Р. Рашев. Цит. Съч, с. 129-147; Г. Атанасов. Нов поглед към демографските и
етнокултурните промени в Добруджа през Средновековието. В: Изследвания в чест
на чл. кор. проф. Страшимир Димитров (=Studia balcanica, 23). София., 2001, с.
188-190.
4
Р. Рашев. Цит. Съч, с. 129-147; В. Йотов, Г. Атанасов. Скала. Крепост от Х-ХІ в.
до с. Кладенци, Тервелско. София, 1997, с. 5-20 ; В. Димова. Ранносредновековната
крепост до с. Цар Асен, Силистренско. – Добруджа, 10, 1993, с. 54-74 ; Г. Атанасов.
Нов поглед към демографските..., с. 188-190.
5
Р. Рашев. Цит. Съч, с. 90-125.

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Okorsh and the neighbouring ones near Ruino and Tsar Asen6. If we follow the
chronology suggested by R. Rashev we should assume that in the first half of the
9th c. the tongue-shaped hill near Okorsh was turned into an earth fortification with
a ditch and rampart limiting the access from the north. The vertical cliffs at the east
and west sides made any ramparts unnecessary there. At some point, most probably
after the construction of the above mentioned rampant, a second one was
constructed and revetted with stone and another ditch was dug. Unfortunately,
there are not enough discovered artifact to make a precise estimate of the date of
the construction and the burning down of the fortress. It should be noted that no
ceramics or other archaeological materials were found in the space between the two
ramparts. The absence of stones, of evidence of fire and of any kind of artifacts in
the ditch in front of the rampart, suggests that most likely it was functional for only
a short period. In contrast, ceramics from IX-X c. were found in the ditch of and
behind the second rampart, the one revetted with stone. There are fallen stones and
evidence of conflagration above the bottom of the ditch, which cuts into a rock. It
was already mentioned that an intense fire accompanied the destruction of the
rampart. In addition, between the burned rampart and the northern wall of the
fortification there is evidence of habitation /ceramics, a small number of artifacts,
animal bones/ but the sondage failed to register any permanent lodgings.
Still, we cannot be certain whether the second rampart was built simulta-
neously with or before the stone wall. If we follow the chronology of other
investigated sites it appears that the fortress was built after the destruction and
burning of the stone-revetted rampart. In terms of fortification it is analogous with
other fortresses of this type including the defences at Ruino just 10 km away,
which suggests that it was constructed after the beginning of the 10th c.7 In contrast
to the other sites, this location seems to had been inhabited before the construction.
Hints to that are the two ramparts as well as artifacts discovered during the
systematic archeological excavations. Special attention should be paid to the fact
that in the group of fortresses that are dated from the beginning of the 10th c. like
Tsar Asen, Skala, Ruino, etc. the black-and-grey ceramics with polished stripes
constitutes 4 – 5% of the total amount of ceramics found, while at Okorsh this
figure is about twice as high – approximately 8% /Fig. 11/. Apart from the black-
and-grey pots with tunnel-shaped handles typical for the 10th c., there are fragments
of pots with a polished decoration in a net-like pattern /Fig. 11, j, k, m–r/ that are
more characteristic of the 9th c.8 Vessels made of well-refined pink-and-yellow clay

6
Р. Рашев. Цит. Съч, с. 129-147; Г. Атанасов, В. Йотов, Г. Засыпкина, Н. Руссев.
Исследования городища Руйно-Картал кале /предварительно сообщение/. - Stratum
plus, 5, 2000, с. 97-107; В. Димова. Цит. съч., с. 54-62.
7
Р. Рашев. Цит. Съч, с. 141-144; Г. Атанасов, В. Йотов, Г. Засыпкина, Н. Руссев.
Цит. Съч, с. 97-100.
8
Л. Дончева-Петкова. Българска битова керамика през ранното средновековие.
София, 1977, с. 121-123.

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covered with red angoba were also used in the 9th c. /Fig 13 g/.9 More special
attention should be paid to two fragments of a pail and a fragment of a cauldron
(rather a pot) with handles from the inside from type I (under D. Dimitrov), which
is widespread during the 9th c.10 The most certain and indisputable find from the 9th
c. is an Avar belt ornamentation with the so called “propeller pattern” covered with
engraved vegetative ornaments – multileaf symmetrically arranged palmettos. /Fig.
11, e; 18/. It was discovered 15 m away from the northern wall of the fortress at a
depth of 0.60 m in a cultural layer beneath the floor of a ground dwelling with
ceramics from the 9th – 10 th c. /Fig 12/. Direct parallels of this belt ornamentation
in form, size and decorative pattern have been found in Late Avar necropolises.
According to the correlation of to F. Daim11, E. Garam12 and the observations of St.
Stanilov (specifically on the example from Okorsh)13 this type of ornamentation is
dated to the second half of the 9th c., with a credible terminus ante quem of the end
of the 9th c. Our guess is that it got in Okorsh not later than the middle or, at most,
the second half of the 9th c.
Similarly to the case with the rest of the Early Medieval fortresses in the
interior of Northeast Bulgaria, dozens of adornments have been found in Okorsh –
rings, earrings, applications, medallions, encolpia, etc. However, in contrast with
the neighbouring fortresses, three open rings were found here and they are
characteristic of sites ranging from the first half of the 9th c. until the very
beginning of the 10th c.14 /Fig. 11, b-d; 20/. A specimen similar to the first ring
from Okorsh was discovered during the regular archaeological excavations and it
has analogues from Pliska and the necropoleis at Izvorul and Obarsia Noia dated
from the end of the 8th c. and the first half of the 9th c.
The second ring from Okorsh has an X-shaped cross on its plate. An
analogous specimen from the Old Bulgarian necropolis Sultana is dated to the end
of the 8th c. – the first half of the 9th c. and another from Stare Mesto (Czech
Republic) to the middle – end of the 9th c. To the second half of the 9th c. are dated
the analogues of the third ring from Okorsh in Seborice, Stare Mesto, Boleradice

9
Я. Димитров. Към характеристиката на светлоглинената и червеноглинената
керамика на бързо колело от VІІІ-ІХ в. в Плиска. - В/ Проблеми на прабългарската
история и култура, 4-2, София, 2007, с. 61-93.
10
Д. Димитров. Номадска керамика от Североизточна България. – ИНМВ, ХІ, 1975,
с. 37-40; Л. Дончева-петкова. Средновековни съдове с вътрешни уши. – Археология,
4, 1971, с. 32-34.
11
F. Daim. Das awarische Gräberfeld von Leobersdorf. - Studien zur Archäologie der
Awaren, 3, Wien 1987, , S. 402, Abb. 29, Taf. 124.
12
E. Garam. Das awarrenzeitliche Gräberfeld von Tiszafűred (527-829). Gemeteries of
the Avar Period (567-829) im Hungary. Budapest, 1995, S. 201, 244, Abb. 102, 146, 254
13
Ст. Станилов. Художествения метал на българското ханство на Дунав /7-9 век/.
София, 2006, с. 272, обр. 3-5.
14
П. Георгиев. Мартириумът в Плиска и началото на християнството в България.
София, 1993, с. 32-33, обр. 29-30; Г. Атанасов, В. Григоров. Метални накити от
ранносредновековни крепости в Южна Добруджа. – ИНМВ, 38-39, 2002-2003, с. 334-
336, 364, табл. 8, 1-7.

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and Brno-Melomeriste. In fact such rings are missing in the dated to the 10th c.
horizons and complexes from Skala, Tsar Asen, Ruino, Odartsi, Capidava,
Dinogetia, Păcuiul lui Soare, etc. That is another argument in favour of
inhabitation in Okorsh during the second half – the end of the 9th c.
Crosses – enkolpions and medallions are found in Okorsh. A specimen among
the medallions is usually dated back to the 10th c., but according to some parallels it
can be placed in the second half of the 9th c.15 /Fig. 11, i/.
At last on the ground of a dug-out № 7 /excavation 7/ a coin of Basil I is found
/Fig. 11, a; 19/. It is remarkable that in the neighbouring fortresses of the Skala-
Tsar Asen type, coins from the 10th c. are also to be found, including folises of Leo
VI, but never coins from the second half of the 9th c.
Habitation at the fortress near Okorsh is most intensive in the 10th c. This is
attested in the most common material – ceramics. The bulk of the ceramics are pots
with engraved decoration of parallel lines running through the whole body or the
upper half combined with various ornaments concentrated under the neck – wave-
like or slanting lines engraved using a comb /Fig. 13/.16 Glazed ceramics made on a
slow potter’s wheel, characteristic of the fortifications from the first half of the 10th
c., were also found at the fortress.
The vast majority of the numerous adornments from Okorsh are the ones that
are characteristic of the 10th c. For example, 6 out of the 12 rings are from types
discovered in complexes from the 10th c. /Fig. 12 i-l/.17 35 buckles and applications
from belts and straps also belong to the 10th c. /Fig. 12 a-h/.18 The picture is the
same with the earrings. All of the 4 specimens are dated to the 10th c. /Fig. 12 m-
j/.19 The recapitulation with the religious items is similar – 6 medallions and 4
encolpion crosses have direct analogues from the 10th c. /Fig. 12, p; 22; 23/.20
Indirect evidence that there was a temple at Okorsh as well came from the
discovery of a fragment from a processional cross /Fig. 12, o; 21/ that was identical
to a cross from the 10th c. from Church №2 in the neighbouring fortification in

15
Г. Атанасов. Християнският Дуросторум - Дръстър. Доростолската епархия през
късната античност и средновековието (ІV-ХІV в.). История, археология, култура,
изкуство. Варна - Велико Търново, 2007, с. 206-208, табл. LVIII-LIX: Г. Атанасов,
Ст. Дончева. Раннесредневековые свинцовые медальоны с изображениями крестов
эпохи Первого Болгарского царства (IX-XI вв.) – Stratum plus, 1, 2010.
16
В. Йотов, Г. Атанасов. Цит. съч., с. 64-66, табл. XLII-XLIV; Д. Димитров.
Керамиката от ранносредновековната крепост до с. Цар Асен, Силистренско. –
Добруджа, 10, 1993, с. 78-81.
17
Г. Атанасов, В. Григоров. Цит. съч, , с. 351-354, табл. 11-13.
18
Ст. Станилов. Старобългарски ремъчни украси от Националния археологически
музей. – Разкопки и проучвания, ХХІІ. София, 1991, с. 10 сл. ; В. Плетньов, В.
Павлова. Ранносредновековни ремъчни апликации във Варнския археологически
музей. – Известия на народния Музей – Варна /ИНМВ/, 30-31, 1994-1995, с. 24-108
19
Г. Атанасов, В. Григоров. Цит. съч, , с. 338 - 342, табл. ІV-VІ.
20
Г. Атанасов. Християнският Дуросторум – Дръстър..., c. 212-215, табл. LXI, LXII.

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Skala.21 At the same time the iron pen /Fig. 12, r/ and the segment of a spindle with
an inscription is Cyrillic НΛΗΝ /to Ilina/ /Fig. 12, n; 24/ show literacy among
some of the inhabitants. To this most intensive period in the history of the
fortification must be ascribed almost all the discovered rectangular dug outs with a
stone stove at one of the corners /Fig. 15-17/. The dominant means of livelihood,
agriculture is testified in the collective find of 11 agricultural tools from the 10th c.
– ploughshares and coulters from ploughs, metalware from spades, axes, mattocks,
etc.22 In addition, they are evidence of the practicing of vine-growing and
gardening. There is also a battle axe in the collective find. Dated to the 10th c. are
also an iron battle axe and a pike spearhead – two isolated finds /Fig. 13, k; 25; 26/.
Almost all of the dwellings from the 10th c. were destroyed in a strong fire.
The closed archaeological complexes and specially the ceramic and the metal
findings define the time of the arson – probably the second half-the end of the 10th
c. Actually no ceramics and findings from the 11th c. were registered in the
destroyed by fire dwellings. Some ten fragments of pottery made on a fast potter’s
wheel /Fig. 14, p, q/, pots made on a slow wheel with simple ornaments only on the
neck /Fig. 14, k-m/, a fragment of a petcheneg copper /Fig. 14, n, o/, a ring /Fig.
14, c,d/23 three crosses-enkolpions /Fig. 14, e-h/ with direct analogues from the
beginning of the 11th c.24 and finally an anonymous Byzantine folis class A2 /Fig.
14, a, b/ show the decrease of the life after the end of the 10th c. and the beginning
of the 11th c.

Conclusion
The stone-built fortress near Okorsh is very much alike the rest of the
fortresses from 10th c. in the interior of Dobrudja – the walls of unprocessed stones
glued together with mud are almost without fundament, with square towers
/bastions/ and a ditch in front of the outer faces. On the other hand the existence of
earth ramparts with ditches in Okorsh connects the fortress with the earlier
defenses from the 9th c.
The materials found in Okorsh are predominantly from the 10th c. but in
contrast to the other fortresses the rate of the black-polished ceramic is twice as
high. Some of the small metal works can rather be dated to the 9th c. than to the 10th
c. At last coins of Basil I from the second half of the 9th c. are found here.
The accepted inception date for the medieval stone fortresses in the interior of
Dobrudja and in the Ludogorie is the beginning of the 10th c. Almost all of them
were built at desolate and naturally protected places. The researches in the recent
decade generally confirmed that chronology, but at the same time some

21
В. Йотов, Г. Атанасов. Цит. съч. с. 101, табл. СІ; Г. Атанасов. Християнският
Дуросторум – Дръстър..., c. 202-203, табл. LV-153, 154.
22
Г. Атанасов. Клады земедельческих орудий из Южной Добруджи /Х-начало ХI вв/.
– Stratum plus, 5, 2000, c. 183-208.
23
Г. Атанасов, В. Григоров. Цит. съч. c. 357, tabl. XV, 14,15.
24
Г. Атанасов. Християнският Дуросторум – Дръстър..., с. 303-304, табл. LXXIV-
LXXV.

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distinguishing features are found in Okorsh. In contrast to the rest of the defenses,
the fortress in Okorsh is situated within the borders of an earth fortification from
the second half of the 9th c.
The relatively limited amount of artifacts and ceramics from the 9th c. suggests
that the first earth rampart was probably a shelter for the neighbouring
protobulgarian population which had inhabited the nearest settlements one of
which is situated at the foot of the opposite bank.
Okorsh is the first example in Dobrudja and Northeast Bulgaria for a
topographic and cultural continuity between an earth fortification from the 9th c.
and a stone fortress from the 10th c.14 earth fortifications of the Kladenci type are
registered in that vast region, but none of them was transformed into stone
fortress.25 Besides that 30 stone fortresses of the Skala-Tsar Asen type, which were
built after the beginning and in the first half of the 10th c. are registered and studied,
but none of them is connected with an earthen defensive system from the 9th c.26
Okorsh is the first example for the mechanism of development and change of the
fortification in the First Bulgarian Kingdom.
In contrast to the fortresses in Skala, Tsar Asen, Odarci, Balik, etc., the stone
defense near Ruino was definitely not restored after the capture of Dobrudja by
Byzantium in the end of the X c. and once and for all after the year 1000.27 Here, in
contrast to the above-mentioned fortresses, the ceramics and the artifacts from the
11th c. are insignificant percent. Unlike Tsar Asen and Skala, coins from the 11th c.
(except for two Byzantium folises) are missing in Ruino, as well as seals of
Byzantium dignitaries. At last unlike Skala, Tsar Asen, Kapidava, Oltina, etc.
repairs of the walls in the XI c. are not defined here. In this point of view the
fortress near Okorsh is similar to the defenses near Ruino28, Preselenci and
Vasilevo. The reason is that unlike the fortresses near Danube /Drastar, Pakuiul lui
Soare, Oltina, Kapidava and others/ and these on the main road Preslav-Pliska-
Drastar (Skala, Tsar Asen, Omarchevo ?) Byzantine garrisons wasn’t stationed here
in the end of the X – the beginning of the XI c. Probably after the destruction of
the fortress near Okorsh in the last decades of the X c. (according to written
sources and excavations in the neighbouring fortress of Ruino it happens during the
campaign of the Varagian prince of Rus Svetoslav, between 969-971) small
number of inhabitants still lived around the southern wall. This population had not
enough potential for rebuilding the fortification. The two fragments of petchenegs
cauldrons and the two folises from class A-2 suggests that here, similar to the other
fortresses in the interior of Dobrudja, the life ends with the big pecheneg’s invasion
in 1036.

25
Р. Рашев. Цит. съч., c. 117-125.
26
Р. Рашев. Цит. съч., c. 126 etc.
27
Г. Атанасов. Нов поглед към демографските ...с. 185-214; G. Atanasov. De nouveau
pour la date initiale de follies Byzantines class „В”. Numismatic and Sphragistic
Contribution to History of the Western Black Sea Coast. - Acta Musei Varnaensis, 2.
Варна, 2004, p. 289-298.
28
Г. Атанасов, В. Йотов, Г. Засыпкина, Н. Руссев. Цит. съч., с. 97-107.

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Fig. 1. Fortresses from 10th c. in Dobrudja.

Fig. 2. Plan of the fortress according to G. Atanasov.

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Fig. 3. Plan of the fortress according to K. Skorpil and R. Rashev.

Fig. 4. Section of the southern wall (excavation 8).

Fig. 5. Section of the southern wall.

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Fig. 6. Excavation 1.

Fig. 7., 8. Excavation 4; Excavation 5.

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Fig. 9. Excavation 5.

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Fig. 10. Excavation 5.

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Fig. 11. Finds and ceramics from 9th c.

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Fig. 12. Finds from 10th c.

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Fig. 13. Ceramics from 10th c.

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Fig. 14. Finds and ceramics from 11th c.

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Fig. 15. Excavation 2.

Fig. 16. Excavation 7.

Fig. 17. Dugout 7 in excavation 7.

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Fig. 18. Avar belt ornamentation. the beginning of 9th c.

Fig. 19. Gilded coin of Basil I (867–886). averse and reverse.

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Fig. 20. Ring. 9th c.

Fig. 21. Processional cross fragment.

Fig. 22. Semi-manufactured lead cross. 9th - 10th c.

Fig. 23. Cross-encolpion. 10th c.

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Fig. 24. Spindle with an inscription is Cyrillic. 10th c.

Fig. 25. Battle axe. 10th c.

Fig. 26. Spearhead. 10th c.

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Dr. DESPOINA MAKROPOULOU*, Dr. PARI KALAMARA**,
Mrs. ELENA GLYTSI***

THE ΒYZANTINE MUSEUM OF

DIDYMOTEICHON: ITS PERMANENT
EXHIBITION (UNDER CONSTRUCTION)

This presentation focuses on the concept and architectural design of the

permanent exhibition of the Byzantine Museum of Didymoteichon. The building of
the Museum was finished in 2009, whereas the related museological and
museographical studies were completed and approved at the end of 2010. It is
expected that the Museum will open to the public in approximately three years.
Didymoteichon is located on the Erythropotamos River, a tributary of the
Evros River (Meriç in Turkish, Maritsa in Slavic), which, after the Treaty of
Lausanne (1923), has turned from a vital thoroughfare to a border zone. Today, the
city is the biggest extant Byzantine city of Thrace, a territory which has, in the
recent decades, suffered from severe demographical and financial decline. The
existence of a public Byzantine museum, on the borders of Thrace, which will
exemplify the presence and the role, not only of Didymoteichon, but of the entire
Thrace during Byzantine times, will serve the need of the representation of this part
of Greek mainland. In addition, it will cast light on the Byzantine history of
Thrace, which is virtually unknown even to its present inhabitants. Last but not
least, the Museum, when it opens, will contribute decisively to the cultural and
financial regeneration of the area.
The Museum exhibits are approximately 400 and are mostly finds from the
excavations undertaken by the Hellenic Archaeological Service in the area of
Thrace during the last 25 years. Their greatest number derives from the city of
Didymoteichon and the area of Western Evros, whereas fewer but significant
exhibits have been unearthed from the rest of Thrace. The exhibits date from
Roman to Post Byzantine times1 (the). It is self-evident that the greatest number of
the exhibits represents Byzantine times.
The main exhibition narrative unfolds around the bi-pole Thrace-
Didymoteichon. On the one hand, it aspires to help the visitor understand the post
330 A.D. transformation of the territory of Thrace to the epicenter and heart of the

*
Director of the 9th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities.
**
Director of the 23rd Ephorate** of Byzantine Antiquities.
***
Archaeologist-Museologist at the Directorate of Museums, Exhibitions and Educational
Programs.
1
Post Byzantine period coincides with the period of Ottoman Rule.

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thousand-year-old Byzantine empire and of the successive Ottoman one. On the
other hand, the exhibition seeks to exemplify the dual character of Didymoteichon
as the bulwark of Thrace and as a shield for the protection of the Byzantine capital,
Constantinople, which was in a breath’s distance from the twin-walled city, as the
name of Didymoteichon implies. In this context, the exhibition explores the
seminal importance of Thrace in the Byzantine Empire and the network of land,
river and sea routes, which connected this byzantine theme with the most important
cities of the Balkans (namely, Stenimachos, Tyrnovo, Philipoupolis,
Adrianoupolis, Constantinople and Thessaloniki). Furthermore, the exhibition
concept focuses on the occasional –and, certainly, not accidental, operation of
Didymoteichon as capital of the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires and temporary
residence or retreat of many famous Byzantines, Ottomans and Europeans. The
exhibition narrative of the Museum will cover 400 sq.m. and will occupy the two
parallel floors of the Museum2.
Due to the consistency of the population and the presence of various ethnotic
and religious groups in Didymoteichon as well as in Thrace, the exhibition
narrative will present certain aspects of the multiculturalism and, thus, incorporate
elements of interculturalism, which are mainly related to the life and pursuits of the
aforementioned groups during modern times. In this way, the Museum seeks to
become a point of reference in the daily life of all the inhabitants of Thrace (559
words).

THE LAY-OUT OF THE EXHIBITION NARRATIVE

A. Thrace, a territory next to the capital of two empires

A1. The key position of thrace, parameter for its spacial organisation
A2. Hommage to the eminent people of didymoteichon and thrace
B. Didymoteichon, the focal point of thrace
B1. The lay out of the city in byzantine and post byzantine times
B2. Didymoteichon and thrace from the end of the 19th c. Through today
B3. Life in the city during the byzantine and postbyzantine periods
C. The relation of the people of thrace with the hellenic archaeological service
C1. Voluntarily handing of archaeological finds over to the archaeological
service
C2. Confiscation of archaeological finds
C3. The arcaheological research in thrace

2
The lay out of the exhibition concept is attached below.

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NIKOLAOS LINARDATOS*

BYZANTINE MUSEUM OF DIDYMOTEICHON:

THE COLLECTION OF ARCHIVAL MATERIAL
FOR THE DOCUMENTATION OF ITS
PERMANENT EXHIBITION

Abstract: Unul dintre principalele obiective necesare pentru realizarea expoziţiei

permanente a Muzeului Bizantin din Didymoteichon, care este încă în desfăşurare, a fost de
a colecta materialul vizual interpretativ, cum ar fi hărţi, desene reconstrucţie, fotografii,
cărţi poştale, gravuri etc. Materialul va servi pentru documentaţia, interpretarea şi ilustrarea
expoziţiei, precum şi pentru efectuarea de aplicaţii digitale legate de aceasta. O parte
semnificativă a acestui material este furnizat de materiale de arhivă, studierea şi clasificarea
acestuia.
Keywords: byzantine, museum, documentation, exhibition.

One of the main jobs required for making the permanent exhibition of the
Byzantine Museum of Didymoteichon, which is still on process, has been the
collection of the exhibition’s interpretive visual material, such as maps,
reconstruction drawings, photographs, postcards, engravings etc. This material will
serve for the documentation, the interpretation and the illustration of the exhibition,
as well as for the making of the related digital applications. A significant portion of
this material is provided by valuable archival material, the finding, study and
categorization of which for the purposes of the exhibition will be the subject of the
presentation that follows.
Our research is aimed at collecting rare archival material relating to Thrace
and at using this material to address the Museum’s needs1 and create permanent
photographic archives at the Byzantine Museum of Didymoteichon for use by
researchers and educators. Since the exhibition under preparation at the Museum
focuses on Thrace as a whole and not just on Didymoteichon, the archival material
reflects the entirety of a region, whose main geographical feature has always been
its strategic position straddling East and West.
We began collecting this material in October 2010. The initial stage of our
research focused on photographs, postcards and maps; written documents will be
collected at a later stage.
The photographs and postcards collected so far cover the period between the
late 19th and mid 20th century. In this respect, they document a particularly

*
Archaeologist, Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens, September 2011.
1
See Museological Report, Chap.2.2, “The Character of the Museum”.

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dramatic period in the history of the Balkans and Thrace, in particular, which was
marked by wars, treaties2, population movements and exchanges, the pillaging and
destruction both of cities and monuments (ancient, Byzantine, post-Byzantine and
modern), as well as the loss of the infrastructure which had previously played a
central role in the local traditions, the culture and the educational system in Thrace.

The acquisition of the archival material

For compiling the corpus of the Museum’s archival material, we have sought
material from the following archives-collections:
 Photographic Archive of the Byzantine and Christian Museum. This
archival includes extremely valuable photographic archival material. In all, 29
photographs were acquired from the “G. Lambakis Archive” relating to his journey
through Thrace. Lambakis3—pictured in illus. 1 alongside his wife, Evthalia, and a
priest in the church of the Holy Trinity in Moschonisia4 (Cunda Adalari near
Ayvalik) in 1906—was the inspiration behind the founding of the first Byzantine
museum in Greece and the world. Having set up the Christian Archaeological
Society Collection with a view to perpetuating the life of the Church, he continued
to enrich it until his death in 1914. Lambakis also played a leading role in
archaeological research in Thrace (1854-1914), and was supported in his work by
Queen Olga of Greece. His travels took him from Sicily to Asia Minor and the
Holy Land, where he recorded monuments, cities and people, collected relics and
disseminated his knowledge to the local associations founded with the aim to
protect the Christian monuments.
 Photographic Archive of the National Historical Museum. This archive
holds the family photographic collection of Lieutenant General Konstantinos
Mazarakis-Ainian. We were granted permission to use 56 digital copies of
photographs taken in 1920 during the liberation of Thrace by the Greek army. The
incorporation of Eastern Thrace into the Greek state was confirmed by the Treaty
of Sèvres in 1920. The material includes valuable images of Thracian cities
including Alexandroupoli (Turkish: Dedeağaç), Didymoteichon (Turkish:
Dimetoca), Soufli, Adrianoupoli (Turkish: Edirn) and Saranta Ekkliseis (Turkish:
Kırklareli, Bulgarian: Лозенград), as well as valuable information pertaining both
to the people of Thrace, their dress and social and economic activities, and to its
buildings and monuments, many of which have not survived into the present. The
Historical Archival of the Hellenic National Historical Museum also provided us
with three rare maps of Thrace dating from between 1908 and 1936., which
document Thrace in the period extremely difficult for the region and its inhabitants.

2
Mudanya Armistice (1922); Treaty of Lausanne (1923).
3
Georgios Lambakis was born in Athens. He Graduated from the Faculty of Theology at
the University of Athens and went on to receive a doctorate from Erlang University in
Germany for his thesis on the Byzantine Antiquities of Attica. He was a founder member -
and the first Secretary General - of the Christian Archaeological Society (CAE).
4
Yangakis, G.Κ., pp.11-12.

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  Photographic Archive of the Benaki Museum, which holds inter alia the
archives of professional photographers, including Voula Papaioannou5, Dimitris
Charissiadis6, and the collector Rena Andreadi7. This Archive granted us
permission to use 41 photographs from the above collections. Taken between 1949
and 1974, these are extremely important professional photographs which depict
several of the most significant monuments of Didymoteichon, as well as Byzantine
and Ottoman bridges in Thrace, views of public and private educational or
industrial buildings, plus elements of local architecture and images of agricultural
life.
 Photographic Archive of the Hellenic Literary and Historical Archival
of the Cultural Foundation of the National Bank of Greece (ELIA – MIET).
Permission was received to use seven digital copies of photographs from the
archival’s vast collection (500,000 photographs). Dating from between 1913 and
1922, the photographs depict the first session of the Supreme Administrative
Council of Western Thrace in 1920, as well as Greeks quitting their homelands in
Eastern Thrace and heading for Greece as refugees.
 Photographic Archive of the Hellenic War Museum. We received
permission from this Archive to use nine postcards from the Antonis S. Maillis
Collection dating from the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The postcards depict
views of cities in Thrace (Didymoteichon among them), including photographs of
public buildings, such as schools and other educational institutions which have not
survived up to the present day.
 Photographic Archive of the Jewish Museum of Greece. This archive
contains a large number of photographs that cover all aspects of Jewish life and
tradition in Greece, from the end of the 19th century to the present. Our research is
ongoing and will focus on the elaborate Museum’s rich photographic collection on
Didymoteichon and Thrace.

Study and categorization of archival material

To facilitate the search for the Museum’s archival material, we initially
defined three main categorization criteria, which were then modified according to
the structure of the exhibition narrative. These initial criteria, which assisted us in
sorting out the material in significant groups, were the following:
a) The Byzantine and Post-Byzantine monuments in Thrace.

5
Voula Papaioannou (1898-1990): Leading Greek photographer. An adherent of the
‘humanistic photography’ school which emerged as a reaction against the dissolution of
human values during World War Two. She recorded the sufferings of the Greek people
during the difficult years of the Axis occupation.
6
Dimitris Charissiadis:One of the photographers responsible for the founding of the Greek
Photographic Society in 1952.
7
A collector and amateur photographer, Andreadi assembled 1955-1970 a noteworthy
collection of photographs of Byzantine and post-Byzantine monuments in Greece. She
donated her excellently organized and documented collection to the Photographic Archive
of the Benaki Museum in 1974.

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 b) Views of life before and after the incorporation of Thrace into the Greek
state.
c) Snapshots of archaeological research in the region.
We then processed and studied the material with a view to distributing it
between the sections of the permanent exhibition. It should be noted that the
material compiled up to date documents almost every section of the exhibition
narrative.
We are not quite sure yet how we will use the collected material; that is why
its final categorization will take place during the implementation of the
museological report, which is not to start before the beginning of 2012.
We will begin by presenting the archival material which is to be included in
the first thematic axis of the exhibition, titled “Thrace, a region next to the
capital of two empires”. This axis is supported by two sections: the first (A1)
explores how Thrace’s important geopolitical position has contributed to its spatial
organization by means of a dense transportation network, while the second axis
(A2) is a tribute to the people whose lives are linked to Didymoteichon or Thrace.
We shall begin with archival material relating to axis A1 “The key position of
Thrace, a parameter for its spatial organization”.
The subsection entitled “Thrace of the Aegean Sea” (A.1.2) will make use of
a photograph from the G. Lambakis Archive, which Lambakis himself took of the
Byzantine fortress of Abdera in August 1902. Abdera, an Ionian colony, was
founded in 654 BC and had city walls, a harbour, dry docks and temples which
have been unearthed by archaeologists. Renamed Polystylon, the city shrank
considerably during the Byzantine era, when it retreated to the area around the
ancient 5th century BC acropolis8. The photograph is a rare record of the state of
preservation of the ancient acropolis in the early 20th century. Including remnants
of ancient and Byzantine fortifications, the photograph provides unique
archaeological documentation of the ruined city.
Proceeding with the exhibition narrative, the subsection entitled “Evros
River, the navigable bridge between Aegean Sea and Danube” (A1.3) uses a
photograph depicting the aqueduct to the west of the monastery of the Panagia
Kosmosoteira, an institution of great significance founded in Ferres (Vera) in 1152
by the Sebastokrator (crown prince) Isaakios Komnenos. The aqueduct carried
pure water from local springs to the settlement developed to the east and south of
the fortress of Vera after its conquest by the Ottomans in 1271/73.9 The gorge
shown beneath the aqueduct terminates at the River Evros. It should be noted that
the Bishop of Ferres had his own boat for crossing the Evros and carrying monks
opposite to Ainos in an era in which the Evros linked Eastern and Western Thrace,
rather than dividing them as it does today.
Moving on, we chose a photograph (illus. 2) taken in 1974 of the Monastery
of the Panagia Kosmosoteira, which was linked, according to Orlandos, with the

8
Mantas, A. & V. Horti, p.26.
9
Orlandos, Α.Κ., pp.33-32.

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aforementioned aqueduct10. The photograph offers a view of the north-east side of
the katholicon along with the precinct (a later addition), and a detail of a cobbled
street, which was most probably built during the Ottoman period.
Moving on to the second section of Axis A, titled “Hommage to the eminent
figures of Didymoteichon and Thrace”, the archival material collected so far may
support the subsection entitled “The Greeks, during the period of the Ottoman
Rule” (A.2.6).
This material highlights both the spiritual and cultural flowering of Thrace in
the wake of the Crimean War (1853-56) and the catastrophic impact of the
Ottoman occupation on the region’s Greek population11. In Thrace, as in every
territory where Greek populations lived under Ottoman Rule, we encounter the
founding of numerous educational and benevolent institutions supported by
associations dedicated to the support of education, such as the Literary Society of
Constantinople (1861) and the Society for the Dissemination of Greek Literature12.
Founded and funded by various wealthy Thracian benefactors, these institutions
helped breath new intellectual and cultural life into almost every city in Thrace. By
way of illustration, we include a postcard (illus. 3) from the Hellenic War Museum
in Athens, which illustrates Komotini’s Tsanakleion School, probably in 1880. The
school, which was founded by Nestoras Tsanaklis, a local merchant who made his
fortune in Egypt, was a fine example of modern Greek architecture in the final
phase of Eclecticism. Tsanaklis sent 200 gold sovereigns per month from Egypt to
cover the teachers’ salaries during the period of Ottoman Rule. The postcard is
unique in depicting the school in the year in which it was built. It should be noted
that there were other foreign-language schools in Thrace, including the Alliance
Israelite Universelle, based both in Komotini and Didymoteichon13, where Greek,
French and Jewish people were taught after 1910. At the turn of the century, the
Jewish communities of the two cities numbered around 1,000 and 1,200
respectively; the Jewish population of Thrace and the rest of Northern Greece
would be decimated by the Nazist Occupation Army during World War Two.
To highlight the high level of education and culture in Thrace brought about
by the activities of the educational and literary societies and institutions discussed
above, we chose a photograph from the Alexandros Mazarakis-Ainian Collection
held in the National Historical Museum (illus.4) which depicts young female
members of the “Mandolinata”, the Greek Women’s Musical Association of
Saranta Ekklisies, in 1920.
Let us now move on to the exhibition’s second thematic axis, which is laid out
on the Museum’s second level and focuses on Didymoteichon, a city of key
importance during the Byzantine and Post-Byzantine periods. This axis unfolds in
the following three subsections: “The lay-out of the city in Byzantine and post-
Byzantine times” (B1), “Didymoteichon and Thrace from the end of the 19th

10
Ibid., p.7.
11
Thraki 1994, pp.215-216, 248-255.
12
Thraki 1994, pp.255-259.
13
Frezi, Ρ."Το εκπαιδευτικό έργο των Σχολών Alliance Israelite Universelle", Volos 2000.

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c.through today” (B2), and “Life in the city during the Byzantine and Post-
Byzantine periods” (B3).
The subsection entitled “From Plotinopolis to Didymoteichon” (§B.1.1) will
feature a photograph from the Benaki Museum (illus. 5) taken by D. Harissiadis in
1962, which renders a panoramic view of the city from the Erythropotamos. This is
a perfectly-executed professional shot which portrays in masterly fashion the
monuments within the city’s Byzantine fortifications—its churches and mosques,
among them the Great Bayezid Mosque built by Mehmed I in the 14th and early
15th century, as well as traditional houses. This exceptional record of the
monuments preserves the architectural and historical picture of Didymoteichon in
the mid 20th century.
In the subsection entitled “Churches, a basic spatial element of the city”
(§B.1.2), we document this fundamental element of Didymoteichon’s city planning
with historical photographs of churches from the archives of two Athens-based
museums, The Byzantine and Christian Museum and the Benaki Museum. It
worth’s showing a photograph (illus. 6) taken by George Lambakis in August 1902
of the church of Haghia Aikaterini (grave chapel)14, and a second one (illus. 7),
which depicts the condition of the same monument in 1974, after its partial
reconstruction in 1910. The photographs show the northern and western sides of
the church, which was built in the mid 12th century and whose architecture—
underscoring Didymoteichon’s importance as a Thracian crossroads—is linked to
that of both Constantinople and the Laskarid of Nicaea. Archaeologists have
brought to light twelve tombs carved into the rocks above the church.
In the next subsection, which is entitled “Spaces hewn into the rock: A
particular feature of Didymoteichon citadel” (§B.1.3), we focus on a fun-
damental feature of the layout of Didymoteichon castle: the hewn-out spaces on
which the city of Didymoteichon is built. We selected a photograph from the
Alexandros Mazarakis-Ainian Collection (illus. 8). Taken in 1920, it depicts the
liturgy in thanks for the liberation of Didymoteichon. The photograph includes a
crystal clear view of these hewn-out spaces, as well as the citadels walls seen from
the West. Since the photograph also portrays a selection of traditional costumes, it
could also be used for the interpretation of the subsection B.2.2, titled “People and
scenes of everyday life from Thrace”.
In the next subsection, which is entitled “The modern city of Didymoteichon
and aspects of the architecture of Thrace through the photographic lens”
(§B.2.1), we chose a photograph which depicts the centre of the city in what is
probably the 1950s. The photograph records architectural elements of the town, as
well as aspects of the daily life of its inhabitants. A second photograph has
preserved on film a traditional three-storey building, probably from the late 19th
century, in the city centre.
Finally, we move onto the subsection entitled “People and scenes of
everyday life from Thrace” (B.2.2), which focuses on the issue of Thrace’s

14
Mantas, A. & V. Horti , pp.60-61; Ousterhout, R. & Bakirtzis, pp.102-111.

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multiethnic population. The area was home to various ethnicities and religious
groups until the Treaty of Lausanne led to the division of Thrace into three parts
(Greek, Bulgarian and Turkish), made the river Evros Greek Thrace’s eastern
border, and set in motion a brutal population exchange on the basis of ethnicity and
religion.
This subsection will make use of a photograph (illus. 9) which depicts the
church of Haghios Spyridon in Sylymvria (Turkish: Silivri) in Eastern Thrace. The
photograph was registered to the Christian Archaeology Society Archival ledger in
1903. Local people are portrayed in their traditional costumes in front of the NW
aspect of the 11-12th - century church of Haghios Spyridon, a unique octagonal
Byzantine structure. The photograph documents the peaceful coexistence of
different ethnicities in Thrace. Unfortunately, the monument was destroyed after
1922.15 Next is a photograph (illus. 10) which depicts inhabitants of Eastern Thrace
in traditional costumes during celebrations to mark the liberation of Thrace in
1920. The photograph provides a wealth of sociological, ethnological and folkloric
information about the people of Thrace in the early 20th century. Moving on, the
next photograph used (illus. 11) is an extremely important record of the
participants (French officers and local leaders) to the first session of the Supreme
Administrative Council of Western Thrace, which took place in Komotini on April
4, 1920. The photograph provides a sample of the broad representation of the social
national and political groups in the local population. Finally, we will use two more
photographs of great significance.The first photograph (illus 12) depicts the
dramatic uprooting of the Greeks of Thrace16, it shows the local inhabitants of the
Ganochoria villages fleeing their ancestral Thracian home in 1923, in accordance
with the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne. The second photograph (illus 13) depicts
the deportation of the Jewish inhabitants of Didymoteichon possibly also of
Orestiada, through Alexandroupolis to Thessaloniki in May 1943. From there, they
were deported to Auschwitz, possibly on May 10, 1943, by the German Occupation
Army. Such photographs illustrate vividly the tragic sufferings of the past
generations of Thrace and, subsequently, contribute to averting the younger
generations from hatred to other ethnicities, thus, encouraging ethnic and cultural
tolerance. Indeed, they teach us all how we can avoid the mistakes of the past, in
order to build a common trust and a peaceful cooperation for our welfare and the
welfare of the entire Europe.
A section focusing on Archaeological Research in Thrace will be staged
outside the exhibition narrative but inside the Museum, in the Multipurpose Hall,
situated at the ground floor and furnished adequately to host lectures, temporary
exhibitions, video screenings and other cultural events. This section will use a
photograph taken by the archaeologist and founder of the Christian Archaeological
Society, George Lambakis, during his 1902 tour of Thrace, at the chapel of the
Holy Trinity to the south-east of the Skaloti monastery (1632) in Amygdalia

15
Mantas, A. & V. Horti, pp.74-75.
16
Ibidem, n.2.

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(Cavuskoy)17 in the Ainos area. The image is indicative of the work of the
pioneering archaeologist who, having dedicated his life to his chosen discipline and
to saving Christian relics and monuments, overcame the many obstacles he
encountered along the way. Founding societies wherever he travelled for the
protection of monuments, he also collected liturgical vessels which are now on
display at the Byzantine and Christian Museum. Lambakis used the most up-to-
date methods available at the time, including photographic documentation. His lens
captured monuments which have not survived into the present day, along with the
liturgical vessels, relics and inscriptions which he published regularly at the
Christian Archaeological Society Bulletin. The 29 photographs from his 1902
journey to Thrace, which are to be incorporated into the above section, reflect the
systematic manner in which he documented monuments dating from antiquity until
the present.

Assessing the collected material

The contribution of archival material to the preservation of the
architectural heritage and popular tradition of Thrace
The collected material includes photographs of a single monument in different
eras, which assists archaeologists to document such monuments accurately. For
example, the material comprises two different photographs of the church of Haghia
Aikaterini in Didymoteichon, the first (illus. 6) taken by George Lambakis in
August 1902, the second (illus. 7) shot by the professional photographer Dimitris
Harissiadis in 1974.18 In the first, the church is roofless; in the second, we see the
church after the rebuilding of its southern wall and the addition of a pitched, tiled
roof in 1910. In other cases, photographs are our only record of the architecture and
appearance of monuments which no longer exist, as in the case of the church of
Haghios Spyridon in Sylymvria (illus. 9), which was destroyed after 1922. Sparse
architectural members are all that now remains of the church on the site where it
once stood.19
Photographs’ contribution to the preservation of our modern cultural and
architectural heritage is also worthy of note, given that until 1975, when a law was
passed protecting traditional buildings, a number of such structures had already
been destroyed, either during the war or after it. In subsection B.2.1, which
addresses “The modern city of Didymoteichon and aspects of the architecture
of Thrace through the photographic lens”, we describe one of these traditional
buildings20 which was still standing in Didymoteichon in 1974.
Many of the photographs described above from the late 19th and early and mid
th
20 centuries also include local people wearing their traditional costumes in scenes

17
Mantas, A. & V. Horti, pp.58-59; Ousterhout,R.& Bakirtzis, pp.45-46; Samothraki, A.T.,
p308ff.
18
See p.8 (§Β.2.1).
19
Mantas, A. & V. Horti, n. 11.
20
See pp.7-8 (§Β.1.2).

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from their everyday lives. As such, these documents also have an important role to
play in fostering our knowledge of popular traditions and their preservation.

The Museum as an institution open to research and dialogue

The digital documents which were acquired during our research have served to
bring memories to life and to shed light on the architecture, culture, customs and
traditions of cities and regions in Thrace. In this way, they will add to the
exhibition narrative and help the people of modern-day Thrace to relate themselves
to their forefathers. They, thus, encourage anyone who lives in or is descended
from Thrace, irrespective of religion or lineage, to visit the Museum’s collections
and play a creative part in its future activities.

Abbreviations
Byzantine and Christian Museum: Β.C.Μ
Benaki Museum: Β.Μ. Hellenic War Museum: H.W.M
Christian Archaeological Society: C.A.E
Hellenic Literary and Historical Archival, HLHA
Jewish Museum of Greece, Athens: JMG
National Bank’s of Greece Cultural Foundation: E.L.I.A.- M.I.E.T.
National Historical Museum: Ν.Η.Μ

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Bakirtzis, Ch.: “Didymoteichon: Un centre de ceramique post-byzantine”, Balkan

Studies 21(1980), pp.147-153.
Dadaki, S.: “Το Διδυμότειχο στους Οθωμανικούς χρόνους”, at Η Οθωμανική
Αρχιτεκτονική στην Ελλάδα, Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Department
of Byzantine and post-Byzantine Monuments and Action Programme
2008, pp 328-329, Athens 2008.
Frezi, Ρ.: «Το εκπαιδευτικό έργο των Σχολών Alliance Israelite Universelle»,
Jewish Community of Volos, Volos 2000.
Gourides, A.: Το ιστορικό Διδυμότειχο. Συμβολή στην ιστορία και την τοπογραφία
της πόλεως του Διδυμοτείχου, Municipality of Didymoteichon,
Didymoteichon 1999.
Gratziou, O. & A Lazaridou (eds.): From the Christian Collection to the Byzantine
Museum (1884-1930), (exhib. cat.), Archaeological Receipts Fund,
Athens 2008.
Journeys of Georgios Lambakis, Calendar 2000, Hellenic Ministry of Culture:
Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens1999.
Lambakis, G.: “Μονή Σκαλωτής” in Deltio Christianikis Archaiologikis Etaireias
8 (1908), 33ff.
Lambakis, G.: “Catalogue of photos of the Christian Archaeological Society”, in
Deltio Christianikis Archaiologikis Etaireias 9 (1910), pp. 1-103.

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Lambakis, G.: «Περιηγήσεις» in Deltio Christianikis Archaiologikis Etaireias 8
(1908), 3-41.
Lambakis, G.: «Περιηγήσεις», in Deltio Christianikis Archaiologikis Etaireias 10
(1911), 3-52.
Mantas, A. & V. Horti (eds.): Thrace-Constantinople, Georgios Lambakis’ Journey
(1902), exhib. cat., Hellenic Ministry of Culture: Byzantine and
Christian Museum, Athens 2007.
Orlandos, Α.Κ.: «Τα Βυζαντινά μνημεία της Βήρας», Thrakika 4 (1933), 33-32.
Ousterhout, R. & Bakirtzis, Ch.: The Byzantine monuments of the Evros – Meric
river valley, Thessaloniki 2007.
Samothraki, A.T.: «Η Μονή της Σκαλωτής», Thrakika, vol. XVII, p.308ff.
Svoronos, G.N.: Histoire de la Grèce moderne, Presses Univ. de France, Paris
1980.
Yangakis, G.Κ.: Μνήμη Μοσχονησίων. Τα Μοσχονήσια με αριθμούς και η συμβολή
τους στο διαχρονικό ελληνισμό, Tinos 2002.
Zachariadou, E. (ed.): “The Via Egnatia under Ottoman Rule, 1380-1699: Halcyon
Days” in Crete II, Conference Proceedings, 9-11 Jan. 1994,
Rethymnon 1996.
Museological report for the making of the permanent exhibition of the Byzantine
Museum of Didymoteichon, Hellenic Ministry of Culture-Department
of Museums, Exhibitions and Educational Programs, Athens,
November 2010.
Thraki(Thrace) (2nd edn.): General Secretariat of Eastern Macedonia and Thrace,
Komotini, July 2000.

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1. © Byzantine & Christian Museum (ΒCΜ- C.A.E 6024). Church of the Holy
Trinity, Moschonisia. G. Lambakis is shown with his wife, Evthalia. 1906.

252

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2. © Benaki Museum (116/29), Rena Andreadi collection. Monastery of the
Panagia Kosmosoteira, Vera. 1974.

3. © Hellenic War Museum (No. 7). Post card depicting the Tsanakleion Urban
School, Komotini. c.1880.

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4. © National Historical Museum (No.26α), A. Mazarakis-Ainian collection.
Saranta Ekklisies. Young Ladies members of the Mantolinata, the city’s Musical
Society. 1920.

5. © Benaki Museum (X.62_206_198), D. Harissiadis. Panoramic view of

Didymoteichon from the Erythropotamos. 1962.

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6. © Byzantine & Christian Museum (ΒCΜ- C.A.E 3435), George Lambakis
collection. 14th-century Church of Haghia Aikaterini, Didymoteichon. August
1902.

7. © Benaki Museum (114/8 RA), D. Harissiadis. Church of Haghia Aikaterini,

Didymoteichon. 1974.

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8. ©Hellenic National Historical Museum (No.10). A. Mazarakis-Ainian
collection. Doxology for the liberation of Didymoteichon. 1920.

9. © Byzantine & Christian Museum (ΒCΜ- C.A.E 3455), A.K. Stamoulis archival
(donated to the CAE archival in 1903). Church of Haghios Spyridon (11th-12th c.),
Sylymvria, Eastern Thrace.

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10. © National Historical Museum (No.29), A. Mazarakis-Ainian collection.
Inhabitants of Eastern Thrace celebrating the liberation of Thrace in local dress.
1920.

11. © Hellenic Literary and Historical Archival (E.L.I.A.- M.I.E.T. 6 K00.101).

First session of the Supreme Administrative Council of Western Thrace, Komotini.
4 April 1920.

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12. © Hellenic Literary and Historical Archival (E.L.I.A.- M.I.E.T. L038.061).
Greeks fleeing their ancestral homes, Ganochoria, Thrace. 1923.

13. ©Jewish Museum of Greece, Deportation of the Jewish population of

Didymoteichon to Thessaloniki.From there, they were deported to Auschwitz,
possibly on May 10, 1943, by the German Occupation Army.

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MARIAN TRANDAFIR*

THE LIFE AND ACTIVITY OF PETRE DIACONU

Abstract: Pe bază de mărturii orale, însemnări autobiografice, documente din familie şi

articole, lucrarea rezumă aspecte din viaţa şi activitatea celui care a fost arheologul Petre
Diaconu. Născut într-un teritoriu care a făcut vremelnic parte din România, într-o familie
mixtă, a cunoscut din tinereţe greutăţile unui refugiu, participarea la cea de-a doua
conflagraţie mondială şi abuzurile noi puteri instalate la Bucureşti în 1948. Trecând peste
toate piedicile, ajunge student şi absolvent al Facultăţii de Istorie din Bucureşti. Remarcat
de profesori săi, este angajat, încă din studenţie, la Institutul de Arheologie. Ca tânăr
cercetător participă la cercetările arheologice de la Dinogetia-Garvăn, Niculiţel, Nalbant,
Cernavodă, Capidava, Mărculeşti-Viişoara, Mangalia, Murfatlar, Cochirleni, Poarta Albă,
Mircea Vodă, Mănăstirea Neamţu, Porţile de Fier şi nu în ultimul rând Păcuiul lui Soare,
şantierul arheologic de care şi-a legat numele şi la care a lucrat peste jumătate de secol.
Preocupările vaste pe care le are în probleme de istorie, le dezbate în cadrul a câtorva sute
de articole. Îşi pune semnătura pe trei monografii de excepţie, două lucrări de sinteză şi
două volume de articole. Cea mai mare realizare a vieţii a fost munca şi rezultatele obţinute
pe şantierul său de suflet Păcuiul lui Soare, „academia” la care şi-au început ucenicia o
întreagă pleiadă de tineri cercetători. Prestigiul mult meritat îi este recunoscut începând cu
anii 1990, este promovat în cadrul Institutului unde conduce pentru o scurtă perioadă
doctorate şi ţine cursuri la Universitatea din Bucureşti şi Constanţa. Însă pentru „creatorul
arheologiei bizantine din România”, vârsta şi boala şi-au spus cuvântul, răpindu-l din
mijlocul celor dragi. Ca o ultimă dorinţă, o fost înmormântat în cimitirul mănăstirii
Dervent, în apropierea locului său cel mai drag, Păcuiul lui Soare, pe care să-l poată veghea
şi de dincolo.
Keywords: Petre Diaconu, resercher, archaeologist, Păcuiul lui Soare.

Petre Diaconu was born on 17th of September 1924 in the Suneci village
(today Sarpovo), Doimuşlar district, Durostor County. Because of the
disturbances caused by the Bulgarian insurgents, he was registered at the
Civil Status of Doimuşlar communal residence only on 6th October. In
official papers he appears as Petrea Deaconu. Three days later, on 9th
October, he will be baptized by the curacy of "St. Ilie" church in the Cocina
village, at christening receiving the name Petrică1. He will remain in official
documents as Petrea Deaconu born on 6 October for the rest of his life. In a
humorous and self-ironic autobiography, he put into account of bureaucratic
errors the misspelling of his name and claimed his birthday as September 17
*
Universitatea Oradea, Facultatea de Istorie, [email protected].
1
Document from the personal archive of Petre Diaconu, Dimitrie Racoviţă street, sector 2,
Bucharest.

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and the sign of Virgo, not Libra2. And to complete the string of coincidences
in his biography Petre Diaconu recorded that he was born at 17 p.m.
Moreover, Petre Diaconu believed that number 17 and the pig are two
elements that had marked his life. Therefore Suneci (Svineci in Slavo-
Bulgarian meaning Piggish) is 17 km away from Silistra. The distance
between Doimuşlar (Doimuşlar in Turkish means Piggish), the place he was
registered, and Cocina, the place of his baptize, is also 17 km. And as a birth
gift he received from his grandfather a sow born on the same day with him.
Petre was the second son of Diaconu family after Gheorghe (born on
1921)3 being followed by the two daughters, Ecaterina (born on 1928) and
Ioana-Silvia (born on 1934).
His father, Nicolae Diaconu, was born in 1893 in Făgeţel, Olt County,
in a simple family. He graduated only 5 grades. The most important event in
his life, as he recorded in an diary, was the participation in the Great War.
Promoted as sergeant in the Second Border Regiment he will take part in the
heavy battles of summer of 1917 at Oituz4. At the end of the war he will be
sent as gendarme in Doimuşlar district, in the Cadrilater, which became part
of Romania after 1913.
His mother, Paraschiva Velicu, was born in 1904 in a family of
Bulgarian peasants with Greek origins. Married young, she gave herself to
fostering and to housework. In his hilarious autobiography, Petre Diaconu
presents his mother as looking after the nearly 100 pigs breed by the sow
received as a gift from his maternal grandfather, Jecoff Velicu5.
He will spend the first years of his childhood in the village of Suneci, a
eminently Turkish village (there was no churche which is the reason why he
was baptized elsewhere) beloved for his homeland. Later he will say that his
entire life he has felt Dobrudjan, though he spent there only a short while.
At the young age of 6-7 years, he comes to possess a large amount of money
from the sale of the 100 pigs and he asked his mother for the money to buy
pots of copper. “In a few days [mother] had filled the house with pans, pots,
kettles, saucepan, bowls, roots, lids, larger trays or smaller trays for jam,
water buckets, laundry boilers, all made of bronze” engraved with his name
initials P.D., pots which become his property.
In 1931, Petre enters the primary school for boys at Silistra where his
family moved meanwhile on Arab Tabia Street, no. 46. In 1935, with an

2
Mihai Irimia, „Petre Diaconu (1924-2007) (necrolog)”, in Pontica, XL, 2007, p.682.
3
Radu Harhoiu, „Gheorghe Diaconu (necrolog)”, în Dacia, NS, XLVI-XLVII, 2002-2003,
p.207-208.
4
Petre Diaconu, „Cu sergentul Nicolae Diaconu în bătălia de la Oituz”, in Apărarea
patriei, anul II, nr.3 (4), iunie 1987, p.4.
5
Mihai Irimia, op.cit., p.682.

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overall average of 8,62 for four years and with a “very well” grade for
behavior he receives the right to enter to the competition for admission to
secondary school6. He’s taking the first five classes at Silistra Highschool
where his teacher and principal is the famous linguist, folklorist, philologist
and correspondent member of the Romanian Academy, Pericle Papahagi7.
At 5th July 1936, he participates, accompanied by his History teacher
from Silistra Highschool, at the event dedicated to putting the stone
foundation of the Holy Dervent Monastery, on which occasion he sees for
the first time the ruins of the Byzantine fortress from Păcuiul lui Soare
island8.
During study years in Silistra he befriends his desk mate, another
celebrity of Romanian culture, Toma Caragiu. His friendship with Toma
Caragiu will continue to the rest of their lives until his death on 4th March
1977.
Territorial cessions during the summer of the tragic year 1940 and the
exchange of population affect the Diaconu family9 who is enforced to seek
for shelter to the north of the new boarder. Their hurry for leaving Silistra
makes Petre lose a part from his property of pots from copper. They live in
improper conditions, only one room, for a while near the Borcea village10.
This fact will not prevent him from continuing his studies. He graduates the
last three years of secondary school at Ştirbei Vodă High School in Călăraşi,
where his family moved after great difficulties.
After receiving the baccalaureate degree in the summer of 1943, he
honors his military duties. Between 24th October 1943 and 10th May 1945 he
attended the Military School of Reserve Officers in Aviation in Bucharest.
The Aviation unit he was part of was operational for a short period between
23 and 31 August 1944. Petre Diaconu, as a student of the Military School,
served as navigator on a bomber plane, taking part in actions against the
Germans in Romania and Bulgaria. At the end of military service on May
10, 1945 he is promoted to the rank of second lieutenant in reserve11. His
military services to the Romanian state are awarded in 2003 when the

6
Document from the personal archive of Petre Diaconu, document on which he appears as
Petre Diaconu and 17th September 1924 as his birthdate.
7
Petre Diaconu, „Scurtă notă autobiografică”, in Contribuţii istorice şi etimologice,
Aalborg, Ed. Dorul, 2001, p.7.
8
Information received from the abbot of the Monastery Dervent, Andrei Tudor, to whom I
want to thank in this way.
9
Toma Caragiu’s family will succeed their second refuge, after the first one in 1928 from
Greece, but their friendship will continue.
10
Adrian Bucurescu, „Istorie polemică la Păcuiul lui Soare”, in România liberă, 4
septembrie 2003, p.7.
11
Document from the personal archive of Petre Diaconu.

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President Ion Iliescu gives him the medal “The Commemorative Cross of
the Second World War, 1941-1945”12. Petre Diaconu's participation in the
battles of the Second World War was short-lived than that of his older
brother, Gheorghe, who sent on the Eastern front at the beginning of the
conflict will know all the difficulties that are involved in a war, including a
two years captivity with work in coal mines.
After finishing military active service he starts a febrile activity of
supporting the Naţional Ţărănesc Party of which sympathizer and member
has been since tenth grade. In the spring of 1946 he was elected the
president of the Naţional Ţărănesc Youth in Ialomiţa. Preparations for the
elections of 19 November 1946 keep him busy all year; as he records he
would support many lectures in the electoral propaganda. From the
memories he left, he omitted sequences of arrests, beatings, PNŢ
headquarters robberies and even murders during January-November 1946
which he had witnessed. The elections on 19th November 1946 found him as
a member of the election commission near the 5th Cavalry Regiment
Călăraşi. Together with a party colleague and former classmate, Picu
Marinescu, he is tamed to another abuse by the communist supporters when
an officer of Tudor Vladimirescu Division prohibits them to entry into the
building reserved for election. The elections from November 1946 represent
the beginning of a turbulent period for the Diaconu family; the father,
Nicolae Diaconu, also a PNŢ member and delegate to the elections, is
arrested for a short period13.
His PNŢ support activity gives him the chance to meet his future wife,
Aurelia Ursu, who was just a student. In the autumn of 1946, in a dormitory
room in Matei Voievod hostel in Bucharest, during a speech before a group
of Aromanians, older acquitances from the Cadrilater, she would be
impressed by the knowledge that he possess. Here is how renders Aurelia
Diaconu their first meeting:
“I saw a blond man who was talking about everything, including
football and I asked who was he. I was answered:
- He is Petre!
- And from where does he know so many things?
- Because he reads a lot"14.
They don’t get to know each other very well. Winning elections by the
Block of Democratic Parties suppresses any opposition to the regime. Thus,
although the Diaconu family had moved in Bucharest in 1947, they get to
know the deportation policy and the settlement of house arrest. Aurelia

12
Certificate assigned by the decree no. 738/2003.
13
Petre Diaconu, „Două întâmplări din anul 1946”, in Analele Sighet, 3, 1996, p.494-496.
14
Information received from Mrs. Aurelia Diaconu, to whom I want to thank in this way.

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Ursu, as a sympathizer of the Liberal National Party is arrested and
imprisoned for six months to Jilava15. In his autobiographies, Petre Diaconu
keeps silence on these times, but with his well-known humour, reminds that
his pots of copper, his childhood property, helped them in starvation times,
the family increasing their income by selling them until they left only one, a
basin which he kept to the rest of his life.
In 1949 Petre enters the Faculty of History in Bucharest16. He studies
Prehistory and Ancient History. He has illustrious professors such as Ion
Nestor, Dionisie M. Pippidi, Gheorghe Ştefan, Alexandru Elian, Mihai
Berza, Constantin Nicolăescu-Plopşor17. Because of the interest showed for
study and the grades of "Good" and "Very Good" obtained he is noticed and
enjoys the attention of his professors18. Due to the appreciation gained from
professor Ion Nestor he is employed on 1st July 1951 – at the end of the
second year of study – at the Archaeological Institute of the Romanian
Academy on the position of site supervisor and starting with the 1st October
the same year his employment is changed into that of scientific referee.
Petre Diaconu will write beautiful and tender lines about his special bond
with his professor in the book published afterwards in master’s memory19.
He takes his Bachelor Degree in June 1953 with Very Good. His licence
paper was focused on Demostene’s work. After successful graduation of
faculty he is promoted as scientific researcher.
On 6th May 1954 he marries Aurelia Ursu. Born in Galaţi on 16th April
1925, she graduated Bucharest Conservatory. As a lyrical artist she activates
in the Chorus of Philharmonic and Romanian Patriarchy. Newlyweds
establish in Bucharest on Rose Street, No. 22, from where, after starting the
program for town planning, they move on Dimitrie Racoviţă Street, No.5.
As a young researcher and recent graduate participates, between 1953-
1954, at the archaeological excavations at Dinogetia–Garvăn, Niculiţel and
Nalbant, under the guidance of his of his professors, Gheorghe Ştefan and

15
Aurelia Diaconu, „Urmărit – arestat”, in Analele Sighet, 7, 1999, p.471-474.
16
Also his brother, Gheorghe, when came back from the sovietic prisonership went to the
Faculty of History in Bucharest, but Petre took this decision all by himself without wanting
or trying to follow his brother’s steps. Their historical destiny will intertwine, later they will
be colleagues at the same institute, however their specialization will be different. Gheorghe
Diaconu will will handle the migration period.
17
***, „In memoriam Petre Diaconu (6 octombrie 1924 – 3 aprilie 2007)”, in SCIVA, tom
59-60, 2008-2009, p.263.
18
Document from the personal archive of Petre Diaconu.
19
Sever Dumitraşcu, „Sinuciderea” Europei. Destine şi idealuri româneşti, Oradea, Ed.
Europrint, 2010, p.79; Petre Diaconu, „Profesorul Ion Nestor, aşa cum l-am văzut eu”, in In
memoriam Ion Nestor, coordonators: Petre Roman, Doina Ciobanu, Buzău, f. Ed., 2005,
p.47-49.

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Ion Barnea. Together with the group of young archeologists on the site
(Maria Comşa, Eugen Comşa, Gheorghe Bichir, Florin Constantiniu,
Exspectatus Bujor, Gheorghe Popilian, Bucur Mitrea and others) he tries to
contribute to the knowledge of the archaeological realities by publishing
articles20. He starts his long list of scientific work papers. He stays not so
much at Dinogetia to reach to place his signature on the monography
dedicated to the archaeological research, but the discoveries from Niculiţel
intrigue him for a while21. Meanwhile he joins for a short time Sebastian
Morintz and Dumitru Berciu at the the rescue excavations in Cernavodă22.
He is called to be part of another important "national" site - the one from
Capidava - under the supervision of Grigore Florescu. His labour on the site
is crowned with the participation to the publication of the first volume of
Capidava’s monography23, his first important work paper. For a month in
the summer of 1956 Petre Diaconu investigates an early medieval settlement
in the Romanian Plain from Mărculeşti-Viişoara24.
Knowledge of Bulgarian language gives him the opportunity to enrich
his portfolio of periodicals by publishing reviews of historical materials
published by the neighboring country. He does not forgive his compatriots
by his mother for the things written combating with valid arguments any
claim on their behalf over "historical rights" to rule Dobrudja.
Headed by the same dream which had Heinrich Schliemann whom he
admires very much, to start and to lead the research to an innovative
archaeological site, he convinces his mentor, Ion Nestor, to start
archaeological research on Păcuiul lui Soare island. The need to start
research at Păcuiul lui Soare was required also by the fact that the Byzantine
fortress was continuously destroyed by the Danube, fact which had been
repeatedly pointed by Niţă Anghelescu, the Manager of the Museum from

20
Petre Diaconu, „Un pandantiv globular descoperit la Bisericuţa-Garvăn”, in SCIV, tom
IX, nr.2, 1958, p.425-427; Idem, „În legătură cu datarea olanelor cu semne în relief
descoperite în aşezările timpurii din Dobrogea”, in SCIV, tom X, nr.2, 1959, p.491-497;
Idem, „Cu privire la patinele de os din epoca feudală timpurie”, in SCIV, tom XI, nr.1,
1960, p.177-178; Idem, „Despre datarea nivelului „locuinţelor incendiate” de la Dinogetia-
Garvăn (jud.Tulcea)”, in SCIVA, tom 26, nr.3, 1975, p.387-394.
21
Idem, „Despre datarea „circumvalaţiei” şi a „bisericii treflate” de la Niculiţel”, in SCIV,
tom 23, nr.2, 1972, p.307-319; Idem, „Din nou despre încadrarea cronologică a valului şi
mănăstirii de la Niculiţel”, in SCIVA, tom 26, nr.1, 1975, p.101-106.
22
Sebastian Morintz, Dumitru Berciu, Petre Diaconu, „Şantierul arheologic Cernavodă”, in
SCIV, tom VI, nr.1-2, ianuarie-iunie 1955.
23
Grigore Florescu, Radu Florescu, Petre Diaconu, Capidava. Monografie arheologică,
vol.I, Bucureşti, Ed. Academiei R.P.Romîne, 1958.
24
Petre Diaconu, „Săpăturile arheologice de la Mărculeşti-Viişoara”, in MCA, V, 1959,
p.543-546.

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Călăraşi25. Petre Diaconu knew the fortress since childhood because it was
like he humorously wrote, at 17 km (the same number 17) distance on water
thread Silistra, the town where he spent school years. He had prepared the
ground for research two years before their debut in the fall of 1956.
Research began on 17th September26 and lasted one month. First night spent
there remained printed in his memory as he was forced to spend it up a tree
because of heavy vegetation27. In his already mentioned humorous
autobiography he records that, among the first ceramic fragments found, one
was representing a symbol that marked his existence, a pig, a wild boar this
time. And not to forget the significance of the pig in his life, he received the
news that in the area he left in Capidava, a sow that was grouting, exposed
the oldest epigraphic document in Romanian - a clay pot which had
engraved the Greek alphabet and the name of the potter - PETRE28.
It was just the beginning of a long series of archaeological campaigns,
the beginning of his work which takes place over decades. Thanks to hard
work, to the interest showed in research and to the appreciation which he
had gained, in the spring of 1961, Ion Nestor entrusts him control of the site.
“I saw that you can deal all by yourself the scientific issues from Păcuiul lui
Soare. That’s why I have decided that, starting from this moment, to entrust
you the control over there. Sure, you will still keep me informed with the
archaeological facts. Make sure you make as few mistakes”, was writing
Petre Diaconu in the reverential article dedicated to the memory of Ion
Nestor29.
Simultaneously with the investigations at Păcuiul lui Soare he develops
rescue activities also in Mangalia. Together with his collegues, Emilian
Popescu and Constantin Preda, in 1959, reveal the famous tomb with
papyrus30. They were “powerless witnesses to the destruction of Greek
papyrus”, as he left written31. They did not know and long time was not
known that the papyrus was saved from degradation and largely forgotten in
Russia until 2011 when it was given back to the Romanian state.

25
Idem, „Niţă Anghelescu (necrolog)”, in SCIVA, tom 50, nr.3-4, iulie-decembrie 1999,
p. 212.
26
In the excavation report was written September 15, but to not remove the significance of
number 17 will remain with that date.
27
Document from the personal archive of Petre Diaconu.
28
Adrian Rădulescu, „Un atestat străromânesc la Capidava”, in Pontica, III, 1970, p.
255-274.
29
Petre Diaconu, „Profesorul Ion Nestor, aşa cum l-am văzut eu”, in In memoriam Ion
Nestor, coordonators: Petre Roman, Doina Ciobanu, Buzău, f. Ed., 2005, p.47.
30
Constantin Preda, Emilian Popescu, Petre Diaconu, „Săpăturile arheologice de la
Mangalia (Callatis)”, in MCA, VIII, 1962.
31
Document from the personal archive of Petre Diaconu.

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 Participation, along with Ion Barnea, at the discovery of the Murfatlar
monastic complex (1957) and excavations at Cochirleni, Poarta Albă and
Mircea Vodă (1965-1966) give to Petre Diaconu the chance to express – in a
series of articles - his opinion towards dating and ethnic attribution of the
three walls from Dobrudja and localization of the events from "The note of
the Greek Toparch"32, starting an argue with medivist professor Constantin
Cihodaru33.
In 1957 he is responsible for digging out of his native Dobrudja, in
Moldova, at Neamţu Monastery, where, along with Radu Heitel, in "national
interest", is looking for the ruins of the first church built by Peter Muşat34. A
few years later, in 1961, he moves into the "Iron Gates” area. Under the
guidance of Dumitru Tudor, together with his colleagues Eugen Comşa,
Sebastian Morintz, Expectatus Bujor and Niculae Constantinescu enlist
sites35 and perform rescue research in the area that was to be flooded36.
His attention is focused on the researches from Păciul lui Soare, the
place where he started his odyssey, a place to which he is connected for life
and through the understanding of a loving wife, would become a second
home37. He dedicated himself entirely to the Byzantine monument at the
Lower Danube. Research absorbed him, descending in early Spring and
leaving late Autumn. Life on site was not easy: mosquitoes, excessive
humidity, hot days and storms, but he had no regret and always persevered

32
Petre Diaconu, „Despre datarea valului de piatră din Dobrogea şi localizarea
evenimentelor din nota toparhului grec”, in Studii. Revistă de istorie, anul XV, nr.5, 1962,
p.1215-1235; Idem, „Din nou despre valului de piatră din Dobrogea şi Nota toparhului grec
(Partea I)”, in SCIV, tom 16, nr.1, 1965, p.189-199; Idem, „Din nou despre datarea valului
de piatră din Dobrogea şi Nota toparhului grec (Partea a II-a)”, in SCIV, tom 16, nr.2, 1965,
p.383-394; Idem, „”Alte precizări în legătură cu valul de piatră din Dobrogea şi însemnările
toparhului bizantin””, in SCIV, tom 19, nr.2, 1968, p.357-369; Idem, „Cîteva consideraţii în
legătură cu valurile din Dobrogea”, in Pontica, V, 1972, p.373-380; „Date noi privind
„Valul mare de pământ” din Dobrogea”, in Peuce, IV, 1973-1975, p.199-209.
33
Mihai Irimia, „Dr. Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani”, in Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani,
coordonators: Ionel Cândea, Valeriu Sîrbu, Marian Neagu, Brăila, Ed. Istros, 2004,
p.XXIV.
34
Petre Diaconu, „Săpăturile de la Mănăstirea Neamţu”, in MCA, VI, 1959, p.699-702.
35
Dumitru Tudor, Eugen Comşa, Sebastian Morintz, Exspectatus Bujor, Petre Diaconu,
Niculae Constantinescu, „Cercetări arheologice în zona viitorului lac de acumulare al
hidrocentralei „Porţile de Fier””, in SCIV, tom 16, nr.2, 1965, p.396-406.
36
Petre Diaconu, Petre Roman, „Cîteva urme de vieţuire din sec. al VII-lea în insula
Banului”, in Comunicări. Seria arheologică, II, 1967; Petre Diaconu, „Rezultatele
cercetărilor arheologice din zona Porţilor de Fier”, in Comunicări Academia R.S.R. Grupul
de cercetări complexe „Porţile de Fier”, seria IV, 1968, p.43-47.
37
Mihai Irimia, „Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani”, in Pontica, XXXVII-XXXVIII, 2004-2005,
p. 558.

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with further work38. He was not alone in his efforts, he was sustained by a
large group made of architects, geologists, numismatists, art historians and
students. He managed to transform researches from an archaeological site
into a real "summer school", "an academy", making its contribution to the
formation of new generation of researchers. In his approaches enjoyed the
constant support of museums from Călăraşi and Constanţa39. Next to him,
on Păcuiul lui Soare site continued or started their career other great
researchers such as Radu Popa, Dumitru Vîlceanu, Radu Heitel, Mihai
Davidescu, Silvia Baraschi, Dan Căpăţînă, Răzvan Theodorescu, Victor
Spinei, Radu Harhoiu, Niculae Conovici, Mihai Irimia, Gheorghe Papuc,
Adrian Panaitescu, Tudor Papasima, Valeriu Sîrbu, Marian Neagu,
Constantin Chera, Sergiu Iosipescu, Anca Popescu, Oana Damian and many
others reaching close friends and partners40.
He does not reduce its activity to publishing only articles based on
research results from Păcuiul lui Soare. He is interested in Turanians
established on the Lower Danubeby and publishes two volumes: „Les
Petchénègues au Bas-Danube”, Bucharest, 1970 and „Les Coumans au Bas-
Danube aux XIe et XIIe siècles”, Bucharest, 1978. To these two books he
added series of articles41, interest which turns him into one of the most
prestigious specialists on Turanians in the country. He brings back into
discussion the location of Onglos coming with a new plausible location in
the plains of Wallachia42. He starts to look for the city of Vicina finding it at

38
Constantin Novac, „Petre Diaconu: Dobrogea – o necontenită şi multiplă revelaţie”, in
Tomis, 17, nr.8, 1982, p.3.
39
Oana Damian, Alexandru Niculescu, Andrei Măgureanu, „50 de ani de cercetări
arheologice în siturile de la Târgşoru Vechi şi Păcuiul lui Soare”, in SCIVA, tom 58, nr.1-2,
ianuarie-iunie 2007, p.179.
40
Sever Dumitraşcu, Arheologia română la sfârşit şi început de mileniu, Oradea, Ed.
Universităţii din Oradea, 1995, p.422.
41
Petre Diaconu, „Cu privire la problema căldărilor de lut în epoca feudală timpurie”, in
SCIV, tom VII, nr.3-4, 1956, p.421-439; Idem, „Despre pecenegii de la Dunărea de Jos în
secolul al X-lea”, in Studii. Revistă de istorie, anul 18, nr.5, 1965, p.1117-1129; Idem, „Les
Petchénègues du Bas-Danube au Xe siècle”, in Dacia, NS, XI, 1967, p.259-270; Idem,
„The Petchenegs on the Lower Danube”, in Relations between autochthonous population
and the migratory populations on the territory of Romania, editors: Miron Constantinescu,
Ştefan Pascu, Petre Diaconu, Bucureşti, Ed. Academiei R.S.România, 1975, p.235-249;
Idem, „Românii şi populaţiile în migraţie”, in Independenţa României, coordonators: Ştefan
Pascu, Constantin C.Giurescu, I.Ceterchi, Ştefan Ştefănescu, Constantin Olteanu,
Bucureşti, Ed. Academiei R.S.România, 1977, p.39-44; Idem, „A propos de l’invasion
cumane de 1148”, in Etudes byzantines et post-byzantines, I, 1979, p.19-27; Idem, “Despre
unele antroponime de origine cumană”, in Analele Brăilei, SN, an II, nr.2, 1996, p.569-571.
42
Idem, „Le problème de la localisation de l’Onglos”, in Dacia, NS, XIV, 1970, p.325-334;
Idem, „Despre localizarea Onglos-ului?”, in Peuce, II, 1971, p.191-203; Idem, „Unde
trebuie căutat Onglos?”, in Istros, VII, 1994, p.359-361.

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Păcuiul lui Soare43. He seeks the Dafne fortress44. He has numismatic
preoccupations on the basis of which he identifies an unknown state
formation from the area of Silistra - Păcuiul lui Soare ruled by Ioan Terter45.
He also has sigillography46, toponymy, paleography, ethnography and
philology concerns. He is interested in the Slavs of the Lower Danube area47
and the atribution of the Ciurel culture48 . He continues to write reviews for
books and articles from country and abroad.
Research work submitted to the knowledge of archaeological realities
from Păcuiul lui Soare is being materialized through the publication of two
exceptional monographs: „Păcuiul lui Soare. I. Cetatea bizantină”,
Bucharest, 1972, for which on March 2, 1974 receives the Vasile Pârvan
prize of the Romanian Academy and „Păcuiul lui Soare. II. Aşezarea
medievală (secolele XIII-XV)”, Bucharest, 1977. The monographs
mentioned above are joined by dozens of articles published by the research
team.
The island of Păcuiul lui Soare becomes point of attraction not just for
its relics. The wonderful decor makes place to be for six years, between
1965 and 1971, the set for the casting film series "Haiducii", of the director
Dinu Cocea. Many men of high culture start coming at Păcui attracted by
the oasis of green scenery and quiet, people such as the actors Marin
Moraru, Marga Barbu, authors Ana Blandiana, Romulus Rusan, Ioan Ruse,
Constantin Novac, Ovidiu Dunăreanu, gimnast Maria Simionescu and many
others with whom Petre Diaconu link close friendships49. Petre Diaconu and
his wife, Aurelia, become novel characters and Păcuiul lui Soare their scene
(Ana Blandiana – „Sertarul cu aplauze”, Ioan Ruse – „Pe valuri spre
Sacidava”, Ovidiu Dunăreanu – „Păcuiul lui Soare”). Animal lover, Petre
Diaconu transforms the island into shelter for homeless cats and dogs. Thus

43
Idem, „Despre localizarea Vicinei”, in Pontica, III, 1970, p.275-296; Idem, „Păcuiul lui
Soare – Vicina”, in Byzantina, 8, 1976, p.409-447; Idem, „Iarăşi despre localizarea
Vicinei”, in Revista de istorie, tom 34, nr.12, decembrie 1981, p.2311-2316.
44
Idem, „În căutarea Dafnei”, in Pontica, IV, 1971, p.311-318; Idem, „Sur l’emplacement
de l’ancienne Daphne”, in Studia Balcanica, 10, 1975, p.87-93; Idem, „Unde a fost cetatea
Dafne”, in Magazin istoric, anul X, nr.10 (115), octombrie 1976, p.7-9.
45
Idem, „O formaţiune statală la Dunărea de Jos la sfîrşitul secolului al XIV-lea
necunoscută pînă în prezent”, in SCIVA, tom 29, nr.2, aprilie-iunie 1978, p.185-201; Idem,
„Contribuţie la cunoaşterea monedelor lui Ioan Terter, despotul Ţării Dristrei”, in Cercetări
Numismatice, 3, 1980, p.73-76.
46
Along with Ion Barnea was among the few researchers who had concerns for
sigillography.
47
Petre Diaconu, „Din nou despre slavi la Dunărea de Jos”, in Istros, XI, 2004, p.353-355.
48
Idem, „Cui aparţine cultura Ciurel?”, in Istros, X, 2000, p.491-493.
49
Mihai Irimia, „Petre Diaconu (1924-2007) (necrolog)”, in Pontica, XL, 2007, p.683.

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the dogs Dac, Guna, Necaz, Dervent, in several versions, enjoy the attention
of an owner50
The fame of the Byzantine fortress and its relics that are covered by the
Danube attracted also the attention of Jacques-Yves Cousteau who in 1972
demanded, unsuccessfully, the approval for performing underwater
researches in the area.
On May 22, 1971 Petre Diaconu presents his PhD, coordinated by Ion
Nestor at the University of Bucharest, with a theme regarding the Pechenegs
on the Lower Danube51. After getting the title of PhD, he becomes scientific
resercher III at the Institute of Archaeology. He is coopted in the editorial
board of the Institute journal, „Studii şi Cercetări de Istorie Veche şi
Arheologie”. He is appointed secondary coordinator, and later main
coordinator, at the archaeological excavations at Adamclisi, function he
occupies between 1971 and 1977. He does not publish any articles related to
the evolution of research because of not having allocated any sector to carry
out real excavations52. In 1986 takes the lead over the archaeological
excavations from Grădiştea Coslogeni, on this occasion he encounters with
his "port-bonheur" as he was calling it, the pig. This time as a skeleton burnt
in nature, 3.000 years old.
Success and appreciation that he enjoys bring him into the attention of
the Communist Party who propose him for the position of lecturer of the
Central Committee in Bucharest. Without being a member of the party he
speeches on historical matters until 198953.
He participates in international congresses on historical matters, being
the Romanian representative in the International Committee of Historical
Geography and member of the Executive Committee of the International
Association for the History of Glass54.
After the events from December 1989 he takes part in the re-
establishment of the Naţional Ţărănesc Party, the party whose member and
supporter he was in his youth and where he meets old acquaintances:
Corneliu Coposu and Ion Diaconescu. He doesn’t stay long, after the 1991
miners' revolt resigns dissatisfied with the new turn of the party55. He
involves in the establishment of the Association of Former Political
Prisoners and the Civic Academy Foundation, motivated by the fact that
50
Niculae Conovici, „Păcuiul lui Soare, Petre Diaconu şi viaţa mea”, in Prinos lui Petre
Diaconu la 80 de ani, coordonators: Ionel Cândea, Valeriu Sîrbu, Marian Neagu, Brăila,
Ed. Istros, 2004, p.XXXVII.
51
Personal archive document of Petre Diaconu.
52
Information received from Mr. Gheorghe Papuc, to whom I want to thank in this way.
53
Information received from Mr. Marian Neagu, to whom I want to thank in this way.
54
Niculae Conovici, „Petre Diaconu à 70 ans”, in Dacia, NS, XL-XLII, 1996-1998, p.474.
55
Information received from Mrs. Oana Damian, to whom I want to thank in this way.

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both he and his family suffered persecution from the communist. He
becomes a member of the Movement for the Kingdom of Romania56.
On the approach of the age of retirement he is promoted on 1 February
1991 as scientific resercher II, as at May 1, 1991 to retire. As a recognition
of his skills, he is given the right to lead doctoral studies for a short time. He
coordinates and truly inspires only one work, of Oana Damian, in 1993
takes over the lead of other two more works – of Luminiţa Dumitriu and
Suzana Heitel - at the death of Radu Popa.
Retirement also meant giving up formally at the head of the site at
Păcuiul lui Soare leaving it in the care of Oana Damian, but in all the years
after, he was scientifically and emotionally involved into their continuing.
In recognition of his efforts made to archaeological and historical research
of the Lower Danube he is declared honor citizen of Călăraşi57
At the age of 70 years his friends and partners pay him homage through
two articles published in Dacia and Istros58. On this occasion at Călăraşi
appears a volume of articles intitled „Recenzii şi discuţii arheologice, I”.
The good relations that he maintains with the group of monks from the
Dervent Monastery and with the Church of Tomis in general leads him to
support the initiative to reactivate Tomis’ Metropolitan Church becoming
the President of the Initiative Group for the Reactivation of Metropolitan
Tomis. Their approach is not successful, but for his efforts on 5 October
2004, he is awarded by the Archbishop of Tomis, Theodosius, with the
distinction “Dobrudja’s Cross”59.
Acknowledging his prestige he is coopted, at the invitation of Stelian
Brezeanu as associate professor at the Faculty of History in Bucharest, and
at the invitation of Adrian Rădulescu, at Ovidius University in Constanţa,
coordinating numerous licences and dissertations60. He is elected in the
editorial team of “Pontica” journal of the Museum from Constanţa. He
becomes "the soul" of the scientific meetings of museums from Constanţa,
Tulcea, Călăraşi, Brăila, Slobozia. He resumed his activities on 1 January
2000 as scientific resercher I at the Institute of Archaeology. But he doesn’t
stay for long time, retreting on 1st September 2001.
Enjoyed fame brings him in close partnership with the Romanian
community in Denmark, publishing numerous articles in the Romanian
56
Personal archive document of Petre Diaconu.
57
Ibidem.
58
Niculae Conovici, op.cit., p.473-484; Ionel Cândea, „Cercetătorul Petre Diaconu a
împlinit 70 de ani”, in Istros, VII, 1994, p.451-455.
59
Personal archive document of Petre Diaconu.
60
Mihai Irimia, „Dr. Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani”, in Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani,
coordonators: Ionel Cândea, Valeriu Sîrbu, Marian Neagu, Brăila, Ed. Istros, 2004,
p. XXVI.

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diaspora journal "Dorul", published in Norresundby and a volume of
articles: „Contribuţii istorice şi etimologice”, printed in Aalborg in 2001.
As a recognition of his cultural merits he is granted by President Ion
Iliescu on February 7, 2004 with the order of “Cultural Merit in the rank of
Commander”61. On 30 July the same year he is declared honor citizen of
Brăila62.
At 80-year anniversary his friends and partners dedicate him a
significant reverential volume, „Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani”,
published under the care of the Museum from Braila and the Museum of
Lower Danube from Călăraşi. His Eminence, Casian Crăciun, the Bishop of
the Lower Danube, Petre Ştefan Năsturel, from Paris, Mihai Irimia, Valeriu
Sîrbu, Ionel Cândea, Marian Neagu and Niculae Conovici, in the
introduction evoke memories which relate them to “the creator of Byzantine
Archaeology in Romania”.
Touched by a merciless disease is caught from among of his loved ones
on 3rd April 2007. Completely enchanted by the “spirit of Păcui” and
wishing to supervise the place that he had dedicated over 50 years of
research as well as beyond, he asked to be buried at the Holy Monastery of
Dervent. The transcendent being left behind an impressive work by the
variety, number, quality and erudition. Evoking the great archaeologist,
close ones express in a series of articles their admiration for the one who
passed away63. Oana Damian recognizes the generosity and the courage to
leave his soul site on a woman's hand64 and Radu Harhoiu recognizes his
contribution to the preservation and increase of Byzantine legacy, to the
interruptible supervise for half a century, “regardless of season or weather
reports”, to this unique monument of Byzantine border in the Lower
Danube65.

61
Certificate assigned by the decree no.. 40 from 7.02.2004.
62
Personal archive document of Petre Diaconu.
63
Oana Damian, „Petre Diaconu aşa cum l-am văzut eu”, in SCIVA, tom 59-60, 2008-2009,
p.271-272; Radu Harhoiu, „Amintiri despre Petre Diaconu”, in SCIVA, tom 59-60, 2008-
2009, p.267-270; Mihai Irimia, „Petre Diaconu (1924-2007) (necrolog)”, in Pontica, XL,
2007, p.681-684.
64
Oana Damian, op.cit., p.271.
65
Radu Harhoiu, op.cit., p.270.

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Editura DAIM
www.daimph.ro

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