JETS 36/2 (June 1993) 145-162

THE HISTORIAN, THE BELIEVER, AND THE OT:

A STUDY IN THE SUPPOSED CONFLICT
OF FAITH AND REASON
MARK W. CHÁVALAS*

The historian must not try to know what is truth if he values his honesty,
for if he cares for his truths, he is certain to falsify his facts.
—Henry Adams

The study of Israel's past concerns not only the historian but also the
believer. The relationship of the Christian historian to the modern
historical-critical process, however, especially in regard to the study of the
OT, has generally been unclear. Few problems have been more traumatic
for the Christian than the imposition of historical methods on the study of
the Bible.1 This is one of the most serious tests that Christianity has had
concerning the nature of Biblical authority.2 Many have seen the historical
method as incompatible with Christian faith. Christianity has normally
been based on supernatural metaphysics, while the historical method has
been founded on a rational assessment of the probability of an event, not
on doctrinal canons.3 The historical method is now taken for granted in
many circles, and it would be difficult for the secular historian to return to
a precriticai age.
What, then, are the parameters of "reason and faith" for the Christian
historian? In other words, in the context of Biblical studies how have
Christians attempted to reconcile the historical-critical method and their
faith? The Christian historian does not have to make an excuse for an in-
terpretation that is colored by his faith. He cannot be entirely separated
from his faith. He is not truly autonomous, like the nineteenth-century
historian tried to be. How can a Christian or Marxist historian, out of sup-
posed objectivity, be forbidden to interject his own theological convictions
into his work? There is no such thing as pure objectivity.4
The goal of the Christian historian is to understand the cultural milieu
of the Bible, not to defend its theological truth. We can defend the historical
character of its narratives, though. But historical character and theological
* Mark Chávalas is professor of history at the University of Wisconsin, La Crosse, WI
54601.
1
Cf. V. Harvey, The Historian and the Believer (New York: Macmillan, 1966).
2
E. Blackman, Biblical Interpretation (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1959) 16.
3
E. Troeltsch, Gesammelte Schriften (Tübingen: J. Mohr, 1913) 729-753.
4
D. Bebbington, Patterns in History: A Christian Perspective on Historical Thought (Grand
Rapids: Baker, 1990) 5-8.
146 JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

interpretation are not the same. The historian may concur that God acted
in history, and faith can affirm this. But it cannot be a datum point for his
research. The historian attempts to undertake a critique of the narratives
for their historical value and to understand the context and motives of the
writers. If one only agrees with the Biblical record he is a purveyor of tra-
dition but not an historian.
The following will be a discussion of the history of the struggle between
the traditional historical and textual interpretations of the Bible on the
one hand and historical (and higher) criticism on the other, occasionally
misunderstood as the conflict between reason and faith. I will conclude
with a discussion of how the modern historian views the OT in regard to
three relationships: myth and history, revelation and history, and Biblical
faith and history.

I. THE CONFLICT OF "FAITH AND REASON" IN REGARD

TO THE OT AND HISTORY

1. General comments. E. Troeltsch, an early-twentieth-century scholar,

felt that once the historical method was applied to the study of Scripture it
would alter the entire structure of belief and therefore the nature of theo-
logical understanding.5 The historical method has required nothing less
than a transfer of the medieval intellectual ideal of belief to the modern
idea of historical knowledge.6 Is it possible for the historian who happens to
be a Christian to adhere to both the traditional doctrines of Christianity
and the dogmas of the historical method? Much of Protestant Christianity
has appeared to be a series of salvage operations, attempting to reconcile
the idea of historical-critical inquiry with the apparent demands of the
Christian faith.7 But can the Bible be subjected to the same methods that
are used by historians when dealing with other ancient writings? There is
a danger that by attempting to refute the historical-critical method one may
accept the criteria used by that method. Those who do this cannot then
make an appeal to faith. They must stand upon their own rational argu-
ments. But those who espouse the historical-critical method have also based
their arguments on presuppositions—that is, on a type of "faith."
Our civilization is based on a variety of ancient derivatives, two of the
most important being Hebrew and Greek models. The Greeks and He-
brews, however, had different ways of perceiving reality. For instance, the
Greeks invented rational thinking (probably from a precursor in India),
while the Hebrews, although not unfamiliar with reason, made many of
their conclusions based on a priori assumptions. A Hebrew thinker would
not debate the nature and existence of God, whereas the Greek philoso-
phers delighted in such a prospect. Our hybrid civilization has never fully

5
Troeltsch, Schriften 730.
6
Harvey, Historian 39.
7
Ibid. 246.
 THE HISTORIAN, THE BELIEVER, AND THE OT 147

come to terms with our mixed heritage. In the medieval period the Hebrew
"faith" model appeared to have been preeminent, although Anselm,
Abelard, Aquinas and others were very Greek in their thinking processes.
Only in the past few centuries has the Greek rational-critical model of
thought taken precedence. As Christians we have not been immune to
these concerns, since our Scriptures are a mixture of Greek and Hebrew
thought.

2. The medieval period. In order to understand the modern Chris-

tian's concern with coming to terms with his faith and the historical pro-
cesses we can briefly survey the history of this problem from the medieval
period to the nineteenth century, when historical criticism became a pri-
mary intellectual pursuit.
Similar in many ways to the modern Christian, early Christian think-
ers sensed a need to reconcile the beliefs of their newfound faith with
their pagan past, which included the rational ideas of Plato and Aristotle.
Augustine, who lived when Rome was falling and Christianity was begin-
ning to dominate the west, set the mood in this respect for the entire me-
dieval period. He was not only a Latin cleric but was also influenced by
neo-Platonism.8 He did, however, accept the priority of faith over reason.9
Thus in the medieval period the use of Greek reasoning became subordi-
nate to God's revelation as written in Scripture.10 Augustine was also one
of the first to coordinate narratives of secular history with the sequences
of Biblical history.11
Augustine's view of the supremacy of Scripture was not challenged for
over half a millennium, not until the advent of the Muslim scholar Avi-
cenna.12 Although not primarily concerned with the Christian Scriptures,
his method of thought would soon be used by Latin scholars. Avicenna at-
tempted to reconcile the works of the classical scholar Aristotle with the
QurDan. He treated all questions with critical reasoning, independent of
the Islamic Scriptures, and ultimately perceived a natural analysis of in-
spiration for them. For Avicenna, however, to accept a literal interpreta-
tion of the QurDän in every case would be an affront to the intellect.13

8
E. Portale, A Guide to the Thought of St. Augustine (Chicago: Henry Regnery, I960) 9 5 -
105.
9
Cf. Augustine De Praedestinatione Sanctorum 2.5; De Trinitate 8.5; 9.1, 18. Cf. R. Cush-
man, "Faith and Reason," in R. Battenhouse, A Companion to the Study of St. Augustine (New
York: Oxford, 1955) 287-289; Portale, Guide 114-125; E. Gilson, The Christian Philosophy of
Saint Augustine (New York: Random House, 1965) 27-43.
10
Cf. Augustine De Civitate Dei\ R. Markus, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology
of St. Augustine (Cambridge: Harvard, 1970) 1-21.
11
Jerome put reason into practice by speculating that Ezra may have edited the Pentateuch
{PL 23.199).
12
Ibn Sina (Avicenna), Kitäb al-Shifä; cf. La Métaphysique du Shifa (Montreal: Université
de Montreal, 1952); S. Afnan, Avicenna: His Life and Works (London: George Allen and Unwin,
1958) 168-200.
13
Afnan, Avicenna 183.
148 JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Another Islamic scholar who dealt with issues of interpretation was

Averroës.14 He concluded that in order for the QurDan to conform to rea-
son it had to be taken symbolically. In fact the doctrines of religion could
be harmonized with science and philosophy. This was also later stated by
the Jewish scholar Maimonides. He wrote Guide for the Perplexed, a philo-
sophical expository work on the Bible, because the "perplexed had to be
satisfied so that they could devote themselves peacefully to the acquisition
of ideas without being disturbed by the thought that they had rejected the
principles in the Torah."15 His audience were those who wanted to adhere
to the Scriptures but were embarrassed by contradictions between science
and the Bible. He believed that reason was implanted in humankind by
God and could not be contrary to revelation.16 Where apparent contradic-
tions occurred, it was because one took a text literally when it should have
been taken allegorically.17 Reason thus took the form of allegorical inter-
pretation in order to save Scripture from becoming insignificant. Religion
and science served to complement each other and were not in tension. The
Bible was a complex book with an outer and inner meaning, and those
who were capable could discern its "double truth."18
In the Christian world Anselm continued in the Augustinian tradition,
holding that rational analysis was essential in understanding the Chris-
tian faith. He helped initiate the scholasticism of the late medieval period.
But for Anselm, as for Augustine, faith was a prerequisite for the employ-
ment of reason ("I believe in order that I may understand").19 The right
use of reason could never contradict Scripture.20 Anselm's students, how-
ever, desired intellectual artillery in the war against the Muslims, and he
thus inaugurated rational scholastic philosophy in defense of the Chris-
tian faith. The Scriptures were rationally defended against heretics and
skeptics. 21
But soon the rational process was used to critique traditional dogmas.
Following the lead of Avicenna was the Latin scholar Peter Abelard. Al-
though proposing to use the resources of philosophy for the defense of
Christianity he seemingly questioned many of the dogmas of the Christian
faith, showing where the Church fathers were in contradiction with each
other.22 In his Sic et Non he quoted Scriptural, patristic and canonical au-

14
Ibn Rushd (Averroës), Kitäb Fasi al-Maqal; cf. G. Hourani, Averroës on the Harmony of
Religion and Philosophy (London: Luzac, 1961).
15
Maimonides, The Guide for the Perplexed (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1963); J. Minton,
The World of Moses Maimonides (New York: Thomas Yoseloff, 1957) 113-116.
16
Maimonides, Guide 1.53; cf. A. Herschel, Maimonides: A Biography (New York: Farrar,
Straus, Giroux, 1982) 13.
17
F. Bratton, Maimonides: Medieval Modernist (Boston: Beacon, 1967) 86-88.
18
Minton, World 121.
19
St. Anselm's Proslogion (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame, 1979).
20
J. Hopkins, A Companion to the Study of St. Anselm (Minneapolis: University of Minne-
sota, 1972) 44.
21
Anselm, Monologion; cf. Anselm of Canterbury (Toronto: Edwin Mellin, 1974).
22
P. Abelard; cf. Sic et Non: A Critical Edition (ed. Β. Boyer and R. McKeon; Chicago: Uni-
versity of Chicago).
 THE HISTORIAN, THE BELIEVER, AND THE OT 149

thorities and then listed apparent conflicting citations from other Church
authorities, adding no commentary of his own. He presupposed, however,
that conflicting authorities were an impossibility and that there were no
true conflicts but only ambiguities fostered by a misunderstanding of the
use of the words used and their context and by the careless copying of ex-
isting texts. 23 But he did not compare supposedly conflicting Scriptural
authorities. For Abelard, faith could not be in opposition to things created
by God and investigated by philosophy.24 In a way, Abelard anticipated
some of Descartes' ideas by five centuries. He held that the key to reason
was systematic doubt. When reason was applied to faith it begot the ques-
tioning of all dogmas. The truths of Scripture had to agree with the find-
ings of reason. Since the language of the Bible was for uneducated people
it had to be interpreted by reason. Abelard's student, Peter Lombard, at-
tempted to resolve the apparent contradictions found by Abelard by hold-
ing to the Church's authority versus the claims of individual reason.25
Thomas Aquinas was the next to attempt a harmonization between the
Biblical text and classical philosophical thought.26 For him only the mys-
teries of the faith were exempt from rational analysis—for example, the
Trinity, incarnation, redemption, and last judgment. Many of the ancient
texts of Aristotle were being studied during this period. Although Aquinas
attempted to weaken the onslaught of Aristotelian inquiries on the Bible
he incorporated this logic into the study of Scripture, using reason as an
instrument for the defense of the Church.27 The mystery of God could be
expressed with human laws and studied objectively. Aquinas began his in-
quiry with faith but then proceeded with reason. But one would be foolish
to reject God's revelation because it did not contain human reason. Faith
and reason were not considered to be in contradiction.28

3. The Renaissance/Reformation. The medieval thinkers were neither

true textual critics nor critical historians. The critique of textual sources
did not begin until the Renaissance, especially with the arrival of Byzan-
tine manuscripts into Italy from Constantinople after its conquest by the
Turks in 1453. Lorenzo Valla was commissioned by the king of Naples to
show that the Donation ofConstantine, a document used by the Church to
justify the acquisition of certain territories, was a forgery.29 He accom-
plished this by examining the language used in the text and comparing it
23
Cf. L. Grane, Peter Abelard: Philosophy and Christianity in the Middle Ages (New York:
Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1964) 88.
24
Abelard, Historia Calamitatum 3.
25
Libri Sententiarum: Commentary of the Latin Text IV (ed. R. de Mediavilla; Frankfurt:
Minerva, 1963).
26
T. Aquinas; cf. The Summa Theologica: A Concise Translation (Westminster: Christian
Classics, 1989).
27
Cf. E. Gilson, The Christian Philosophy of St. Thomas Aquinas (New York: Random
House, 1956) 15-25.
28
Ibid., 18.
29
L. Valla, The Treatise of Lorenzo Valla on the Donation of Constantine (De Falso Crédita
et Ementita Constantini Donatione; New Haven: Yale, 1922).
150 JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

with early medieval Latin. This was a landmark in the rise of internal lit-
erary criticism as well as in historical criticism.30 He also applied his lin-
guistic learning to Jerome's Latin translation of the Scriptures, revealing
many errors.31 But like his predecessors he did not question the veracity of
the Biblical text itself, a prospect that would not come for two centuries.
Erasmus followed Valla's lead and applied textual criticism to Scripture
itself.32 His work marked the application of humanistic learning to the
study of early Christian literature and the Bible. This was the beginning of
modern Biblical criticism, which in some cases in the nineteenth century
would restrict the Bible to human authorship and fallibility.33 Erasmus
noticed that some verses in the NT did not exist in the best manuscripts
(e.g. Mark 16:9-20; John 7:53-8:11) and marked the verses as spurious.
Like Maimonides he attempted a harmony between revelation and reason,
using an allegorical interpretation of Scripture when it was not rational to
hold to a literal reading.34 He thus used reason as a criterion for the inter-
pretation of the Scriptures. Martin Luther took advantage of the new scho-
lastic humanism and used reason to attack the established Church in
Rome.35 His work appealed to history to investigate the improprieties of
the papacy.36
The medieval mind considered the details of human actions in history
as relatively unimportant. People were interested in discerning divine
attributes, not historical facts.37 But the modern study of history, which
would be used to scrutinize Scripture, had its roots during the Italian
Renaissance. One such historian was Nicolo Machiavelli, who emancipated
the study of political science (and history) from theology.38 No longer
would divine intervention be the primary factor in history. The study of
human affairs became paramount.39 History was no longer considered lin-
ear but was refashioned in the Greek spiral model of recurring historical
patterns. 40 The French bishop Bossuet later countered by stating that his-

30
ibid. 3.
31
L. Valla, In Latinam Noui Testamenti Interpretationem ex Collatione grecorum Exemplar-
ium Adnotationes; cf. Collatio Novi Testamenti (ed. A. Perosa; Florence: Sansoni, 1970).
32
For Erasmus' connection to Valla cf. J. Sowards, Desiderius Erasmus (Boston: Twayne,
1975) 70; for Erasmus' work cf. Erasmus' Annotations on the New Testament: The Gospels (Fac-
simile of the Final Latin Text). Novum Instrumentum Omne, Diligente de Erasmo Rot, Recogni-
tum et Emendatum; ed. A. Reeve (London: Duckworth, 1986). Cardinal Ximenes published an
edition of the NT two years earlier, but it was not made available to the public until 1522.
33
Cf. R. Bainton, Erasmus of Christendom (New York: Scribner's, 1969) 133-135.
34
Ibid. 142-144.
35
M. Luther, Table Talk 353; cf. The Table Talk of Martin Luther (éd. T. Kelper; Grand
Rapids: Baker, 1979).
36
R. L. Shinn, Christianity and the Problem of History (New York: Scribner, 1953) 73-74;
J. Headley, Luther's View of Church History (New Haven: Yale, 1963) 29-42.
37
Collingwood, The Idea of History (Oxford: Clarendon, 1946) 55-56.
38
N. Machiavelli, History of Florence (New York: Washington Square, 1970); also cf.
S. Ruffo-Fiore, Niccolo Machiavelli (Boston: Twayne, 1982) 99.
39
Some have seen Machiavelli's work as a landmark in the development of modern histori-
ography; cf. E. Fueter, Geschichte der neueren Historiographie (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1925) 67.
40
Ruffo-Fiore, Machiavelli 99-100.
 THE HISTORIAN, THE BELIEVER, AND THE OT 151

tory was not subject to reason and was static and theological. It was an act
of the divine plan. 41 But even Bossuet was not immune from the new sec-
ularism. Although he was probably the last major thinker to model history
on the Augustinian pattern, Bossuet saw God as not working directly in
history but through men's minds. 42

4. The scientific revolution/Enlightenment. With the advent of the sci-

entific revolution in the seventeenth century the western world began to
free itself from Biblical and clerical authority.43 Although not directly re-
lated to either the critical study of history or Scripture, the French philos-
opher Rene Descartes helped to foster the increase of secularization in the
study of history. He began by systematically doubting all belief systems
before his own time, especially those not based on reason.44 The idea of
historical Pyrrhonism (historical narratives are not trustworthy accounts
of the past) can be indirectly traced to Descartes. As with Aquinas, the
mysteries of the faith were outside the domain of inquiry for Descartes. By
means of reason humanity would find the truths necessary for mundane
welfare, just as revelation gave eternal truths. God's revelation and hu-
man reason were separate areas in which to study.45 But Pascal saw it as
unwise to rest religion entirely upon science and thus did not accept this
line of skepticism.46
Not long thereafter the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes adopted
Cartesian skepticism and entered into a study of the higher criticism of
the Bible by questioning the authorship of Genesis by Moses.47 John Locke
tried to reconcile his faith with the emphasis on science by stating that
Christianity was the "most reasonable" of religions. Other dogmas could be
put aside, but the Scriptures were in agreement with reason.48 Revelation
would not conflict with reason. Reason was now used to document a confes-
sional claim of faith.

41
J. B. Bossuet, Discourse on Universal History (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1986).
42
J. Brumfitt, Voltaire: Historian (London: Oxford, 1958) 31.
43
Cf. the discussions by K. Scholder, Ursprünge und Probleme der Bibelkritik im 17 Jahr-
hundert (Munich: Chr. Kaiser, 1966); A. Richardson, The Bible in the Age of Science (London:
SCM, 1961).
44
R. Descartes, Discourse on Method (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1965); cf. L. Pearl, Des-
cartes (Boston: Twayne, 1977) 55-76.
45
Cf. Α. Balz, Descartes and the Modern Mind (Hamden: Archon, 1967) 9#25.
46
Pascal felt that science was presumptuous since it was based upon reason, which was ul-
timately based upon the senses, which are deceptive {Pensées sur la religion et sur quelqes au-
tres sujets 1.1; cf. Pensées [New York: Dutton, 1958]). For differences in thought between Pascal
and Descartes cf. E. Mortimer, Blaise Pascal: The Life and Work of a Realist (Westport: Green-
wood, 1959) 196-202.
47
T. Hobbes, The Leviathan, or the Matter, Form, and Power of a Commonwealth, Ecclesias-
tical, and Civil, chaps. 31, 33; cf. Leviathan (éd. M. Oakeshott; Oxford: Blackwell, 1946). For
Hobbes' skeptical ideas of Scripture cf. C. Hinnant, Thomas Hobbes (Boston: Twayne, 1977)
127-128.
48
J. Locke, The Reasonableness of Christianity as Delivered in the Scriptures (ed. I. Ramsey;
Stanford: Stanford University, 1958); also cf. comments by K. Squadrito, John Locke (Boston:
Twayne, 1979) 65-75.
152 JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

The Scriptures, however, were not directly attacked as potentially falli-

ble until the Jewish philosopher Spinoza in 1670. Biblical criticism was
inaugurated by his Treatise on Theology and Politics.49 The Bible was not
totally rejected, as Spinoza was impressed by its ethical content. For
Spinoza it was rich in grandeur and nobility, but it was a human book full
of contradictions and repetitions:
We may be absolutely certain that every event which is truly described in
Scripture necessarily happened—like everything else—according to natural
law; and if anything is there set down which can be proved in set terms to
contravene the order of nature, or not to be deducible therefrom, we must be-
lieve it to have been foisted into the sacred writings by irreligious hands, for
whatsoever is contrary to nature is contrary to reason, and whatsoever is
contrary to reason is absurd.50
Reason was now used as a sole criterion to understand the Bible. In fact
Spinoza's goal was to set forth a freedom of thought (not allowed by the
Church) that showed the fallibility of Scripture. He noted the difficulties
in the understanding of the Hebrew text. Since the vowels were not graph-
ically represented, guesswork was used in the translation of texts. Richard
Simon attempted to refute Spinoza (and the Protestants) by applying his-
torical criticism to the OT.51 He did admit, much to the dismay of the
Church, that many of the books in the OT were written by a group of writ-
ers and editors but that they were also inspired. He began to attack the
Protestants, since they accepted the Scriptures as their highest author-
ity. 52 The present copies of Scripture were held to be corrupted, and so
they could not be used as authority. Moreover, since verbal inspiration left
the Protestants helpless against textual criticism, the Church allowed Si-
mon to continue. The Catholic Church could survive this since it could "re-
interpret" contradictions. Simon also believed that the Catholic Church
could be sustained by tradition, without any Biblical corpus on which to
fall back. Leibniz saw that if this line of inquiry were to continue it could
destroy Protestant Christianity.53
Related developments were occurring in the study of history. Vico felt
that no area was exempt from historical criticism, including the Scrip-
tures and Church tradition.54 He denied that Providence had a direct,
transcendent power beyond sacred history. Man became the center of the
historical process. Vico also began to stray from the Hebrew linear view of

49
B. Spinoza, Theologico-Political Treatise (New York: Dover, 1990); also cf. discussion by
H. Allison, Benedict de Spinoza (Boston: Twayne, 1975) 188-208.
50
Treatise 6. The discovery in this time of other sacred writings and customs led Spinoza
and others to look at many of the strange customs in the Bible as highly irrational and derived
from many of these "ignorant and pagan" cultures.
51
R. Simon, A Critical History of the Old Testament (London: Walter Davis).
52
See the discussion in R. Popkin, "Skepticism and the Study of History," in David Hume:
Philosophical Historian (ed. R. Popkin and D. Norton; Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1965) xxi-xxv.
53
G. W. Leibniz, Philosophical Papers and Letters (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1956)
1.148.
54
G. Vico, The New Science of Giambattista Vico (Ithaca: Cornell University, 1948).
 THE HISTORIAN, THE BELIEVER, AND THE OT 153

history to a more spiral view, similar to the Greek model.55 He purposely

avoided the study of the Bible because he did not want to discuss the prob-
lem of divine intervention in history.56 Vico was also the first in the mod-
ern world to understand history as a legitimate discipline, separate from
theology. What Machiavelli did primarily for political science Vico did for
history.
Voltaire reacted against Bossuet's universal history and applied New-
ton's law of physics to historical study.57 He reinterpreted history in non-
theological terms. Providence became irrelevant. Natural causes were now
the clue to scientific history. Voltaire put the relative importance to world
history of Jewish (or Biblical) history in perspective, giving it less no-
tice. 58 This was echoed by Hume, who also believed that history could be
used to apply empirical investigation to humanity and to establish psycho-
logical laws similar to those discovered by Newton. Humanity and nature
were in essence the same for Hume.59
Other Enlightenment thinkers attempted to put historical thinking in
perspective. Kant propagated the principle that the study of history should
be kept separate from issues of faith. 60 Human thought was confined
within a horizon of finiteness, and the historical thinker could not pene-
trate beyond the range of temporal existence. 61 Hegel, a younger German
contemporary of Kant, propounded the modern theory of historical "pro-
gressivism'' (or evolution), which would soon be applied to other disci-
plines, including Biblical studies. 62

5. Nineteenth-century Biblical criticism. Some of the first to study the

Bible from an historical-critical method were J. Eichhorn, considered to be
the founder of OT criticism,63 and H. Ewald, who wrote the first recog-
nizable secular history of Israel.64 Julius Wellhausen, who became more

55
Cf. P. Burke, Vico (Oxford: Oxford University, 1985) 54-68.
56
Vico, New Science par. 165.
57
F. Voltaire, An Essay on Universal History, the Manners, and Spirit of Nations, from the
Reign of Charlemagne to the Age of Louis XIII (Edinburgh: W. Creech, 1782); The Philosophy of
History (New York: Vision, 1965). Some have considered Voltaire to be the first "modern" histo-
rian (I. Wade, The Intellectual Development of Voltaire [Princeton: Princeton University, 1969]
93-109).
58
Cf. the discussion of Voltaire's Universal History by P. Richter and I. Ricardo, Voltaire
(Boston: Twayne, 1980) 88-93.
59
D. Hume, "An Enquiry concerning Human Understanding," in Enquiries concerning the
Human Understanding and concerning the Principles of Morals (ed. L. Selby-Bigge; Oxford: Ox-
ford University, 1962) 83; also cf. Bebbington, Patterns 75-78.
60
I. Kant, Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone (Chicago: Open Court, 1960 [1934]).
61
On the concept that history was incapable of bridging the gap between the natural and
sacred worlds cf. W. Galston, Kant and the Problem of History (Chicago: University of Chicago,
1975) 269-272.
62
G. W. F. Hegel, Lectures on the Philosophy of History (New York: Dover, 1956 [1856]). On
Hegel's historical views cf. G. Kelly, Idealism, Politics, and History: Sources of Hegelian
Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1969) 289-354.
63
J. Eichhorn, Introduction to the Study of the Old Testament (London: 1888).
64
H. Ewald, The History of Israel (London: Longmans, Green, 1876-86).
154 JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

influential than either Eichhorn or Ewald, adopted many of Hegel's his-

torical theories.65 For the first time the Hegelian dialectic was incorpo-
rated into the study of Scriptural history. Hebrew history, especially
religious history, had evolved from early primitive stages. Scripture must
have been edited at a later date, since many of the sophisticated ideas in
the early sections did not fit the Hegelian plan of history. But Wellhausen
was primarily a philologist and demanded absolute proof from his histori-
cal sources, which is acceptable in linguistics but not in historical stud-
ies. 66 He became frustrated at the lack of empirical proof one could find in
determining the historicity of the OT.

6. The modern historian. With this admittedly brief and wide-ranging

historical survey it can be stated that the development of the scientific
historical method of inquiry in the nineteenth century (when "history"
gained status as a separate discipline in the universities) was in many
ways an advance in the history of human thought, a revolution in the con-
sciousness of the human mind.67 The modern historian would now demand
impartiality, truthfulness and objectivity. The desire to know empirical
truth was attached to the new method and became one of its highest ethi-
cal aspirations. But this brings us to our problem concerning faith and
history. As has been noted, the scientific historical method is based on
something that is finite and natural, while an important historical source,
the Bible, is based on supernatural metaphysics. Can it be subject to the
same historical criticism? The Christian must first realize that the histori-
cal method is totally ingrained in the consciousness of western civiliza-
tion. 68 The rise of the historical-critical method can be correlated to the
general modern concern with scientific critical inquiry and the decline of
religious authority.69
The modern historian has some unique characteristics. He claims to be
autonomous and relies on no authority other than his own. 70 He is respon-
sible for making his own arguments and insists on the right to think for
himself, free of outside authority.71 This line of reasoning is understand-
able considering the hold that the Church once had on the minds of indi-
viduals in the medieval period. The critical historian is a reaction to this.
He must also hold to the rules of rational assessment, however, and base
all of his conclusions on the same. Like Descartes he adheres to method-
ological skepticism. He thus is quite self-sufficient and therefore often con-

65
J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History of Israel (Gloucester: Peter Smith, 1883).
Wellhausen was influenced by the Roman historian B. Niebuhr, who used historical criti-
cism to separate the poetry and falsehood of the late accounts of Roman origins from the actual
historical truth {Römische Geschichte [Berlin: G. Reimer, 1811-12]).
67
Cf. E. Troeltsch, Die Absolutheit des Christentums (Tübingen: J. Mohr, 1902) 1.
68
Troeltsch, Schriften 729.
69
E. Krentz, The Historical-Critical Method (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1975) 6-32.
70
Collingwood, Idea 236.
71
This was first stated by Kant for academic disciplines in Critique of Pure Reason and other
Writings in Moral Philosophy (ed. L. Beck; Chicago: University of Chicago, 1949) 286-292.
 THE HISTORIAN, THE BELIEVER, AND THE OT 155

eludes that he does not need God. The historian's new morality celebrates
the skeptical method as well as a desire to know the "truth" (or, better,
facts.).72 This "will to truth" is actually something that was taught to the
historian by the Christian faith—a faith, however, that has been rejected
by many who have learned it. But because of the nature of the subject the
historian is not capable of attaining the complete "truth" about history. He
does not have direct access to the past and thus cannot recover a complete
record of what happened. The historian's own judgment also enters into
his interpretation of the past. But incontrovertible "facts" (or historical
truth) probably cannot be discovered by the historian, although factual
ideas, along with the subjective ideas of the writer, do enter into what an
historian writes. 73 There is, however, a danger of hybris, as the modern
historian has often made himself both judge and jury.
Formerly the historian's task was to harmonize or chronicle his sources.
But now he is critical, and all historical claims must be judged by rational
experience. Thus the historical-critical method presupposes that all his-
torical phenomena are subject to analogous experience in terms of other
similar phenomena. The Bible has become a human book. The question as
to whether miracles happened is not within the historian's competence to
discuss. But the Bible claims many overt acts by God.74 Because of this,
modern historians have failed to transcend history, a prospect even Kant
claimed to be impossible. They have only been able to prove that modern
man is a creature with something less than absolute truth. The Christian
historian, however, must have a view of faith that humbles the intellect
and the critical spirit.

II. MYTH AND HISTORY

1. Toward a definition of myth. There have been numerous modern

misconceptions of the term myth. The original etymology of mythos in
Greek denoted "plot," "narrative," the sequential ordering of events. Nar-
rative was invented to explain the ultimate cause of reality.75 A myth is a
literary form that emphasizes religious or devotional truth rather than an
objective fact. It is a process used to interpret revelation, the communica-
tion of truth about God to rational creatures by means other than objective
facts. It expresses man's understanding of reality, an interpretation by
which we can better understand the world.76 In fact the expression of faith
must be done in a transcendent form, like myth or poetry (which was a
form of communication used in the Bible). These modes are expressions of
inaccessible and unknown truth, which is, however, capable of being stated
in signals. Myth as well as poetry attempts to formulate transcendental
72
Harvey, Historian 103.
73
Bebbington, Patterns 10-12.
74
J. Miller, The Old Testament and the Historian (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976) 18.
75
R. MacKenzie, Faith and History in the Old Testament (Minneapolis: University of Min-
nesota, 1963) 61.
76
B. Childs, Myth and Reality in the Old Testament, SBT 26 (1960) 83.
156 JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

reality. The human level of perception can be heightened by such forms.

The question, however, is whether the Bible used myth as a literary genre
to convey revelation. But myth, by definition, is a product of humanity's
imagination, not revelation. The writer of myth did not attempt to describe
the concrete existence of the reality with which the myth was concerned.

2. History and myth. History and myth are not complete opposites.
History is not completely historical, and myth is not completely mythical.
History can be defined as a mythical way in which to perceive the world, a
way to express the divine eternal nature from the standpoint of human
transience.77 Neither was an independent literary type in the ancient
world.78 Often it appears that legendary and historical narratives seem to
have been interspersed without the slightest indication that the religious
value of the stories was in any way proportionate to the degree of the
actuality of events. The early Hebrew and Christian could probably un-
derstand the difference between the two forms, and so could the people
around them. For example, the Assyrians often referred to their past but
rarely to their mythical past. They treated elements of mundane history
differently than myth. There was supernatural causation in the Bible, but
few unnatural events.

3. The OT and myth. What does this mean to the historian who is a
Christian? The problem in the OT is not simply whether the writers em-
ployed the use of myth but that they interspersed the text with much more
history than the cultures around them. 79 Different literary genres appear
to have mixed indiscriminately, as there does not seem to have been any
separation between theology and history.80 Were the Hebrews able to dis-
tinguish myth from history? Although they lacked precise categories for
both, they probably would have understood the difference. History would
be something that demanded the acknowledgment of eyewitnesses, while
myth would not. The Hebrews in essence wrote neither myth nor history
(in the modern secular sense of the word) but something in between. The
categories of myth and history are not adequate to describe the Biblical
category. It had a unique character of its own. 81 We are thus victims of our
own categorization, and applying these to the Bible does not add to our
understanding.

77
Cf. W. Stevenson, History as Myth: The Import for Contemporary Theology (New York:
Seabury, 1969) 9-32; also cf. discussion by E. Hammershaimb, "History and Cult in the Old
Testament," in Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William Foxwell Albright (éd. H. Goedicke;
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1971) 269-282.
78
J. McKenzie, "Myth and the Old Testament," CBQ 21 (1959) 268.
79
MacKenzie, Faith 62.
80
J. Roberts, "Myth vs. History," CBQ 38 (1976) 3; also cf. R. Friedman, who views histori-
cal and literary genres as interdependent in the OT ("The Prophet and the Historian: The Ac-
quisition of Historical Information from Literary Sources," in The Poet and the Historian:
Essays in Literary and Historical Biblical Criticism, HSS 26 [1983] 1-12).
81
Childs, Myth 17.
 THE HISTORIAN, THE BELIEVER, AND THE OT 157

Were the Hebrews confused because they lacked specific categories for
myth, poetry, and history? The aims and intentions of the Israelite histo-
rians were quite different from those of their modern counterparts. There
was no intent to separate divine action perceived by faith from what actu-
ally happened. The events were caused by God. The Hebrews did not write
modern scientific history. Rather, they wrote a series of theological reflec-
tions of Israel and its history, tempered by God's revelation. The Hebrews
assumed that supernatural and miraculous forces were significant factors
to take into account when interpreting history. The modern historian
often ignores these forces, and his historical method presupposes that all
historical phenomena are subject to analogous experience. The Biblical
writers used theological and metaphysical arguments rather than objec-
tive analysis and so wrote sacred history instead of secular history.
The goal of the Hebrews was to know God's way in the world, since his
wisdom was considered different than man's wisdom.82 The writers of the
Pauline and Petrine epistles, like the Greek philosophers, disdained the use
of the term mythos.83 Myth was the product of man's religious imagination,
not the consequence of revelation. Myth emanated from man, not God. The
Biblical authors wrote from God's perspective, a perspective where such
myth had no place.

III. REVELATION AND HISTORY! DIVINE WILL VERSUS NATURAL CAUSATION

Modern historians also have been unable to reconcile the Hebrew idea
of emphasizing divine factors in history with modern historical criticism.
Many think of divine will and natural causation in exclusive terms. They
cannot exist together. But to seek a divine origin for an event because of
the inability of our present understanding to provide a satisfactory natural
explanation is a fallacy.84 This is a determination to be made from the
other side of omniscience. To see a divine effect does not mean the termi-
nation of natural causes. Explanations of an event in natural and unnatu-
ral terms are not exclusive but compatible. In the ancient Near East, as
well as in Israel, kings imputed victory to the gods without denying that
human agents took part.85 Divine causation in Scripture was not usually
those events that interrupted the sequence of natural causes but those
that usually exhibited how God was at work in them. But one needs to find
a balance in order to understand how to interpret an event historically.
God has concealed and revealed himself in history, so said Luther. Ex-
cept for revelation, God's workings are not verifiable. They are only sug-
gested. Both divine revelation—that is, that which is disclosed by God
to man—and natural causation must be emphasized.86 If we only see
82
1 Cor 1:18; 2:5, 16.
83
1 Tim 1:4; 4:6#7; 2 Tim 4:4; Titus 1:13#14; 2 Pet 1:16.
84
G. Ramsey, The Quest for the Historical Israel (Atlanta: John Knox, 1981) 111.
85
Isa 7:18#19; 8:7#8; 10:7#11.
86
Β. Albrektson, History and the Gods: An Essay on the Idea of Historical Events as Divine
Manifestations in the Ancient Near East and Israel (Lund: Gleerup, 1967) 98.
158 JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

revelation, there is no place for faith. If we see only concealment, there can
be no theological interpretation and no meaning to history. The medieval
person viewed history as a chain of miraculous events. All ordinary life
receded to the background. But we need to understand how ordinary hu-
manity lived in time and space. A theological interpretation used too often
can appear as a deus ex machina. The redemptive aspect of history is tran-
scendent and is not an aspect of secular history. History implies dynamic
movement while revelation implies static permanent truth.

IV. BIBLICAL FAITH AND HISTORY

Revelation is a form of communication used by God, while the human

response to (or belief in) that revelation is Biblical faith.87 The object of
faith, whether Christian or otherwise, is not necessarily validated or dem-
onstrated by empirical research. Those who believe that faith can be dem-
onstrated in this way have failed to carry out the implications of the
historical-critical method.88 But the theological claims of Scripture are not
to be demonstrated simply by the historical method, a method that the
Scriptural claims transcend. Even if we believe that Jesus rose from the
dead, the meaning (but not the evidence) behind the resurrection lies be-
yond the grasp of the historian. Biblical faith is based not solely on the his-
toricity of the events described but on revelation. Faith only to a certain
extent can bring forth objective facts to support theological claims. The
problem occurs when one attempts to interpret those facts, since objective
facts cannot transcend the mundane. Facts, however, can point more
clearly to a particular interpretation. Yet both revelation and its theologi-
cal interpretation transcend our present reality.
The person who believes that faith can simply be authenticated by his-
tory or archeology must be careful not to put his trust wholly in science
rather than Scripture, a procedure that may show a misguided faith. Cer-
tainly our beliefs can gain support from archeological discoveries, but such
finds cannot be the basis of faith. If they could be so used they would be
aids to theology. If Homer's characters in the Iliad are proved to have ex-
isted, should I then worship Zeus? The assertion that history confirms the
Bible implies that its theological truth has been rightly understood. Scrip-
tural truth—that is, the truth of its theological claims—can neither be ul-
timately confirmed nor denied by the historical-critical method. Though
the Bible is subject to human verification it does not need our acceptance
to be true in reality.
Modern evangelical Christians, however, have become defensive in re-
gard to Scripture. The use of negative terminology—for example, inerrant,
infallible, and the like—shows their defensive posture. The Bible does not
need to be tempered by the use of human reason whenever it is in danger

87
In basic terms, historians have a belief system (or faith) that is as complicated as the
Christian's. The differences are only of degree, not genre.
88
Ramsey, Quest 111.
 THE HISTORIAN, THE BELIEVER, AND THE OT 159

of being proven false. It is based on revelation. Historical research, on the

other hand, suggests but does not demonstrate its object conclusively.89
History deals with probabilities, while faith deals with certainty. Any at-
tempt to demonstrate the theological truth of the Bible by the historical
process proceeds on the false assumption that historical truth and revela-
tion are the same, which is not necessarily true. Can the content of faith
be mediated through an historically false story as well as a true one?90
One cannot take for granted that if the historical record is accurate then
so is its spiritual teaching. It is a fundamental error in interpretation to
conceive of redemptive history as merely a series of verifiable historical
data to which a religious interpretation has been added.91 An assertion
cannot be used to justify itself. Faith cannot be used to wholly justify
faith. 92 The interpretation of an event as an act of God depends on the
perspective of the interpreter. It cannot, however, be established only by
the historical method.93 That is not to say that only those things that can
be established by the historical method could have actually happened.
History cannot deny the possibility of the supernatural. But articles of
faith (which are in the theological realm) cannot be considered proven by
historical fact, although the truth of Biblical historical assertions can be.
The central Biblical character of divine activity is not accessible to abso-
lute historical verification. Confessional faith does not guarantee the his-
toricity of the event. Unfortunately it has been more effective in our
culture to deal with the articles of faith as historical facts rather than doc-
trines. 94 Although faith and the historical process complement each other,
a true critical historian cannot confuse what he believes by faith and the
evidence posed by the modern historical process. In sum, the truth of the
historical claims of the Bible can be supported by the historical method,
while the Bible's theological truths cannot entirely be. All theology of
course cannot simply be reduced to interpretation or viewpoint. The theo-
logical truth of the singular essence of the Trinity has little relation to an
historical event, while the exodus from Egypt has an express relationship
to both theology and history. Theologians, however, should not write pure
history.
What happens when archeology and history seem to contradict the
Scriptural text? From the human side there are certainly apparent contra-
dictions. In fact, proof of a fabrication in the Biblical text would certainly
go far to undermine faith. Of course the archeologist knows of many sup-
posed former "fabrications" that later were found to have historical valid-
ity. The historian may be tempted to produce an artificial harmony
between the historicity of the text and his faith. Shall the evangelical alter
89
J. MacQuarrie, The Scope of Demythologizing (New York: Harper, 1966) 70-71.
90
Harvey, Historian 280.
91
Childs, Myth 86.
92
J. Collins, "The Historical Character of the Old Testament in Recent Biblical Theology,"
CBQ 41 (1979) 188-189.
93
Ibid. 191.
94
R. Pfeiffer, "Facts and Faith in Biblical History," JBL 70 (1951) 10.
160 JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

the historical findings in order to satisfy his instinct of theological self-

preservation? The problem, however, is with our lack of understanding,
not with the text itself. The text is mute about potential problems. The ab-
sence of findings cannot suffice to invalidate or validate the text, but it is
unwise to dismiss the text for lack of historical or archeological support.
Faith in the context of history has risks. We dare to affirm something big-
ger than our own world.95
But was not Israel's faith founded on history and God's mighty acts? As
Christian we believe this, but only through revelation do we ultimately
know of God's mighty acts. Finite humans can make no determination of
understanding divine wisdom. For them God is deus absconditus, a hidden
god, not to be comprehended in the finite patterns of history but only
through a faith response. For this reason finite humanity must have a
point of view about God and history.96 We cannot know God's mind unless
he reveals it. Bayle once said, "The mysteries of the Gospel are supernat-
ural in order, and cannot be subject to natural light." Faith is based on the
authority of Scripture. It is confessional.
To repeat, the precepts of faith cannot be grasped by the historical
method.97 Those who believe that the Christian faith can be established
completely on the basis of the historical-critical method have misunder-
stood both faith and the historical process. Faith stands in curious rela-
tion to fact.98 History can never solve its quest by pointing to God. Our
faith, however, can be content with no other answer.99

V. SUMMARY

For the Christian there is without doubt a struggle between his faith
and the modern historical-critical method. When the two systems collide
shall we, like Aquinas and Descartes, make an appeal to faith? Or shall
we say, as the nineteenth-century German historian von Ranke once said,
"I am first an historian, and second a Christian"?
As has been noted, scholars in the past few centuries have brought a
critical skepticism to the study of the Biblical text. This, as one historian
has stated, is a "negative fundamentalism," a preoccupation with objective
facts, a peculiarly western idea. 100 They have propagated the idea that
one could only accept as true those historical facts that could be empiri-
cally proven. The ancient and medieval historians took most traditions at
face value. But the modern historian is obliged to make an attempt to un-
derstand the philosophical and theological presuppositions of the writer
and to determine the genre of written expression.
95
P. Lapp, Biblical Archaeology and History (Cleveland: World, 1969) 53.
96
Collingwood, Idea 108.
97
R. de Vaux, The Bible and the Ancient Near East (Garden City: Doubleday, 1971) 56-57.
98
Shinn, Christianity 18.
99
M. Dibelius, Jesus (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1949) 10.
100
B. Halpern, The First Historians: The Hebrew Bible and History (San Francisco: Harper,
1988) 3.
 THE HISTORIAN, THE BELIEVER, AND THE OT 161

Thus the historian must be prepared to face the implications of all the
archaic evidence, whether it conflicts with his predetermined opinion (which
is not necessarily doctrine) or not. If it conflicts, then he must be prepared
to reinterpret his belief in some way or form. In order to apply the methods
of historical criticism one must remember that in history there is neither
"Jew" nor "Greek," even if there are "Jewish" and "Greek" historians. All of
them come to history with presuppositions. In some ways the Christian
must be careful not to be too close to the events that are being described in
order to be able to achieve the required level of historical objectivity.
If this is true, can a critical Biblical history be written by a believer? It
is possible if done by historians who have become sensitive to the issues
discussed here. The historical-critical method can be used on the Bible,
since it claims to have historical truth. To refuse to use the method in the
face of this claim would make impossible intellectual demands on faith
and would stress a separation of history and the Bible. 101 Historical in-
quiry does not need to be destructive. It is not only a belief system but
also a method. Faith and the historical method have different means of de-
termining truth and reality, which leads the Christian into intellectual
dualism.102
The relevance of the Bible is the entire social framework of antiquity,
of which the Bible is but a portion. One must complement it with all avail-
able information coming from archeology, ethnography and other disci-
plines. The Bible cannot be used as a straitjacket to coerce the research
designs of any excavation or historian's data. The OT must be judged on
its own aims and intentions, not just by the ideals of modern historio-
graphie research.103
The design of the historian (Christian or otherwise) must respond to
the proper nature of the data. Each historian must know that his interpre-
tation is only one view of a reality that cannot be fully recovered. There
certainly is a variation in the quality of these interpretations. An histo-
rian can simply recover some of the conditions of life in antiquity. Many
Biblical histories have been unproductive because they have not had this
interest. Rather, they have desired to prove and defend the historical and
theological nature of the Bible, a goal that appeals to our religious senti-
ments. The true difference, however, between a secular historian and a
Christian historian should be the Christian's quality of concern and sense
of reverence for the subject at hand. A Christian who has faith and also
studies history should be one who has been humbled by his lack of knowl-
edge and ability to recapture the past. The Christian (as well as secular)
historian must admit that there are historical quirks and "scandals" (that

101
Krentz, Historical-Critical 63.
102
Ibid. 68.
103
Halpern (The First Historians) contends that the writer of 1-2 Kings was a first-rate
historian, as critical of his sources as was any of the classical historians. Like other texts com-
ing from the ancient Near East, the OT must be taken as historiographie in nature, a document
in which the Hebrew people were attempting to render account of themselves.
162 JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

which escapes his powers of observation and understanding) that open up

the possibility of supernatural causation. No Christian can ultimately ig-
nore the challenges of the modern critical-historical method any more
than Augustine could avoid meeting the arguments of the classical pagan
world.104

104
I would like to thank F. Roberts and B. Morley for their helpful comments. Any mistakes
are my own responsibility.