Chapter 40

Chapter 40
ADOPTION
Rachel H. Farr and Harold D. Grotevant
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
Adoption can provide stable, loving, and perma- directions for future research and implications for
nent families for children who may not otherwise policy, practice, and law. While our primary context
have them. Adoptive families are formed through a for this chapter is the United States, we draw con-
variety of pathways and represent an increasingly nections wherever possible to psychological research
diverse and visible population in the United States about adoption in other countries.
(Kreider & Lofquist, 2014). No matter the type of
adoption, the legal transfer of parental rights and
NUMBER AND TYPE OF ADOPTIONS
responsibilities from birth to adoptive parents is
IN THE UNITED STATES
involved (Grotevant & McDermott, 2014). In this
chapter, we focus on adoptive families formed According to the 2010 U.S. Census, there are at least
through the legal relinquishment or termination of two million adopted children in the United States
the birth parents’ rights and subsequent granting under age 18, representing approximately 2.5% of
of parental rights to the adoptive parents, rather all American children (Kreider & Lofquist, 2014).
than on other adoption types, such as stepparent or Adopted children are more likely to be female than
second-parent adoptions. male, as well as more likely to be racial and ethnic
First, we describe numbers of adopted children minorities, than are children in the general popula-
in the United States, as well as different pathways to tion (Kreider & Lofquist, 2014). Children adopted
adoptive parenthood. Second, we consider several through public domestic agencies represent the
developmental milestones for adopted children. greatest proportion of adoptions (ranging from 40%
Third, we discuss the distinct characteristics of dif- to 44% during 2008 to 2012), while the number
ferent pathways to adoption, such as public foster of intercountry adoptions decreased during the
care adoptions, private adoptions, and international past decade, representing 14% of all adoptions in
adoptions. Using a lifespan perspective, we also 2001 and 7% in 2012 (Child Welfare Information
examine the unique dynamics of adoptive family Gateway, 2016). Although international placements
life, such as birth family contact, racial and cultural from other countries to the United States have
socialization, and adoptive parenting by lesbian and declined in recent years, the adoption of American
gay adults. Throughout the chapter, we integrate a children by parents in other countries—while still
strengths-based perspective about what factors are small—is on the rise (Groza & Bunkers, 2014;
associated with health and positive outcomes for Naughton, 2012). The numbers of other types of
adoptees and their families. Finally, we highlight adoptions have remained relatively steady in recent
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0000099-040
APA Handbook of Contemporary Family Psychology: Vol. 1. Foundations, Methods, and Contemporary Issues Across the Lifespan, B. H. Fiese (Editor-in-Chief)
Copyright © 2019 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.
725
APA Handbook of Contemporary Family Psychology: Foundations, Methods, and
Contemporary Issues Across the Lifespan, edited by B. H. Fiese, M. Celano, K.
Deater-Deckard, E. N. Jouriles, and M. A. Whisman
Copyright © 2019 American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.
Farr and Grotevant
years (ranging from 48% to 50% during 2001 to ment in terms of medical and other health expenses
2012); other adoptions include those through (USDHHS, 2015; see also Chapter 42, this volume).
private agencies, as well as tribal, facilitated, inde-
pendent, and stepparent adoptions (Child Welfare Private Domestic Adoption
Information Gateway, 2016). Adoptive families may Children adopted via private domestic adoption are
or may not have contact or information sharing with usually placed with a family during infancy, under
birth families, depending on the pathway to adop- the guidance of an adoption agency or attorney
tion (e.g., there often are more options for openness (Pinderhughes, Matthews, & Zhang, 2015). Given
in domestic vs. international placements). the financial means necessary, families who adopt
Regardless of the type of adoption, adoptive children through this pathway generally are of
families are a diverse group in the United States that middle- to upper-income classes (Vandivere et al.,
often includes multiracial family compositions, as 2009). Children placed are often White (50%), as
well as families headed by single parents or same-sex are the adoptive parents (71%; Vandivere et al.,
couples. Next, we provide some specific details on 2009). About 21% of children adopted through
several key pathways to adoption: public adoptions private domestic adoption have moderate to severe
from foster care and kinship care, private domestic special health care needs (i.e., one or more of
adoptions, and international adoptions. 16 specific medical conditions, such as asthma,
attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, or a learning
Adoption From Foster Care disability; Pinderhughes, Matthews, & Zhang, 2015;
and Kinship Care Vandivere et al., 2009). Birth parents involved in
There are more than 400,000 children currently domestic private adoptive placements typically
in the U.S. public child welfare system; more than voluntarily relinquish their parental rights, although
100,000 are awaiting permanent adoptive placement voluntarily may be a misnomer in that birth
(U.S. Department of Health and Human Services parents may feel they are unable to raise the child
[USDHHS], 2015). A disproportionate number have but do not have another choice beside adoption
experienced abuse or neglect prior to entering the (Grotevant & McDermott, 2014). Regardless, it
child welfare system, and others may have experi- is commonly the case that birth parents select the
enced additional trauma after being removed from adoptive parents with whom their child will be
their families of origin (Grotevant & McDermott, placed on the basis of detailed information about
2014). Adoptions from foster care involve the place- prospective adoptive parents, often provided by
ment of children whose biological parents have had the adoption agency facilitating the placement
their parental rights terminated (Pinderhughes, (Brodzinsky & Pinderhughes, 2002).
Matthews, & Zhang, 2015). Children adopted
through foster care vary considerably in age International Adoption
but often are older; the mean age for children An overwhelming number of intercountry adoptions
adopted from care in fiscal year 2014 was 6.2 years are transracial placements (85%); most children are
(USDHHS, 2015). Black children are disproportion- from racial and ethnic minority groups (59% of inter-
ately represented in the foster care system, account- national adoptees in the United States are Asian),
ing for 35% of adoptions from care (Vandivere, while the vast majority of adoptive parents are White
Malm, & Radel, 2009). Parents who adopt children (92%; Vandivere et al., 2009). The physical health,
from foster care represent a range of socioeconomic developmental delays (and recovery), and other
classes but generally are White (63%; Vandivere et al., medical issues of internationally adopted children
2009) and married (67%; USDHHS, 2015). Most have been a focus of research, in part due to the
commonly, children are adopted by their foster par- common experience of institutionalization prior to
ents (52%) or a biological relative (32%; USDHHS, adoption among these children (Miller et al., 2000;
2015). Parents who adopt from foster care typically van IJzendoorn & Juffer, 2006). As compared with
receive an adoption subsidy that supports the place- children adopted from foster care and through private
726
Adoption
domestic adoption in the United States, international delays or difficulties, particularly at older ages of
adoptees have the lowest percentage (14%) of special adoption (Crea et al., 2008; Gunnar et al., 2007;
health care needs that are considered moderate to Lowe & Fischer, 2007). Age of adoption is often
severe (Pinderhughes, Matthews, & Zhang, 2015). a proxy for length of institutionalized care, and
When not limited to health needs, however, 47% of the association between age of adoption and child
international adoptive parents have reported their outcomes can be explained by the presence of
child to have some special need during development preadoption adversities (Tan, Marfo, & Dedrick,
(e.g., behavioral problems; Pinderhughes, Matthews, 2010). Indeed, among international adoptees,
& Zhang, 2015). Juffer and van IJzendoorn (2005) found that those
who faced greater preadoption adversity showed
worse behavioral adjustment than those who had
DEVELOPMENT AMONG
experienced less adversity. Researchers have also
ADOPTED CHILDREN
compared outcomes among adoptees from differ-
Research about adoption from the perspectives of ent types of adoptions (and presumably different
clinical and developmental psychology has been preadoption experiences). For example, using data
concerned primarily with adoptees’ adjustment, from the nationally representative National Survey
developmental trajectories, and mental health issues of Adoptive Parents, Harwood, Feng, and Yu (2013)
(Palacios & Brodzinsky, 2010). Research about out- found that, compared to children placed through
comes for adopted individuals spans a wide range domestic private adoptions, children adopted from
of topics from physical development; cognitive and the foster care system in the United States were more
academic development; psychological adjustment; often reported to have special health care needs, and
identity and self-esteem; and relationships with children adopted internationally demonstrated worse
parents, siblings, birth family, peers, and romantic academic skills in reading and math. Importantly,
partners (Grotevant & McDermott, 2014). In this most associations between preadoption adversities
section, we highlight several areas of study regarding and later outcomes were mediated, at least partially,
adopted children’s development then offer a broader by parent–child relationship quality. These findings
consideration of developmental and family processes indicate the heterogeneity of developmental trajec-
unique to each pathway to adoption. tories among adopted children, as well as ways that
parents and professionals might best meet the needs
Preadoptive Experiences of different groups of adoptees.
Children who are adopted vary not only by the type In studies in both the United States (Howard,
of adoption (e.g., international, domestic foster, Smith, & Ryan, 2004) and elsewhere (e.g., Spain;
domestic private) but also by a host of preadoptive Jiménez-Morago, León, & Román, 2015), children
circumstances. Such circumstances commonly who experience institutionalization or nonkin foster
include prenatal substance exposure, history of mal- care settings prior to adoption tend to show more
treatment, and age at the time of placement (Crea, difficulties postadoption, as compared with other
Barth, Guo, & Brooks, 2008; Gunnar, van Dulmen, adopted children without these prior arrangements.
& the International Adoption Project Team, 2007). In the United States, Simmel, Barth, and Brooks
For instance, among internationally adopted chil- (2007) revealed that adolescents adopted from fos-
dren placed in the United States, more than 80% ter care had more behavior problems than did other
spent time in institutionalized care prior to adoption adopted adolescents; both groups, however, exhib-
(Lowe & Fischer, 2007). In turn, longer time spent ited more problems than nonadopted children. As
in institutional settings is associated with a series of noted earlier, Harwood et al. (2013) reported that
socioemotional, physical, and cognitive deficits in children adopted from foster care have greater spe-
development (Pollak et al., 2010). cial needs than do children adopted through other
Whether adopted internationally or domesti- means. Indeed, Pinderhughes, Matthews, and Zhang
cally, adoptees may be at risk for developmental (2015) indicated that 39% of children adopted from
727
Farr and Grotevant
care have moderate to severe health care needs—a Attachment

rate that is higher compared with children adopted Secure attachment relationships between children
via private domestic and international adoption. and parents are important in all families, including
One unique developmental issue that has been adoptive families (Farr, Grant-Marsney, & Grotevant,
the topic of some study is indiscriminate friend- 2014; Feeney, Passmore, & Peterson, 2007). Adopted
liness, which disproportionately occurs among children, however, may be more likely than non-
children adopted internationally who were insti- adopted children to show insecure attachment pat-
tutionalized prior to adoption. This behavior is terns. An elevated risk for adopted children to have
characterized by difficulty understanding and insecure attachment relationships is hypothesized to
maintaining appropriate social boundaries with result when adoptees experience early institutional
strangers, commonly including a lack of wariness care, neglect, and maltreatment (van den Dries, Juffer,
and social inhibition around strangers, and often van IJzendoorn, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2009).
a greater willingness to leave the premises with a Barcons et al. (2014) investigated secure attach-
stranger (Tarullo, Garvin, & Gunnar, 2011). These ment patterns and adaptive skills among different
behaviors may persist for years following success- groups of internationally adopted children who were
ful adoptive placement, despite the often rapid and placed in Spain. Those adopted from countries in
nearly complete gains in other arenas of develop- Eastern Europe showed more attachment insecurity
ment. Indeed, research has revealed an association and lower adaptive skills than children placed from
between indiscriminate friendliness and atypical countries in Asia, Central and South America, and
electroencephalographic brain wave patterns among Africa—a finding likely related to the severity of pre-
previously institutionalized children adopted inter- adoption adversity.
nationally, as well as among foster care children A meta-analysis revealed that children adopted
(Tarullo et al., 2011). Thus, early interventions for prior to their first birthday were as likely as non-
children experiencing disruptions or deprivation adopted children to be securely attached, as indicated
in care are particularly important across all types of by observational assessments (van den Dries et al.,
adoptions. 2009). Adoptees and foster children had similar
Other research on the neurobiological aspects of patterns of attachment security. While disorganized
early deprivation has provided important insights attachment was more common among adoptees
about the role of the stress hormone cortisol on chil- than nonadoptees, adopted children showed far less
dren’s outcomes postinstitutionalization and post– attachment disorganization than did institutional-
foster care. For instance, compared to nonadopted ized children. Lastly, self-report measures of attach-
children, adopted children who had experienced fos- ment revealed no differences between adoptees and
ter care and institutionalization demonstrated hypo- nonadoptees. Thus, it appears that adoption is often
cortisolism (e.g., blunted cortisol reactivity) 2 years a successful intervention for facilitating healthy and
after adoptive placement; in turn, hypocortisolism secure attachment patterns among adoptees with
mediated the association between adversity in early their adoptive parents (van den Dries et al., 2009;
care and teacher-reported externalizing and attention see also Chapter 7, this volume).
problems among the children when in elementary When Feeney et al. (2007) compared a sample
school (Koss, Mliner, Donzella, & Gunnar, 2016). of adults who were adopted during infancy in the
Relational interventions provide one promising United States with a sample of nonadopted adults,
direction for promoting resilience in children who they found that insecure attachment was more com-
have experienced early deprivation (Fisher, 2015). mon among adoptees as well as those who reported
For instance, an attachment-based intervention (the difficult childhood relationships with their parents
Attachment and Biobehavioral Catch-Up, or ABC, (Feeney et al., 2007). The effects of adoptive status,
intervention) is effective in regulating cortisol levels however, were mediated by self-reports of parental
among young children in foster care (Dozier, Peloso, bonding; associations between relationship vari-
Lewis, Laurenceau, & Levine, 2008). ables and attachment showed similar patterns for
728
Adoption
adoptees and nonadoptees. In another study of ado- grating their social identities in the world, and
lescents who were adopted domestically as infants, adoptees specifically must navigate how to define
closeness to adoptive mothers and fathers during themselves as an adopted person, among other roles
adolescence was linked during emerging adulthood (see also Chapter 33, this volume). Expressing inter-
with less anxiety and less avoidance in relationships est in one’s adoption and birth family relationships
with people outside the family (Grant-Marsney, is a normative behavior, and there is considerable
Grotevant, & Sayer, 2015). Thus, even if adoptees individual variation in whether adolescent adop-
show somewhat elevated rates of insecure attach- tees show curiosity about these domains (Wrobel,
ment as compared with nonadoptees, it appears that Grotevant, Samek, & Von Korff, 2013). Nonetheless,
relationship qualities are more important to attach- questions about adoption and birth family are quite
ment security than is adoptive status per se. common. Notably, female adoptees often demon-
strate more interest in their adoption than do male
Children’s Understanding of Adoption adoptees (Hawkins et al., 2007; Skinner-Drawz,
Children’s understanding of adoption can begin Wrobel, Grotevant, & Von Korff, 2011).
early, once conversations start to occur. Adoptive
parents often begin to discuss adoption more Adjustment Challenges:
actively with their children during the preschool The Role of Stigma
years (Brodzinsky, 2011). During this time, children Research about adopted children began in the late
learn the language surrounding adoption. While 1950s and early 1960s, and for several decades after
children generally are able to label themselves as its inception, a primary question of interest was
being adopted and may talk about having a birth whether adoptees were at greater risk than their
family, their capacity for understanding the meaning nonadopted peers for psychological, behavioral,
of adoption is limited. and academic difficulties, and whether adoptees
During middle childhood (i.e., 6–12 years old), faced unique problems or symptoms as a result
children experience numerous advances in social, of being adopted (Palacios & Brodzinsky, 2010).
emotional, and cognitive development and are Studies during the 1990s indicated that adopted
capable of understanding aspects of adoption and children were overrepresented in clinical settings in
birth family relationships in somewhat more sophis- the United States, Great Britain, and Canada, with
ticated ways. Adoptees may be curious about their estimates varying from 3% to 13% (Brodzinsky,
origins, challenge simple explanations surrounding Smith, & Brodzinsky, 1998). These rates are at least
adoption, or question their birth parents’ decisions. twice the expected level within the general popula-
Recognizing more complex definitions of family and tion in the United States (Palacios & Brodzinsky,
parenthood during middle childhood may sensitize 2010). The most common clinical symptoms among
children to adoption-related loss; this ability is adoptees are externalizing behavior problems,
considered to be a foundational aspect of adoptees’ including attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder,
emotional development, but these new insights could conduct issues, and substance use.
relate to the rise in adjustment problems during mid- More recent research demonstrates that adop-
dle childhood (Brodzinsky, 2011); importantly, how- tees may not necessarily be at risk for psychological
ever, young children’s curiosity about their adoption problems, but rather that adoptive parents may be
is not linked with behavior problems (Juffer, 2006). particularly inclined to access mental health services
During adolescence, children are able to think for their children (Miller et al., 2000). Moreover,
more abstractly than at earlier ages. They can con- even while some reliable differences may exist in
ceptualize the legal permanence of adoption, which adjustment between adoptees and nonadoptees, the
may reduce worries that younger children sometimes effect sizes reported are generally small to moderate,
face, as well as conceptualize numerous positive and differences in adjustment that exist earlier in
and negative implications of adoption. Adolescents childhood between adoptees and nonadoptees often
(adopted or not) face the task of forming and inte- disappear by adolescence (Juffer & van IJzendoorn,
729
Farr and Grotevant
2005). Beyond behavioral adjustment, meta-analytic tive identity, and how families communicate about
evidence has indicated no significant differences in adoption. We also highlight the topics of openness
IQ among adoptees as compared with nonadoptees in adoption, transracial adoption, and adoption by
(van IJzendoorn, Juffer, & Poelhuis, 2005). Even sexual minority parents.
though adoptees do not achieve as well as their
nonadopted peers in school, on average, it is the case Transition to Adoptive Parenthood
that adoptees show better school performance com- The transition to parenthood can be challenging for
pared with children who remain institutionalized any new parent. In a meta-analysis of the few studies
(van IJzendoorn et al., 2005). addressing the transition to adoptive parenthood,
The question remains as to whether social stigma McKay, Ross, and Goldberg (2010) noted the simi-
surrounding adoption, including low expectations larities of the adjustment process between biological
for adjustment among adoptees, is associated with and adoptive parents, including feelings of depres-
the depressive symptoms and behavioral difficulties sion after the birth or adoption of the child. The tran-
frequently reported in clinical studies of adopted sition to adoptive parenthood, however, also comes
individuals (Miller et al., 2000). Gibbons and Rotabi with distinct features as compared with biological
(2012) noted that societal attitudes regarding adop- parenthood (see also Chapter 26, this volume).
tion play important roles in influencing adoptees’ Many adoptive parenting couples (predominantly
development, perhaps particularly in cases of inter- heterosexual) may choose adoption after facing infer-
national and transracial placements. The evidence tility and the grief associated with this experience
appears mixed, however, about associations between (Brodzinsky & Pinderhughes, 2002). All adoptive
behavioral adjustment and stigma. For instance, parents must go through a rigorous screening process
Juffer (2006) found that negative reactions from before becoming parents, including psychological
peers did not predict behavior problems at home evaluations and an in-depth home study. Uncertainty
or school among young internationally adopted and anxiety can be common among new adoptive
children. parents as they await the placement of their child for
Regardless, adoption stigma can negatively some unknown length of time (i.e., sometimes up to
affect members of the adoptive kinship network. 2 years); after placement, parents generally must wait
Among a diverse sample of lesbian, gay, and hetero- for some probationary period (i.e., at least 6 months)
sexual adoptive parents, depressive symptoms were before legally finalizing the adoption. Moreover,
found to be significantly associated with internal- depending on the state (in the United States), birth
ized adoption stigma (Goldberg, Kinkler, & Hines, parents have the right to revoke their decision for
2011). Adoptees may face adoption stigma through some period of time (i.e., 30 days; Brodzinsky &
experiencing adoption microaggressions, character- Pinderhughes, 2002). On the other hand, adoptive
ized as subtle slights, often unintentional, that serve parents may enjoy greater financial, practical, and
to marginalize the experiences of adoptees (Baden, emotional resources as compared with other parents,
2016; Garber & Grotevant, 2015). Microaggressions given their often older age in becoming parents,
can be perpetuated by peers, teachers, and even strong family support, stable economic status, and
family, and adoption stigma is also pervasive in demonstrated mental and physical health. These
many films, storybooks, and other communications added resources may serve to buffer parents from
related to adoption in society (Baden, 2016). the unique stresses and challenges that accompany
adoptive parenthood (Brodzinsky & Pinderhughes,
2002).
ADOPTIVE FAMILY LIFE
Ramsey, Brabender, and Fallon (2013) described
In this section, we discuss a number of unique four principles relating to issues facing adoptive
issues facing adoptive family members during their families over the lifespan. The first principle is that
lifetimes, such as the process of becoming adoptive adoptive parents are charged with acknowledging
parents, how adoptees develop a sense of adop- and addressing differences that exist between them-
730
Adoption
selves and their child, their family and nonadoptive (i.e., family, community, society, etc.; Grotevant &
families, and their child and nonadopted children. Von Korff, 2011).
Second, adoptive parents must help their children Some research has highlighted the role of adoptive
develop through many typical milestones as well as parents, particularly adoptive mothers, as “identity
many that may be unique to adopted children, such agents” facilitating their children’s adoptive identity
as developing a sense of adoptive identity through development. Adoptive mothers intentionally use
conversations about and experiences related to strategies, based on their own individual theories of
adoption, racial and cultural socialization, and birth identity development (e.g., concern for and feelings
family contact. The third and fourth principles of responsibility for the children’s development as
underscore the importance of sensitive and cultur- an adopted person), to influence their adopted chil-
ally grounded adoption-competent training for pro- dren’s identity formation and engage in discussion
fessionals working with adoptive parents and their with their children (Von Korff, Grotevant, Koh, &
children. To effectively serve adoptive families, pro- Samek, 2010).
fessionals must have a great deal of knowledge and

understanding about adoption and adoptive family
Adoptive Family Relationships
life. Finally, as adoptive families often seek outside
Parents. Adoptees’ relationships with adoptive
support as their children grow, more than one type
parents remain important across adolescence and
of service, therapy, or intervention is very likely to
into emerging adulthood. Whitten and Weaver
be beneficial, given the complexity of issues often
(2010) found that, using data on 701 adoptive
facing adopted children and their parents (Ramsey
families with adolescent children from the National
et al., 2013).
Survey of Adoptive Parents, higher parent–child
relationship quality was significantly associated
Adoptive Identity Development
with better school performance in some areas
As discussed earlier, identity development is a criti-
cal milestone of adolescence. It is normative for (e.g., language arts) and with less substance abuse
adolescents to explore their beliefs, values, and goals and delinquency in school and the community (after
during this time period in order to form an inte- controlling for demographic and preplacement vari-
grated sense of identity. For adoptees, identity for- ables). In the Sibling Interaction and Behavior Study,
mation involves added layers of complexity, as these Walkner and Rueter (2014) uncovered lower mean
adolescents are tasked with navigating what it means levels of relationship quality indicators for adoptive
to identify as a person who is adopted and creating family dyads (parents and children) as compared
coherent self-narratives regarding connections to with nonadoptive family dyads. Similar trends in
birth and adoptive families (Grotevant & Von Korff, parent–child relationships, however, were found for
2011). Among a sample of adopted young adults, both adoptive and nonadoptive families from ado-
McGinnis, Smith, Ryan, and Howard (2009) found lescence to emerging adulthood (Walkner & Rueter,
that approximately 80% reported that having an 2014). Among families who pursued private domes-
identity as an adopted person was “very important” tic adoptions, more emotionally close parent–child
or “important” in their lives. The process of adop- relationships during emerging adulthood have also
tive identity formation involves adoptees’ exploring been found to be associated with adoptees’ greater
the meaning of adoption in their lives, gathering satisfaction with birth family contact, whatever its
information and connecting with others to deepen level (Farr, Grant-Marsney, & Grotevant, 2014).
their understanding, and constructing a coherent Despite some mixed evidence across studies as to
and consistent narrative as a result of reflection and whether parent–child relationship qualities are dis-
exploration. Adoptees vary in the depth of their tinct between adoptive and nonadoptive families, it
exploration of adoptive identity and thus the quality is clear that high quality parent–child relationships
of their adoption narratives, which in turn are influ- are associated with positive outcomes for children,
enced by the contexts in which adoptees develop including those who are adopted.
731
Farr and Grotevant
Earlier in this chapter, we discussed research family, as well as the implications regarding birth
about adopted children being at an elevated risk for family contact when one sibling has contact and the
behavior problems. Some researchers have inves- other does not. Also using data from the Minnesota–
tigated family process models that might explain Texas Adoption Research Project, Farr, Flood,
increased behavior problems among adolescent and Grotevant (2016) reported that when siblings
adoptees as compared with their nonadopted coun- (adopted or nonadopted) are involved in adoptees’
terparts. For instance, in their large study comparing birth family contact, adoptees have fewer external-
616 adoptive and nonadoptive families with adoles- izing behavior problems, feel more positively toward
cent children, Koh and Rueter (2011) found that a their birth mothers, have more contact with birth
significant proportion of variance in externalizing mothers, and are more satisfied with contact in ado-
behaviors among adolescents could not be explained lescence (as compared to adoptees with siblings who
by adoption status. Rather, adoption status was only were not involved in birth family contact). Some of
indirectly associated with adolescent externalizing these effects endured into emerging adulthood—if
problems, being mediated through family conflict siblings were involved in adoptees’ contact during
variables. Thus, it is clear that high quality parent– adolescence, emerging adult adoptees continued to
child relationships, marked by warmth, connection, have more contact with birth mothers and they felt
and low conflict, are critical for healthy adjust- more positively toward birth mothers than did those
ment among adoptees across adolescence and into adoptees with uninvolved siblings (Farr, Flood,
adulthood. et al., 2016).
Siblings. Siblings in adoptive families are also Communication. Family communication about
important in influencing outcomes for adopted chil- adoption is a dynamic process with substantial
dren across childhood and into adulthood. Adoption, variation and evolution over time (Wrobel, Kohler,
birth family contact, and racial and cultural differ- Grotevant, & McRoy, 2003). The adoption literature
ences play important roles in influencing sibling provides consistent evidence that when adoptive
dynamics among adopted children in adoptive families demonstrate sensitive and open communica-
families (Baden & Raible, 2011). Scant research has tion about adoption, there are positive associations
addressed sibling relationships in adoptive families, with adopted children’s adjustment (Brodzinsky,
particularly the impact of adoption on nonadopted 2006) as well as with several other family dynamics
siblings in adoptive families (Baden & Raible, 2011). and adoption-related outcome variables. For example,
Some researchers have given attention to adoptees’ Hawkins et al. (2007) found that among adolescent
relationships with any biological siblings. This is par- adoptees (both domestic and intercountry place-
ticularly noteworthy, as up to 71% of adoptees have ments), ease of discussing adoption was related to
known biological siblings (Vandivere et al., 2009). fewer emotional and behavioral difficulties, and
Often, adoptees do not live with biological siblings, satisfaction with communicative openness was linked
although this varies by adoption type (public foster with greater self-esteem. Findings also revealed that
care 36%; private domestic 15%; international 7%; communicative openness was perceived differently by
Vandivere et al., 2009). adoptees and their adoptive parents, so consideration
Among a sample of adoptive families who com- of different family members’ perspectives is crucial
pleted private domestic adoptions (Minnesota–Texas (Hawkins et al., 2007). In general, more adaptive
Adoption Research Project), Berge, Green, Grotevant, communication styles among adoptive families—and
and McRoy (2009) relayed the importance of birth nonadoptive families as well—are beneficial to overall
family contact as a vehicle for communication and family functioning. For instance, Samek and Rueter
closeness among multiple adopted children within (2011) found that in comparing family communica-
adoptive families. They discussed the complexity tion patterns among adoptive and nonadoptive fami-
of having multiple adopted children (not biologi- lies, sibling closeness was greatest among families
cally related to one another) in the same adoptive who encouraged conversation and shared similar
732
Adoption
views on topics of discussion; adoptive status of the adoptive kinship network (Grotevant, McRoy,
moderated few effects. Wrobel, & Ayers-Lopez, 2013; Hawkins et al.,
Some studies indicate associations between 2007). Generally speaking, however, adoptees with-
greater communicative openness about adoption out contact are interested in contact (Hawkins et al.,
and more birth family contact (Brodzinsky, 2006; 2007) and greater openness appears to be consis-
Grotevant, Rueter, Von Korff, & Gonzalez, 2011; tently associated with positive, rather than negative,
Neil, 2009). Among adoptees without direct birth outcomes for individuals making up the adoption
family contact who were placed during infancy in triad (adoptees, adoptive parents, and birth parents;
the United States, information seeking about birth Grotevant, 2012; Grotevant et al., 2013).
family in emerging adulthood was predicted by Despite variations in the characteristics of open-
adoptive mothers’ communicative openness when ness arrangements, all types of adoptive placements
adoptees were adolescents (Skinner-Drawz et al., generally have moved toward greater openness
2011). Among a similar sample when adoptees were between birth and adoptive family members in recent
in emerging adulthood, greater communicative open- decades (Grotevant, 2012). Private domestic adop-
ness with adoptive parents was significantly associ- tions tend to be the most open—Vandivere and col-
ated with adoptees’ greater satisfaction with birth leagues (2009) found that 67% of adoptive families
family contact (Farr, Grant-Marsney, & Grotevant, completing these placements have contact with birth
2014). Moreover, communication about adoption families. In contrast, adoptions from foster care are
among adoptive families appears facilitative of adop- less open (39%), and international adoptions have the
tive identity development, as demonstrated among lowest levels of openness (6%), yet all types of adop-
adoptees placed through private domestic adoption tions gradually are being marked by increasing open-
(Grotevant & Von Korff, 2011). ness (Pinderhughes, Matthews, & Zhang, 2015).
Emerging adult adoptees (placed through private
Openness in Adoption domestic adoption) with greater birth family con-
Openness in adoption can be characterized as any tact are also more satisfied with that contact, con-
form of contact or information sharing across the sistent with research at earlier developmental time
adoptive kinship network, comprising the adoptee, points (Farr, Grant-Marsney, Musante, Grotevant, &
adoptive family members, and birth family mem- Wrobel, 2014). Adoptive families with birth family
bers (Grotevant, 2012; Siegel, 2012). Contact varies contact also are more satisfied with the adoption in
widely in frequency and form, and often changes general (Crea & Barth, 2009). Moreover, adoptive
dynamically for family members over time. Thus, families who are satisfied with birth family contact
there is no “one size fits all” in terms of best prac- also appear to have adoptees with fewer external-
tices with openness arrangements, and each family izing problems in adolescence and emerging adult-
must determine an ideal level and type of contact hood (Grotevant et al., 2011).
given the variety of relational and practical circum- Counter to some popular beliefs suggesting that
stances surrounding contact. Related to managing adoptees who search for their birth families are
ongoing relationships in the adoptive kinship net- unhappy in their adoptive families, some research
work, the concept of emotional distance regulation suggests that adoptees with secure attachment rela-
was proposed by Grotevant (2009). Maintaining tionships to their adoptive parents are more likely to
successful contact among adoptive and birth family have birth family contact than those adoptees with
members requires commitment to the relationships, insecure attachments (Howe, 2001). For adoptive
strong interpersonal skills, and flexibility. These and birth parents, greater openness appears linked
qualities and skills can be learned and developed with greater satisfaction postadoption (Ge et al.,
over time and, if needed, with therapeutic or other 2008). Greater openness has also been found to
professional help from adoption-competent practi- be associated with better adjustment among birth
tioners (Grotevant et al., 2013). There is consider- mothers and fathers after the adoptive placement
able variation in desire for contact among members (Ge et al., 2008), as well as with fewer feelings of
733
Farr and Grotevant
grief and loss among birth mothers (Henney, Ayers- White culture yet eventually may desire to identify
Lopez, McRoy, & Grotevant, 2007). with and reclaim their birth culture.
Adoptive family communication about race
Transracial Adoption appears to play important roles for transracial
The majority of adoptees in the United States adoptees as they develop their own racial and
are racial and ethnic minorities (23% Black, 15% ethnic identities. Hamilton, Samek, Keyes, McGue,
Hispanic, 15% Asian, 9% Other), and many represent and Iacono (2015) investigated feelings about
transracial adoptive placements, as 73% of all adop- adoption, birth culture, and adoptive family com-
tive parents (across private domestic, public foster, munication among a diverse group of transracial
and international adoptions) are White (Vandivere adolescent adoptees. They found that among four
et al., 2009). Most commonly, transracial adoptees groups of adolescent transracial adoptees, compared
are racial and ethnic minorities with White adoptive with White adolescent adoptees with White adop-
parents, in contrast to White children with minority tive parents, there were no differences in feelings
adoptive parents. There is a general consensus that about adoption or curiosity about birth parents.
transracial adoption does not result in more adjust- There were, however, some group differences in
ment difficulties as compared with same-race adop- family communication about race and ethnicity,
tion (Baden & Raible, 2011). Race-related difficulties, as well as in identity development and behavioral
however, are commonly reported among transracially adjustment. Asian and Latino transracial adoptees
adopted adults living in the United States (McGinnis reported that their families talked more about race
et al., 2009) as well as in other countries, such as and ethnicity than did White same-race adoptees.
Norway and the Netherlands (Riley-Behringer, Groza, Black and other race transracial adoptees reported
Tieman, & Juffer, 2014). For transracial adoptees, not talking with their White parents about race
an association has been found between facing more and ethnicity, yet their parents reported the highest
discrimination and greater experiences of stress levels of communication as compared with other
(Leslie, Smith, Hrapczynski, & Riley, 2013). sample groups.
Juffer (2006) reported that among 7-year-old In another study, Godon, Green, and Ramsey
internationally adopted children in the Netherlands, (2014) investigated the role of birth family contact
those who reported a “wish to be White” were more and ethnic identity. Among a group of 109 adult
likely to have behavior problems (as reported by transracial adoptees, most of whom identified as
adoptive mothers and teachers). Juffer speculated Asian or Asian American, ethnic identity differed
that this finding could be explained by attachment among those who had searched for, or who had
theory, such that it is typical for young adopted chil- contact with, their birth family. On the other hand,
dren to identify with their parents and these same psychological adjustment did not differ as a func-
children often expressed a desire to have been born tion of contact or ethnic identity development
to their adoptive family. DeBerry, Scarr, and Weinberg (Godon et al., 2014). Moreover, same-race adoptees
(1996) studied African American transracial adop- showed more aggressive and less prosocial behavior
tees and found that many had trouble adopting an as compared with transracial adoptees (Hamilton
“Africentric reference group orientation” by adoles- et al., 2015). These findings are consistent with
cence and instead displayed a “Eurocentric reference earlier research in this area. For instance, Juffer and
group orientation.” Baden, Treweeke, and Ahluwalia van IJzendoorn (2007) conducted a meta-analysis
(2012) described processes of acculturation and of adoptees’ self-esteem and found that transracial
enculturation as insufficient for adequately charac- adoptees had similarly high levels of self-esteem as
terizing how international and transracial adoptees compared with same-race adoptees. Whitten and
reclaim birth culture, including aspects of racial and Weaver (2010) found that transracially adopted ado-
ethnic identity. Rather, they introduced a new term, lescents show similar patterns of positive outcomes
reculturation, to capture how adoptees commonly in the context of strong parent–child relationships as
identify early in life with their adoptive families’ do same-race adopted adolescents.
734
Adoption
The role of adoptive parents in providing cultural 2011). During the first decade of the millennium,
socialization (i.e., exposure to their child’s culture the number of adoptive lesbian and gay parents in
of origin and fostering a sense of pride in it) and the United States has doubled (Gates, 2011). This
preparation for bias (i.e., strategies for coping number is likely to continue growing, given federal
with discrimination) has received some attention legislation in March 2016 supporting the recogni-
(Pinderhughes, Matthews, & Zhang, 2015). Lee, tion of same-sex parent adoption across all states in
Grotevant, Hellerstedt, Gunnar, and the Minnesota the United States (Reilly, 2016). According to 2010
International Adoption Project Team (2006) revealed U.S. Census data, same-sex couples were 4 times
that adoptive parents who demonstrated less more likely than other-sex couples to be parenting
colorblindness in attitudes were more likely to adopted children (Gates, 2013). Moreover, sexual
engage in cultural socialization with their inter- minority parents appear more likely than hetero
nationally and transracially adopted children. sexual parents to adopt across race (Farr &
Furthermore, this association was mediated by Patterson, 2013).
parents’ stronger beliefs about the importance of Although most research during the past several
behaviors related to cultural socialization. decades about sexual minority parent families has
Family racial and cultural socialization may be focused on children born to lesbian and gay parents,
related to adoptees’ racial identity development and there is a growing number of studies specifically
adjustment. For example, in their study of African targeting adoptive families headed by lesbian and gay
American transracial adoptees, DeBerry and col- parents. This emerging body of research is consistent
leagues (1996) found that adolescents in adoptive with the broader literature about sexual minority
families that engaged in more family racial social- parent families—children adopted by lesbian and gay
ization had greater Africentric (not Eurocentric) parents demonstrate healthy and typical develop-
reference group orientation, and this was also related ment, adoptive lesbian and gay parents are capable
and effective in their parenting roles, same-sex adop-
to fewer adjustment difficulties. More recently, Leslie
tive parenting couples report happy and satisfying
and colleagues (2013) examined whether racial
couple relationships, and overall family functioning
socialization might be a protective factor for ethnic
among lesbian and gay adoptive parent families is
and racial minority adolescents adopted by White
relatively high. Generally, no significant differences
parents. Indeed, the results indicated that racial
in health and adjustment have been uncovered
socialization buffered adolescents experiencing dis-
in comparisons of adoptive sexual minority and
crimination from added stress. Anderson, Lee, Rueter,
heterosexual parent families (e.g., Farr, Forssell, &
and Kim (2015) found that among 111 families
Patterson, 2010; Goldberg & Smith, 2013; Golombok
in the United States who collectively adopted
et al., 2014; Lavner, Waterman, & Peplau, 2012; see
185 adolescent children from South Korea, adoles-
Chapter 41, this volume). Much of the research to
cents had fewer delinquent behaviors when their
date on adoptive families with sexual minority par-
families acknowledged racial and ethnic differences
ents has focused on data collected from the parents’
(assessed via an observational family conversation perspectives, but some research highlights the voices
task) as compared with adolescents in families who of children adopted by sexual minority parents
held discrepant views of racial and ethnic differences. (e.g., Cody, Farr, Ayers-Lopez, McRoy, & Ledesma,
2017; Farr, Crain, Oakley, Cashen, & Garber, 2016;
Adoption by Sexual Minority Parents Gianino, Goldberg, & Lewis, 2009).
The adoption of children by sexual minority parents
has been controversial in the United States for some
CONNECTIONS WITH POLICY,
time, and lesbian and gay adoptive parents report
PRACTICE, AND LAW
facing stigma and discrimination throughout the
adoption process (Farr & Patterson, 2013). Yet, Adoption research has the potential to inform and
American attitudes are becoming increasingly favor- amend policy, practice, and law related to adoption.
able toward lesbian and gay parent adoption (Gates, Here, we describe several connections among the
735
Farr and Grotevant
spheres of research, policy, practice, and law pertain- and their families across the lifespan. Regardless,
ing to adoptive families, specifically the issues of there is clearly a need for adoption and child welfare
openness in adoption, international adoption, and professionals to be trained in adoption-competent
best practices for adoption professionals. and trauma-informed practices in working with
For years, confidential and sealed birth records adoptive and birth families throughout the adop-
were standard practice in adoption; secrecy tion process (Grotevant & McDermott, 2014). More
was the norm for adoptive and birth families comprehensive postadoption services are needed to
(Grotevant, 2012; Siegel, 2012). During the last support adoptive families during the lifespan, since
several decades, policies reflecting increasing most adoption services are aligned closely with the
openness in adoption have become increasingly time of placement. Moreover, policies could be pro-
common in adoption practice, in part due to moted that serve to break down barriers impeding
greater understanding about the benefits of open- swift and safe permanent adoptive placements, par-
ness for adoptees and birth mothers in particular ticularly in cases of adoption from the public child
(Grotevant, 2012; Siegel, 2012). welfare system in the United States.

Regarding international adoptions, The Hague
Convention on the Protection of Children and
FUTURE DIRECTIONS FOR RESEARCH
Cooperation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption
established safeguards to ensure the best interests of Although many advances in adoption research have
the child in cases of intercountry adoptions. Since occurred in the past several decades, many gaps in the
2008, the Hague Convention has been implemented literature remain. For instance, very little is known
in the United States, and some researchers have about outgoing adoptions from the United States to
investigated adoption professionals’ perspectives on other countries, such as Canada and the Netherlands,
the advantages and difficulties of enforcing its rules yet at least 1,500 children were internationally
and regulations (Pinderhughes, Matthews, Pertman, adopted into other countries from the United States
& Deoudes, 2015). Several clear benefits resulting from 2003 to 2009 alone (Groza & Bunkers, 2014;
from the implementation of the Hague Convention Naughton, 2012). Another emerging topic receiving
are greater attention to the protection and best increasing attention is the practice of embryo adop-
interests of children in need of permanent families; tion, particularly its long-term outcomes and family
increased consistency and transparency in the pro- dynamics (Murphy, 2014). Broadly, adoption
cess of intercountry adoptions; and greater numbers research would benefit from taking a strengths-based
of safe, appropriate, and legal intercountry adop- approach, focusing on unique family processes that
tions. An unintended consequence of greater regula- contribute to health and well-being over time. Studies
tion, however, is that increased numbers of children targeting such family processes would benefit from
are waiting longer in institutions before intercountry more process-oriented methods, including the use of
adoptive placement and a greater proportion of chil- observational methodology. With advanced statisti-
dren adopted internationally have special needs than cal approaches available to explore dyadic and recip-
in earlier years (Pinderhughes, Matthews, Pertman, rocal analyses across time, particularly involving the
& Deoudes, 2015). interactions and dynamics of parent–child, couple,
Policy discussions about the best interests of and sibling dyads, existing inconsistencies in the
children can be complex and occur at varying levels literature could be resolved and the field of adop-
of interaction in the adoption process, such as at tion studies could move forward. Critical to future
the child welfare agency, local, state, national, and research is more direct inclusion of the perspectives
international levels. There is often vigorous debate, of underrepresented groups, such as the voices of
infused with personal values and attitudes, about adoptees, birth parents, and siblings, in addition
the best ways to effectively prepare prospective to adoptive parents. More longitudinal research
adoptive families and how to provide adoption- designs, greater use of nationally representative
competent clinical and medical services for adoptees samples such as the National Survey of Adoptive
736
Adoption
Parents, and more frequent inclusion of variables Barcons, N., Abrines, N., Brun, C., Sartini, C., Fumado, V.,
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in children of international adoption. Child & Family
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(2009). Sibling issues in open adoption arrange-
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Silverstein & S. L. Smith (Eds.), Siblings in adoption
In this chapter, we sought to highlight an array of and foster care: Traumatic separations and honored
dynamics and issues unique to adoptive families connections (pp. 69–81). Westport, CT: Praeger.
formed through private domestic, public foster Brodzinsky, D. (2006). Family structural openness and
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care have moderate to severe health care needs—a Attachment

fessionals must have a great deal of knowledge and

(Grotevant, 2012; Siegel, 2012). welfare system in the United States.

Reilly, M. (2016, March 31). Same-sex couples can now

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