Abraraw's Thesis
Abraraw's Thesis
Abraraw's Thesis
2021-02
Abraraw Chale
http://ir.bdu.edu.et/handle/123456789/11902
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BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY
COLLEGE OF BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS
DEPARTMENT OF MANAGEMENT
By:
Abraraw Chale
Advisor:
Anteneh Eshetu (PhD)
September, 2018
Bahir Dar
i
EFFECT OF ORGANIZATIONAL POLITICS ON EMPLOYEE
COMMITMENT IN PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS
The case of Gondar City Administration
By:
Abraraw Chale
Advisor:
Anteneh Eshetu (PhD)
September, 2018
Bahir Dar
ii
BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY
DEPARTMENT OF MANAGEMENT
By:
Abraraw Chale
iii
DECLARATION
I, the undersigned, declare that the study entitled “The Effect of Organizational Politics on
Employees’ Commitment. The case of Gondar City Administration” is the result of my
own effort and study that all sources of materials used for the study have been
acknowledged. I have conducted the study independently with the guidance and comments
of the research advisor.
This study has not been submitted for any degree in any university. It is conducted for the
partial fulfillment of the Master of Arts Degree in Business Administration.
_________________ _______________
Abraraw Chale Date
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LETTER OF CERTIFICATION
This is to certify that this study, “The Effect of Organizational Politics on Employees’
Commitment. The case of Gondar City Administration.”, undertaken by Abraraw Chale for the
partial fulfillment of Masters of Business Administration (MBA) at Bahir Dar University, is an
original work and not submitted earlier for any degree either at this University or any other
University.
Signature ________________________________
Date____________________________________
ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
First and foremost, I praise the Almighty God for his support and protection in all aspects of my
life.
The accomplishment of this master thesis cannot pass without acknowledging the contributions
made by some few specials persons who devoted their time, means and intellectual abilities.
First, I would like to thank my advisor Dr. Anteneh Eshetu for his remarkable advice and
guidance in this study. It is disrespectful if I failed to thank all my friends and colleagues for
their assistance in providing necessary materials and encouragements to accomplish this research
work. My appreciation extends to Bahir Dar University and its management for awarding me a
tuition free scholarship to attend my MBA.
Finally my gratitude and love goes to my wife Emawayish Muchie and our lovely daughter
Sophia. I thank you for your care and patience.
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Contents
List of Tables and Figures............................................................................................................. vii
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... vii
Acronyms ...................................................................................................................................... vii
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ viii
Chapter One .................................................................................................................................... 1
Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1
1.1 Background of the Study .................................................................................................. 1
1.2 Statement of the Problem ................................................................................................. 3
1.3 Research questions ........................................................................................................... 5
1.4 Objectives of the Research ............................................................................................... 6
1.4.1 General Objective ..................................................................................................... 6
1.4.2 Specific Objectives ................................................................................................... 6
1.5 Research Hypothesis ........................................................................................................ 6
1.6 Significance of the Study ................................................................................................. 7
1.7 Scope of the Study............................................................................................................ 7
1.8 Organization of the Research ........................................................................................... 7
1.9 Chapter Summary............................................................................................................. 8
Chapter Two.................................................................................................................................... 9
Review Of Related Literature ......................................................................................................... 9
2.1 Theoretical Review .......................................................................................................... 9
2.1.1 Definition of Organizational Politics ........................................................................ 9
2.1.2 Theories of Organizational Politics ........................................................................ 11
2.1.3 Causes of Organizational Politics ........................................................................... 13
2.1.4 Consequences of Organizational politics ................................................................ 15
2.1.5 Who are in the Organizational politics?.................................................................. 16
2.1.6 Organizational Politics in the private and Public Sector ........................................ 16
2.1.7 State-politics in Public Organizations ..................................................................... 18
2.1.8 The Ethiopian Public Sector ................................................................................... 20
2.1.9 Models of Perceived Organizational Politics .......................................................... 21
2.2 Employees Organizational Commitments ...................................................................... 25
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2.2.1 Understanding the Concept ..................................................................................... 25
2.2.2 Theories and Models of Organizational Commitment............................................ 26
2.3 Perception of Organizational Politics and Organizational Commitment ....................... 29
2.4 Empirical Studies ........................................................................................................... 31
2.5 Operationalization: Conceptual Definition of the Research Constructs ........................ 33
2.6 Conceptual Framework .................................................................................................. 33
2.7 Chapter Summary........................................................................................................... 34
Chapter Three................................................................................................................................ 35
Methodology ................................................................................................................................. 35
3 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 35
3.1 Research Approach ........................................................................................................ 35
3.2 Research Design ............................................................................................................. 35
3.3 Source of Data ................................................................................................................ 36
3.4 Data Collection Tools..................................................................................................... 36
3.5 Population and Sampling ............................................................................................... 36
3.5.1 Population ............................................................................................................... 36
3.5.2 Sampling ................................................................................................................. 37
3.6 Measurement of Variables ............................................................................................. 38
3.6.1 Independent Variable Measures .............................................................................. 38
3.6.2 Dependent Variable Measures ................................................................................ 39
3.6.3 Research Model .......................................................................................................... 40
3.7 Data Analysis ................................................................................................................. 40
3.8 Validity and Reliability .................................................................................................. 41
3.8.1 Validity ................................................................................................................... 41
3.8.2 Reliability................................................................................................................ 41
3.9 Ethical Consideration ..................................................................................................... 42
3.10 Chapter Summary........................................................................................................... 43
Chapter Four ................................................................................................................................. 44
Data Analysis, Results And Discussions ...................................................................................... 44
4 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 44
4.1 Descriptive Statistics ...................................................................................................... 44
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4.1.1 Response Rate............................................................................................................... 44
4.2 Demographic Characteristics of Respondents................................................................ 45
4.2.1 Sex of Respondents ...................................................................................................... 45
4.2.2 Profile as per Age of Respondents ............................................................................... 46
4.2.3 Levels of Education of Respondents ............................................................................ 46
4.2.4 Years of Experience of the Respondents ...................................................................... 46
4.2.5 Profile as Per Source of Position Obtained .................................................................. 46
4.2.6 Profile as Per Political Affiliation ................................................................................ 46
4.3 Descriptive Statistics of dependent and independent variables ..................................... 47
4.4 Relational Analysis ........................................................................................................ 48
4.5 Regression Analysis ....................................................................................................... 50
4.5.1 Assumption of Multiple Linear Regression.................................................................. 50
4.5.2 Multiple Linear Regression Analysis: The Effect of POPs on EAFC ........................ 54
4.6 Hypothesis Testing .............................................................................................................. 58
4.7 Discussion on Major Findings ....................................................................................... 61
4.8 Chapter Summary........................................................................................................... 63
Chapter Five .................................................................................................................................. 64
Summary, Conclusion And Recommendation .............................................................................. 64
5 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 64
5.1 Summary of main findings ............................................................................................. 64
5.2 Conclusion...................................................................................................................... 65
5.3 Recommendations .......................................................................................................... 68
5.4 Limitation of the Study .................................................................................................. 70
5.5 Contribution of the Study ............................................................................................... 70
References ..................................................................................................................................... 72
Appendixes ................................................................................................................................... 79
Questionnaire ............................................................................................................................ 79
Reliability Test of Each Item .................................................................................................... 81
Linearity of each variable to the dependent variable ................................................................ 82
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List of Tables and Figures
Tables
List of Figures
FIGURE1: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ........................................................................................................ 31
FIGURE 2: HISTOGRAM AS TEST OF NORMALITY FOR EMPLOYEES AFFECTIVE COMMITMENT .................. 52
FIGURE 3: NORMAL P-P PLOT OF REGRESSION STANDARDIZED RESIDUAL OF AFC ................................. 52
FIGURE 4: SCATTER PLOT FOR THE DEPENDENT VARIABLE ....................................................................... 55
Acronyms
CEO Chief Executive Officers
OC Organizational Commitment
OP Organizational politics
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ABSTRACT
Organizational politics is often explained as behaviour aimed at safeguarding the self interest of
an individual at the cost of another and the organizational goals. The issue of organizational
politics is under researched in developing world particularly in the public offices. Above all the
issue of organizational politics has been separately studied from state politics; from which it
originated. This deviation by the western scholars is probably attributed for the mainstream
understanding held over separation of state and politics and the flow of resource ownership and
management from public to private sector. However, the increasing complexity of social and
economic system is pushing party politics (politician) involvement against the long held civil
bureaucracy in the developed world. Contrary to the previous argument, in most of the
developing world, public sectors are under strict control of national politics and subject to
serving politicians purpose of their time. The objective of this study is to investigate the effect of
four perceived organizational politics dimensions; General Political Behavior, Go Along to Get
Ahead, Pay and promotion, and Political Clientelism, as independent variables, on employee
commitment (dependent variable) in selected Gondar city administration public offices.
Perceived organizational politics (POPs) is measured by contextualized standard questionnaire
including additional four items under one variable; political clientelism. Employees affective
commitment was measured adopted from a three dimensional model. Data was collected from
randomly selected 215 employees and analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics. The
result shows General Political Behaviour; Go Along to Get Ahead, and Political Clientelism
negatively associated and, are significantly disturbing employee affective commitment, Pay and
promotion policy as dimensions of organizational politics found insignificant in affecting
employees affective commitment. The study definitively tested the theories in a different context
and contribute o the knowledge of the topic while recommending for further study areas.
Keywords: Perceived Organizational Politics, General Political Behaviour, Go Along to Get Ahead, Political
Clientelism, Affective Commitment
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
This chapter of the study encompasses the background of the study, statement of the problem,
objectives of the study, research questions, significance of the study together with scope and
limitations.
Organizational politics has been a successful field of academic writing and study for more than
forty decades keeping the disagreements in measurement and its significance to the organization.
For about half a century organizational politics in both sectors, of public and private, have been
studied (Allen et al; 1979, Mayes and Allen, 1977; Hardy, 1993; Vigoda-Gadot & Drory, 2006).
Scholars portrayed the idea of politics as a ‘master-craft’ and thus are a tolerable and practical
social phenomenon (Provis in Vigoda-Gadot & Drory, 2006). Organizational politics is often
explained as the behaviour that is aimed at safeguarding the self interest of an individual at the
cost of another (Gotsis & Kortezi, 2010; Latif et al, 2011), and this behaviour often conflicts
with the organizational goals (Vigoda-Gadot, 2007). Its impact is seen beyond organization, it is,
further argued, anti social too.
1
characteristics, organizational, environmental and social factors (Gandz and Murray, 1980; Ferris
and Kacmar, 1992; Kacmar and Baron, 1999). Organizational politics can be observed in a
number of ways as nepotism, cronyism, elitism (Pelletier and Bligh, 2008), competition for
resources, personal conflicts, struggle for power, building coalitions (Ram and Prabhakar, 2010)
etc. Few argue that all behaviors in the organizations cannot be considered as political (Mayes
and Allen, 1977), and goes further in that if organizational politics is used in a correct way, it
could serve the benefits of organizations (Daft, 1983; Vigoda, 2000).
It is believed that the obvious tendency for politicking is a human nature. And that is believed a
consequence of evolution, which in return is associated with power endeavouring, and derives
from the interaction between the distribution of tasks and rank delineation (Vredenburgh & Shea
Van-Fossen, 2010). Meriac & Villanova (in Vigoda- Gadot & Drory, 2006) argue that some
people ought to gain in some way from the political tactics, otherwise there would be no reason
for them to engage in political behaviour (2006: 17). Liu et al (in Vigoda-Gadot & Drory, 2006)
argued that individuals who benefit from political behaviour may go through thoughts of
pleasure and excitement, especially when favourable consequences are only achievable through
prohibited strategies.
According to Vigoda- Gadot et al., (2003), many researchers, overtime, have preferred to focus
their attention to the perception of organizational politics as it reflects the general political
climate of the organization and it can be measured easier than actual behavior. Ipso facto, much
research is carried out investigating the impact of organizational politics perception on different
factors such as job attitudes (Drory, 1993), organizational commitment (Ferris et al., 1989; Witt
et al., 2004), organizational support (Randall et al., 1999), organizational citizenship behavior
(Vigoda, 2000), organizational image (Vigoda-Gadot et al., 2003), ethics (Vigoda-Gadot, 2007),
Leadership Styles (Ram and Prabhakar, 2010), etc. Given the increasing interest of scholars to
study organizational politics, it was highly delimited in North America and Western Europe. It is
in recent times the research topic obtained the focus of researchers in developing world.
In a developing country like Ethiopia, the role of the public sector is indulged with the
responsibility of shaping the social progress and supervising the economic advancement through
2
effectively administering the provision of public services and regulating the overall governance
system. This is merely possible with an effective and efficient public service. However, the
public sector is exposed to different organizational flaws be it structural, cultural or political viz.
So far the topic of organizational politics was not studied in the Ethiopian Context.
According to Meyer, et al (2002), during the 1990s organizational commitment increasingly
continued to be a major attention of researchers whereas until then the focus was working on two
forms of commitment; attitudinal and calculative. There have been also considerable efforts on
theory development. And to date, it is well documented that commitment is a multidimensional
construct and that the antecedents, correlates, and consequences of commitment vary across
dimensions. Organizational commitment is studied as both effect and consequences of
organizational politics
.
The focus of this paper is examining one of the impacts of organizational politics that is
organizational commitment in Gondar City Administration, the fifth populated urban area in
Ethiopia (As per the CSA estimation for 2009E.C.).
Vigoda and Dryzin (2006) stated that the perception of organizational politics reflects feelings of
fairness and justice in resource allocation. Accordingly, the stronger the perception of
organizational politics, the more the organization is performing in accordance with the favours of
its power holders rather than advancing the organization’s goals (Ferris et al., 1989; Ferris and
3
Kacmar, 1992; Vigoda, 2003). This in turn adversely affects employees’ commitment,
involvement, job performance etc in the respective organization (Vigoda, 2003).
Previous researches supported and validated the strong opposite relationship between perception
of politics and organizational commitment. For example Miller et al., (2008) concluded strong
negative relationship between perception of politics and organizational commitment. The same
result was also reported by Vigoda (2000) which implied that when employees perceived high
politics in their organization then it negatively affected their emotional attachment with the
organization; that is OC. Vigoda and Cohen (2002) made a different attempt to determine the
impact of organizational commitment towards perception of politics and found stronger
predicting qualities of organizational commitment over organizational politics..
However, Rong and Cao (2015) argued those researches, studying the perception of
organizational politics, has become matured gradually in Western countries. Most of the
researchers studied perceptions of organizational politics based on western cultural background.
A discussion was found worthwhile whether these research results, which based themselves in
the western background, are still available in other cultural background (ibid, 2015). The same is
true for African1 context in general and Ethiopian in particular. Apart from the national and party
politics the organization politics can be associated with different adversarial behaviors and work
outcomes in public organizations that hold the public sector inefficient in pursuing its purpose
empowered by the law. Given the limited budget, particularly in developing countries, stronger
organizational politics is expected.
Vigoda (2000) studied the association of public sector employees’ and perception of politics and
concluded as it had significant impact on various job and work outcomes. The study conducted
in Pakistan by Bodla and Danish, (2008) confirmed the significant influence of perception of
politics on organizational commitment. Another research conducted in the Pakistani`s public
1
Ng’enoh B. (2015) has studied organizational politics in Emerging East African Breweries in Kenya and
Enyinna, Michael, Lazarus and Ukpai (2014) in one of the leading African private Bank, Zenith Bank,
and Alcon Plc. both researches were conducted on Emerging private business that makes difficult to trace
relation of POPs with state politics and national culture.
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sector by Raiz (2013) furthered the study and came up with results of strong and significantly
negative affective commitment as an outcome behavior of POPs.
However, previously studied researches didn’t mention the role of the state politics as a
measurement of organizational politics in the public sector. This may be due to the conventional
understanding held by the westerns for separation of party politics from civil governments unless
allowed by law otherwise. Despite its ability to attract researchers in the western world, the topic
of organizational politics is under researched in Ethiopia and in developing world in general.
Besides, this research argues the necessity of considering party politics in the study of
organizational politics as immensely pertinent for a distinctive environment where intermingled
operation of party politics and civil government persists; the Ethiopian public sector is a typical
example for this reason. Furthermore, Chang (2012) anticipated the likely of politics to be more
prevalent in relationship-based societies than others. The Ethiopian Society is known for this
relationship-based society, which may contribute to the prevalence of stronger organizational
politics.
Hence, in addition to testing the previously conducted researches in a different culture and
scenario, this study attempted to include the state politics (political clientelism) as part of
measuring variable for POPs in influencing employee organizational commitment within
organizational politics in Gondar City Administration.
5
Does political clientelism as part of organizational politics played a significant role in
affecting employees’ commitment in Gondar City Administration?
The general objective of the study is to examine the effect of perceived organizational politics on
employees’ commitment in public sector organizations found Gondar city administration.
To investigate the level of impact that the general political behaviour has on employee
affective commitment in Gondar city Administration.
To examine the level of impact that the going along to get ahead has on employee affective
commitment in Gondar city Administration.
To investigate the level of impact that pay and promotion policy has on employee affective
commitment in Gondar city Administration.
To test the impact of organizational politics as measured by political clientelism on
employees’ commitment in Gondar city administration.
To examine the perceived level of organizational affective commitment of employees in the
said city.
To examine the relative importance of organizational politics in the public sector.
Identify the dominant perceived organizational politics in Gondar city administration.
6
H3: Organizational politics, as measured by pay and promotion policy, has a significant
negative influence on employees’ commitment in Gondar City Administration.
H4: Organizational politics, as measured by political clientelism, has a significant
negative influence on employees’ commitment in Gondar city administration.
7
research. Under chapter three, the methodology used in this thesis which includes the research
approach as well as describes the data collecting and analysis methods used are presented. Chapter
four analyses and presents the research findings obtained through the thesis methodology by
showing how each of the research questions would answer and how these findings together
contribute to the main purpose of the study. Chapter five finalize the thesis with summary,
conclusions and a set of recommendations derived from the research findings and the conclusions
of this work. The contribution and limitation of the study is also included in this chapter. At the
end of the document, references and a set of appendices are included that contain the
questionnaires of the survey forms used to collect primary data for the study and other
supplementary documents of the study.
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CHAPTER TWO
In this chapter the overall notion of organizational politics and commitment will be presented.
Different theories, models and typologies on both organizational behavior factions will be
discussed. Empirical studies related to POPs and OC will be presented so as to use for later
analysis.
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(1995) as “social influence attempts directed at those who can provide rewards that will help
promote or protect the self-interests of the actor”.
Organizational politics can be seen as actions by individuals that are directed toward the goal of
furthering their own self-interests (Colquitt et al., 2014). Fairholm (2009) started his discourse on
organizational politics by stating “management is political in nature”. After reviewing literatures
he summarized the definition of organizational politics as it typically include several factors such
as (a) actions taken by individuals throughout the organization (b) any influence of one actor
toward another (c) effort by one party to promote self-interest over that of another and, therefore,
threaten that person’s self-interest (d) actions typically not sanctioned by the host organization,
or results sought which it does not sanction, and (e) organizational politics that involve some
kind of exchange process with a zero-sum outcome. Organizational politics, therefore, includes
actions taken to gain and use power to control organizational resources to achieve our preferred
results instead of the others`. Porter, Allen, and Angle, (1981) see organizational politics in self-
interest terms (negatively connoted).
The role played by organizational politics in organizational theory has varied a great deal since
the turn of the century. It varies a great deal even now. On one extreme, the "classical ideal",
organizational politics are an anathema to the organization. It is an aberrant condition that
emerges periodically due to selfish personal interests and poor management. Given proper
organizational design and managerial action, Cobb argues, this political aberration can and
should be done away with (Cobb, as in Dgulos et al, 1993).
10
Cobb leveled organizational politics as “a fact of organizational life” as a "mid-range view” and
saw organizational politics as a kind of emergent "substratum" of organizations that broadly
influences organizational function. Distinct from "legitimate" organizational phenomena,
organizational politics emerge most often to cause conflict because of the competition of actors
pursuing their own narrow self serving ends without regard to others or the organization as a
whole (Cobb, as in Dgulos et al,1993).
At the other extreme, the organization is viewed as a political entity in and of itself. This entity
has been variously described as either a well ordered system or a kind of "teeming" marketplace
of political exchange (ibid, 1993).
Hobfoll (1989) put forward Conservation of Resources Theory to describe the process of
resource interaction between individual and social environment. The core of the theory was that
individuals with more resources were not vulnerable to the loss of resources, and they had more
ability to obtain resources and vice versa (ibid, 1989). According to the Conservation of
Resources theory, if people perceive organizational politics, they need to spend time and energy
to deal with their anxiety and nerves, which lead to the loss of their psychological resources. In
that case, organizational commitment can be regarded as one of these psychological resources.
Blau (1964) thought that people would forecast their returns from the other people by their
payment for the other people. Obviously, as the degree of resource benefits increases for an
individual rises to the top, organizational politics will be used as a means to maintain the
benefits; so do the investment of energy and resources for this purpose. This study used
conservation of resource theory to explain the political scenarios in the public sector.
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b) Social Exchange Theory
American sociologist Homans proposed the theory of social exchange in 1958, and then Blau
expanded the theory in 1964. Social exchange theory believed that social exchange behavior
includes the barter of material aspects (remuneration, information, etc.) as well as including non-
material aspects (praise, sense of accomplishment, etc.) exchanges (Sun and Xia, 2018). Homans
(1974) put forward Social Exchange theory and pointed out that the real meaning of the
relationship among people was social exchange, including exchange of material and immaterial.
With the reduction of organizational commitment, we could infer that employees’ work
engagements would also decrease. For example, according to social exchange theory,
“When a staff comes up with a new sharp idea, he is going to share his idea with
his boss and coworkers. But if the atmosphere is filled with bureaucracies and
suppression, he is not likely to share his good idea. Worse still, he might lose his faith in
the organization and fail to concentrate on work because he must be constantly alert to
the unwritten rules” (Kang, et al 2015).
Hee, et al. (2015) found that a higher level of organizational commitment brought a lower level
of turnover intention.
According to, Sun and Xia (2018), theory of social exchange, there are uncertainties and risks in
the process of establishing the exchange relationship. Individuals will evaluate the uncertainty
and risk in the exchange process. The results of the risk assessment will directly affect people’s
attitudes and behaviors towards the exchange relationship. Organizational political behaviors
existing in the organization are perceived by the employees will result in the employees’ passive
sabotage and even counterproductive behavior (ibid, 2018). This theory is used as a base for this
research believing that employees in the public sector, with their meager incentives, involve in
an exchange condition for pursuing their interest or react in the other way.
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and organizations, the most basic and longest-lasting is the value. Therefore, he defines the
individual-organization fit as the uniformity of values between individuals and organizations.
O’Reilly’s (1992) study of individual-organization fit also vividly defines the fit between
individuals and organizations in terms of values. For this reason, the value persisted and held by
employees’ perception over time toward their organization also determines their involvement in
organizational politics, hence, worth mentioning this theory in this research.
Raiz(2013) summarized how the consequences of organizational politics are supported by the
Hirschman’s EVLN (exit, voice, loyalty and neglect) theory of organizational decline (1970)
which proposes that in response to unsatisfactory situation in a society, organization or country,
one can show four types of reactions. The first response can be in the form of leaving the
situation without putting an effort to fix the problem (exit). The second response can be in the
form of speaking up to highlight the issues (voice). The third one is loyalty wherein a person
stands persistently and waits for the better time (loyalty). The last one is (neglect) wherein
individuals ignore the problem or may show some deviances. From this theory “Neglect” is
borrowed to study reverse relationship between organizational politics and organizational
commitment.
13
Some researcher associated the political behavior with human evolution borrowing the
Darwinian theory of natural selection of evolutionary theory. Hence, concluded that politicking
is innate trait of human being (Vredenburgh & Shea-VanFossen, 2010). Cacciattolo (2014)
presented the counter arguments from scholars in the field for the above thesis that even though
there could be predisposition traits in nature they are affected and be observable due to work
place environment. In this case, whenever an employee perceives as being manipulated by the
organizational system he/she will react in some sort that can be considered politicking.
Other research works has identified several areas in which employees take on in political
behaviour directly or indirectly to power over decisions. Among others, pressures for economy,
management and subordinates relationships, structural power struggles between configured
groups such as unions and employers, conflicts between the workforce and management for
construing agreements, uncertainty about standards and strategies of promotion, difficulty in
linking reward with productivity, and policies and procedures (Gotsis & Kortezi, 2010; Latif et
al, 2011).
Gotsis & Kortezi, (2010) added uncertainty involved in decision-making and performance
measures, and when competition is present among individuals and groups for limited resources,
employees are likely to participate in organizational politics. Moreover, Vigoda-Gadot (2007)
stated that lack of supposed integrity and equality in these systems is a main root of higher
perceptions of organisational politics. Hence in an organization where there exists inclusive and
procedural decision making organizational politics is seldom observed.
Colquitt et al. (2014) developed a figure of organizational politics depicting its causes and
consequences. Causes are classified as •personal and organizational characters in which need for
power and Machiavellianism are personal characteristics that drives organizational politics, lack
of participation in decision making, limited or changing resources, ambiguity in roles, high
performance pressure and unclear performance evaluations are among organizational traits that
trigger organizational politics.
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2.1.4 Consequences of Organizational politics
Though Colquitt et al. (2014) argued a leader needs to be able to push his or her own ideas and
influence others through the use of organizational politics hence; effective leaders must have a
certain degree of political skill, a number of studies emphasized on the negative effect of
organizational politics (Atinc, Darrat, Fuller, and Parker, 2010).
Madison, Allen, Porter, Renwich, and Maye (1980) and Fairholm (2009) explored the positive or
negative impacts of the use of organizational politics. It is illustrated that organizational politics
can be useful in helping the organization reach its goals and cope with survival and
organizational health concerns. Some scholars in the field even attempted to advice the effective
use of organizational politics. Omisore and Nweke (2014) summarized some suggested political
tactics proposed to achieve a competitive advantage having origin in practical experience from
the work of Buskirk (1976) and Memurry (1973) like the one stated below, among others;
It, however, can result in improper use of scarce resources, cause divisiveness, create tension,
allow less qualified people to advance, and reduce communication flow. And, finally, it can
damage the image of the organization and sully its reputation. Engaging in organizational politics
can aid significantly in career advancement, getting recognition and status in the organization,
and increasing our power position. It also helps in accomplishing personal goals and in allowing
getting organizational job done. Engaging in organizational politics may help the participant feel
positive about his achievement and ability to be in control of his/her work life (Fairholm, 2009).
In either of the positive and negative results, older group members of employees use it more than
those newly inducted into the organization. It is beyond doubt that OP can serve as an instrument
for securing organizational rewards. Engaging in political activity may result in falling perceived
or actual power in the group. It can result in removal from the organization or can bring out
15
negative feelings about some by others. And political activity can result in a loss of promotion or
increased feelings of guilt and interference with job performance (ibid, 2009).
Colquitt et al. (2014) aggregated the negative impact of organizational politics on employee
reaction viz., • decreased job satisfaction, decreased organizational, commitment, decreased task
performance, and increased strain.
Allen, et al (1979) assessed personal skills and traits common to politically dynamic people in
organizations. They conclude that effective political actors, (be they CEOs, middle-level
managers, or workers), all share some common characteristics. They are “articulate, sensitive,
and socially adept”. They are competent, popular, extroverted, and self-confident. They exhibit
aggressive tendencies, are ambitious, can be devious, and are clearly “women and men of the
organization” (Fairholm, 2009). They are also, Fairholm added, highly intelligent and logical
people. The politically adept individual in the organization is outgoing, competent, and effective
in interacting with others. They are energetic advocates of their desired results. They are willing
to engage others in competition for available resources and for the dominance of their ideas and
ideologies (ibid, 2009).
16
people who can easily categorize them as any. The second approach relies greatly at standard
operating procedure. The third approach categorizes them on the basis of key activities
associated with public and private organizations. Following this approach precisely, one can
believe that public organizations are commonly involved for public activities and the benefit of
common people while private sector works for the concerns of the owners (Raiz, 2013). The
fourth approach is called analytical approach where organizational processes and structure helps
to distinguish these two. More importantly, organizational goals and products clarify the
difference (Rainey et al. 1976).
Wal and Huberts (2008), as in Raiz, 2013) stated the ideal core values of public organizations are
conceived as transparency, impartiality, dedication, efficiency, lawfulness, obedience,
incorruptibility, responsiveness, serviceability and social justice. On the other hand, private
sector organizations assume sustainability, effectiveness, innovativeness, profitability,
collegiality and self-fulfillment.
Given those differences in the sectors as discussed above, there is plenty of scope to consider
similarities and differences of their organizational politics. Explicit attempt has done to
demonstrate the similarities between the politics of corporate organizations and the politics of
nation-states (Provis, 2006). Political anthropologists have examined the political processes in
tribes, villages and other small communities, which show similarities in their political processes
both to modern western organizations and to traditional monarchies or feudal empires (Provis as
in Vigoda-Dagot and Drory, 2006). For Provis, the current study of organizational politics in the
public sectors is similar to the study of the politics of nation-states in Machiavelli’s time. He
argued that, there are differences amongst political processes in different contexts. For example,
background culture and belief can play an important part in people’s behaviour, and in their
political activities (ibid, 2006). Miller (1962) stressed the existence of different political contexts
as organizations changes. He quoted as “There is politics in the board room, in the inter-
departmental conference, in the school staff meeting, and in the annual conference of the dog-
lovers’ association”. From this we can infer that organizational politics is expected in both
sectors. Hence, it is possible and has been studied the organizational politics of the public sector
operating under different conditions.
17
2.1.7 State-politics in Public Organizations
Scott and Falcone (1988) differentiated the public sector from private by documenting three
approaches; the first approach was termed as the generic approach. The proponents of generic
approach perceived little differences between public and private organizations. The comparison
criteria were based on organizational processes, management functions and managerial values.
Particularly techniques and orientation for decision making were considered to be the same. In
private organizations, decisions were made to enhance economic efficiency and monetary
benefits whereas in public organizations, decision making was based by compromises,
uncertainty, bargaining and political interest (Murray, 1975).
The second approach was called core approach which was largely based on the ideas presented
through public choice theory and property right theory. The proponents of core approach
recommended that the difference between these two sectors was with respect to ownership
transferability, market structure and externalities. For example, property right theory posited that
private sector managers had vested interest to capitalize market opportunities by efficient use of
resources which further enhanced their personal gains (Raiz, 2013). In public sector, managers
lacked such incentives and worked under red tape which caused inefficiency. Likewise, public
choice theory stated that public managers did not have efficient market feedback system to set
the optimal production level for goods. Under such constraint they had to produce maximum to
avoid shortages causing inefficient production (ibid, 2013).
Finally, the dimensional approach differentiated both the sectors on the basis of political and
economic authority influences. These dimensions incorporated resource allocation, acquisition,
composition of output, diversity of mission and environmental transactions. In addition,
organizations influenced by some political and economic authority normally reflected same
behavior irrespective of sectoral nature. Considering the example of public sector, organizations
were heavily influenced by political and economic authority as compared to private
organizations which were less influenced by red-tapism (Scott and Falcone, 1988).
The increased autonomy of administrations under the leadership of public managers has been
countered by new attempts and strategies of political leaders to interfere in bureaucratic
18
appointments and day-to-day public policymaking more broadly, triggering renewed concern
about politicization, even (Neuhold et al 2013).
There are different categories of politicization (Peters, 2013; as cited Neuhold et al, 2013) given
the disparities across countries. Direct politicization: This relates to the direct attempts to have
political loyalists take up positions. Professional politicization: This concerns public officials
who are political loyalists but at the same time are also professionals and are the products of a
professional career system. Redundant politicization: This refers to unnecessary structures
created by a government to monitor the actions of the career employees (Neuhold et al, 2013). A
typical example for the Ethiopian local government is the position of party comrades (leaders)
paid by the public sector and served as member of the executive in their respective
administration.
Anticipatory politicization: This refers to a situation whereby civil servants on their own
initiative choose to leave their positions when there is a change of government. Dual
politicization: This refers to a situation where besides the political executive the President or
parliament also attempts to control the bureaucracy by placing their own nominees in positions
of power with the aim to exercise control over policy. Social politicization: This alludes to the
(indirect) influence of social actors (such as industry and trade unions) over the career path of
civil servants (ibid, 2013).
The most significant feature of public organizations, as Raiz (2013) argued, rest with the strong
influence and pressure exerted by the political and governmental groups. They had to follow
stringent governmental systems for personnel administration, purchasing and procurement
(Rainey and Chun, 2007). Mihaiu et al., (2010) claimed that public organizations were
influenced directly or indirectly by politicians and this influence could be in the form of
bargaining, public opinion, interest group reactions (Rainey et al., 1976). Bodla and Danish
(2008) also observed this notion and argued that public organizations in Pakistan were
considerably associated with political system which stimulated more influential tactics among
employees. External political influence posed a threat to the role of leadership in public sector
19
organizations. The same challenge goes to Africa in which much of organisational decisions are
made within the view of political interest rather than organisational interest.
According to Tesfaye (2010), there are also scholars who believe that politics in Africa is seen as
a means of livelihood and politicians use these public organizations as a means of achieving their
political and economic end rather than as a means of accruing benefits to their nationals. In most
cases organisational systems, whether they are the existing or new ones are under the influence
of authorized individuals to be changed easily without considering the impact of the change on
the whole system and on the environment (Tesfaye, 2010). This will pave the way for public
employees, both political and merit based, to engage pursuing organizational political behaviour.
This narration is subject to and supported by the previous theories we used to explain
organizational politics. Considering the recommendations of scholars to the study of
organizational politics, in different cultures and scenarios, the party politics is included as
additional factor/dimensions of organizational politics for the purpose of Ethiopian public sector
context.
Currently, there are a total of 20 federal ministries (several agencies, commissions, and other
institutions under them) according to Proclamation No. 691/2010. There are also several
agencies and institutions which have their own independent existence, and directly reporting to
the Prime Minister’s office (Teklay, 2016). Keeping the level decentralization debate aside,
those ministries have branches down to lower level echelons across the country.
Tesfaye (2010) conclude that result based approach is a panacea for all ills of the civil service, it
is essential to consider the organizational factors that affect the management of public
organizations. He further showed the debate in this regard as
20
“There were different views reflected on why public organizations
underperformed. Some blamed the bureaucracy in the civil service for inefficient
performance. Others blame the interference of the politicians in the affair of the civil
service” (ibid, 2010).
Paulos Chanie in his work entitled “Clientelism and Ethiopia's Post-1991 Decentralization”
(2007), presented the argument over the marriage of the public sector and party politics quoted,
“………there is a mismatch between the liberal-democratic political- pluralist elements
of the constitution and the political praxis of the dominant party; it is wedded to the
modus operandi of democratic centralism, inhibiting effective decentralization and
democratization”.
This paves the way for employees in the civil service to engage politicking to meet personal
interests by manipulating the favourable condition facilitated by the dominant party. Hence, it is
possible to assume that natural organizational politics could be supported by external factors like
environments where dominant party`s involvement in the public sector prevails.
21
organizational politics; given the Kacmar and Ferris (1992) concluded that organizational
politics is highly perceived by lower level employees than top managers due to the lower
level are incapable of controlling the process. Limited distribution of power in the
organization (centralization) aggravates the level of perceived organizational politics
therefore are positively related. This, too, is prevalent at the lower level employees of the
organization (Kacmar and Ferris, 1992). And finally, as span of control increases a
supervisor may fail to address all his subordinates and leads to a more perception of
organizational politics.
b. Job/Work Environment: Four of the five factors under this category were presented as
negatively related to organizational politics. These are job autonomy, job variety, feedback,
and advancement opportunity (Ferris et al 1989). Interaction with others, coworkers and
supervisors, however, understood as positively related to perceived organizational politics
especially if supervisors and/or employees viewed opportunistically (Kacmar and Ferris,
1992).
c. Personal Influence: This factor is personally driven by the perceiver of the politics. It was
studied taking demographic characteristics such as with age and sex and personality
characteristics including Machiavellianism and self monitoring. Ferris et al (1989) stated that
where women in lower positions experience more politics, older employee repeatedly
maneuvered politically before perceive their environment more political.
In this model, Ferris et al, (1989) presented what follows those influencing factors of the
organizational politics and forwarded three possibilities; to withdraw from the organization,
remain in the organization but leave the politics aside and focus on job, and thirdly to remain in
the organization and immerse in the politics. The latter two has reverse relation on job
satisfaction and job anxiety (ibid, 1989).
This model was revised in the 2002 Ferris and colleagues work to support future research and
found new antecedent variables which are more of related with job environment factor; i.e.,
participation in decision-making, met expectations, development opportunities, positive affect,
and negative affect. The demographic related variable was, however, reduced from the
22
antecedent model. Ferris et al`s (2002) work was also supported by Atinc et al (2010). In
addition, Atinc et al (2010) added and removed variables which were included in the Ferris et al
(2002). While hierarchical behaviour got removed Job attitude and variety were included back
from their exclusion in the Ferris and colleagues revision. Trust in coworkers and span of control
was included too, beyond mentioning in the lately mention work.
General Political Behavior: General political behavior related with the organizational politics in
such that it involves the development of coalitions within a system that compete for scarce
resources. The competition underscores the use of power to gain and maintain control of the
political system. Power is expressed by who is allowed to take part in decision-making (Pfeffer,
1992).
“Getting Along to Get Ahead”: This dimension relates to the existence of group loyalties.
Compliance with group norms is valued, while nonconforming opinions are not only
discouraged, but met with sanctions. Group cohesiveness, conformity, can lead policy-making
bodies toward normative behaviors; critical thinking and objections to the majority view (Romi
et al., 2008).
Pay and Promotion: This dimension is associated to the concept that people who are a good fit
for the organization are liable to be promoted. While the need to discover individuals who will
be a good fit for the organization should not be overlooked, the ability for individuals to use
political means to cultivate promotion creates an environment where politically active
individuals are promoted at the expense of others in the organization (Witt, 1995).
23
However, Kayan et al (2016) used this model by adding two dimensions, Coworkers and Self
Serving Behaviour, to this model which are defined as follows;
Coworkers: This dimension attempts to explain the political behaviors of both superiors and
colleagues. Some personnel who are on the receiving end of negative behaviors may not talented
to respond effectively, and therefore may be the victim of these kinds of political behaviour
(Gandz and Murray, 1980).
Self-serving Behaviours: This is one of the dimensions that can damage organizational
efficiency. Self-serving is when individuals put their own interests above those of their
colleagues and the organization as a whole (Gandz and Murray, 1980)
By combining domestic and foreign research; Sun and Xia (2018), developed the model of
organization of political perception divided into three dimensions: 1) general political awareness;
2) colleagues; 3) salary promotion. Accordingly, the general political awareness refers to the
individual’s perception of the political behavior of the members of the organization to obtain
valuable output in the organization in the way of serving themselves. This is among the ways to
get the organization’s valuable scarce resources for them. Co-worker relationship refers to the
political perception of the exchange of benefits between colleagues in the organization for the
best benefit among colleagues. Remuneration and promotion refers to the individual’s political
perception of the organization’s actual operational and institutional inconsistency in
remuneration and promotion (ibid, 2018).
24
2.2 Employees Organizational Commitments
2.2.1 Understanding the Concept
Commitment is a very multidimensional concept and therefore somewhat hard to define.
Commitment has been studied much, and it still “remains one of the most challenging and
researched in the fields of management, organizational behavior and HRM” (Cohen, 2007).
There has been numerous ways to define commitment in the past years and researchers from
different fields liked to emphasize on different aspects of it. Often commitment is seen as a force
that binds individual to a course of action that is relevant to one or more targets (Cohen, 2003).
Those targets can be directed to people, for example family or friends as well as to various
institutions, like sports, community groups or work organization (Heery & Noon, 2001).
Commitment in the workplace can further be divided into different aspects. Example, Employee
may be committed to career, occupation, goals, teams, leaders or organization (Meyer and
Herscovitch 2001; Fleishmann and Cleveland, 2003). Meyer and Herscovitch (2001, 299)
conducted a review of the previous studies and conceptualizations on workplace commitment.
They argue that it is well recognized that employees develop more than one work-relevant
commitment. Even though all of these are to be seen in the workplace and affect employees total
workplace commitment, they all have their own characteristics.
One thing to notice is that these a variety of commitments will exist at the same time and
employees always have many commitments to different institutions and people, for example,
family, friends, sports and community groups. Therefore, it is unrealistic to expect total
commitment to the organization. (Heery and Noon 200)
25
Commitment in the workplace has been quite widely studied since 1950’s (Cohen 2003). Despite
the vast amount of studies and interest towards commitment, there is still disagreement about
what it is, how it develops and affects behavior (Meyer and Herscovitch, 2001).
This model, however, is criticized for its view of existence of compliance commitment as longer
one`s tenure is. In this case, it is often thought that organizational commitment reduces the
likelihood of turnover, there has been questioning whether compliance can be thought as a form
of organizational commitment at all (Meyer and Herscovitch 2001).
Another point that has received critique in this model is that internalization and identification
come very close to each other as concepts, and even include some of the same elements (Meyer
26
and Herscovitch 2001). In the studies conducted later, it has actually been proved that
internalization and identification can be merged together forming one dimension. The measures
correlate very highly with one another and other variables show quite similar patterns of
correlations with these two dimensions (Caldwell, Chatman & O’Reilly, 1990). For these
reasons, this model never has been that largely used and Allen and Mayer’s model became
dominantly used in the studies of commitment (Weibo, Kaur and Jun, 2010).
According to Allen & Meyer (1990), employees’ organizational commitment has three separable
forms: affective commitment, continuance commitment and normative commitment. Affective
commitment is employees’ emotional attachment to organization, identification with
organization and involvement in organization. Employees, who have strong affective
commitment, stay in the organization because they want to. Therefore, this form of commitment
is based on desire. However, there has not been a uniform conclusion on what are the
mechanisms involved creating it. But Meyer and Herscovitch (2001) propose that any variable
that will increase the probability of the following three matters will help individual to become
affectively committed. First, an individual becomes involved. Second, an individual recognizes
the value or relevance of the entity or the course of action to him or herself. Last, association
with the entity or a course of action will shape an individual’s identity. Out of the three forms,
this dimension has been studied the most (Meyer et al, 2002; Bergman, 2006).
Continuance commitment is commitment based on the costs that would occur if the person left
the organization. Therefore, people having high continuance commitment stay in the
organization because they need to. In other words, it would cost too much to leave. This would
be the case, for example, if employee has used a lot of time and resources to learn something that
can only be used in that particular company or at the time there are no similar or better
employment opportunities available than the current position (Allen & Meyer 1990, Meyer &
Herscovitch 2001, Garcia-Gabrera & Garcia-Soto 2012).
Normative commitment refers to person’s feelings of obligation to stay with the organization. In
other words, employees remain in the organization because they ought to do so. It is proposed
27
that normative commitment is influenced by person’s experiences both before and after entering
the organization. This means that not only organizational socialization but also socialization that
occurs in the families and society at large also affects how employee’s normative commitment
develops (Allen & Meyer 1990, Markovits, Boer & van Dick 2013).
Bergman (2006) reviewed theoretical and empirical literature to found out whether these two
dimensions can truly be separated. She states that theoretically these two are different in
describing the ways in which individual can bond with an organization. However, there is no
strong empirical evidence that differentiate affective commitment from normative commitment.
Meyer et al. (2002) found out that there is much bigger correlation between these concepts in the
studies conducted outside of North America than within. On one hand, this might reflect that
there are cultural differences on how individuals see these concepts or on the other hand, there
could have been difficulties in the translation process leaving the constructs unclear.
Regardless of similarities in the name with previously introduced Allen and Meyer’s model, this
one sees commitment in a different way. One of the biggest differences is that this model
includes timeframe. Therefore, according to Cohen (2007) before entering to the organization,
person develops the following types of commitment – instrumental commitment propensity and
normative commitment propensity. The first is derived from person’s general expectations about
the quality of the exchange with the organization about the expected benefits and rewards person
might receive from it in return of the contribution given. The second is defined by general moral
obligations toward the organization. Accordingly,
“After entering the organization employee develops instrumental commitment and
affective commitment. Instrumental commitment is a reflection of the instrumental
commitment propensity, and therefore person reflects how well one’s expectations about
the benefits and rewards are met. While affective commitment is a psychological
attachment to the organization, which can be seen as identification with it, emotional
involvement and a sense of belonging” (Cohen, 2007).
This is basically the very same as the one on Allen and Meyer’s model.
28
Another difference between this and ‘three-component model’ (Allen and Meyer`s 1990) is the
way in which focus is shifted from the costs associated with leaving the company, previously
called continuance commitment, to benefits of staying, which is called instrumental commitment
(Cohen, 2007). In other words, these two concepts are measuring the same matter but viewing it
from the opposite sides.
Based on previous studies the model also made propositions about what factors affect different
parts of commitment. Organizational socialization means how employees learn the values,
beliefs, behaviors and skills needed to perform well in their new job and new organization
(Cohen 2007). In other words, organizational socialization is the process of on boarding. Lower
order exchange factors refer to lower order needs that will affect person’s commitment. The idea
behind the division between higher and lower order factors is partially based on Hertzberg
motivation theory (Hertzberg, 1987). Main thought behind his theory of motivation is that first
one has to satisfy the hygiene factors, which are extrinsic and only after those are good one can
start to develop intrinsic motivation factors. Thus hygiene factors serve as a base and
precondition that have to be met first.
The same idea is for lower and higher order exchange factors, but one can start to develop those
simultaneously (Cohen, 2007). Higher order exchange factors refer to transformational
leadership, perceptions of justice and organizational support (Cohen, 2007). According to Cohen
(2007), after entering the organization, instrumental commitment starts to develop faster than
affective commitment, which will take more time and information to develop. Instrumental
commitment is seen as somewhat shallow commitment, because it is based on very tangible
exchange.
There is strong theory linking organizational politics and organizational commitment (Vigoda,
2000). In an environment employees perceived organizational politics, their dependence on the
organization and responsibility to organization were likely to be destroyed by the organizational
politics they perceived. Thus, perception of organizational politics may harm employees’
organizational commitment (Rong and Cao, 2015).
Rong and Cao (2015) did the analysis from the three dimensions of perception of organizational
politics. Firstly, if employees perceive general political behavior, it reflects that they realized
some threatening behaviors are implemented in their organization, suppressing and bullying, for
instance. So their emotional association with the organization will be damaged. Secondly, if
employees perceive going along to get ahead, they are aware that the organization is hierarchical
and seniority-based. In that case, they believe in the unwritten rules that a person of high position
is liable to be attacked. As a result, they have to choose to stay low-key to avoid making
mistakes. And the psychological burden jeopardizes their dependence on the organization and
responsibility to organization.
30
Randall, et al, (1999) studied commitment using two categories. One type of commitment is
`affective’. This is the extent to which the individual feels an emotional bond to the organization.
It was anticipated that individuals would form such ties with firms that are nonpolitical, because
in the long run such organizations are most likely to meet their needs. Another type of
commitment is `continuance' or `calculative'. Continuance commitment refers to one's decision
to remain in an organization due to the potential economic losses that might result from
departing. For example, it might be difficult to find a new job with comparable pay. Relative to
its affective counterpart, continuance commitment is based less on the prevailing social climate
at work and more upon the value of available alternatives. In addition, continuance commitment
tends to emphasize narrow economic goals e.g. pay) rather than broader socio-emotional goals
(e.g. status, dignity, and a sense of worth). Given that continuance commitment is heavily
influenced by economic alternatives, we did not expect that it would be related to politics.
2
Psychological contract is an agreement between an employee and organization that cannot be covered by the overt
and legal agreement entered.
31
politics in an organization is interpreted by its members as leading to lower morale. Voyer
(1994) did also concluded that the members in the sample company interpreted coercive
organizational politics as being used to adversely affect the context of strategy formation
(management, product definition, schedules). Commitment was found to be negatively related to
perceived political behavior in the study conducted by Randall et al. (as in Cropanzano et al,
1997). Cropanzano et al (1997), for example, found significant associations between
organizational politics and antagonistic work behaviors; intention to turnover, job satisfaction,
and organisational commitment. Randall, Cropanzano, Bormann and Birjulin, (1999) also found
a strong negative association between politics and commitment.
Andrews, Witt, and Kacmar, 2003) surveyed on the sample of 310 employees of a distribution
service industry for studying POPs taking the GAGA dimension and its effect manager-rated
employee retention and found a negative correlation. Atta et al (2012) studied effect
organizational politics on organizational commitment and found out a significant negative direct
effect for organizational politics on organizational commitment. Utami A., Bangun Y., and Lantu
D., (2014) conducted a study on 103 sample employees of industries found in Jakarta operating
on similar dependent and independent variables and found the same significant negative
relationship between POPs and OC. Using a theoretical method of research Rong and Cao (2015)
indicated that the perception of organizational politics will harm employees’ work engagements
by decreasing their organizational commitment.
In the Ethiopian context, though the effect of perceived organizational politics on organizational
commitment is not well studied, Merga (2016) pointed out the HRM practice as the major
determinant of organizational commitment but not in the direct way. He noted that the effect is
through employee job satisfaction. Though he used job satisfaction as a mediating role between
the HRM practice and organizational commitments, the HRM practice is measured on the
observable actions in which the latent causes, that employees consider most, are missed out.
Among others perceived organizational politics is pertinent for flawed HRM practices.
32
2.5 Operationalization: Conceptual Definition of the Research Constructs
General Political Behavior: Means the behavior of individuals in the organizational politics
where members strive to make coalition so as to control the overall decision making process in
their respective organizations. In creating a coalition the members run after scarce resources.
This variable is measured by two items.
“Getting Along to Get Ahead”: in this behavior, employees keep staying low in fear of attack
from their supervisors or colleagues so as to achieve what they wanted. For behaving inactive
politically they still considered as member of a political activity and benefactor.7 item are used
to measure this construct.
Pay and Promotion: This dimension is related to the concept pay and promotion goes to those
who are political active. Because of this rules and regulations managing HRM promotes
individual political behaviour. For this employee may adjust themselves to align with in the
future. 6 items measured this construct.
Political clientelism: This dimension is included to measure individuals’ behaviour in the public
sector that maneuvers party affiliation for their personal gain. However, be it intentional or
accidental the party throughout its hierarchy provides protection for their misconducts. 5 items
assumed to measure this variable utilized.
33
Independent Variables Dependent Variable
General Political
Behaviour
Organizational Commitment
Go Along to Get
Ahead
Pay and
Promotion Policy
Political
Clientelism
34
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
3 Introduction
This chapter presents in detail the research approach, research design, data type and sources of
data, Population and sample frame, sample size, sampling technique, data collection tools,
measurements of variables, data analysis techniques, validity, reliability and ethical considerations.
35
3.3 Source of Data
This research used primary data collected from employees of Gondar city administration.
Therefore, the researcher used primary data to undertake the study. The major advantage of
primary data collection is that it can be collected with the research’s purpose in mind. The
information resulting from primary data is more consistent with the research questions and
purpose. As a primary source of data collection the researcher use those FTE (Fixed Tenure
Employee) i.e. Officials (political and non-politically assigned), team supervisors, professionals,
and clerks.
Thus, perceived organizational politics (POPs) is measured using items adapted from the Kacmar
and Carlson (1997) and a newly introduced 5 items to contextualize the model to the Ethiopian
culture. A 5 point Likert scale was used on which label given for respondent to express their
level of agreement for each item among the scales and then the average score on each trait was
used during data analysis and interpretation. Employees’ commitment was measured by using
(Allen & Mayer, 1990) three component model specifically selecting affective commitment for
this research purpose.
36
Table 1: Total Population of the Study
Source; Survey data (2018)
3.5.2 Sampling
To determine the sample size and representative of the target population, the study used
statistical instrument formula. The mathematical formula that is adopted is Yamane (1997)
cited in Israel, G. D. (2003).
𝑵
𝒏= 2
𝟏 + 𝑵(𝒆)
37
529
𝒏 = 1+529(0.05) 2 n=215
Using the above statistical formula, the sample size of study is determined as follows.
Table 2: Sample size of the study
No. Lists of Sectors / Bureaus/ in Gondar city Total no. of Proportion of Sample
employees in each samples Size
public sectors of
Gondar city
1 FDRE Private Organizations' Employees Social security Agency 30 (30/529)*215 12
38
behaviour; Go along to get ahead, payment and promotion (Kacmar and Ferris, 1991) but later
modified by Kacmar and Carlson (1997), and political clientelism.
o General political behavior is employees’ pursuit for self-interest according to their own
needs when the organization lacked clear rules of conduct.
o Going along to get ahead means that avoiding being involved in organizational politics
so as to acquire results beneficial to employees themselves.
o Pay and promotion policies reflect how organizational policies led to organizational
politics.
o Political clientelism shows how employees behave to manipulate party politics as a
means to influence others.
Perceptions of organizational politics will be measured with a shorter version of POPS which
was developed by Kacmar and Ferris (1991) and lately modified by Kacmar and Carlson (1997)
and often utilized in researches Vigoda and Cohen (2002). The original scale developed by
Kacmar and Ferris’s (1991) included 40 items, while Kacmar and Carlson (1997) revised the
model and developed a 15 item scale. All items were measured on five point Likert scale from 1
(strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Reliability of the scale in this study was reported high
as 0.87, as compared to previous studies e.g., 0.74 in Ferris and Kacmar, 1992; 0.77 in Vigoda
and Cohen (2002). While Raiz (2013) estimation of reliability for POPs also found 0.86.
39
3.6.3 Research Model
Model specification:
After the data is collected the researcher used in-house editing before coding, data entry and
analysis has made. The purpose of editing is to check and adjust the data for omission, legibility
and consistency. After editing, the data coded, entered and analyzed using statistical techniques
based on the information. Therefore, the data entered on IBM SPSS (2015) program package is
used in order to draw the simple tabulations; these were used to describe the socio demographic
characteristics of the research participant. In this study, Multiple regression analysis was used to
examine the effect of organizational politics (general political behaviour, going along to get
ahead, payment and promotion and political clientelism) on employees affective commitment.
Structured questionnaire with a 5 point Likert scale were distributed in order to obtain research
participants preference of agreement on the given statements. The participants indicated one of
the choices given in order to tell their level of agreement.
40
3.8 Validity and Reliability
3.8.1 Validity
Validity is the extent to which a measure adequately represents the underlying construct that it is
supposed to measure, (Bhattacherjee, 2011). Research validity had two groups: internal and
external. Internal validity refers to how the research findings match reality, while external
validity refers to the extent to which the research findings can be replicated to other
environments, Pelissier (2008). To ensure the validity of this study the researcher employed the
following mechanisms. The organizational politics questioner was prepared by adopting Kacmar
and Carlson (1997) POPs model with reliability alpha 0f 0.87. Employees’ commitment
questioner was prepared by adopting Allen and Mayer (1990) three component employees’
commitment model of which affective commitment was taken. The data collected from the
reliable sources of respondents who are working in GCA.
3.8.2 Reliability
Reliability is the degree to which the measure of a construct is consistent or dependable. In other
words, if we use this scale to measure the same construct multiple times, do we get pretty much
the same result every time, assuming the underlying phenomenon is not changing
(Bhattacherjee, 2011). To check the reliability of the instruments Cronbach alpha reliability
coefficient was estimated. Cronbach alpha co-efficient of all the items were examined to
determine the reliability. Usually, an item with cronbach alpha value, greater than 0.7, is
considered reliable, even greater than 0.6 is also considered acceptable (Sekaran, 2008 as in
Raiz, 2013). Accordingly the following results for items were estimated using SPSS 23 (IBM,
2015). Based on the data obtained all items well measured the variables constructed in their
respective. Therefore, no item was deleted.
41
Table 3: Reliability Analysis of Variance
Variables Cronbach’s Alpha
Coefficient Number of Items
General Political Behavior .727 2
Going Along to Get Ahead .842 7
Pay and Promotion Policy .784 6
Political Clientelism .844 5
Affective commitment .903 4
Source; Survey data (2018)
Anonymity and Confidentiality: To protect subjects’ interests and future well-being, their
identity must be protected in a scientific study. This is done using the dual principles of
anonymity and confidentiality. Anonymity implies that the researcher or readers of the final
research report or paper cannot identify a given response with a specific respondent.
Confidentiality is said kept when the researcher can identify a person’s responses, but
promises not to divulge that person’s identify in any report, paper, or public forum.
42
Disclosure: Usually, researchers have an obligation to provide some information about their
study to potential subjects before data collection to help them decide whether or not they
wish to participate in the study.
Analysis and Reporting: Researchers also have ethical obligations to the scientific
community on how data is analyzed and reported in their study. Unexpected or negative
findings should be fully disclosed, even if they cast some doubt on the research design or the
findings.
43
CHAPTER FOUR
As the result in table 4 indicate that, out of 215 distributed questionnaires 188(87.44%) were
collected while 27 (12.56%) of the questionnaire remained uncollected. Of the collected
questionnaires only 1 found invalid and rejected before data entry. Hence, 187 questionnaires
were legible for data encoding and analysis.
44
4.2 Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
For this study, demographic characteristics of the respondents such as sex, level of education,
and year of experience of the respondents presented and discussed.
Table 5: Background profile of the Respondents
Items Options Frequency Valid Cumulative
Percent Percent
Sex Male 113 60.4 60.4
45
113(60.4%) of the respondents were males and 74(39.6%) were female respondents. It vividly
shows among respondents male employees exceed in number.
46
4.3 Descriptive Statistics of dependent and independent variables
Descriptive statistics in the form of arithmetic means and standard deviations for the respondents
were computed for all dimensions assessed by the Perceived Organizational Politics Survey. The
means and standard deviations of the dimensions adopted from Kacmar and Ferris (1992) POPs
model instrument (i.e. General Political Behaviour, “Going Along to Get Ahead”, Pay and
Promotion Policy) with an inclusion of newly developed dimension Political Clientelism) are
presented together with Allen and Mayer employees’ affective commitment as in Table 6.below.
Based on the Table 6 below, “Political Clientelism” has the highest mean score of 3.3187, which
is the highest among all organizational politics dimensions. Employees in Gondar city
administration view their organization as dominated with political patrimonial. The second
organizational politics trait which is perceived by respondents is “Go Along to Get Ahead”
which has a mean score of 3.2412. This result also indicates that most of the respondents
perceived their organization with people fearful and less confident not to loss what they want.
The third organizational politics trait which is perceived by respondents is Pay and Promotion
policy which has a mean score of 3.1567.
Descriptive Statistics
N Minimum Maximum Mean Std.
Deviation
Lastly, compare to other organizational political behaviour the least popular organizational
politics perceived by the respondents is “General Political Behaviour” which has the mean score
of 3.0775 and employees’ affective commitment in Gondar City Administration public Sectors
has a mean score of 2.8454, which is slightly above an average.
47
From the data collected, then, the most respondents working for Gondar City Administration
Public Offices perceived their organization as “politically clientelistic” along with servility
behaviour (Going Along to Get Ahead).While all mean scores of independent variables are well
above average mean score, the dependent variable is slightly increased from average.
Based on the data obtained, it is possible to say that there is substantial relationship between
employees affective commitment and general political behaviour of employees in the
organizations assessed (r= -.582, p<0.01). This indicates that employee’s affective commitment
score of GCA public offices correlated with General political behaviour score at -.582. This can
be interpreted as employees’ affective commitment score is strongly correlated with general
political behaviour in the negative direction (Table 7).
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Table 7: Correlation between Variables
Correlations
AFC GPB PPP GAGA PC
AFC Pearson
Sig. (2-tailed) 1
N 186
G PB Pearson -.582** 1
Sig. (2-tailed) .000
As we can observe in the above table 7, it is possibility to say that there exists substantial
relationship between employees affective commitment and Employees Going Along to Get
Ahead political Behaviour (r= -0.580, p<0.01). This indicates that employee’s affective
commitment score of GCA Public sector offices strongly correlated with Going Along to Get
Ahead Behaviour score at -0.580. That is, employees’ affective commitment score correlated
with organizations “Going Along to Get Ahead” behaviour has negative relation. This can be
interpreted as employees’ affective commitment score correlated with “Go Along to Get Ahead”
behaviour significantly to the negative direction.
Table 7 above asserted that, it is possible to say that there is substantial relationship between
employees affective commitment and Pay and Promotion Policy (r= -0.499, p<0.01). This
indicates that employee’s affective commitment score of GCA public offices correlated with Pay
and Promotion Policy score at -0.499. That is, employees’ affective commitment score correlated
with Pay and Promotion Policy negatively though it is substantial. This can be interpreted as
employees’ affective commitment score negatively associated with organizations Pay and
Promotion Policy.
49
As we can observe in the above table, it is possible to say that there is substantial relationship
between employees affective commitment and Political Clientelism in the organizational (r= -
0.584, p>0.01). This indicates that employee’s affective commitment score of GCA correlated
with organizational Political Clientelism score at -0.584. That is, employees’ affective
commitment score correlated with Political Clientelism behaviour having negative but
substantially. This can be interpreted as employees’ affective commitment score is well
correlated with Political Clientelism in GCA public employees well towards to the negative
direction.
To sum up, among the four organizational politics components all are found negatively
associated with employees’ affective commitment with relatively strong relationship. From these
results we can see that employees’ affective commitment had strongly related with General
Political Behaviour, “Going Along to Get A head”, Pay and Promotion Policy, and state politics.
Therefore we can conclude that, there is sufficient evidence to accept the fact that employee’s
affective commitment is determined by the organizational politics in GCA public sectors keeping
other things constant.
50
Table 8: multi-collinearity
Model 2 Collinearity Statistics
Tolerance VIF
The dependent variable in this case is employees’ affective commitment. If the dependent
variable is not normally distributed, there is little point in performing regression analysis because
a major assumption of the model is violated. Therefore, normality test computed for the
dependent variable, in this case, depicted in the histogram (figure 7) below asserted for normal
distribution. Figure 3 histogram shows a normal distribution is recorded.
51
Source: Survey data (2018)
52
The other checking mechanism to test the normal distribution of scores on the dependent variable
i.e. affective commitment, in our case, is the kurtosis and skewness value which is computed by
using SPSS. The normal acceptable distribution of symmetric has a zero skewness value.
However, the standard error greater than 2 indicates a normality problem. Kurtosis on the other
hand is a measure of the extent to which observation cluster around a central point. For a normal
distribution the value of the kurtosis is zero. The information in table below shows that the
coefficient of skewness (0.178, 0.179, and 0.180) and kurtosis (0.354, 0.355, 0.356 and 0.357) is
not much far from zero. Thus for this research, the histogram and the ratio of skewness to
kurtosis were checked and the result indicates that data used in the study is normally distributed
(Table 9).
Descriptive Statistics
N Mean Std. Deviation Skewness Kurtosis
Statistic Statistic Statistic Statistic Std. Error Statistic Std. Error
Affective Commitment 186 2.8454 1.23161 .113 .178 -1.416 .355
General Political Behaviour 187 3.0775 1.18600 -.033 .178 -1.154 .354
Go Along to Get Ahead 183 3.2412 .97934 -.188 .180 -1.235 .357
Pay and Promotion 184 3.1567 .91539 -.247 .179 -1.083 .356
Political Clientelism 187 3.3187 1.11250 -.291 .178 -1.200 .354
Valid N (listwise) 179
Source; Survey data (2018)
53
Source: Survey data (2018)
Multiple regression analysis is used to measure the statistical effect of each individual
independent variable (i.e. general organizational behaviour, go along to get ahead, pay and
promotion policy, and political Clientelism) on the dependent variable (affective commitment).
This measurement is made by referring the value of adjusted R2 to explain the magnitude of the
effect of the independent variable on the dependent variable. Thus, the model presents how much
of the variance in employees affective commitment is explained by the selected organizational
political factors: general organizational behaviour, go along to get ahead, pay and promotion
policy, and political Clientelism.
54
The equation of multiple regressions on this study is generally built on the set of variable,
employee affective commitment as dependent variable and general organizational behaviour, go
along to get ahead, pay and promotion policy, and political Clientelism as an independent
variables of organizational politics.
A hierarchically regressed variable result for the model summery indicates an overall effect of
independent variables on dependent variables to each model. While 38.8% variation in
employees affective commitment is explained by organizational politics factors (general
organizational behaviour, go along to get ahead, and pay and promotion policy under Model 1
where R square is 0.398. However, an inclusion of the fourth variable has improved model 1
with an adjusted R square result of 0.441 and R square of is .453. This means 44.1% of our
dependent variable (AFC) is better explained by our independent variables (GPB, GAGA, PPP,
and PC) by the second model developed in Gondar city administration public servants. The
inclusion of additional variable, i.e., Political Clientelism, accounted for additional 5.5% of
variance in explaining Employees’ affective Commitment. This result is also found statistically
significant (Sig. F Change< 0.1)
Model Summary
Change Statistics
a. Predictors: (Constant), Pay and Promotion , General Political Behaviour, Go Along to Get Ahead
b. Predictors: (Constant), Pay and Promotion , General Political Behaviour, Go Along to Get Ahead, Political Clientelism
d. Dependent Variable: Affective Commitment
Source; Survey data (2018)
55
Table 11: ANOVA regressions for dependent and independent variables
ANOVAa
Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
The table 11 above presented the overall significant relationship between employees’ affective
commitment with dependent variables under its respective model. From the statistics in the
model, if the value of F > 1 and p< 0.05, the model is fit to predict the effect of independent
variables on dependent variable. The result of the study shown that the prediction power of the
model is fit at F- value of 38.775 and 36.831 respectively for Model 1 and Model 2 while , P=
.000 (p<0.01, F>1). Though the ANOVA result depicts the predictive utility of both Models, we
took the second model for its additional explanatory contribution in aggregate and statistically
significant.
Therefore, the multiple linear regression mode 2 is appropriate to this research to predict the
effects of organizations Pay and Promotion , General Political Behaviour, Go Along to Get
Ahead, Political Clientelism on employees affective commitment under their respective models.
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Table 12: Regression coefficients of Effect of POPs on EAFC
Coefficientsa
This study aimed to identify the effect level of independent variables in the prediction of the
dependent variable. Thus, the strength of each predictor variable influence on the criterion
variable can be investigated via unstandardized Beta coefficient. Hence, the regression
coefficient explain the average amount of change in dependent variable that caused by a unit of
change in the independent variable. It revealed the relative predictive power of each variable
independently after the considerations of all other variables in the model were controlled.
57
contribute 18.2% to employees’ affective commitment. The last beta value of organizational
politics is Pay and Promotion Policy with -0.054which contribute 5.4% to employees’ affective
commitment.
Given the models’ fitness with significance at level of less than 0.05 (p=0.000), we can predict
employee affective commitment from the dimensions of organizational politics significant model
(Table10). Based on Table 11 using individual variables` the regression analysis Equation will
be;
EAFC=5.720-0.243 GPB-0.182GAGA-0.054PPP-0.306PC
Where:
EAC = Employee affective commitment
GPB =General Political Behaviour
GAGA= Go along to Get Ahead
PPP = Pay and Promotion Policy
PC = Political Clientelism
The result shows there is relationship between general political Behaviour and employees’
affective commitment (β = -0.253, P=0.004) and P<0.05, the hypothesis of general political
Behaviour has a negative and significant effect on employee affective commitment in Gondar
city administration.
Therefore, H1 is accepted.
58
H2: Organizational politics, as measured by “going along to get ahead”, has a significant
negative influence on employees’ affective commitment in Gondar City Administration.
The obtained result shows there is significant relationship between Go along to Get Ahead and
employee affective commitment (β = -0.229, p=0.058) and p<0.10, the hypothesis of Go along to
Get Ahead has a negative and significant effect on employee affective commitment, and then the
alternative hypothesis is accepted, however weak the relationship is, in commercial Gondar city
administration..
Therefore, H2 is accepted.
H3: Organizational politics, as measured by pay and promotion policy, has a significant negative
influence on employees’ commitment in Gondar City Administration.
The obtained result shows there is no positive significant relationship between pay and
promotion policy and employee affective commitment (β = -0.073, p>0.05) and p= 0.523, the
hypothesis of the pay and promotion policy has a negative but insignificant effect on employee
affective commitment in commercial Gondar City Administration.
Therefore H3 is rejected.
The obtained result shows there is significant relationship between political clientelism and
employee affective commitment (β = -0.339, p<0.05) and p=0.000, the hypothesis of mission
political clientelism has been a negative and significant effect on employee affective
commitment, and then the alternative hypothesis is accepted in Gondar city administration.
Therefore H4 is accepted.
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Table 13: Summary of hypothesis
As the hypothesis summary table 12, shows one dimension of organizational politics (pay and
promotion policy) is rejected because it relationship was insignificant with employee affective
commitment in city administration and organizational politics (i.e. General political behaviour,
Go along to get ahead and political clientelism) are accepted because they have a negative
significant relationship with employee affective commitment in Gondar city administration.
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4.7 Discussion on Major Findings
This section summarized the core points and major findings which were obtained from data
analysis of survey questionnaires:
The numbers of male respondents in the sample population are a bit higher (female 39.6%, male
60.4%). The largest group of the population comprises first-degree holders, which is 71.1 % of
the total respondents. Furthermore, 35.8% of the respondents have 5 and less years of experience
whereas 64.2 of them has an experience of 6 years and above in Gondar city administration and
these takes majority. Political clientelism has the highest mean score of 3.3187which is the
highest among the other organizational political dimensions. The mean score for the measures of
go along to get ahead is high (3.2412), followed by pay and promotion policy (3.1567), and
general political behaviour (3.0775).This indicates that, the majority of respondents have slight
agreement on all the measures. Mean score of employee affective commitment is (2.8454) the
responses are above average. This indicates that employees probably have medium emotional
attachment towards their organization.
Pearson coefficients implies that the four organizational politics dimensions factors measuring
perceived organizational politics were all negatively related with employees affective
commitment within the range of 0.499 to 0.584, all were significant at p<0.00 level. Findings
from the multiple regression analysis shows, 44.1% variation in employee affective commitment
is explained by organizational politics (where by R square is .430 and adjusted R square is .453).
Furthermore, the significance value of F change statistics shows a value .000, which is less than
p<0.05, implies the model is significant. This Finding is consistent with other research findings.
Vigoda and Kapun (2005) studied the effect of organizational politics on private and public
organizations and found a negative association with organisational commitment –0.44 and –0.41
respectively. Rehan and Asma (2013) found a correlation of -0.50 between POPs and employees
organizational affective Commitment. Miller et al (2008) also found correlation between the
dependent and independent variable being -0.41. Moreover, Cropanzano, Howes, Grandey and
Toth (1997) also found a -0.63 correlation of POPs with organizational commitment. And a
research conducted on Pakistani public sector by Raiz (2013) reached the same conclusion on the
association of POPs and affective organizational commitment with a correlation result (r = -0.15;
61
p<0.01). Recent researches are similarly indicate a negative association between POPs and
affective commitment having-0.256 and -0.126 with p<0.01 for General Political Behaviour and
Go along to Get Ahead dimensions respectively (Yilmaz E., Özer G., and Gunluk M., 2014).
Political clientelism is the most contributing perceived organizational politics traits in the
prediction of employees` affective commitment with beta value -0.306. And general political
behaviour, go along to get ahead and pay and promotion policy contribute the following beta
value in the prediction of employees affective commitment (B=-0.243), (B= -0.182), (B=-0.054)
respectively.
There is no multi co linearity problem among all perceived organizational politics variables
which is asserted by tolerance values greater than 0.1 and VIF value less than 10.
Alternative hypotheses related to General political behaviour, go along to get ahead and political
clientelism are accepted as significance levels are .004(p>0.05), .0583 (p>0.10) and .000(p>0.05)
respectively. To the contrary, alternative hypotheses which is related with pay and promotion
policy is rejected as significance levels are .523(p>0.05). It shows that payment and promotion
does not have significant effect on the level of employee affective commitment.
This is also consistent with other previously conducted researches. Regression result of POP
conducted by Rehan and Asma (2013) had a negative direct effect on affective commitment (= -
0.19, p > 5%). Similarly, Miller et al (2008) with the 95% confidence interval found a regression
result R2 ranged from -0.68 to -0.14-; p<.05. The beta coefficient for relationship of POPs and
affective commitment was estimated -0.966 with a significant negative direct effect (Atta et al,
2012) in non western culture. This finding too aligned to results obtained from the work of Raiz
(2013). In her study a significant effects of perception of politics on affective commitment was
estimated with an R2=-0.233; p<0.001). A recent study by Utami A., Bangun Y., and Lantu
D.,(2014) used the three variables(GPB,GAGA and PPP) and found the negative regression
result for POPs and OC beta value of -.338 at p=0.000. However, taking the regression
estimation of each independent variables with negative but insignificant effect on organizational
affective commitment (Adj R2= -0.073; p>10%) pay and promotion policy, in this research, is
against other results referred above.
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4.8 Chapter Summary
This research borrowed the three dimensional POPs scale(General Political Behaviour, Go along
to get ahead and Pay and Promotion Policy) from Kacmar and Carlson (1997) and included
additional dimension(Political clientelism) taking the Ethiopian public sector context with five
items. The newly included items and variable were initiated for two reasons. First, the
consideration of using the recommendation of scholars in the field (Kacmar and Ferris, 1991;
Kacmar and Carlson, 1997) to develop the theory of POPs as contribution across cultures
(Timothy, 2012). Second, from personal experience and government system the Model
developed from western democracies, the public sectors is relatively free of the ruling parties and
are operating in a business like environment, could not help to grasp the whole bunch of POPs in
the developing world found at different socio economic status. Therefore, contextualizing the
previously developed POPs to the national context found important. The original factors along
with the newly added variable showed good and significantly correlations within the range of -
0.499 to -0.584 coefficients to employees’ affective commitment. Thus, all independent variables
used i.e. General Political Behaviour; Go along to get ahead, Pay and Promotion Policy and
Political clientelism show a higher level of negative relation with the dependent variable. This
finding is consistent with the findings of other researchers.
In addition, the result of multiple regression analysis of this research paper shows that political
clientelism is the most contributing organizational politics traits in the prediction of employee
affective commitment with beta value of -0.306. General political behaviour and Going Along to
get ahead consecutively contributed -0.253 and -0.229. The regression result of the model in
General was able to explain a substantial amount of variance in affective commitment with
Adj.R2= -0.441; p<1%.
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CHAPTER FIVE
To address the basic and specific question of the research data were collected from 12 public
offices under Gondar city administration using simple random technique. Out of 529 public
employees in the city 215 were taken for the sample test and distributed a questionnaire in which
only 187 returned for valid entry and 28 were failed to be collected.
After conducting different investigations on the interesting variables it come up with the
following major findings:
64
“Political Clientelism” has the highest mean score of 3.3187, which is the highest among all
organizational politics dimensions. Hence, Employees in Gondar city administration view their
organization as dominated with political clientelism. The second organizational politics trait
which is perceived by respondents is “Go Along to Get Ahead” which has a mean score of
3.2412. This result, likewise, indicates that most respondents perceived their organization has
employees with servility behaviour for not to loss what they thought is important. Compared to
other organizational political behaviour the least popular organizational politics perceived by the
respondents is Pay and Promotion Policy which has the mean score of 3.1567. Lastly,
organizational politics trait which is perceived by respondents is “General Political Behaviour
“which has a mean score of 3.0775. And, employees’ affective commitment in Gondar city
administration public Sectors has a mean score of 2.8454, which is about an average.
The correlation result of the study showed general political behaviour is negatively and
significantly related to employees’ affective commitment by (r= - 0.582, p=0.00). Go along to
get ahead dimension of POPs of Gondar City administration have a negative and significant
relationship with employees affective commitment by (r= -0.580, p=0.00). The administration
pay and promotion policy is negatively and significantly related to employees’ affective
commitment by (r= -0.499, p=0.000). The political clientelism nature in the administration has a
positive and significant relationship with employees affective commitment by (r= -0.584,
p=0.000).
The regression analysis of the study using model 2 with four of the independent variables can
explain 44.1% of the variations in employees’ affective commitment in the organization and the
remaining 55.9 % of variance remain are explained by other factors.
5.2 Conclusion
This study was initiated to examine the effect of perceived organizational politics on employee
affective commitment in Gondar city administration. The study found that political clientelism is
the first and the most contributing POPs dimension in the prediction of employee affective
commitment. This implies that employees in the city administration perceived unfair relation
between supervisors and their peers under the pretext of party affiliation. The role of the ruling
party in supervising the bureaucracy through creating overlapping offices has stronger influence
65
over its respective administration against the conventional modus operandi of running public
office. One means of ensuring control is conducting the performance appraisal of offices and
employees in light of what the party dictates strength and weakness. Ipso facto, an apparent and
significant level of disappointment is intensified causing negative reaction toward employees’
commitment to their administration. In addition to creating overlapping offices and positions, the
ruling party appointed its loyal individuals over resourceful sectors. Those individuals will serve
their masters and their own self interest using their public position and client protection. Thirdly,
the group may influence professional recruitment in the sectors catching their interest thereby
serve party purpose in their respective fields.
The second and the most contributing POPs trait in predicting employees` affective commitment
is general political behavior. General political behaviour is associated with individuals’ effort to
actively participate in forming or joining unsanctioned groups and practices pursuing to satisfy
the interest of self. Such political behaviour might be triggered by a number of factors; scarce
resource, ambiguous policies and directions, and decision making under uncertainty (Kacmar
and Carlson, 1997). Under organizational system where rules are unable to support all conditions
popped up in the sector, individuals are offered an opportunity to give their own interpretation
66
inclined to their favor. Individuals who are heading this sloped interpretation endeavored for
legitimacy by deceiving and co-opting colleagues or go after those who are against them
otherwise. Second when resources are scarce, it is for few that is possible to satisfy personal
benefit even by compromising the organizational interest.
In the Ethiopian civil service the remuneration is meager, promotions and transfers are limited;
i.e., resources are scarce viz. Hence, competition over these opportunities is expected to be
higher. For this very reason individuals jockey to win any available opportunities worth
benefiting from recruit to maneuver others. As benefits are limited in any way, however, many of
the employees lost trust in their organization and demised to the nadir of affective commitment.
From this stand point and this research finding, it is possible to conclude that general political
behaviour is prevalent in Gondar city administration and affected employees` affective
commitment negatively and significantly.
“Go along to get ahead”, following general political behaviour, is the third contributor for
adversely effecting employees’ commitment in Gondar city administration. This dimension of
politicking is envisaged when individuals show a desire of “avoiding conflict, and therefore, not
resist others’ influence attempts” (Kacmar and Carlson, 1997). Albeit their inactivity against
treats from politicians, they have still a stake being a pawns of others. Considering their silent
reaction in fear of the conflict which may precipitated losing regular benefits, it is still protecting
personal benefit than organization`s; being a benefactor for forward politicians. Hence, they
themselves considered politicking. Second to that, their silence provides additional benefits and
which is reasonably considered them as member of operating political group (Frost, 1987).
Perceiving and identifying this political behaviour in their organizations leads employees to be
apathetic and lethargic in discharging their duties over time. The result of this study, albeit
minimal, has found a negative and significant effect on employees’ affective commitment.
Therefore, it is for the third round possible to conclude that perceived organizational politics as
measured by go along to get ahead has a negative significant effect on employees’ affective
commitment in public sector of Gondar city administration.
The last independent variable, pay and promotion policy, however, found insignificant in
affecting employees organizational commitment though estimated correlation is relatively
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stronger and directed negatively. Given pay and promotion policy is associated with the
organizations human resource practice in rewarding political behaviours. If “Organizations
designed reward systems that perpetuate political behavior in a variety of ways (Kacmar and
Feriss, 1992), i.e., favoring individual political behaviours than organizational interest, it can be
identified with a political behaviour of pay and promotion policy. Because of this fact employees
tend to enter in to politicking so as to win rewards, just for personal benefit, by following the
rewarding policy while compromising organizational interests. Collusion of individuals for this
purpose dejected others; therefore affect their attachment with the organization.
Despite this mainstream research output, the regression result of this study tells insignificant
effect of pay and promotion policy in the study area and culture. This can be understood for
employees’ perception in Gondar city administration associated with the pay and promotion
policy IS attributed for other causes, therefore, overlook its negative impact on their affective
commitment. Among others, employees might have found worth compete for rewards from the
HRM system, rather focused on other better means of satisfying their self interest. This let us
conclude that a pay and promotion policy dimension, keeping other things constant, of POPs is
negatively related to organizational commitment but failed to uniquely contribute on its variance.
5.3 Recommendations
Based on the research finding and conclusions made, the researcher came up with some
important recommendations which would help Gondar city administration on effectively
managing perceived organizational politics that significantly contribute to the improvement of
employees` affective commitment. The recommendations given are the following:
The overall result of this research indicates that perceived organizational politics has a
significant negative influence on employees` affective commitment in Gondar city
administration. Among others, political clientelism is highly perceived and substantially
affected employees’ affective commitment in the administration. Though the impact is
induced externally and couldn’t be alleviated by the administration`s lone capacity, there
needs to have an effort to work as far as the working legal and administrative system
supports so. In addition, there need to be a system that provides counter protection for those
68
threatening political deceivers under the disguise of any political party or connections to any
group. More importantly, in collaboration with the regional and central governments, it is
advised to work to separate the political and administrative responsibilities of employees
through legal and structural arrangements so that employees need relative freedom of
conducting their will in which their affective commitment to their administration is
improved.
The third bunch of recommendation goes in response to addressing the go along to get ahead
behaviours. This behaviour, albeit limited compared to the previous two, is perceived
impacting employees commitment negatively. This behaviour is critical that the
administration shall ponder over. Employees need to be empowered to stand influences from
political groups. Transparency and rule based performance evaluation and supervision
encouraging employees to criticize, comment and whistle blow any misconducts shall be
established and promoted. The administrative system need to be structured and function in
the way that underpins pro-organization (people) practices and punish self serving political
behaviour and practice.
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Finally, though the pay and promotion policy was not perceived having unique contribution
in reducing employees’ commitment, it is worth considering its application as its mean score
estimated over average. Sticking to the civil service proclamation and directives with an open
and participatory application while fostering organizational interests will have an assist in
reducing the negatively perceived pay and promotion political behaviour of the human
resource practice.
Future researches can contribute on the model and topic by testing to different population and
cultures. Changing the data collection method and analysis technique can be used for further
understanding in unique public and private environments in the developing world. Thirdly,
state/nation-wide study is needed as competition for and amount of resources are varied and
plenty in which actors are supposed to be qualified in politicking.
70
in the developed world. This research can be considered among the first row in an attempt to
address the issue. This is the first contribution of this study paper.
Secondly, and most importantly, contrary to the previous argument, most of the developing
world public sectors are under strict control of national politics and subject to serving politicians’
purpose of their time. Hence, studying organizational politics in this specific sector and context
requires an approach that can address political clientelism as a means of pursuing self interest
under the disguise of political connections. Political clientelism has been studied from political
science and resource distribution perspective which is the overt act conducted when state
institutions are failed to effectively function. Associating this field of study with organizational
behaviour which mostly emphasis on perceived level of issues help practitioners to definitively
grasp the whole intent of the topic. The study has attempted fill this knowledge gap.
71
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78
Appendixes
Questionnaire
Bahir Dar University
College of Business and Economics
Department of Management: MBA Program
Dear respondent:-
I, Abraraw Chale, a graduate student of Bahir Dar University, am conducting a research on “The
effect of organizational politics on employees’ commitment in the Public Sector: The Case of
Gondar City Administration”. The purpose of this questionnaire is, therefore, to collect data
from Gondar City Administration employees.
As information collected from this survey will be used in strict confidence and for research
purposes only, therefore, has no impact on your employment with this organization, it is
important that you answer each question and respond to each statement as openly and candidly
as possible. You are not expected to write your name for the sake of confidentiality.
Age
20 or below 31-35 21-25 36-40 26-30 41 or above
Gender
Male Female
Highest Level of Education
Diploma Bachelors Masters Other
Post
Politically appointed Civil servant (Part Member)
Income Level
Below 2,500 2,500- Above 4,500
79
Part Two: Perceived Organizational Politics
Please indicate the degree of your agreement/disagreement with the following statements. (Mark “x” the choice
that best describes your view)
Agree nor
Disagree
Disagree
Strongly
Strongly
disagree
Neither
Agree
agree
Factor 1: General Political Behavior
The stated pay and promotion policies have nothing to do with how pay raises and promotions are determined.
When it comes to pay raise and promotion decisions, policies are irrelevant.
Promotions around here are not valued much because how they are determined is so political.
Factor 4: Political clientelism
There are feared people here because they are party members
Employees` performance appraisal is conducted in line with party criteria and direction than job
specifications and description
There are influential employees here because they are loyal and committed party members
Loyal and committed party members are heard and believed by the top officials than others.
It is political affiliation taken as the criteria to go to top
Party evaluation results and decisions affected organizational and individual performance evaluation.
Employee Commitment
I feel a strong sense of belonging to my organization
I am proud to tell others that I work at my organization
I feel personally attached to my organization
80
Reliability Test of Each Item
General Political Behaviour
Item-Total Statistics
Cronbach's
Scale Mean if Scale Variance Corrected Item- Alpha if Item
Item Deleted if Item Deleted Total Correlation Deleted
81
Political Clientelism
Item-Total Statistics
Affective Commitment
Item-Total Statistics
82