Shivers Down the Spine

Shivers Down the Spine: Music as a Pre-Linguistic Mnemonic Device?

Alexandra Y Vossen i436755 HU342 Biopoetics An Evolutionary Approach to Arts, Literature, and Music J. de Roder University College Maastricht June 11, 2009 Word Count ~4780 (incl. In-text references & headings)

Shivers Down the Spine Shivers Down the Spine: Music as a Pre-Linguistic Mnemonic Device?

Music is everywhere. Whether we watch television, listen to the radio, attend a sports event, or go to the shopping mall, music is ubiquitous. Sometimes we find a particular tune pleasant, sometimes annoying, but in general, most people clearly enjoy at least some type of music. Although the particular styles are diverse, the affinity for music seems to be a universal feature of human societies, as it can be found in all cultures and tribes around the world. A particular interesting feature of music are the chills, or shivers down the spine that many people experience when they listen to a piece of music that they find particularly pleasing and beautiful. These chills are a highly subjective phenomenon. For, instance, my personal favourite lifting up tune has been, for quite a while now, the third movement of Vivaldis Summer. The sound of the strings very reliably gives me goosebumps; they manage to blank out everything that is going on around me, to completely immerse me into the tune, to make me listen. A study by Blood and Zatorre (2001) has shown that in the case of chills, neural networks are activated in the brain that are well-known for their role in reward to pleasant stimuli, such as food, sex, and stimulating drugs. These reward circuits play a role in learning and are also thought to promote behaviour that is crucial to the survival of both the individual animal and the whole species: We do not usually have sex because we want to produce offspring (which is especially true today, given the effort to avoid conception despite declining birth rates in Western industrialized countries). We have sex because it is fun. Similarly, we eat because we crave tasty food, and food that we perceive as tasty is not coincidentally often rich in energy. Although it is evident to everyone that lack of nutrition can have fatal consequences, people do not normally raid the fridge with the expectation of looming disease and death in mind. Nature has arranged for us an intrinsic desire to act in a way that is conducive to our well-being and viability. In a Darwinian sense, nature has selected for brains that respond (and crave) for the rewarding aspects of behaviours that ensure our survival. The usefulness of this mechanism is apparent for food and sex. While drugs rarely give a health or survival advantage, they simply act by direct manipulation of the brains biochemistry and cannot in a true sense be counted as external stimulants of brain activity. Yet music is a different story altogether. Music is clearly an external stimulus (except in the case of musical hallucinations), but non-human species lacking the capacity to produce or perceive music do not seem to be handicapped in any obvious way. What was nature thinking when she linked the perception of music to the reward circuitry? Does music indeed play a biologically useful role, or is it just a hitchhiker on vital neural networks that evolved for an entirely different purpose, being an exaptation in the sense of Gould and Vrba (1982)? In this paper I try to shed some light on the possible evolutionary function of music perception. First I give a short review on the evidence for a genetic background. Then I introduce and comment on two influential theories about the evolution of music and why they cannot really

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account for the origin of the particular emotional effect I am concerned with here. An alternative explanation based on the proposal of Ramachandran and Hirstein (1999) is offered. The hypothesis draws parallels to the eight laws of aesthetic experience, which were developed to account for human pleasure in visual arts. I argue that there exist similar principles for musical pleasure. These principles are thought to rely ultimately on the associations between sound or rhythm and affective responses to them, which constitute a primitive but powerful learning mechanism. Note that the term emotion is used in the sense of Antonio Damasio (as cited in Cardoso, 2006), referring to the physiological changes in the brain rather than to the associated feelings, which are basically the interpretation of these changes and which are highly dependent on mood and circumstances.

Theorizing About Evolution: Individual or Group Advantage? The ultimate test for an evolutionary origin of any behavior is whether it has a genetic component. Music seems to pass this test quite well. Firstly, infants already seem to have musical preferences before they can gain excessive experience, and are susceptive to the regulatory effect that music can have on emotions. For instance, the slow soft sound of a lullaby can help them to calm down (Trainor, 2008). Secondly, we observe genetic effects in adults with developmental disorders such as congenital amusia, the inability to perceive or makes sense of music (Stewart, 2006). People with this type of amusia have difficulties processing pitch, recognizing or distinguishing between tunes, and in some cases tapping in time. Often they perceive music as noise. Although the exact genetic locus of this abnormality is currently unknown, the evidence suggests that it is inherited in an autosomal dominant manner (Stewart, 2006) with a penetrance of around 40%. (Stewart, 2008). In general, twin studies indicate that musical listening ability is up to 80% heritable (Stewart, 2006). These findings all provide evidence for an innate predisposition of our musical capacity. Yet is this predisposition really functional? Evolutionary thinkers have advanced quite independent ideas about the purpose of music. Evolutionary psychologist Geoffrey Miller explains the rise of music with his sexual selection theory. By his account, music has evolved as a form of courtship display to attract potential sexual partners (Miller, 2000). Miller draws parallels to bird song and other examples from the animal kingdom, where complex sounds are mainly produced to grab the attention of the opposite sex. His strongest argument however is that time- and energy consuming activities without any apparent survival benefits for the individual or the group such as music and dance are otherwise inexplicable in a framework of survival of the fittest or natural selection. Moreover, he points to musics emotional power where too much is never enough (p.2), indicating that sexual competitors continually try to outplay other rivals by making better, more emotional, more exciting music. Music

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as behaviour has evolved because females tend to mate with the most impressive musicians or dancers; their art is an indicator that they possess enough physical capacities or resources to maintain such an energetically expensive and potentially dangerous hobby. Accordingly, the pleasure that is experienced when listening to music has evolved as a runaway effect because there were more females that were attracted to complex musical displays than there were good musicians available, resulting in a feedback loop that promoted both complex musical behaviour and the desire for musical aesthetic experience. Although the idea of music as sexual display has its merits, final evidence is lacking. Miller tries to support his theory with the results of an observational study, in which he collected data from Jazz musicians of the last century and analyzed the age of the performers as well as the number of albums they released (Miller, 1999). He concludes that male Jazz musicians produce more albums, especially in the years of their highest reproductive capacity. This he takes as evidence for the correctness of sexual selection theory, but he fails to account for the possible influence of Western patriarchic history, in which women are generally less likely to have public influence or professional success. He argues that parsimony demands that if we see the same age and sex profiles for animal courtship behaviour and for human public cultural production, and if these behaviours show many of the same design features (), we should admit that the same theory () might explain both phenomena (Miller, 1999, p.88). This argument is invalid because if what we observe is merely a consequence of this patriarchic artifact it can therefore not be taken as evidence at face value. Furthermore, Millers approach does not explain why the emotional aspects of music perception have evolved in the first place because, clearly, for a sexual display to be successful, the receiving end should be predisposed to enjoy it. Another attempt to account for the evolution of music is forwarded by anthropologist and biologist Robin Dunbar. In contrast to Miller, Dunbar emphasizes the group aspect, rather than the individual benefits of music. He believes that music is the predecessor of verbal language as a means of social grooming (Dunbar, Barret, & Lycett, 2005). His gossip theory, which is based on anatomical evidence, states that when early human group sizes became too large to effectively maintain social relations by physical contact i.e. grooming language evolved as a means to compensate for the additional time it costs to bond with other group members. Language comes with three inbuilt advantages: Several individuals can be verbally groomed at a time; it serves the exchange of information about the group, and allows individuals to judge the behaviour of other members. Since language is unlikely to have evolved just like that Dunbar assumes that music

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evolved as a form of non-linguistic speech, or wordless singing (2005). It is striking that there are indeed extensive overlaps between the neural networks used for language and those that are activated by music perception (Patel, 2008). As we will see later, it can even transfer limited semantic information (Koelsch, Kasper, Sammler, Schulze, Gunter, & Friederici, 2004). The vocal control of singing is the same as for speech, and evidence exists that music appeared well before language. And finally, music can elicit the same emotional pleasure as physical contact (Dunbar et al., 2005). Gossip theory is certainly attractive but we encounter the same problem as before: How and why do we have such a strong emotional reaction to music?

What IfMusic Was a Mnemonic Device? An alternative view that may help explain the special emotional aspect of music can be derived from the neurological theory of aesthetic experience that was proposed by Ramachandran and HIrstein. In their 1999 paper, they suggest eight laws of artistic experience that are based on the Gestalt principles of visual processing. Although these laws originally apply to the pleasure of experiencing visual art, we will see that at least some of them could as well be applied to acoustic art namely music. According to the law of grouping, discovery of correlations and binding of correlated features into unified objects that stick out from a background is achieved by the brain with the help of the Gestalt principles, such as figure-ground delineation, similarity, closure, symmetry, etc. Ramachandran & Hirstein argue that object identification must be reinforcing to give the organism an incentive to invest the effort to continually scan the environment for novelties. The survival advantage lies in the fact that if an organism does not spend this effort, it will sooner or later fall prey to its predators, or simply fail to find a mate or food. Furthermore, if an object is successfully identified, a sort of aha-effect reinforces the resulting percept to maintain its stability and facilitate recognition. According to this hypothesis, visual modules in the brain that identify certain Gestalt features send a signal to the limbic system the brains centre of emotion that in turn activates an emotional response. This response then biases further processing towards those emotionally salient, interesting features. Such characteristics that titillate the perceptual and emotional systems maximally are just the ones that the brain has evolved to detect and analyze (Ramachandran & Hirstein, 1999). Although Ramachandran and Hirstein propose the emotional effect to be of an aesthetic nature, it is unlikely that at this basic level we can talk about an actual aesthetic experience. Nevertheless, the overall idea has exciting implications. Basically, what is described is a simple learning mechanism a stimulus in the world is identified and attached with an emotional label according to the nature of the experience, thereby facilitating its future recognition and initiation of an appropriate response. The identification of a promising female would likely be associated with an

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approach response, while the sight of a tiger would rather be tagged with an emotional avoid label. These basic visual mechanisms and the Gestalt principles that are thought to underlie them can be translated into the auditory domain (Todorovic, 2008). While visual objects are calculated from a two-dimensional plane of light spots, acoustic input comes in a one-dimensional temporally varying air pressure waveform. Therefore, the Gestalt principles relate to a temporal, rather than a spatial arrangement of stimuli. Nonetheless, they enable us to create elaborate acoustic representations of the world outside, and distinguish between many, often simultaneously perceived sources (Todorovic, 2008). It can be speculated, then, that our minds constantly scan the environment for noises that titillate the auditory cortex and/or the limbic system, in other words, sounds that are interesting enough to have a significant probability to belong to a biologically meaningful and relevant entity. For example, the brain interprets related tones and overtones that are integer multiples of the fundamental frequency as stemming from one single source (Ball, 2008). Apparently, such natural tones enjoy favoured processing compared to unrelated tones. Moreover, there is a strong emotional component to specific sound percepts that parallels that of vocal pitch production (Trainor, 2008). Loud or dissonant sounds are associated with negative feelings, such as fear, while higher, rapid sounds appear more joyful. Falling pitches express comfort, but high flat pitches signify fear. People use these principles to judge the mood of a tune by these features (Trainor, 2008). If the idea about object identification and their relation to the limbic system is a fruitful one, we can expect that the same learning mechanism that is at work for visual perception also applies to acoustic perception. It also explains in a most parsimonious way why people produce music it is simply because they like certain sound patterns. Now acoustic features such as tone and pitch are not the only aspects there are to music. Another important element is rhythm. Evidently rhythm has a strong motor component. We involuntarily tap along to a catchy beat, entrain our movements to the rhythm, and start to dance when we listen to a stimulating song. Perceptual research suggests that the mental representation of rhythm is related to motor areas in the brain such as the cerebellum and basal ganglia (Peretz & Zatorre, 2005). Indeed, auditory and motor areas in the brain are interconnected: What we hear influences how we move, but how we move influences what we hear (Trainor, 2008). The vestibular system for balance is situated in the inner ear and mediates the interactions between rhythm perception and movement (Trainor, 2008). More interstingly, there is increasing evidence that motion stimulates the brains emotion and reward systems (Kapogiannis, Campion, Grafman, & Wassermann, 2008). It is folk wisdom by now that exercise can make you happy, e.g. by the release of endorphins. What is less well-known is that the connection to the reward system plays a role in

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motor learning. Presumably, simple motor feedback for a successfully completed motor task activates the reward system and thus reinforces the particular neuronal activity that resulted in effective performance (Kapogiannis et al., 2008). In sum, theory and evidence from the neurosciences suggest that there are perceptual and motor mechanisms in our brains that are connected directly or indirectly to our centers of emotion and reward. Music taps into both acoustic and motor mechanisms. This link between perceived stimulus and its reinforcing activation of the limbic system should, according to fundamental principles in psychology, lead to a strong learning effect. Hence, the probability that a particular combination of musical stimulus and emotion, along with whatever stimuli participate in the ongoing experience, is encoded into, and retrievable from, long term memory (LTM) should be increased. In the following section, I discuss some of these fundamental psychological principles and their relevance with respect to music.

Music and Memory There are three characteristics of music that are potentially interesting for its speculative role as a pre-linguistic mnemonic device. Firstly, as we know by now, it has a strong emotional component. Events and experiences that stir up emotions tend to be remembered better (although not necessarily more accurate) than emotionally neutral experiences (Passer & Smith, 2007). The activation of the amygdala, a major part of the limbic system, is thought to facilitate the encoding of emotionally charged stimuli into LTM by an increased release of stress hormones. Moreover, emotional arousal also enhances retrieval of emotionally charged autobiographical memories, depending on the state or mood one is in (Passer & Smith, 2007). Thus, the emotional element facilitates both encoding and retrieval. Secondly, musical memory activity is often implicit. A person may not consciously recall or recognize a certain type or token of music, but would still show a behavioural or neurological response elicited by non-conscious memory processes. One of the paradigms that tap into implicit memory is the use of semantic priming tasks, in which behavioural performance is measured to assess how much an earlier stimulus influences the response to a later stimulus of the same semantic category (Gazzaniga, Ivry, & Mangun, 2002). A revealing study based on electroencephalography (EEG) found that music can lead to such semantic priming effects (Koelsch et al., 2004). Just as target words that are semantically related to a sentence presented beforehand are processed faster than unrelated words (e.g. Joe sings a song primes music but not tomato, unless Joe is a really awful singer), target words that are preceded by semantically related musical primes in the form of nonverbal tunes are processed more efficiently than those following incongruous tunes. This result points to a capacity of music to convey meaningful information similar to that of language, although

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this mediation is clearly less complex and precise in nature. At least part of the musical meaning is thought to depend on the suggestion of a particular mood in a tune, and on extramusical associations, thus supporting the mnemonic device hypothesis. Another example for implicit music-related memory can be found in the realm of neuropsychology. Oliver Sacks (2008) reports a patient named Clive, a musician and musicologist who had lost a great deal of his autobiographical memory as well as the ability to form new memories after a severe herpes encephalitis infection. Clive had a virtual memory span of a few seconds, and he would forget having ever talked to a person as soon as he blinked his eyes. Nonetheless, he could play songs on the piano or the organ which he had learned when he was young, although he would not consciously remember having ever played them before. He was also able to conduct his old choir with the same skill and grace as before his memory loss, and even learn to play new pieces, even though he would not remember having learnded them (Sacks, 2008). Here we have a strong example of implicit memory for motor performance, or procedural memory. Since Clive used to be (and still is) a passionate musician, it seems reasonable to expect that an emotional component would play a role both in retrieval of the pieces that were expected to be forgotten like the memory of his past, but also in learning new motor skills related to playing new tunes. Thirdly, one of the pet paradigms of behavioural psychology, classical conditioning, describes a process in which an organism learns to associate two stimuli, so that one stimulus comes to elicit a response that was originally only elicited by the other one (Passer & Smith, 2007). Applying this mechanism to music, if a song and an event say, the first kiss with the love of your life are associated, the song will come to trigger the same response such as feeling happy as that triggered by the event itself. The same principle, but with a more active role of the organism, applies to operant conditioning, the second major learning paradigm that involves association between an action and its consequences. Both paradigms depend on emotional responses, such as in taste aversion or fear conditioning. The stronger the emotional response to a stimulus, the fewer learning trials are required. Some associations seem to be learned more easily than others; it is thought that through evolution, organisms have become better prepared to learn about certain stimulus constellations (Passer & Smith, 2007). This is basically the idea behind Ramachandrans and Hirsteins (1999) approach: Our brains have evolved for object identification, therefore stimuli that facilitate object identification are favoured over others, which is conveyed by the differential activation of the limbic system.

Shivers Down the Spine Finding Evidence

It appears that the emotional component of perception and motion associated with music, tunes, and rhythm could have evolved to facilitate both learning and retrieval of information. While rhythm could have been useful as a memory enhancer for motor skills, sound would have primarily served for learning about the environment. Both might have had a function in learning semantic knowledge about simple concepts, cultural aspects, etc. However, the ultimate test for every hypothesis is empirical in nature. We cannot test the brains of our long-gone ancestors, but we can find examples in contemporary societies. Especially in cultures with a long-standing tradition we can expect to find remnants of teaching practices that involve music and dance in some way. Take for instance the Vedic culture of India (Wood, 2007). Students of the Vedas, the Indian Holy Scriptures, are required to learn whole books of verses by heart. The Vedas have traditionally been submitted down the generations from teacher to disciple, without being written down. Although written forms exist nowadays, teachers still recite the verses to their disciples, tinting them with distinct prosody and accompanying them with stereotyped rhythmic gestures which they were taught by their teachers. The students copy both prosody and gestures accurately, resulting in song with conducting movements. Their memory capacity for these verses is astounding. Perhaps the emotional component of both music perception and rhythmic motion contributes to hard-wiring the spoken word by reinforcing the neural networks underlying them. Another example that springs to mind are the cultural dances of indigenous tribes. Often these dances tell a story, or they are stereotyped, exaggerated, ritualized versions of actions that play an actual role in daily life, such as in hunting or fighting. Thus, they may have both a function in teaching and rehearsing tribal history by conveying semantic meaning, or as practice for skilled movements that need to be applied fast and flexibly in real-life situations. By incorporating history and skills into an emotionally stimulating dance, memorization of complex semantic and motor structures could be facilitated. Last but not least, even in our society examples exist how music facilitates learning. When infants learn the alphabet, for instance, the ABC is often accompanied by song, the tune of Twinkle twinkle little star probably being the most widely used one. With the help of a familiar lullaby, even small children are able to memorize highly abstract information while actually enjoying the learning process. Wrapping up, it seems not unlikely that the use of song and rhythm (which can be dissociated; Trainor, 2008) has been adapted to facilitate learning and teaching in pre-linguistic humans. From mere repetition or copying (aping) of movements and sounds, a more reciprocal use of standardized sounds and motion could have evolved to exchange experiences, and later stories, gradually expanding the functions of onomatopoeia and dance. Many words today evoke the sounds

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produced by the objects they refer to, such as cackle, dribble, etc., reminding us of their possible origins. However, in this framework, musical behaviour as a learning tool can only be considered an exaptation. In other words, an existing trait (i.e. perceptual biases whose original function was to make sense of the environment or allow the development of standardized motor patterns) was recruited to enhance learning and memory for semantic or cultural knowledge. The pure perceptual mechanisms must have existed before any living being developed the idea to produce complex sound and rhythmic patterns in a manner that corresponds to our modern concept of music. As grammar is thought to have arisen only about 300,000 years after the first primitive precursors of language (Dunbar et al., 2005), the more complex structures of music likewise probably appeared long after the stage was set for simple sound combinations and rhythms. The development of working memory may have played a crucial role here. Likewise, conscious acquisition of music as mnemonic device, or even for social grooming, would presuppose a quite elaborate theory of mind and self-reflection, which both ultimately depend on growing working memory capacity, too. This would mean that whatever made us human was due to a development that started long before there was either language, or music, and that maybe gave rise to a common ancestor of said capacities. One branch may have developed into a system for storing and structuring semantic and factual information, the other one, eventually, into an art form that is primarily practiced to stir our souls and make us happy, or sad. After all, we are a hedonistic species that strives to maximize pleasure (Cardoso, 2006). The music we know today is probably just the result of the realization that music can have a pleasing and arousing effect not just on ourselves but on others, too. People have used the power of music to manipulate other peoples emotional states, as in spiritual practices, or in contemporary film productions and commercials. Although in an emotionally aroused state people are more likely to remember whatever message it is that one wants to communicate, musical learning has no real significance as a teaching method in our society. Most of our teaching is done verbally or via visual presentation of informational content, exploiting the power of language and images to transfer detailed, abstract and complex information, making the use of music as learning method redundant.

Conclusion It was proposed that the association of music with emotions underlies a primitive mechanism of learning. Any living being has a survival advantage if it can learn efficiently to associate certain sounds, or sound patterns, to environmentally relevant stimuli e.g. dangers, food, and mates. From psychology, we know that learning is quickest when stimuli cause an emotional reaction in the brain. Generally speaking, the stronger the response, the fewer trials are necessary to learn an association between two stimuli. Therefore, the emotional response to music, or complex sound patterns, may

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be deeply rooted in all higher animals with an at least moderately complex brain structure, and the adaptive value of the emotional response may have to be looked for in the most basic perceptual processes. An affective response to the identification of acoustic objects and patterns based on pitch and tones provides the incentive to search the environment and learn about the objects and events in it, and the Aha-effect facilitates recognition. The rewarding effect of rhythmic physical exercise dancing - is conducive to the voluntary training of motor skills. The combination of sound and movement would thus be especially powerful for the encoding and retrieval of information. There is a hidden moral in the story: Learning is fun, and that is why we are (or should be) curious. According to this idea, humans have somehow evolved more efficient learning strategies than other species, using music consciously or unconsciously - as a sort of mnemonic device. Our species is, not quite coincidentally, known as Homo sapiens, the wise, or knowing, human. Nomen est omen: We are especially adept in gathering information and using it to manipulate our environment, including ourselves and our fellow creatures. It is easy to see why this would make our species different from other primates. This is all fair enough, but how does this theory relate to the chills, the pleasure when listening to an exceptionally beautiful song? Unfortunately I cannot give an unambiguous answer. The problem resembles the chicken-and-egg dilemma. The tune in question may be one that is very much preferred by auditory processing mechanisms and therefore elicits the strongest emotional response. However, it could also be the case that a happy event was accompanied by that specific tune, and that a strong emotional reaction hardwired the association between happiness and this piece of music into the brain. I prefer the latter version. I imagine that once, when I was little and my brain was not capable yet of forming episodic memories (the so-called childhood amnesia), I must have had a very pleasant experience, and accidentally Vivaldi was played in the background. No recollection of these happy childhood moments are left now, but it is nice to know that they probably existed, and to have a tangible souvenir manifest in those shivers down the spine.

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Shivers Down the Spine Sacks, O. (2008). Musicophilia: Tales of music and the brain. Picador: London. Trainor, L. (2008). The neural roots of music. Nature, 453, 598-599. Stewart, L. (2006). Congenital amusia. Current Biology, 16(21), R904-R906. Stewart, L. (2008). Musical listening test: Summary of progress. Retrieved May 29, 2009, from http://www.delosis.com/listening/summary.html Todorovic, D. (2008), Gestalt principles. Scholarpedia, 3(12), 5345

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Wood, M. (Writer). (2007). Beginnings [Television series episode]. In The story of India. London: BBC.