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Policing to a Different Beat: Measuring Police Performance

Chapter · January 2012

DOI: 10.1057/9781137007780_1

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Contents

List of Tables and Figures ix

Preface x

Series Editor’s Introduction xiv

Notes on Contributors xvi

1 Policing to a Different Beat: Measuring Police Performance 1

Tim Legrand and Simon Bronitt

2 Legitimacy and Policing 20

Elise Sargeant, Kristina Murphy, Jacqueline Davis and
Lorraine Mazerolle

3 The Suppression of Organized Crime: New Approaches

and Problems 37
Julie Ayling and Roderic Broadhurst

4 Policing Contemporary Protests 56

David Baker

5 Integrating Intelligence into Policing Practice 74

Janet Evans and Mark Kebbell

6 The Effectiveness of Traffic Policing in Reducing Traffic

Crashes 90
Lyndel Bates, David Soole and Barry Watson

7 Approaches to Improving Organizational Effectiveness:

The Impact of Attraction, Selection and Leadership
Practices in Policing 110
Jacqueline M. Drew

8 Corruption Prevention and Complaint Management 130

Louise Porter and Tim Prenzler

9 Public–Private Crime Prevention Partnerships 149

Tim Prenzler and Rick Sarre

vii
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viii Contents

10 Safety in Policing and Security 168

Tim Prenzler

11 Making the Most of Security Technology 186

Roderick (‘Rick’) Draper, Jessica Ritchie and Tim Prenzler

12 Optimizing Security through Effective Regulation: Lessons

from Around the Globe 204
Mark Button

Index 221
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1
Policing to a Different Beat:
Measuring Police Performance
Tim Legrand and Simon Bronitt

The objectives of policing in a modern democracy are to uphold

the rule of law and safeguard human rights (albeit the simplicity of
these objectives belies the enormous political, normative, financial and
administrative challenges the police face on a daily basis). In meet-
ing these objectives, the police must constantly engage in a complex
series of administrative manoeuvres to meet the evolving social, polit-
ical, economic, demographic and technological demands of the state
and the public. Against this imperative, it has become ever more impor-
tant to refine and improve service delivery in terms of efficiency (which
denotes the ratio of resources used to outcomes delivered) and – this
is paramount – effectiveness (which describes how well the rule of law
and human rights are upheld). The greater transparency that is ostensi-
bly delivered by measuring police efficiency and effectiveness has been
widely welcomed by the public and governments. In the most part, this
is because, firstly, the public’s experience of crime is seen as the litmus
test of the success of policing strategies, while, secondly, performance
metrics provide some measure of the value or burden to the public
purse. Yet efficiency and effectiveness are not comfortable bedfellows.
A police force dedicated entirely to efficiency is not likely to be a wholly
effective one, and vice versa. Thus, policing is a series of ongoing trade-
offs between tackling priorities and resource management. Importantly,
there is little to gauge how well the police perform their public duties
in regard to, inter alia, policing protests and events, community consul-
tation, knowledge and appropriate application of the law and human
rights and use of procedural justice.
In this chapter, we seek to address some of the limitations associ-
ated with the use of efficiency and effectiveness metrics. In particular,
we are concerned with the competing incentives produced by the two

1
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2 Policing to a Different Beat

sorts of measures. We will explore this issue with reference to the use
of metrics across, particularly, the United Kingdom and Australia. It is
our intention to explore the different policing dynamics induced by per-
formance regimes and to propose additional measures of policing that
act as a corrective to the unwelcome trade-offs that often arise under
these performance regimes. In so doing, we seek to address two pressing
questions of measuring contemporary policing:

1. What tensions arise between the use of effective and efficient mea-
sures of policing in performance management regimes?
2. Are there alternative measures of policing that can better reflect the
range of police duties and their interaction with the public?

To address these questions we will first undertake an examination of

the evolution of police performance measurement, where we will briefly
unpack the impact of New Public Management (NPM) on efficiency
metrics. Second, we will engage with contemporary notions of police
effectiveness. In so doing, we will draw out the tensions and unintended
consequences that result from the use of efficiency and effectiveness
measures. Here we make the claim that these measures can distract the
police from their core goals of upholding law and order and human
rights. Third, we conclude with an expression of support for broader
measures of police effectiveness that incorporate clear tests of public
interest.

Measuring up: The rise of new public management and

police performance metrics

The use of efficiency and effectiveness metrics is now a familiar real-

ity for police forces in developed and, more recently, in developing
countries. The growing sophistication of digitized record-keeping in par-
ticular has contributed to the amassing of statistical datasets on police
activities, outputs and outcomes. However, the development of mea-
sures of policing performance and outcomes has not been without
methodological and normative problems. Initiatives to improve the effi-
ciency of police forces have met with resistance by the rank-and-file
officers and attracted criticism from academic commentators for their
crudity, at least in their initial forms (see de Bruijn, 2002). This is by
no means a recent issue. Parrat, writing in 1938, asks the same method-
ological questions of measuring police effectiveness that scholars pose
today:
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Tim Legrand and Simon Bronitt 3

First, it is necessary to determine what the standard of approvals and

disapprovals of police practices and behaviors is at a particular time.
Second, it is necessary to devise some methodology permitting deter-
mination of the difference between what actually exists and what is
desired or approved by an effective sector of citizen opinion.
(Parratt, 1938, p. 739)

The saliency of these imperatives remains relevant. Indeed, since the

1990s there has been widespread adoption of public sector management
tools to measure the effectiveness of policing and criminal justice agen-
cies and policies more generally (see Fleming, 2009). The watershed for
modern policing arrived with the introduction of performance measure-
ment and its corollary: ‘objective-setting’. These two levers – descriptive
and prescriptive respectively – are operated by the government to direct
police efforts (at the operational street level and broadly strategic level)
to meet the outcomes defined by the elected government and are exe-
cuted through the offices of the relevant minister. Together, these levers
constitute performance management: an ethos of public administration
that has percolated across governments of almost all political creeds
worldwide under the auspices of NPM (see Kaboolian, 1998).
The principles of NPM took root in the mentality of public officials in
Western democracies in the 1970s and 1980s. These were eras in which
deregulation and privatization were seen as the corrective to bloated and
costly government. The ‘New Right’ ideology of the Reagan–Thatcher
administrations trusted the private sector to deliver effective public ser-
vices at better value for money with the bare minimum of government
intervention. NPM owes its philosophy broadly to the instincts of the
corporate sphere. It places the philosophies and techniques of busi-
ness management at the forefront, including market-based solutions of
cost-saving, resource-maximizing, performance incentives and rewards.
Market forces in the government domain, it is claimed, privilege the
measurement of tangible outcomes, drive down superfluous costs and
deliver services that match the expectations of taxpayers. In his influ-
ential overview of the inexorable march towards NPM standards in
government, Hood argues that it entailed the following:

A move towards more explicit and measurable (or at least checkable)

standards of performance for public sector organizations, in terms of
the range, level and content of services to be provided, as against trust
in professional standards and expertise across the public sector.
(1995, p. 97)
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4 Policing to a Different Beat

The demand for NPM accountability in the 1990s however confronted

a muddied legal framework for policing, largely unchanged for more
than a century. This position was particularly apparent in the United
Kingdom and Australia where, under the common law, the position of
the constable (which a fortiori includes the office of Chief Constable or
Commissioner) is that of an officer but not servant of the Crown (Enever
v R (1906) 3 CLR 969). In a series of leading cases in the twentieth cen-
tury in the United Kingdom and Australia, the doctrine of constabulary
independence established that the office of police constable confers an
original rather than delegated discretion that ordinarily would not be
amenable to judicial review (Bronitt and Stenning, 2011). Moreover, in
the absence of the master–servant relationship that characterizes other
civil servants and public officials, the state was not vicariously liable for
civil wrongs committed by the police (though this particular implication
of the common law doctrine was ultimately reversed by statute). In a
practical sense, it also meant that the power of the executive (exercised
though the relevant minister) to give directions to police was lim-
ited to policy rather than operational decision-making. Admittedly, the
boundary between operational and policy matters is notoriously blurry,
inviting not infrequent political controversy about police independence
and accountability (Bersten, 1990). Although Australian Police Acts
adopted in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries made state police
organizations and their commissioners accountable to the executive
and parliament (typically through the police or justice minister), this
development did not fundamentally alter the common law doctrine of
constabulary independence (Bersten, 1990, p. 309). The British model,
by contrast, has always been more decentralized, with responsibility for
policing shared between local authorities and the central government.
The trend in the last 30 years has favoured increased centralization of
powers in the office of Home Secretary. The newly reformed local police
authorities, introduced in the Police Act 1996 (UK), were tasked with
maintaining an ‘efficient and effective’ force which signalled that they
were ‘to be local watch-dogs of the managerialist, value-for-money ethos
that successive governments have injected into the whole public sector’
(Reiner & Newburn, 2007, p. 925).
Allegations of the political misuse of police surfaced in the 1980s
and 1990s, prompted by the police role in industrial disputes in the
United Kingdom and surveillance of government critics in several
Australian states (see Chan & Dixon, 2007; Sullivan, 1998). Coupled
with growing public concern over police corruption, there were calls for
fundamental reappraisal of the models of police accountability based
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Tim Legrand and Simon Bronitt 5

on traditional notions of constabulary independence (Bersten, 1990).

Rather than responding by reasserting or indeed strengthening the ideal
of constabulary independence, the state began to impose new forms of
public oversight and accountability for policing. In Australia, account-
ability was pursued largely through enhanced political and institutional
oversight through the establishment of independent anti-corruption
agencies and Police Integrity Commissions. The United Kingdom pur-
sued a similar strategy, though with greater emphasis placed on reform-
ing the management structure of the police force and tying, for the first
time, policing performance with its funding (Reiner & Newburn, 2007,
p. 926). The White Paper on Police Reform (1993) in the United Kingdom
called for better internal management of police forces and closer mon-
itoring of performance through national benchmarking. Managerial
accountability and performance measurement, it was reasoned, would
induce the police to make better use of their human and technical
resources to increase crime clear-up rates and lower public perceptions
of crime. Crucially, these proposals withdrew the discretion that local
police forces had to determine local priorities as part of a broader
effort by the then Conservative government to claw back power from
local authorities to Whitehall. This was not just limited to law enforce-
ment, but extended across government services, as Winstanley and
Stuart-Smith noted:

The influence of central Government is endemic in the systems of

rewards and penalties, operating in the use of appraisal systems in
universities, IPR [individual performance review]and clinical audit in
the health service, and PRP [performance-related pay] in local gov-
ernment, and in the use of league tables to evaluate performance in
health and education.
(1996, p. 67)

Senior police management (as in other sectors such as health and edu-
cation) saw the opportunity to institute efficiency and cost-effectiveness
as important measures of performance for police. The effect of NPM
has been to prioritize the goals (or ‘goods’) of policing as crime pre-
vention, order maintenance and bringing offenders to justice. On this
model, the rates of reported crime in regions, arrests and ‘clearances’ (as
measured by the number of cautions, infringement notices issued and
convictions) are the markers of effective policing.
However, the development of the policing management model
has not been without criticism. Fleming (2009) points out that the
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6 Policing to a Different Beat

quantitative measures in existing performance management tools ‘are

not good at capturing the quality and effectiveness of the work involved
and the many contributions that police make to a community’s quality
of life’ (p. 225). Put crudely, it is argued that the danger of applying
NPM to policing, as presently conceived, is that the proverbial ‘tail wags
the dog’: those things most easy to quantify and measure through key
performance indicators (KPIs) are made the core objects of policing.
The effect is that the evaluative element of policing inscribes a set of
normative objectives that essentially determines what can be measured
is not only what should be measured but is also what should consti-
tute the normative aims of the police. Skogan and Frydl argue that
this issue is an artifact of the broader attitude of governments to image
management:

governments are more inclined to accept what police do (outputs) as

a measure of effectiveness than what they achieve (outcomes). Police
are, after all, part of government, and therefore they share an interest
in shaping appearances. It is also easier and cheaper to document
output activity than outcome accomplishments.
(2004, pp. 34–35)

It is vitally important to realize that the way society and police managers
conceive the objects of policing fundamentally affects the ‘measures’
being applied to police performance. The normative aims of modern
policing, and more specifically the priorities accorded to competing
objects (which range through crime prevention, public order, bringing
offenders to justice, as well as newer roles such as protection of human
rights and emergency management), affect what is measured and how.
This is self-evidently not simply an empirical or sociological issue but
also a political and moral one.
In the current financial climate, many police forces (indeed, pub-
lic sector services) are required to operate with diminishing or finite
resources. In the United Kingdom, the Inspectorate of the Constabulary
has found that, on average, police forces intend to cut their expendi-
ture by 14 per cent over the two years to 2014/15 (HMIC, 2011). More
trade-offs between efficiency and effectiveness are, it seems, inevitable.
It is clear that the measurement of efficiency is wrought with method-
ological, political and, indeed, moral questions. Notwithstanding these
problems, determining the efficiency of the police remains a crucial
challenge. Yet, without a set of overarching objectives, or awareness
of the appropriate effects of policing, any measures of efficiency are
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Tim Legrand and Simon Bronitt 7

redundant. Thus next we turn our attention to how effectiveness in

policing has evolved.

Measuring effectiveness in policing

Political figures in recent years have reasoned that if the ultimate objec-
tive of a police force is to uphold the laws and values of the community,
then policing effectiveness should be gauged from how civil society
perceives its success in so doing. From the outset of its administra-
tion in 1997, New Labour in the United Kingdom sought to achieve
popular consent for its radical agenda by way of ‘managerial meth-
ods of promotion and forms of consultation (e.g. in focus groups)
which it [could] control’ (Fairclough, 2000, p. 12). A similar trend
manifested in Australia in 2008, with the Rudd Government’s 2020 Sum-
mit, and more relevantly in this context, the Federal Criminal Justice
Forum, both of which aimed to assist in developing reform priorities
for the incoming Labor Government (Attorney-General’s Department,
2008). This approach to policy development in the United Kingdom
and Australia contrasted sharply with that of the previous Conserva-
tive administrations, or indeed any administration, and demonstrated
their commitment to placing the public’s sense of security at the heart
of police effectiveness. In the United Kingdom in particular, this com-
mitment resulted in a series of performance frameworks, set out in
legislation, that incorporated local perceptions of policing (viz. effec-
tiveness) with efficiency. In Australia, it is less clear that these forums
have functioned as anything but public relations exercises, at least in
the context of criminal justice reform, which continue to be dominated
by local state law and order agendas and moral panics about crime and
disorder.
We now turn to a brief examination of how these principles of
performance measurement sit together in this framework.

Effectiveness: A matter of (public) perspective

The notion that a community’s personal experience of crime was implic-
itly linked to its perception of policing was underlined clearly in a
policing initiative in New Jersey in the 1970s. The ‘Safe and Clean
Neighborhoods Program’ intended to enhance the security of neigh-
bourhoods by increasing the number of police officers on foot patrol.
Five years after its inception, the Police Foundation (Washington DC)
ran an evaluation of the project and found that although the project
did not reduce crime rates, surveys of the local population found that
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8 Policing to a Different Beat

residents tended to ‘feel’ more secure and believed that crime had
been reduced in their area. The empirical basis of the evaluation was
subsequently contested by the ‘broken windows’ theory. Kelling and
Wilson (1982) propounded the simple hypothesis that a failure to
address public disorder on the streets is a sign that no one cares and that
this neglect invites further disorder and crime: ‘[t]he basic plot is sim-
ple: fighting minor disorder deters serious crime’ (Harcourt, 2001, p. 27).
Broken windows, in this view, become ‘a metaphor for the deterioration
of a neighbourhood’ (Walker, 1984, p. 76).
While widely credited by senior police, politicians, media and some
academics for solving crime problems in large cities, including New York
and Chicago, there is a lack of empirical data to support the ‘broken win-
dows’ hypothesis or zero-tolerance policing more generally (Harcourt,
2001, p. 8; Weatherburn, 2009, p. 186). Indeed, the danger is that the
aggressive policing of minor offences can have serious unintended con-
sequences or counterproductive effects, including damaging the trust
and perceived legitimacy upon which, as procedural justice research
demonstrates, effective policing rests (Tyler, 2003). It is often noted that
zero-tolerance practices ‘tend to be associated with low-level repression,
discriminatory use of police powers, and violation of the civil liberties
of the poor and minorities’ (Garland, 2001, p. 183). Notwithstanding
these concerns, as political actors assumed closer control of policing pri-
orities, police effectiveness was tied to community perceptions of their
safety. The ‘walk and talk’ community foot patrols of 1970s America
caught the attention of UK policy officials in the 1990s. Used as a means
to promote and strengthen the relationship between the community
and police (Lurigio & Rosenbaum, 1994), the ‘walk and talk’ patrols
were intended to capture local needs and glean street-level information,
thereby embedding local priorities within policing strategy.
The UK government, under New Labour, determined that policing
had lost its community focus. Despite falling levels of recorded crime,
the government was concerned by the finding that the public perceived
crime to be on the increase. In an attempt to resolve this paradoxi-
cal perception deficit, the government implemented a trial programme:
the National Reassurance Policing Programme (NRPP). The NRPP design
was predicated upon models of community policing developed else-
where, notably the Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy (Skogan &
Hartnett, 1997), and bound policing to closer public consultation and
enhanced street-level visibility (Millie, 2010). This style of commu-
nity policing constituted two key elements: (i) the presence of visible
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Tim Legrand and Simon Bronitt 9

authority figures, such as police officers or community support police

officers (street wardens with significantly curbed enforcement powers
who were given an explicitly community-oriented role to reduce low-
level crime and anti-social behaviour) and (ii) prioritization of specific
sorts of crime set by the local community (Quinton & Tuffin, 2007).
The NRPP was rolled out at 16 sites across 8 forces. In their analysis of
the trial outcomes, Quinton and Tuffin found evidence to suggest ‘the
involvement of the public not only in identifying local problems and
setting police priorities, but also in the co-production of solutions, can
have a positive impact on victimisation (i.e. actual experiences of crime),
the perception of ASB [anti-social behaviour] and other public percep-
tion measures’ (2007, p. 159). The Home Office evaluation reported on
nine metrics (Quinton & Tuffin, 2007, p. 155):

Perception of ASB (teenagers hanging around)

Perception of ASB (graffiti on public buildings)
Victimisation
Feelings of safety walking alone after dark
Perception of the crime rate (less crime)
Perception of police foot patrol
Perception of police effort into finding out what people think
Perception of police effectiveness
Trust many or some people in the local area.

The efficacy of the NRPP was measured not only by material decreases
in crime levels but also in falls in the public perception of crime and,
indeed, falls in the perception of visible crime. Better policing, in this
view, was concerned primarily with community perceptions of safety
and control in what McLaughlin (2005) described as a ‘new localism’,
which saw police forces perform their duties in ‘active cooperation’ with
local communities. Active community cooperation represents a strong
engagement by the police within local communities to elicit local con-
cerns, knowledge, priorities, vulnerable areas or individuals, repeated
offending and so on. Such cooperation not only promotes confidence
and trust in the police but also provides the police with local or bottom-
up intelligence, assisting in resource allocation. This principle is an
important one, since it represents how the police engage with the pub-
lic. Crucially, community engagement became a central plank in the UK
government’s police performance evaluation model under the Policing
and Performance Assessment Framework (PPAF).
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10 Policing to a Different Beat

Policing and Performance Assessment Framework

New Labour introduced the PPAF in 2004 to monitor the progress
of police authorities against measures set out in the Police Authorities
(Best Value) Performance Indicators Order 2002. This legislative instrument
marked the direct codification of public perception of police perfor-
mance. The Police Authorities (Best Value) Performance Indicators Order
2002 was revised in 2005 and 2008 and provided the legal mandate
for the Home Office to hold police authorities accountable for local
policing outcomes, using measures of public perception. The PPAF con-
tained themed sets of statutory performance indicators (SPIs). The SPIs,
broadly, were either quantitative descriptions of police performance or
qualitative measures of public perception of police performance:

Measure of public perception: SPI 1a. (2002): ‘Percentage of the public

satisfied with the time taken to answer a 999 call from a member of
the public’.
Descriptive measure of police function: SPI 2a. (2002): ‘Percentage
of minority ethnic police officers in the force compared with the
percentage of minority ethnic population of working age’.

These legislative developments embedded the ‘accounting-ization’ ethos

of NPM. Under NPM, police authorities, alongside ten other govern-
ment authorities, were designated a ‘best value authority’ within the
Local Government Act (1999). This placed upon police authorities a
legal obligation to ‘secure continuous improvement in the way in
which its functions are exercised, having regard to a combination of
economy, efficiency and effectiveness’ (Local Government Act 1999,
Part 1). Importantly, the power to determine what targets are set and
how they are measured is held by the Home Secretary. With each iter-
ation of the Police Authorities (Best Value) Performance Indicators Order
(2002, 2005, 2008), the importance of public perception has remained
firmly entrenched as a key measure of police performance. Roughly
half of all measures pertain to perceptions of public safety and police
performance.
The desire to promote an agenda of ‘localism’ under New Labour
engendered a reconfiguration of performance measurement. In the
wake of the seeming success of the PPAF, in 2006 and 2007, the
PPAF was revived to place greater emphasis on community security.
It was renamed the Assessments of Policing and Community Safety
(APACS) and then revised again as the Analysis of Policing and Com-
munity Safety. APACS uses a basic survey methodology, recording the
 PROOF
Tim Legrand and Simon Bronitt 11

percentage of respondents that are ‘completely’, ‘fairly’ or ‘very’ sat-

isfied with various aspects of their perception of police performance
(Thorpe, 2009).

Issues in survey measurement

This approach to measuring community participation has its limits.
The primary objection is that the public’s perception of crime is fre-
quently imprecise. In their analysis of the UK Home Office relative
measures of police performance, Drake and Simper (2005) found lim-
ited evidence to link incidences of crime and the public’s fear of crime,
yet found clear evidence of the influence of socioeconomic factors on
fear of crime: ‘The fact that such socioeconomic variables are outside
the control of individual police forces, however, serves to reinforce the
argument that survey responses, such as fear of crime measures, should
not form a domain with respect to police performance measurement’
(2005, p. 479). (This does not dispute that styles of policing can counter
the effects of socio-economic variables, which is further explored in
Chapter 2.) A similar finding pertains in Australia, where a recent study
revealed that the majority of Australians surveyed perceived that crime
was on the increase, though reported crime statistics indicated an overall
downward trend: indeed, only 2.9 per cent of those surveyed correctly
identified that crime rates reduced over the period 2005–2007 (Roberts
& Indermaur, 2009, p. 9). This divergence between perception and real-
ity is not surprising in light of the fact that most of those surveyed rely
on radio broadcasts and tabloid media for knowledge about crime and
justice.
In light of this research, it seems hardly fair, or even logical, to gauge
performance against public perception. Yet, measures of perception have
a long history in many quarters of policing. Indeed, the use of victim-
ization surveys as a measure of police performance confers a number
of benefits. Victimization surveys undertake interviews with a repre-
sentative sample of the public to record individuals’ experiences of
crime. In particular, these interviews are designed to record and cate-
gorize personal and household crime. In addition, the interviews elicit
perceptions of crime in their community. Although there is no single
methodology to capture all instances of crime, victimization surveys
are especially useful for capturing the ‘dark figure’ of unreported crime.
Crimes against the person or household often go unreported for a num-
ber of reasons (indifference, mistrust of police or shame, for example),
and victimization surveys are designed to tease out these unreported
experiences.
 PROOF
12 Policing to a Different Beat

Victimization surveys have a particularly crucial role to play in

developing countries with a diminished or underdeveloped capacity to
collect crime reporting data. Between 1992 and 1994, the International
Crime Victimization Survey conducted victimization surveys across a
range of developed and developing countries, including, amongst oth-
ers, Brazil, Costa Rica, Egypt, Tanzania and China. The outputs of these
surveys often provide a more reliable picture of criminal activities,
notably rape or sexual assault, domestic violence, religious/cultural pun-
ishment, corruption and so on, than data on reported crime, where
such data are collected at all. Victimization survey data that capture
perceptions and experiences of crime and safety and policing can be
invaluable to domestic policy officials or NGO/aid agencies in determin-
ing the levels of need around the likely direct or indirect effects of crime
in developing countries.
The use of victimization surveys has, in particular, been widely
employed and well developed by the United States, which employs
the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) and by the United
Kingdom, where the British Crime Survey (BCS) has been administered
annually across the regions since 1982. In its almost 30 years’ existence,
the BCS has been refashioned and expanded to capture and depict a
wider public sample. At present, the sample size stands at around 45,000
(Home Office, 2010). At the outset, the BCS was intended to capture the
mood of those most affected by criminal acts and operate as a barometer
of police effectiveness. Increasingly, its findings have been used to both
measure police performance and determine appropriate policing targets
(alongside other measures). As with all victimization surveys, the BCS
captures crimes against the person and personal property such as assault,
theft and burglary. Yet, there are comparability problems, particularly
with the data of the early years of the BCS, whereupon the definitions of
crimes have altered and evolved over the years; like-for-like comparisons
are thus problematic in longitudinal analyses of crime.

Strengthening police performance measurement

Although the use of victimization surveys to gauge the effectiveness of
the police has not been uncontroversial, it is important to note that
normative ideas and official measures of what is or is not ‘effective polic-
ing’ remain determined by political leaders. Importantly, victimization
surveys are measures of outcomes. This is important, since these sur-
veys represent a methodological alternative to measuring performance,
yet they remain reliant on outcomes measured as a factor of criminal
behaviour as the best gauge of performance. Measures of other factors,
 PROOF
Tim Legrand and Simon Bronitt 13

not directly concerned with arrests or fear of crime, but with the wider
remit of policing activities, might offer (indeed, even ‘incentivize’) the
police a more balanced set of performance measures. We explore this
notion further below.
There are numerous competing influences on police officers, on the
street and in the command centre, that erode the primacy of the effec-
tiveness principle. Fundamentally, policing involves day-to-day trade-
offs between resources, crime prevention, crime detection, community
work, high-demand emergencies and so on. Against this backdrop, it
seems hardly possible to produce robust, comparable and objective mea-
sures of performance. Effective policing cannot always be efficient, nor
does it hold that efficient policing is effective policing. Yet, as Grabosky
observes, ‘No public sector agency should be able to command an
increase in resources unless it can demonstrate that its current allocation
is being used efficiently, and that its resources are targeted at specific,
measurable objectives in a logical manner’ (Grabosky, 1988, p. 6).
In an important sense, policing suffers from its historical image as
merely being a crime-fighting body. Its role has not changed in regard
to its core function of preventing and responding to crime and disor-
der, yet modern policing is much more than that. For example, the
nature of police work necessitates cooperation and collaboration with
not only emergency services but also frontline mental health and social
(child and adult) services. The assessment of police performance must
take account of the wide range of activities that the police undertake.
Many such activities are not immediately conducive to statistical mea-
surement, yet are nonetheless core components of policing. Since its
inception, the mandate of modern policing has evolved to include a
variety of functions that speak directly to the ambitions of securing
a more free, fair and democratic society. As a result, police forces in
Australia and the United Kingdom have been at the forefront of exper-
imenting with new forms of diversion processes such as restorative
justice conferencing (Bronitt & McSherry, 2010, pp. 27–32). With the
advent of human rights legislation both in the United Kingdom and
Australia in the past decade, police agencies are acknowledging their
key roles in the protection of human rights. Indeed, in the United King-
dom, following the 2009 G20 protests, a national review of tactics led to
human rights principles set within revised national guidelines on pub-
lic order (Orde, 2011). Drawing lessons from procedural justice research,
police forces in Australia, the United Kingdom and United States are
increasingly giving attention to due process and fairness concerns dur-
ing routine interactions with citizens which have been demonstrated to
improve both the level of perceived legitimacy and public confidence
 PROOF
14 Policing to a Different Beat

in police as well as citizen compliance with the law and with police
directions (see Hinds & Murphy, 2007; Tyler & Murphy, 2011). Method-
ologically, quantitative measures (focusing on numbers of ‘services’
delivered) are not always suited for an assessment of ‘soft outcomes’
work such as these. As Fleming and Scott point out, performance
measurement tends to neglect the complexity of functions of modern
policing, being focused on a narrow range of indicators: ‘while it is possi-
ble to measure output indicators such as arrest rates and response times,
such measurement cannot reflect the professionalism and/or the qual-
ity of the performance’ (Fleming & Scott, 2008, p. 323). Clearly, more
imaginative qualitative methods of measurement are needed to assess
the value and impact of policing performance across the board.
As we have seen above, the use of recorded crime (measured by the
police) and unreported crime (measured by surveys) as the de facto indi-
cator of police performance is problematic for a number of reasons.
Indeed, there is a temptation to suppose that the compulsion to mea-
sure performance trumps the utility or indeed validity of measurement.
As Shilston notes, ‘The imperative to find things that can be readily
counted rather than things that really matter to the public can lead to
goal displacement, the use of meaningless measures and the diversion
of resources to meet false targets’ (Shilston, 2008, p. 362). In princi-
ple, that which ‘really matters to the public’ should be reflected in the
way the public votes for its government. The public assent for policing
policy is delegated and entrusted to elected officials; in this view, demo-
cratic principles are applied in a top-down manner; that is to say, the
police broadly operate according to democratic principles because they
are subject to the control of democratically elected public officials. Yet,
this is broadly only implicit in policing and far from evident in current
measures of police effectiveness.
It is our view that measures of police effectiveness should incorpo-
rate outcomes that speak directly to core democratic principles: that is,
police performance should be partly read from how often the police
themselves undermine, contravene or fail to protect the ‘sacred cows’
of democratic policing: law and order, fundamental human rights (free-
dom of expression, peaceful protest, privacy and equality and so on) and
probity in office. Below we propose a set of hard and soft indicators of
police performance that represent core bottom-up notions of democratic
principles and progressive policing. There are three fundamental areas
in which such alternative measures might be employed: (1) community
participation, (2) confidence in the police and (3) probity of the
police. We regard these measures, suggested as complements rather than
 PROOF
Tim Legrand and Simon Bronitt 15

replacements of existing measures, as being crucial to the evolution of a

more balanced performance measurement regime.

1. Community participation, measured by

• receptivity to public input, measured via the police’s use of public

forums (community meetings and events), digital platforms (such
as email or Web portals) and recording of letters, phone calls and
oral interactions;
• solicitation of community input, measured by use of surveys,
focus groups and consultation exercises;
• use of alternative diversionary forms of policing, including use of
restorative justice and procedural justice, measured by the number
of participants (victim and criminal) engaged in the restorative
process (and the related decrease in matters proceeding to court).

2. Confidence in the police, measured by

• the gap between reported and unreported crime, using existing

measures;
• the number of complaints against police by the public, using
existing measures;
• the number of complaints by detainees, using existing measures
or via an independent police ombudsman.

3. Probity of the police, measured by

• the number of violations of the human rights of members of the

public and detainees, measured by complaints to an independent
monitoring body;
• the levels of knowledge and appropriate application of the law
and human rights by police officers, measured respectively via reg-
ular individual performance reviews and complaints made against
specific officers;
• disciplinary proceedings against officers for professional miscon-
duct, using existing reporting procedures;
• deaths/injuries in police custody or resulting from police pursuits,
measured by existing reporting procedures.

Measuring these is not a trivial exercise and raises difficult

methodological questions. We have included suggested measurement
methods with each alternative measure above, yet these are far from
conclusive or exhaustive. Measures such as knowledge and appropriate
 PROOF
16 Policing to a Different Beat

application of the law and human rights are particularly problematic since
the law in some areas may be applied in an uneven fashion, reflect-
ing the legitimate exercise of police discretion and the circumstances
of the case (Bronitt and Stenning, 2011). That said, social scientists
have to hand an array of quantitative and qualitative research tools
that, adapted appropriately, could provide robust measurement, such
as interviews with the public, judges, prosecutors and defence lawyers;
quantitative/qualitative surveys with the public, detainees and con-
victed criminals; and observation of policed events (i.e. sporting events,
public rallies and protests). Use of these and innovative methods can
directly benefit the use of the alternative measures suggested here as
well as police performance measurement more broadly.

Conclusion

It is vital that ‘success’ in policing is understood and measured in wider

terms. There is a clear imperative to measure reductions in crime (includ-
ing assaults against police) via recorded crime statistics, victimization
surveys and increased performance in community satisfaction surveys.
However, regard should also be given to measuring unintended, indi-
rect or counterproductive effects of policing. Performance, in this view,
should also be concerned with removing any disincentives to protecting
the core elements of law and order, such as upholding human rights and
the right to peaceful protest.
Although there is not enough space to explore these activities in
depth, it has been our aim to point to the shortcomings of the existing
assessment practices. Clearly, the evaluation of policing performance is
irreducible to single measures. Performance must be addressed holisti-
cally (i.e. all activities are taken account of, not simply those that are
most easily measured) and should include both qualitative and quanti-
tative measures. Moreover, focus of performance measurement should
be directed beyond law-enforcement functions, to include the full range
of the functions undertaken by modern police, so that its contribution
to the safety and security of society can be better understood, measured
and most importantly, improved.

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 PROOF
Tim Legrand and Simon Bronitt 19

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 PROOF

Index

Note: page numbers with f indicate figures; those with t indicate tables.

Adams, Michael, 67 automatic number plate recognition,

Adapting to Protest (O’Connor), 56, 69 104, 199
alarm systems, 193–5 Ayling, Julie, xiv, xvi, 37–52
Alpert, Geoff, xiii
Anaheim Police Department, 112 Baker, David, xiv, xvi, 56–71
Andreotti, Giulio, 43 ‘bam raids,’ 160–2
APEC Meeting (Police Powers) Act 2007, Bates, Lyndel, xiv, xvi–xvii, 90–104
65–6 best practice
Area Entrepreneur Association, 156 for enforcement of speed limits,
Asia Pacific Economic Corporation 100–1
(APEC) summit, Sydney, 65–8 for improving organizational
Assessments of Policing and effectiveness, 124–5
Community Safety (APACS), for policing drink and drug driving,
10–11 98–9
for policing of protests, 68–70
Australia intelligence systems case
security technology applications,
study, 84–7
190–2
critique of, 86–7
biometrics, 188
investment in, 85–6
Blair, William, 56
policy and practice, 85
blue curtain of silence, 131
Australian Crime Commission (ACC), Bratton, William, 112–13
45, 50 British Association of Chief Police
Australian crime-prevention Officers, 75
partnerships, 156–63 British Crime Survey (BCS), 12
Centrelink outsourced surveillance Brixton race riots, 60
programme, 162–3 Broadhurst, Roderic, xiv, xvii, 37–52
Ipswich (Queensland) Safe City ‘broken windows’ theory, 8
Program, 157–8, 159f Bronitt, Simon, xiv, xvii, 1–16
Perth ‘Eyes on the Street,’ 156–7 Bush, George, 195
Strike Force Piccadilly 1, 159–60, Button, Mark, xv, xvii–xviii, 204–17
161f
Strike Force Piccadilly 2, 160–2, CCTV systems, 197–200
161f advances in, 199
Australian Institute of Forensic evaluation of, 197–8
Psychology, 135 interpreting and managing,
Australian Institute of Police 199–200
Management (AIPM), 121 Centrelink outsourced surveillance
Australian Research Council Centre of programme, 162–3
Excellence in Policing and Chicago alternative policing
Security (ARC CEPS), x–xi strategy, 8

221
 PROOF
222 Index

codes of conduct, police, 135 corruption prevention, 130–9

collective efficacy, 26 integrity systems, 132–9
Commission of Inquiry into Possible overview, 130
Illegal Activities and Associated police misconduct and complaints
Misconduct, 111 against police, 130–2
community engagement and police crime-prevention partnerships,
legitimacy, 26–8 149–65
community participation, police Australian case studies, 156–63
performance measurement and, best-practice in, 163–5
15 Dutch case studies, 155–6
community policing strategies, 30–1 overview, 149
Community Safety Accreditation in practice, 153–4
Scheme, 211 public-private, 149–53
‘Community Safety Accredited’ UK case studies, 154–5
badge, 211 crime prevention through
complaint management, 139–45 environmental design (CPTED),
alternative complaint resolution, 191
140–1 Criminal Fusion Centres, 50
early intervention systems, criminal networks, preventing
141–2 formation and operation of,
learning from complaints, 142–3 48–9
overview, 139–40 Cullen, Stephen, 65
reduction of complaints, 143–5,
144f Davis, Jacqueline, xviii, 20–33
complaints against police, 131–2 deaths and injuries
compliance causes of, 172–5, 173t
police legitimacy and, 23–4 of members of public, 171–2
security industry regulation and, of police and security officers,
211–3 168–71, 176f
‘Comprehensive Wide’ model of preventing, 175–80
regulation, 208–9 ‘defence-in-depth,’ 189–90
COMPSTAT system, 112–13 deterrence theory in traffic
compulsory reporting systems, 136–7 psychology, 96–7
conducted electricity devices (CEDs), divided systems of regulation, 213
177–8 Draper, Roderick (‘Rick’), xv, xviii,
Confederation of European Security 186–200
Services (CoESS), 153 Drew, Jacqueline M., xiv, xviii–xix, 6,
confidence in police, police 110–25
performance measurement and, drink and drug driving
15 best practice principles for, 98–9
‘control and command’ dominate as high-risk driving behaviours,
strategy, 70 93–4
Convention on Transnational traffic law enforcement effectiveness
Organized Crime (UNTOC), 41 of, 97–9
cooperation and police legitimacy, drug and alcohol testing, integrity
25–6 and, 138
COPPS (Community Oriented Policing Dutch crime prevention partnerships,
and Problem Solving), 112 155–6
 PROOF
Index 223

early intervention systems, complaint independent regulation, 213–14

management, 141–2 informal social control, 26
effectiveness in policing, measuring, integrity systems, 132–9
7–9 codes of conduct, 135
electronic access control and compulsory reporting systems,
identification, 195–7 136–7
Electronic Data Interchange (EDI), 199 covert operations, 139
Enschede-Haven project, 156, 194 drug and alcohol testing, 138
‘escalated force’ approach to policing integrity testing, 137–8
protests, 61 internal and external
Evans, Janet, xix, 74–88 responsibilities, 133–4
measurement and, 134–5
facial recognition technology, 188 recording police activities, 139
false activations, 193–4 recruitment criteria, 135–6
fatal shootings, Victoria police, 180f training components, 136
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), integrity testing, 137–8
121 intelligence, defined, 75
Financial Action Task Force (FATF), 51 intelligence-led policing, 74–88
Financial Services Authority, 213 Australian case study, 84–7
Fitzgerald, Tony, 122–3 challenges for, 78–84
Fitzgerald Inquiry, 111–12, 118–19, defined, 85
122–3 history of, 75–6
functional version of regulation, 213 overview, 74–5
UK national intelligence model,
Gangmasters Licensing Authority, 215 76–8, 86, 88
gas attacks, 160–2 intelligence units, rivalries between,
general deterrence, 96–7 80–3
George, Bruce, 210 International Association of Chiefs of
Government quangos, 215 Police (IACP), 122
Grassie, Richard P., 200 IPhone alarm management
grey markets, 37 application, 194f
Groat, Eleanor, 88 Ipswich (Queensland) Safe City
Program, 157–8, 159f
high-definition ‘megapixel’ cameras,
199 Jackson, Jonathan, 21–2
high-risk driving behaviours, traffic
law enforcement and, 93–5 Kebbell, Mark, xix, 74–88
drink and drug driving, 93–4, 97–9 Kent State University Vietnam War
red-light running, 94, 101–2 protest, 59
seat belt non-use, 94–5, 102–3
speeding, 94, 99–101 La Trobe University anti-Vietnam war
Homeland Security Presidential Directive march, 59–60
12 (HSPD-12), 195–6 law enforcement deaths, causes of,
173t
Imagery Library for Intelligent Law Enforcement Executive
Detection Systems (i-LIDS), 199 Development Seminars (LEEDS),
Independent Police Complaints 121
Commission (IPCC), 133, 134, leadership grooming, 121
142–3 Le Bon, Gustave, 67
 PROOF
224 Index

Legrand, Tim, xiv, xix–xx, 1–16 prevention of, 45–9

Leicester Small Business and Crime situational crime prevention and,
Initiative, 155, 190 45–6
Lewis, Terry, 111–2 strategic challenges to, 37, 42
suppression strategies, 42–4
Mazerolle, Lorraine, xx, 20–33 tactical and logistical challenges to,
Mills, Dale, 68 37, 50–1
monopoly systems of regulation, 213 organized crime, prevention of, 45–51
Murphy, Kristina, xx, 20–33 network formation and operation
prevention, 48–9
National College of Police Leadership, profit making preventive strategies,
121 47–8
National Crime Victimization Survey punitive measures of, 45
(NCVS), 12 situational crime prevention
National Criminal Intelligence techniques, 45–7
Service, 76 tactical and logistical challenges to,
National Health Service (NHS), 209–10 50–1
National Institute of Standards and organized criminal group, defined, 41
Technology (NIST), 196
National Reassurance Policing Personal Identity Verification (PIV) of
Programme (NRPP), 8–9 Federal Employees and
‘negotiated management’ approach to Contractors, 196
policing protests, 62, 71 Perth ‘Eyes on the Street,’ 156–7
neutrality, procedural justice and, 22 Police Authorities (Best Value)
New Public Management (NPM), 2–7 Performance Indicators Order 2002,
New York Police Department (NYPD), 10
112–13 police-citizen encounters, 29–30
Police Complaints Commission of
O’Connor, Denis, 56, 69 Scotland (PCCS), 133
OC (‘pepper’) spray, 177–8 police intelligence challenges, 78–84
optimum security, defined, 204–5 philosophy of organization and,
organizational culture, defined, 83 79–80
organizational effectiveness, rivalries between policing areas as,
improving, 110–25 80–3
best practice principles, 124–5 theory to practice as, 78–9
effective leadership styles, 113–16 workplace culture as, 83–4
hierarchical structure and, 116–17 police leadership
overview, 110–1 development of, 121–2
police leadership role in, 111–13 promotion systems and, 122–4
police recruitment and rank and, 116–7
development, 117–24 recruitment of, 117–21
organized crime role and impact of, 111–3
activities, 39–41 styles of, 113–7
defining, 37, 38 police legitimacy, 20–33
descriptive terms for, 39 citizen compliance and, 23–4
forms of, 39 community level of engagement
future policing of, 38, 51–2 and, 26–8, 30–1
international approach to, 41–2 defining, 21–3
offences, 43–4 enhancing, 29–32
 PROOF
Index 225

individual level of encounters and, protection rackets, 130

23–6 protest relevance, 58
overview, 20–1 protests, policing, 56–71
perceptions of, 27–8 bad practice traits, 60–1
police-citizen encounters and, best practice for, 68–70
29–30 history of, 59–61
police training and, 31–2 overview, 56–8
public cooperation and, 25–6 protest relevance and, 58
police misconduct, 130–2 Sydney APEC summit case study,
perceptions of, 28 65–8
Police Ombudsman for Northern trends in, 61–5
Ireland (PONI), 133–4 Protocol for Lightweight
police performance, measuring, 1–16 Authentication of ID
assessment framework, 10–1 (PLAID), 196
effectiveness in policing, 7–9 Public Order and Riot Squad
efficiency and effectiveness metrics, (PORS), 65
2–7 public order policing, see protests,
overview, 1–2 policing
strengthening of, 12–16 public-private crime-prevention
survey measurement issues, 11–12 partnerships, 149–54
police performance measurement, partnerships in practice, 153–4
strengthening, 12–16 pros and cons of, 151–3
police recruitment, 117–21
diversity and, 119–21 Quality Interaction Training Program
education and, 118–19 (QIP), 32
police service quality, perceptions of, Queensland Police Service, 111
28 Quick Response (QR) Code, 196–7,
police training, 31–2 197f
Policing and Performance Assessment
Framework (PPAF), 10–11 racial profiling, 131
Porter, Louise, xxi, 130–45 racial riots, American, 59
Prenzler, Tim, xiv, xxi, 88, 130–45, racketeering, 40, 41
149–65, 168–82, 186–200 radio frequency identification (RFID),
private security, growth of, 186–90 197
Private Security Authority, Republic of random breath test (RBT) encounters,
Ireland, 208 29–30, 30t
Private Security Industry Act, 2001, random breath testing (RBT)
215–17 programmes, 97–8
probity of police, police performance recruitment criteria, misconduct
measurement and, 15 pressures and, 135–6
problem-oriented policing, 191 red-light running
problem profiles, 77 as high-risk driving behaviour, 94
procedural justice, principles of, 20–1 traffic law enforcement effectiveness
perceptions of legitimacy and, 25–6 on, 101–2
profit making, organized criminal respect, procedural justice
groups and, 47–8 and, 22–3
Project Griffin, 152 responsive regulation model, 214
promotion systems, police leadership, ringing scripts, 48
122–4 Ritchie, Jessica, xxi–xxii, 186–200
 PROOF
226 Index

Safe and Clean Neighborhoods electronic access control and

Program, 7–8 identification, 195–7
Safer Merseyside Partnership, 154–5, generic formulation for, 191–2
190, 193 growth of private security and,
safety, implementing, 180–2 186–90
safety in policing and security, 168–82 overview, 186
causes of deaths and injuries, 172–5, selective breath testing (SBT)
173t programmes, 97–8
implementing, 180–2 self-protection, 150
officer deaths and injuries, 168–71, Sharpeville massacre, 59
176f situational crime prevention, 191
officer fatal shootings, 180f organized crime and, 45–6
overview, 168 smart cards, 195, 197
preventing deaths and injuries, Soole, David, xxii, 90–104
175–80 specific deterrence, 97
public members deaths and injuries, speeding
171–2 as high-risk driving behaviour, 94
Sargeant, Elise, xxii, 20–33 traffic law enforcement effectiveness
Sarre, Rick, xiv, xxii, 149–65 on, 99–101
Scan, Analyse, Respond, Assess (SARA) Stop Bush Coalition, 66–7
process, 78 strategic assessments, 77
seat-belt use street-level justice, 131
non-use, risk and prevalence of, Strike Force Piccadilly 1, 159–60,
94–5 194–5
traffic law enforcement effectiveness Strike Force Piccadilly 2, 160–2, 161f
on, 102–3
structured group, defined, 41–2
sector-specific regulation, 209–10
survey measurement issues, police
securitization, 150
performance, 11–12
Security Alliance (SA), 215
Sydney APEC summit case study, 65–8
Security Industry Authority (SIA), 153
security industry regulation, 204–17
deep regulation of, 208–11 tactical assessments, 77
degree of compliance, 211–13 targeted integrity testing, 137
key criteria of, 207–15 target profiles, 77
optimum security defined, 204–5 Tasmania Police, 144–5
overview, 204 territorial model of regulation, 213
Private Security Industry Act and, traffic crash causes, 93
215–17 traffic law enforcement
reasoning for, 205–7 effectiveness of, 97–103
responsibility and, 213–15 high-risk driving behaviours and,
wide regulation of, 207–8 93–5
security management principles, 191 overview, 90
security officers, characteristics of, 210 role and purpose of, in road safety,
security technology, 186–200 95–6
alarm systems, 193–5 theoretical underpinnings of, 96–7
application guidelines, 191 traffic crash causes, 93
best practice applications, 190–2 trauma from traffic crashes and,
CCTV, 197–200 91–3, 91t–92t
 PROOF
Index 227

traffic law enforcement, effectiveness United Nations Convention Against

of, 97–103 Corruption (UNCAC), 51
drink and drug driving, 97–9 unlawful associations, 49
red-light running, 101–2
seat-belt use, 102–3 ‘vicious’ intelligence cycle, 81–2, 81f
speeding, 99–101 victimization surveys, 11–12
traffic-related deaths, 91t–92t video analytics, advances in, 199
transformational leadership style, violent suppression of protest
114–17 examples, 59–61
barriers to, 116–17 ‘virtuous’ intelligence cycle, 82, 82f
defined, 114 Vogel, Lauren, 88
dimensions and characteristics, 115t voice, procedural justice and, 23
trauma from traffic crashes, 91–3,
91t–92t Waddington, David, 59
Waddington, P. A. J., 68
triangulation, 134
‘walk and talk’ patrols, 8
trustworthiness, procedural justice
Watson, Barry, xxii–xxiii, 90–104
and, 23
Welter, John, 112
Tyler, Tom, 20–1
White Paper on Police Reform, 5
workplace culture, police intelligence
UK national intelligence model, 76–8, and, 83–4
86, 88 World Trade Organization (WTO), 63
unexplained wealth provisions, 47–8
United Kingdom (UK) crime ‘zero tolerance,’ 65
prevention partnerships, 154–5 policing, 8

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