THE SACRAMENTARY OF SERAPION

FROM A THESIS fOR THE DEGREE Of B. L1Tl.

WITHIN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXfORD
BY
ARCHIMANDRITE PANTELEIMON E. RODOPOULOS

1. ECCLESIASTICAL SITUATION IN ALEXANDRIA

The Sacramentary of Serapion belongs to the liturgical tradi-

tion of the Church in Egypt, in the middle of the fourth century. It
belongs to a time of rapid transition and formation in the history of
the Church.
In that time the bishops of the great cities of the Roman Em-
pire possessed a dominant position over those of towns of less im-
portance.
The bishop of Alexandria played a very significant part in the
affairs of the Church. He intervened in the affairs of the Church not
only in Egypt but also in the Libyan provinces; 1'hmuis was under
his influence and jurisdiction. Of course Alexandria was the second
city in the Roman empire and its bishop was second after the bishop
of Rome, up to the time when Constantinople became the capital and
in consequence its bishop gained increasing power. The victory agai-
nst Arianism, also gave Alexandria more prestige .
. The bishop of Alexandria had a great influence upon the people
of that city and he was the eminent personality round whom the in-
terest of the people was concentrated. Athanasius, a contemporaty of
Serapion , was the most important bishop of Alexandria, in that time.

stinguiched himself in the discussions of the Council of Nicaea, where

he participated as deacon of bishop Alexander. As bishop of Alexan-
dria he became the chief protagonist in the struggle of orthodoxy
against the Arians and the Meletians schismatics. He was «the zeal
and prestige» of the monks, in Egypt. He was a friend and superior
of Serapion and his adviser in pastoral work and doctrine.
Alexandria. being an ecclesiastical and theological centre, became,

Arianism, the heresy which chook violently the Church in the

 The Sacramentary of Serapion 253

fourth century and onwards, had its origin in Egypt and appeared
first in the Church of Alexandria. The controversy which, perhaps had
its origin in earlier theological speculations, and began about the year
318 when Arius taught his theories ill church in his sermons 1 •
.«His presupposition was the superiority of the Father to the
Son, as also taught, although slightly veiled, by Origen. He took
quite seriously the doctrine of the divine unity and monarchy» 2. His
position was against the Trinity of God.
All that was a blow against the new relation between God and
human being, which was offered by christianity. «In denying the con·
substantiality of the Son with the Father, Ariua broke down the bri-
dge which christianity had built between a transendent Deity and the
insignificance of man» ll.
Alexander, then bishop of Alexandria, condemned and excom-
municated Arius and the clergy who supported him by a synodical
decisjon. 4. Also, he tried ts check him theologically by putting for-
ward Origen' s thesis of the eternal sonship of the Logos omitting, of
course, Origen' s theory of subordination.
The Arians refusing the eternal sonship of the held later
on the theory that the Spirit also was created. This teaching became
more obvious when the quarrel about the Son began to weaken. Se-
rapion, an Anti·Arian himself, had also to confront this last form of
Arianism in his provincial Crurch, as we can deduce from the epistles
of St.· Athanasius to him.
Not only Arianism divided christendom at that time but other
schisms also. In Egypt the Meletians were giving much trouble to the
Church.
The question of the treatment of the lapsed was settled with
much eontrovercy in Egypt during the great persecution (probably
in A. D. 305) 5,
The Meletians represented the strict attitude towards the apo-
states. Later on, the Meletians had an alliance with Arianism against
the Church and Athanasius.
As we assume fron the treatise of Serapion against the Mani-

1. Sozomen, Eeel. Hist, I, Hi P. Gr. 67,905a.

2. H. Lietzmann, A Hist. of the Early Church, 3rd v., p. 109.
3. Teodoret, Reol. Hist., 1, 3 P. Gr. 82, 909, Sozom, Reel. Hist., 1, 15
P. Gr. 67, 905.
4. H. I. Bell, Egypt, p. 107.
5. H. I. Bell. Jews and Cl}ristians in Egypt, p. 39.
9EOAOrlA KH' T6!,loc,; B' 17
 Archimandrite Panteleimon!t Rodopouios

chees 6, Manichaism, a heresy coming from the third century, was

still disturbing the peace of the Church in his days.
It seems, that it was a kind of gnosticism and it had a strong
dualism. «For Mani the kingdom of evil was real and agressive, and
the imprisonment of light by the powers of darkness was a possible
explanation for the original connection of the sublime with en evil
element to which of itself it could not possibly have been attracted» 7.
It was also, docetic, ascetic, and anti-judaic, teaching that the God of
the Old was the chief power of darkness.
Dualism would have moral and practical consequences, so Sera-
pion defended orthodoxy against Manichaeism and he mainly dealt
with the practical consequences fearing the infiltration into his dio-
cese of its bad influence.
The Manichees tried to spread their ideas among the Egyptian
people using psalms, not, of course, biblical and composing liturgical
rites 8.
Certainly, the Ecumenical Council of Nicaea tried to save the
whole Church from such an instability and especially tried to do so
for Church in Egypt. These heresies and schisms caused the
Church uneasy times; especially Arianism caused a stormy controversy
with many ups and downs for a long period up to the tim of Theodo-
sius (379 - 395). After that it suffered progressive decline and disap·
peared.
A new factor appeared in the Church, having its origin in the
Church in Egypti which influenced her form and character. The chri-
stian monastic life is the result of the christian ideal of perfection and
of the moral situation of the times of Constantine and onwards.
Monasticism flourished in Egypt. Withdrawal from the world
may have been a tendency in the character of Egyptians II but there

6. Cf. Titus of Bostra and his work against the Manichees.

7. R. P. Casey, Serapion of Thmuis against the Manichees, Harvard
Theolog. Studies XV, 1931, p. 21.
8. Cf. C. R. AUberry, Manichean Studies, J. T. S. v. 39, pp. 343 and 345.
- It is probably that Serapion trought that he ought to reply by wri-
ting psalms or rubrics for psalms, whether those were biblical or not, as Je-
rome informs us. Also, it is probable that one of the purposes for which he
collected the existing liturgical material of the Church, supplemented it, and

the Manichees.
9. H. I. Bell, Egvpt, p. 108.
 The Sacramentary of Sera pIon

Monastic life had a great part in the life of the Church, espe-
cially in Egypt. Most of the monks in the doctrinal quarrels of that
time had been «true to the Catholic faith and affectionately loyal to
their great Archbishop Athanasius» 10. In addition, Monasticism had
social interest as is apparent from papyri of that time 11. Many in
trouble spiritual or physical or afflicted by any kind of misfortune tur-
ned to the ascetics for help and intercession. Athanasius himself was
very sympathetic towards monasticism and in many times of danger
had found shelter in the cells of monks.
Sera pion also comes from its ranks.
In this period, also, we have a new formation and development
of christian theology.
Theology had developed from an earlier time through fighting
different heresies, so that there were different schools of thought in
the Church. Each of them had its own way of dealing with theologi·
cal subjects and each possessed some eminent personalities and leaders.
The Alexandrian theologians formed a real theological school.
They would have liked to put against gnosis the christian gnosis. So
they had to borrow elements from Greek philosophy. Alexandria was
the centre of reconciliation between the best Greek trought of the past
and the new christian teaching. Philosophy had an important revival
in the fourth century and christianity having to confront a pagan phi-
lisophy, neoplatonism and gnosis had to fight on equal terms.
The Alexandrian theologians had as their base the Catechetical
School of Alexandria which became a theological one. Pantaenus, Cle-
ment and Origen were distinguished members of it. Origen was fa-
mous and so the influence of the Theological School of Alexandria
grew. Many of Origen's students became important ecclesiastical na-
mes and formed a theological tendency whether they had absolutely
the same opinions as their teacher or not.
'fhe Arians tried to rely 011 Origenism and that resulted in a rea-
ction against in greater than that of the past. Now,.it was a reaction
not only agaillst Origen' s errors but also against his method in theo-
logy. But there were also theological moderates, who rejected the
errors of Origen but used his method. The protagonists of Orthodoxy
against Arianism such as Athanasius and the Cappadocians were
amongst them.

10. W. Bright, Hist. Writings of St. Athanasius, p. LXXIV,

11. 1926, 9 -11 in H. I. Bell's «Jews and Christians in Egypt», p. 102.
 Archimandrite Panteleimon E. 'Roc1opouios

Thus in Alexandria itself the Theological School had a new

epoch. Athanasius, bearing traces of Alexandrian theology and Ori-
genism, relied on chriscian principles and approached the mystery of
Christ as believer and as theologian 12, and became tbe main represen-
tative of the Alexandrian School in its new period. Into that school
of thought we 'may also put Serapion.

2. THE SACRAMENTARY Of SERAPION AND ITS CHARACTER

Until recent times it was not an easy task to deal with the hi-
story of the Egyptian Liturgy of the early period as the evidence for
it was very Scarce. Some scanty and rather obscure verses in Alexan-
drian writings, were the only light to give guidance in the study of
this subject.
The MSS. which were connected with the Church in Egypt and
her Liturgy, belong to a rather late period making therefore the re-
construction of the Egyptian Liturgy a difficnlt task 13.
Moreover we are short of liturgical texts earlier than the fourth
century for all christendom. Apart from Rome with the rite in Hip-
polyfus which comes from the third century there is no other text of
such an early time connected with any other church. Of course we
have from Jerusalem the Catecheses of St. Cyril (4th cent.) and from
Edessa the older portions of the Liturgy of Addai and Mari which are
of the fourth cent. and some of them of an earlier period 14.
There are also the Apost. Constitutions in Antioch (2nd half of
4th cent.), Other liturgical evidence is alluded to by other christian
writers. But «it is often hard to discern such material accurately or
certainly in the course of patristic arguments on non-liturgical
subjects» Ill.
of at the end -of the last century in the
Monastery of Laura in Mount Athos, a prayers
some bear the name of Serapion bishop of Thmuis in the Nile Delta,
has, howeuer, thrown a frech light on the history of the Liturgy in
Egypt. 'I'herefore in becomes one of the most important discoveries
for liturgical studies.

12. Cf. Robertson, Athanasius, p. XIV.

13. Cf. J. H. Lrawley, The Early History of the Liturgy p. 41.

p.26!l.
15. Ibid .. p. 265.
 The SacramentE.ry of Serapion 257

That MS., which very probably comes from the elevent century,
was fir!'>t published by Dimitrijewskij, in 1864 and afterwards by G.
Wobbermin in Texte und Untersuchungen in 1899 (see P. Batiffol,
Une decouverte liturgique, in Bulletin of Litt. Eccles. 1899, 69 - 81.
Also F. E. Brightman, in Journal of Theological Studies vol. I, Th.
Schermann , Aegyptiche Abendmahlsliturgien, Paderborn 1912, p. 100
ff. 16, Joh. Quasten, Monumenta Eucharietica et Liturgica etc. Pars I,
Fascic. VII, pp. 49 ff., 1935).
It contains a collection of thirty prayers which pertain to the
Holy Communion, Baptism, Ordinations etc. 'I'hese are confined to 18
leaves of the whole MS. of which the last four «contain a dogmatic
treatise in a form of a letter to a brother without histotical indica-
tions» 17. The reblics are scarce and the prayers are not arranged in
their proper order. Only two or three are implied as «titles» of
several prayers.
Wobbermin has discribed it as an EVXOAOYtOv (Eushologium). Of
course, that title comes from a later period and we could add that in
its wider meaning the term is more comprehensive, covering a much
larger area of liturgical use than that of this collection, and in its
narrower meaning it does not contain the Liturgy.
J. Wordsworth has described it as a Pontifical (' AQXLSQCntxov) a
Prayer Book of the bishop. To strengthen the arguments in favour of
that opinion he advanced the fact that apart from the lack of any
people's part and their liturgical replies, and the absence of any dea-
con's part in the collection, the celebrant bishop is prayed for, by a
concelebtant, as «this bishop» «uYLuaov TOV e1tLa?W1tOV TOV(}S». But it is
not necessary for the bishop to be a and so to be prayed as
for .«this bishop» by his clergy. As in the liturgical practice ot the
Church the bishop would never say about himself: «dytucrov to\, e1te-
crX01tOV tOV(}t;}), the clergy of his diocese would pray for him in this
way whether he is a celebrant or not. Further on in the prayer (No
25) when prayer is offered for the presbyters, the latter are referred to
as The bishop very rarely calls the presbyters «av","
at least in Greek, a term presupposing the same posi·
tion and rank in priesthood (that of a presbyter). He would call them
rather which presupposes the concelebration in the
·Liturgy.

16. D. Balanos, Patrology, p. 411.

17. J. Wordsworth, Sarapion' s Prayer Book. p. 9.
258 Archimandrite Panteleimon E. Rodopoulos

So, it does not seem to be correct to call it an «AQX,LEQUtLXOV»

even if the bishop nsed it on most occasions.
For that reason, but also from the general structure of the pra-
yers in this collection, one would think with Brightman 18 that the
terms «Evx,oMyLOV» (euchologium) and «'AQx.tEQun'Xov» (Pontifical) are
titles too far developed to be used for this collection. It is in fact a
celebrant's libelIus, and, he would add, not only for use by the bi-
shop, although he was the main celebrant of the Sacraments in that
time. The collection was ts be used by the presbyters as well, at least
for the parts which were not an exclusive function of the bishop. The
latter aspect is strengthened by the use of the term
(25) and on the other hand by the way of prayer for the bishop:
«&YLuaov to'll sn:taxon:ov 'tOV88».
Therefore the term Sacramentary may be used for this collection
of prayers and corresponde better with its character.

3. AUTHOR OP THE SACRAMENTARY

A serious question is that of the au thor of this collection of
prayers. The question is whether there is one author of the whole
Prayer - Book or many, and hwether Serapion is that one author of
the whole collection or one among many.
In order to arrive at a conclusion about the first point i. e. whe-
ther the author is the same person in every prayer or the collection is
the production of more than one author, we should consentrate on the
relation in style and language between the different prayers.
There is no doubt there is between the prayers an amazing
unity of style, language and chuacter. There are some differences in
certain groups but those are rather unimportant. They can be explai-

consequently of the content.

All the thirty prayers begin in nearly the same way and they
end with the same phrase «xu!. aVIln:uvruC; 'tmv ULCOVroV».
•
Only two (18 and 25) have the simple: 'tmv UlcO-
'\1(0'11; but with this exception I do not think that any question
arises about the validity of the rule. Besides, the type of doxology at

18. In Journal of Studies, v. I, p. 89,

 The Sacramentary of Serapion 259

of the Holy Trinity. But generally the doxologies have the type of
ascription of glory and strength to the Father «(h 'Ytov, lv <Ay(q>
IIvEvJ,tcut» .
The rather simple style which characterizes more or less every
prayer of the Sacramentary, the repetition, many times, of the same
epithets and characterizations, and the general structure of the pra-
yers, join them in unity, and this weakens the view that there were
many authors of the collection and it demonstrates that there was one
author or redactor of the whole collection.
'I'hey are aBe «prayers most pious, biblical and free from super-
stition», Certainly, no great variety of ideas characterizes them, but
ideas such as that of pureness (xuauQ6t'l1<;). chastity (dyv6t'l1<;), truth
(&A,)aEtU) kmowledge (YVW(H<;) and life etc. find expression in this
collection of prayers. «Life» is a very favourite expression of the au-
thor and it is found in different ways: «Zwcru 'EXXA'l1crlU» (1), lLv-
aQroItO;» ; and the Euchatist is a'UO'(U» (1). It is also used in the
petition for Christians to de grandet creOJ,tutu» (14) by God.
Many epithets which characterize God the Father are repeated
in several prayers. God is very freq uently addressed as «8eo<; twv ot-
xttQJ,twv» ; it occurs many times (2, 3, 20, 26, 27, 30). Anotherfrequent
expression about God is that of «8EO; tij; aA'l1{}e(u<;. (1, 2, 6, 8. 9, 11,
14.15,27). God the Father is frequently called «'AYEV'l1to;» and «qn-
AcivfJQoJItop>, also «8130; . «KvQtO; tou or
«IIat1JQ» or «YEVV,)troQ toit MOYOYEvoii<;»,· «AEcrItOtl1;». All these titles
being repeated give a unity of style and vocabulary which demonsta-
tes the existence of one author or redactor.
As all the prayers are addressed to God the J:<'ather they refer to
the Sonless often. Actually the Son is referred to in every prayer as
«0 MOVOYEV1J;» and in some of them more than once. He is also called
«Logos» mainly in the Anaphora and in the baptismal prayers, He is
«0 ItUaOOV ?((Xi 0 O'tU1JQO)'8Ei<; xat 0 aV(l()''Ca;» (15, 17) ..
The Church is referred to as Catholic. 'I'he repetition of verbs
such as «EIttXUAELO'{}Ut», «EVEQYELV», «EQJ,tl1VEVeLV» and its compounds,
again supports the point that the collection came from one person.
'I'he name of Serapion occurs in the title of two prayers (1 and
15). Is he also the author of the whole collection?
\Vobbermin.19 says that only those those two prayers are of Se-

19. F. E. Brightman, The Sacramentary of Serapion, Journal of Theo-

log. Studies v. 1, p.90.
260 Archimandrit.e Panteleimon E. Rodopoulos

rapion. He supports his view by referring to the singular «xcQoasux,ft»

which is in the titles of the two PJ:ayers. But Brigthman thinks that
in the MS. the word «n:goO'sux'ftl> attached to Sarapion ought to be read
in the plural and therefore in refers to more than one prayer and
perhaps to all.
Also he thinks that «it is not uncommon in liturgical documents
to find the real or supposed author" s name attached to the titles of
individual prryers in a series, the whole of which is meant to be attri-
buted to the same author».
It has been chown before from internal evidence, that one author
or redactor very probably composed the whole collection, and therefore
the title, referring to all the prayers of the Sacramentary, attributes
them to Serapion of Thmuis.
Certainly. there is no reason why this collection should not be
attributed to Serapion. This work is of great importance for the history
of Liturgy; but apart from that in is not an excellent tract the aut-
llorship of which would probably be claimed by many. Neither is it a
polemic treatise which has to confront a difficult situation nor does
it contain ideas which are going to be introduced to the Church and
need the name of Serapion to succeed in that purpose.
But we ought also to see the relation of the Sacramentary to the
other works which are attributed to Serapion of Thmuis such as the
Epistle to Eudaxius, the Epistle to Monks and even more the treatise
against the Manichees. To understand the relationship the best crite-
rion would be that of sty Ie and language.
It is trt1e that there is no similarity of style between the Sacra-
mentary of Serapion and his Epistle to Eudoxius or that to Monks or
to his maine work against the Manichees.
Especially in this last treatise the style is rhetorical and pole-
mic with an inclination towards the use of al1tithesis. The sentences

epigrammatic expressions. The vocabulary is very rich and the philo-

sophical discussion is technical and acute. The words are well arran-
ged 20. It is not the same with the Sacramentary. Here we have a less
elaborate style, tne vocabulary is not so rich, we have no rhetorical
forms, and neither the Greek language nor the syntax is of first qt1a-
lity. Therefore there is a quite considerable differenc;:e of style between
 The Sacramentary of Serapion 261

the Sacramentary and the treatise against the Manichees or tne Epi-
stles of Serapion.
But there are also differences between the Epistles themselves
and between the Epistles and the treatise against the Manichees ; and
all these are unquestionably works of Setapion. These differences, are
explained by the fact that these works are addressed to different per-
sons have different subjects, and serve different objects. For this rea-
.son they cannot have the same style or even language.
The same also applies to the Sacramentary and its difference in
style from the other works of Serapion. The Sacrame:ntary is a litur-
gical book, which may contain liturgical elements older than the time
of Serapion ; but it is not a polemic treatise like that against the Ma-
nichees, or a personal epistle like that to Eudoxius or a work prai-
sing monastic life like the edifying Epistle to Monks.
On the (Jther hand there are points of similarity between the Sa-
ICramentary and the treatise against the Manichees.
Neither in the Sacramentary nor in the tract against the Mani-
-chees is there used a full Nicene terminology. Also author of each
work uses biblical quotations. 'rhere is similarity in the epithets of
·God the Father such as «aYEv(v)'l1to;;», The
Son i", called in both works «;ECOtllQ», «'AA,llth: w » , «'1'11-
<(1oth;», And if these ar common chara-
cterizations, which are found also elsewhere, there is another epithet
of Jesus Christ in botg morks not so common, that of «xuQU'KttlQ» 21.
In the treatise against the Manichees the divine economy is re-
ferred to. In the Sacramentary Gor is called «oixov(>!.w;» (22). Perhaps
.these are traces of the conception-of divine economy 22 and in some
,vay they unite ideologically the two works.
The Holy Spirit is the inspiring power in the Scriptures (Ag.
lYlanichees XXIV. 17, in Casey) and the perfecter of man's souls
(ibid. XLVIII, 63). He is the power also iuspiring «(.ttl'SEIV {}daG
... ?lal ()'fQ/A'l1VEVELV (Scramentary, 19) also the power
which blesses men' s souls /Aafl'l1crLv ?I«l YVWcrlV 'KaL ta /AUcrt1lQLtl» (29)
(of. also Sacram. 20; 1 ; 13 ; 14).
In the treatise against the Manichees and in the Sacramentary
as well, the «knowledge» (of God) is repeatedly referred to as virtue
and in its perfection it is met within the Son. This seems to de an

21. Hebr. 1/3.

22. Cf. R. Casey, op, cit. p. 25.
262 Archimandrit.e Panteleimon E. Rodopoulos

element due to the probable influence of anti-gnostic terminology in

Egypt. The Alexandrian theologians of the early period opposed the
christian guosis to the «pseudonymous gnosis». But both Athanasius
and Serapion generally confronted the heresy in a different way. Be-
longing to the new epoch of the theological school of Alexandria they
are biblical in approaching doctrinal subjectc, as we see from their
terminology of the struggle between the christian gnosis and «pseu-
donym» g'nosis. Also Serapion used the word gnosis in his Anti-Arian
terminology; it is against the Arian position that the Son was igno-
rant of the substance of the Father and of His own also. Manichaism
is also a kind of gnosticism.
So in both works there Is such a terminology; In the treatise
against the Manichees there are expressions like this to
xaAE1toctatov Ecrn 8EOV uYVOL(X» (XLVI, I).
In the Sacramentary God is asked to bestow on them «His know-
ledge» «yvwcrLV tijv cr1)V ExaQLcrw ... 8V tn yvWcrEL
etc.» 21; crot) 8v a1Jtrov» 24:; (d. Pra-
yers 19 ; 20; 28; 27 ; 29; 24; 25 ; 26; 1 ; 2; 12; 13; and the use in
both works of the word «BuxvoLa».
Manichaism had a dualism and as a result of it held the tea-
ching that the human body and the whole material universe were evil
and therefore could not be the result of God's creation. In the Sacra-
mentary of Serapion we see an emphasis npon God as the creator of
the uuiverse and of all the creatures on it and, of course, of their bo-
dies. This seems to be a teaching (through worship) against the Ma-
nichees and their dualism. (<< ••• tOY BqJOQOV 'Xal X'l!QLOV ')(al :7[Aacrt'l1v toii
'XaL :7[Ol'l1t1)V tOY aQlwcrdf.,lE'Yov tOY uV\}QW:7[o'Y 22; of.
also 19 ; 20; 23; «tOY 8EOV xal XVQLOV
25; 1 ; 2; 5 ; 6; 7; 11; 12; 18).

and sanctification. This seems to be also a sign against Manichaism

and its unsound, according to Serapion's treatise against it, moral
implications to the people. (<<tov Aaov toiitov ... crwqJQova ?Cal xa\}aQov
:7[Ollicrov ... 0 crO\l ?CaL !i ... 21 ; «BAOL
8xAExtol Kat ayLOL YEv8cr\}Q)crav» 27; «E1JAOY'l18EL'Il ta. toii Aaoii ,
crwqJQoavvf\v ?Cat ?Ca8aQOtllta» 29 ; «tva &crLV Ka\}aQoL ?Cal creOJ.tatt»
25 ; d. also 26 ; 2 ; 3 ; 6 ; 11 ; 12; 13 ;).

fact that human nature is not substantially evil, but evil action and
had intention or wille makes man a sinner. As a result of it he speaks
 The Sacramentary of Sera pion 263

of the possibility of penitence for man and he gives many examples

from the Biblelike those of St. Paul. St. Peter etc. In the Sacramen-
tary, also, thsre is an eytensive reference to penitence and to the re-
turn of the lapsed ; xal
3T(lvru ra. 3TU(l4lX'l'JIl€
VIl ocpaA(J,uru xut 3fOL'l'JOOV %UtVOV; •.• »
27; {(3favru; OtXtEt(lOV xut 3Taolv xaQto(u os ... » 27 ;
cf' also 24; 26 ; 4; 15; 10; 17).
Words link {(oroCP(lOOUV'l'J» and «CP(lov'l'JOt;»,
and «aytotl);», «(J,StaVOLa», and «oocp£u» etc are
met in both works of Serapion and therefore these words increase the
similarity between them.
Perhaps these similaritIes of phraseology and partly' of ideas,
are not enough to maintain with certainty that the author of the Sa-
cramentery is same person as of the treatise against the Manichees ;
nevertheless they support the assumption that Serapion is the author
or redactor of the Sacramentary as well. 'fhis assumption becomes al-
most certain when we tink of the difference of subject, content and
purpose; when we add to this the evidence of the titles of the pra-
yers which refer to Serapion, bishop of Thmuis in Egypt, and the
internal evidence which places the work in Egypt at the time of Se-
• rapion : also that the author had to use the traditional liturgical ma-
terial of his Church, which explains too the difference in style from
the other works of Serapion.
The unity of style and phraseology of all the prayers in the colle-
ction points to the Serapion as the author or redactor of the whole of it.

4. S fR A P ION

Our information about Sera pion is scarce and scattered, and we

shall try with the hints which are found in different writings to build
up an account of his life.
In the titles which are attacbed to the 1st and 15th prayers, we
read in tbe one «s3Tlox63to'U I in the other 83ft-
OX03tO'lJ A bishop with the this name is indeed known to hi-
story.The name Serapion is related to Egyptian mythology 23. Actu-
ally the author of the Sacramentary is not the only person in the
Church with this name.
Our Sera pion would be born at the end of the third or in tbe
beginning of the fourth century. He was an ascetic at first and was a
.
23. Cf. Serapeum in Alexandria.
264 Archimandrite Panteleimon E. Rodoponlos

friend of St. Anthony and St. Athanasins. He was called by Jerome

«scholasticus» for his excellent education.
His friendship with Anthony was a close one, and the latter
used to tell his visions to Serapion 24. Anthony also at his death (about
356) left his two cloaks to Athanasius and to Scrapion. «Divide my
garments (he said to his disciples) ; give one sheepskin cloak to Atha-
nasius the bishop, and the pallium on which I lay, which he gave me
new, and which has grown old with my use; and give the orher sheep-
skin cloak to Serapion the bishop» 25.
When Serapion became bishop of Thmuis in Lower Egypt, near
tbe Delta of the Nile, (before 339) he continued to be interested to the
monastic life and he remained in contact with the monks.
His close friendship also with St. Athanasius was continued
when both were bishops, as we can assume from the epistles of Atha-
nasius to him and from other facts.
In 353, leading a delegation which was summoned by Athana-
sius, he went to the West to meet Constantius in order to refute the
slanders against Athanasius 26.
Constantius persecuted the Orthodox in 356 and during tha.t per-
secution it seems that the confession of Serapion occnred to which
Jerome refers (De vir. illust. 99 Migne P. L. 23, 699a).
In 359, Serapion must have received from St. Athanasius, when
the latter was in the desert, his epistles about the Holy Spirit 2'. In
359 also, in the Council of Selettcia we find an Acacius Ptolemaeus as
bishop of 'l'hmuis. He must have taken the post of Serapion; about
whom, we do not know whether he died in prison, or in exile, or whe-
ther he survived and returned to his diocese.
Serapion was the author of several writings, apart from the Sa-
cramentary, and Jerome refers to the treatise against the. Manichees
and calls it excellent; he refers also to the titles of and various
as
The work on the psalms was lost and of the letters only two
survived, the one to Eudoxius and the other to the Monks. Also a
fragment with thc title «'Cou CAy. EX: 'Cij; 'KY' e:rcw'CoAij;» sur-
vived. There is also a quotation in Socrates 26. In Syriac there are two
24. Athanas., Vito St. Anton., 82 P. Gr. 26, 957b.
25. The translation is taken from J. Wordsworth, op. cit. p. 12.
26. Sozomen, Eeel. Hist, 9 P. Gr. 67 1129b.

28. Cf. R. Casey, op. cit., p. 6.

..
 'the Sacramentary of Seraplotl

fragments from an epistle and another from a work on Yirginity.

Serapion in his treatise against the Manichees admits. that he
does not describe the theology of the Manichees but refutes it, and
therefore the treatise has a polemic character. His method has simi-
larities not with the method of Augustine or Alexander of Lycopo)is,
but rather with that of Titus of Rostra. Serapion makes a general
attack against dualism and «he develops it in detail by a series of sup-
posititions claims and objections which he imagines his oppenents
might plausibly but ineffectively advance at different' stages of their
arguments» .
Many times he is confused about their teaching and so he does
not appear as an expert in its content. There is no doubt, and it is
proved from this wosk, that his main reaction to the Manichees is a
moral one. In the conception of the beginning of moral evil he is in-
fluenced by the Greek philosophical tradition, and with the help of
that he elucidates the christian positi(lll. Manichaism is for him «an
interesting philosophical question with important practical conse-
quences».
Sera pion appears to say that he describes and exposes the tea-
ching of Manicbaism in order to be able to confront it successfully
«tOV f,t{j{}ov O'tQEqJ(() ha tOV f,tv{}ov O'UO'(()1nlO'((), xoi Etf,t'll :n:ClQU{}(()f,tat a.
yovvtat, EVtQIl1jJat tl)V oux EX(()1> (XXVI, 7). The reason
was,
of protect his flock from its bad influence.
But, as becomes clear, in the treatise against the Manichees he
confines himself iu the exposition of the general lines of their theolo-
gical teaching. while from time to time he touches some important
points of their teaching of which he disapproves. His style and, voca-
--bulafy, his philosophic tendencies, his approach to ethics in an intel·
lectual way, betray a well educated man who knew the philosophic
issues of his time. He bore the marks of an educated Greek. So he
appears connected with the older scholars of the Alexandrian School,
while at the same time he appears connected more with Athanasius
and the new epoch of the Alexandrian School, especially in regard to
the Bible and the exegetical method.
The Bible is spiritual but only in the sense that it is inspired
by the Spirit of God and that the reading of it removes aIle evil from
the minds and leads to a veritable conversation with God 29 «,to YUQ
aytOv xul, :n:vEUIlUttxOV O'Ef,tVvVEtat tat.; aQEtai.; xai OtaAeYEtat tqJ 8eqJ. 'H

29. R. Casey, op. cit., p. 23.

266 Archimandrite Panteleimon E. Rodopou1os

ytXQ esov 6J,ttAta IASV oily. aVEXEtaL 'til 3s toli

Q,r/}lAttEtaL E3ttcrtMLIJ ... » (XLIII, 19 - 23).
He is very Scriptural. He gives a great number of examples
from the Bible in order to strengthen his arguments, especially on pe·
nitence and change in life. Probably his biblicism as well as his avoi-
dance of allegorical exegesis are the characteristics of his whole theo-
logy. He defends the Old Testament over against the anti·· judaistic
spirit of the Manichees and he regards it as. the indispensable basis
of the New Testament uQX1}v 'trov !Aa{}11J,tatrov ilxaSaA.tli(ML, tn uQXn
'trov J,ta311!Aatrov EJ,taXEcravtO, ta 'tSA.SVtaLa Ettlt11crav, 6VQ81:V 01))( f]3wtl{}11-
crav d1CO t1}V &i(OA.Ov{}Lal' J,t1} (XXX, 15 -18).
The New 'l'estament is based on the Old and the «Law contains
Jesus' principal credentials. so that he who refuses it, refuses Christ.
Apart from that the Old Testament containes an invaluable moral
teaching and therefore it is impossible for it to have been composed
by the Devil as the Manichees maintained. So, Serapion appearsas a
supporter of the Law «L6Qol OL VOIAOL, E3ttJ,tEA.Ol''taL yag
'tOU 3tS1CA.M""El'O'll. 'til 3tA.cicrSL tol' v6J,tov, 3tal O'ljlSL to 3tS3tA.acrIAEvol',
t4> 1CS1CA.ax6tt xed J,tl!J.tlcrStaL 'tOY 3tsrcA.ai(6t<x» (XVIII, 19 H.).
In regarde to the problem of evil, he believes that evil does not
exist sudstantially but is a negation of reality, it is an action the reo
suit of ill-intentiotl or ill will «scrn J,tBY o-ol' 1\ xaxLa xcd &l'V1CO'
!J.UA.A.OV 11 o-ocra xal EX crv!J.aat·
vo'Ucra 1CSQL 't1}l' 3IQoaLQsaLv» (IV. fl.) and also «'Y1C6ata'
aLl' YUQ svgsil' &!AtlXavov ... » (XIX, 18 fl.).
Therefore man is, by nature, good «xaA.ol' 'to 1CS1CA.aa!J.Evov, 3vl'a·
taL yaQ v1C11Qs'tijaaL &Qstil» (XVLL. 18) ; and when he commits sin he
does so by his own initiative and mistaken judgement. So man beco·
mes responsible according to the use of his will.

corrnpted human nature. God is the creator of the universe,

matter, of the human soul and body which may be prudent and pure
«1\ "lag arocpQoavl''l1 o-ocra !J.aQ't'UQEt 3tsQl 'toli
'(X, 3).
The Holy Spirit is the inspiring power in Scripture and the per.
fecter of men's souls. In all this struggle, Serapion was guided and
inspired by his warm love and faith in Christ and His Church;
..• ».
Another writing of Serapion which has 1S
Eudoxius was a bishop under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Alexan·
 The Saeramentary of Serapion

dria, who probably wished to retire or to get to a diocese similar to

that of Sera pion because he was ill. Serapion consoles him in his si-
ckness, writing that sin is worse than sickness. Generally, this letter
shows an educated author who is familiar with the use of antithesis
in his work.
In the letter to the Monks see another part of Serapion's
personality. He writes to the Monks who, generally, were faithful to
the Church of Alexandria, its great bishop Athanasius, and to the
orthodox faith. He praises the monastic life and his emphasis is on
sexual asceticism, in the befief that, that is an advantage of monasti-
cism in comparison with worldly life. He exposes the disadvantages
of city life, its responsibilities, the burden of expenses and taxes, and
he gives a very pessimistic picture of family life. The style is suited
to the educational level of monks; he does not persist:in philosophical
conceptions, but he g'iyes place to more ecclesiastical and devotio-
nal tone.
The fragment which is in Sostates 30 from Euagrius Ponticus,
bears traces of Alexandrian christian gnosis 31 and of the conception
of purity whick was very dear to Serapion.
The fragment in Syriac come from a letter to bishops who were
confessors and from a work on virginity as welL ,-'I'he last is a very
interesting snbject to Serapion as we may assume also from his letter
to the Monki>.
From the epistles of Athanasius to Serapion we learn of the
high regard which Ahtanasius had for Serapion and of their frequent
contact. He calls him «&ymt'l1tOv Kat dA'l1{)W'; 32, and a

great part of the work of refutation of heretical ideas is left to Sera-

pion «"ata tflv (avtq'» (J'UVIl(J'LV, .. » 38, The first epistle des-
33. Athanas. I Letter to Serap., P. Gr. 26, 532b. 26, B05e.
cribes the death of Arius, and the others are doctrinal; they are <

mainly against the new form of Arianism which is against the Holy
Spirit (IIvE'U/-tato!J.aX'La) and which seems to have disturbed Serapion a
great deal in his diocese, making him ask for instructions.
From all these works we get an idea of the personality of Se-
rapion. He was bishop of his diocese but at the same time of the
whole Church and he was in close contact with Alexandria.
In the personalhy of Serapion we see clearly combination of
30. Ecc1. Rist. 4,23 P. Gr. 27,520 c.
31. Cf. R. Casey, op. cit., p. 15.
32. Athanas, I. Letter to Serap., P. Gr. 26, 529 a.
268 Archimandrite Panteleimon E. Rodopoulos

two tendencies. The one is Greek philosophical thought, and the other
ascetic ideals. «His style and literaly manner, his inclination toward
philosophical discussion and his evident familiarity with contemporary
philosophical ideas are all works of an educated Greek».
So he continues the tradition of the Catechetical School, that of
Pantaenus, Clement and Origen, and its traditional conception of chri-
stian gnosis. He is also a scholar of the Alexandrion School in its
new epoch and he uses the Scriptures as a main argument in doctri-
nal quarrels.
Besides «he was of the inner circle of Anthony's disciples and
this has also contribnted substantially to his development in his admi-
ration for asceticism and in that, unlike Clement and Origen, he has
no taste for allegorizing Scripture» 34. Serapion approaches the Bible
34. R. Casey, op. cit., p.22.
with a simpler view.
5. DATE Of THE SACRAMENTARY
'l'he composition of the Sacramentary is dated in the middle of
the fourth century.
As we connect the Sacramentary with Serapion we connect also
its date with period of this Father of the Church. This does not mean
that Serapion did not use earlier sources and liturgical usage; on the
other hand, the Sacramentary preserves its individuality as a perso·
nal production. At any rate Serapion can be taken as indicative of the
date of the Sacramentary from internal evidence.
Ecclesiastical organization seems to be 'lesse developed than in
the Apost. Constitutions, which belong to a later period (2nd half of
4th sent.), or in the Liturgy of St. Mark. Also the Sacramentary co·
mes from an earlier period than that when great the mass of people

can assume that from the many pagans in Serapion's Church; so pra-
yer No 20 apeaks about their conversion: «xtfjmlL Allov 'KilL BV tii :rtOAI!L
tll'Utll, XtllO:IJ.L :rtOLf..LVLOV YVllO'LOV».
- ; I

It reflects the situation during the reign of Constantine and his

immediate successors. The of course, is over against the
supposed «f..L1) YV-rlO'to'\'» frock of Arians and other schismatics of Sera-
pion's tim.
Also to the consecration of water and oil
which are characteristic of the collection, is explained by the usages
of the early Fathers of the desert and corresponds to them.
'I'he Prayer for lords (27) corresponds, also, to the abnormal pe.
 Tile Saeramentary of Serapl0n

dod of the successors of Constantine. It speaks <<'I'm:EQ trov aQxovtoov

EtQt}VtXQV tOY BXEtOOauv, {m:EQ avuJtu'uaEOOe;; tije;; xcdtO},Lxije;; B'ltxA'l']a(ae;;».
It is the period of successive royal murders and the successive changes
of king which had their effect on the peace and stability of te Church.
'rhe doxologies in every prayer have the form; «tQ:> llatQt ... ,
(;it' Yiov ... BV <Ay. llvEv/-tan». But when this type of doxology was
used by the Arians with the meaning of the inferiority of the' Son and
the Holy Spirit, then the Orthodox abandoned it 35. It is the time
when doxologies ars used for the proclamation of the doctrinal tea-
ching of the Church; they are a sign of orthodoxy or of heretical tea-
ching, and this type of doxology has since disappeared from liturgical
documents. Athanasius uses that type in some writings; it occurs also
in the Apost. Constitutions. but these are not destitute of Arian influ-
ence 36. Didymus, in 370, thinks of this doxology as an heretical one.
«Its use therefore ... points to the middle of the fourth century as its
latest possible date» 31,
Meanwhile although perhaps there is no great theological deve-
lopwent in the Sacramentary, nevertheless it has evidently an anti·
Arian theology. This becomes clear especially in the epithets which
declare the relation between the llatQoe;;» and the «IJ,OVOYE-
vovc;;» Son. The emphasis on the mutual knowledge of the Father and
the Son is probably an answer to Arianism, as the Arians taught the
ignorance of the Son about the Substance of both the Father and of
Himself.
The teaching about the Holy Spirit is not developed; He is
simply referred to as «"Aywv IIvEvIJ,a». About 359, when Serapion had
to confront the Nlacedonians in his ecclesiastical province,and their
teaching against the Holy Spirit, he asked instructions from Athana-
sius,who sent the epistles referred toa bove.
The Sacramentary must therefore come from an earlier period.
Thus, the theological content of the Sacramentary is in favour of the
view that it belongs to the middle of the 4th century, parhaps to an
earlier but not to a later
'l'hus this collection of prayers is the earliest liturgical document
bf its kind, and it becomes unique in importance for the understanding
of liturgical development in'Egypt at an early period.
35. Sozomen, Eccl. lUst. 3,20 P. Gr. 67, nOla.
36. Cf.2nd Canouof the Council of Trullo (692), (Nieeneand Post - Ni-
eenee Fathers of the Chr. Church v. XIV, p. 361).
37.. Brightman, op. clt,p. 92.
9EOl\OrJA T6tl.OC; KH' TeuXoC; B' 18
270 Archimandrite Pantelehnon E. R'odopouios
6. THE SACRAMENTARY Of' SERAPION AND OTHER TEXTS

Although local bishops were free to formulate their own prayers,

even those of the Holy Eucharist, nevertheless they would be obliged
to use older liturgical material. Putting it in another way, their com-
position has not to differ a great deal from the liturgical tradition to
which the congregation was used.
There is no doubt that all liturgies are the product of a conti-
nuous organic life not only of the local churches but in some way of
the whole Church 38, The life of the whole Church as sush is concen-
trated in worship; therefore it is very difficult for individuals to con-
trol Liturgy or to compose it originally in an absolute way, even if
those individuals possess an important ecclesiastical post or great
authority. On the other hand even classic rites whish are specimens
of beauty, power and genius, cannot remain unchangeable and immo-
bile and without any influence from outside.
Men of liturgical genius like Serapion reorder and compoce the
existing liturgies of their churches; but their compositions do not sur-
vive fully. What is best remains; meanwhile the several churches, in
the course of time, exchange what good liturgical material they have
produced.
Therefore the approximate original unity of Liturgy which had
been provided by the visits of the Apostles, especially of Paul and his
fellow workers; to the several churches, gives place to a variety of ri-
tes which came into existence by local liturgical nse in the centres of
christendom and other churches. But the exchange of liturgical ele-
ments between the Churshes, and the leading position and power of
the Churches of great centres, especially of the capitals of East and
West, lead to the unity of worship and the domination of the rites ot
Churches.

product nevertheless the liturgical usage of the Church in Egypt of

that period is reflected and contained in it. There is no doubt that
usage is not destitute absolutely of influence from outside. Actually in
Egypt there is a great proportion of elements of original independence
and of radical individuality. Nevertheless this liturgical usage eccepte,
in some way, mainly in the fourth century, influenct:s from Syria 39.
Prayers, Theologu v. 87, 1938,
p.282.
39. Cf. H. Lietzmann, A History of the Early Church. v. 3, p. 2P5.
 The Sacramentary of Serapiorl 271

Thus the Sacramentary of Serapion has some similarity with Syrian

documents but at the same time it has the stamp of Egyptian produ-
stion. Perhaps this smows that a type which is «Syrian in the fourth
century was not merely Syrian, and secondly that the special Egy-
ptian type had already emerhed by the middle of the century» (0 and
undoubtedly earlier. Later on, Syria, with its capital Antioch, and
with the holy city of Jerusalem, became a liturgical· centre
which at the'end of the fourth century and the beginning of the 5th
influenced other Churches more than did Rome 41.
In the Sacramentary of Serapion, in the Anaphora between the
words of institution there is the following phrase, rather irrelevant to
the con text: «xu1. ma1teQ (j O'iSro; €axoQ1ttaj,l.BVO; B1ta.VCO rooy OQECOV
xal auvax:{}at; €YEyarO e1; I[v, ourco xu1. rilv dyl.uy ao'll 8X)(A'llaLUV avyasov BX
3tuyro; fHhou; xal x.<1>Qa; xat 3taa'llS xat XcOj,I.'llS )(u1. OLXOU xa1.
3tOL'llaOV j,l.Lav tooaav )(U{}OAtX1JY €x'XA'llaluv».
'I'his comes almost literally from the Did a c h e of the twelve
Apostles (ch. 9,4). It shows that Serapion used that source in some way.
The Didache is a sourse for the study of the worship, the form
of government and the life of the primitive Church, It has the tea-
ching of the tho ways; that of life which must be followed and that
of death which must de avo:ded. Also it speaks about worship 1. e. of
Baptism, fasting, prayer, Holy Eucharist and the ecclesiastical form
of government and the coming judgment as well. rfhe unknown aut-
hor, in order to give authority of its content, calls it «Didache of the
Lord through the Apostles}).
The place of origin of the Didache is doubtful. It seems that its
maine source is the Epistle of Barnabas. But we can assume also that
it was used at first in Syria. It is true that there is doubt whether
Egypt of Syria is its place of origin, but the reference to wheat «on
the mountains» leads to the conclusion in favour of Syria as Egypt
does not provide such a picture of mountains.
It seems that it spread quickly in every direction, Later on the
Didache was embsdied in several texts, so that its preservation as an
imdependant text was not necessary and it disappeared up to the time
when Bryennius discovered it 42, The Greek Didache as it is in the
MS. Bryennius seems to be the work of on man and it has been tran-

40. Brightman, op. cit., p. 9...

41. G. Dix, Primitive Consecr. Prayers, Theology v. 37, p.281.
42. Cf. F. C. Vokes, The Riddle of Didache, p. 87.
 Archimandrite Panteieimon E. Rodopouios

slated and adapted by many et various times. Of course, there are rio
val theories on the date and value of this document.
It seems to have been constructed from a great number of ver-
ses of other sources. All these verses have been Compiled harmoniously
into a whole and the genius of the com piller is shown by the unitl of
language and spirit throughout the whole Didache. The author is
perhaps a Montanist of a very mild who tries to expresse his ideas in
apostolic language as far as this is possible 43.
The Didache has been used by the authors of the Didaskalia,
the Apost. Constitutions, the African adv. Aleatores, and by the Ro-
mans Jerome and Rufinus, the Egyptian Serapion, Atmanasius, Apo-
stolic Church etc. Also it is referred ro in many authors by its name.
So, Eusebius puts it among the apocryphal Scriptures and Nicephorus
Callistus repeats the words of Eusebius.
Athanasius in his hestal Letter 39 44, which had been written at
Easter in 367, wrote: ({'EIi·d 'Kat IheQa BtBALa ••• ou !18V
tet'Unco!liva ()8 naQa tOO'll natEQcov avaYL'\I(OIi'Keliaat CiQn nQoEQ)(.O!-lBvOL<;
'XUt xat'l1)(.Ellil}m tOV AOYOV,
xal. xal 'EO'{HIQ xal 'lo'U()l{} naL xal AL{\a)(.it MAo'U-
!-leV'l1 tooV «noGto,.cov ')(al. & IIoLlJ.ll'V .•. ». Apart froll that trer is also
other witness to it.
The MS. which was discovered by Bryennius belonge to the 11th
century and it seems to be a work. But spart from this,
another papyrus was discovered in Oxyrhynchus, an Egyptian work
of the fourth century 45. Coptic and Ethiopic fragments show that the
Didache was known in Egypt in the 5th century, Also, other witness
proves that this document was known in Egypt from an earlier pe-
riod. The apost. Church Order which is an Egyptian compilation and
was probably composed at the end of the 3rd or the beginning of the

ler knew' the Didache. Also, there are some weak evidences that it
was used by Clement of Alexaudria or Odgen..
There is no doubt that the quotations of St. Athanasius in De
Virginitate and of Serapion in his Anaphora, which are from the Di-
dache 9, 4, are very interesting and informative.
Athanasius refers to it in the grace of the meals of Vingins. Se-
rapion puts it between the words of institution. This use by Athana-
43. Ibid., p.
44. P. GR. 26,1437 C.
45. Cf. F. Vokes op. cit., p. 67.
 The Sacramentary of Serapion 273

sius and Serapion shows also that the Didache was known in Egypt;
and perhaps it was known as a whole. Therefore it is proved that the
Didache was imported into Egypt from an early period, and it was an
edifying book not only of an ecclesiastical party (that perhaps of the
Montanist) but it was used everywhere.
The ethical part of it was good for instruction and probably
was used for the Catechumens before Baptism; and fragments refer-
ring to chistian worship had been import('d into the Egyptian rite. It
seems that certain liturgical parts became very popular and so they
became naturalized into christian worship in Egypt and elsewhere.
Thus the quotation of the scattered bread as wheat on the mountains
etc. is used in Egypt but also by other authors elsewhere.
Actually in Egypt it has been imported not only into the Eu-
charist but for other occasions as well. So St. Athanasius has it in
his grace to be used at the meals of the Virgins.
Therefore one arrives at the conclusion that this quotation
is used without discrimination in the blessing of bread whether it ta-
kes place at the Sacrament of the Holy Eucharist _or at meals as the
usual grace. Or perhapsr, the double use of it i. e. in the Eucharist
and in a common meal, is a trace of the grace to the bread when Eu-
charist and Agape were one rite. 'rhus Serapion got the above quota"
tion and imported it into his Anaphora after the blessing of bread and
before the blessing of the Cup although this quotation is not related
essentially with the context. He imported something which was con-
nected with the bread and its plessing and which was already known
(from the Didache) in his Church and did not try to compose some-
thing new.
Serapion does not use the Didache elsewhere apart from the
above quotation. If he had wished to import a new element from the
Didache into the worship of his Church there is no doubt that this
quotation about bread would not be the only one. He would have
tried to profit by the importation of more elements into the Eucharist,
the Baprismal office and generally into the rite of 'I'hmuis as it appe-
ars in the Sacramentary. But such traces of the Didache are difficult
to find in the Sacramentary of Serapion apart from the scattered bread
on the mountains which becomes a picture of the desirable unity of the
whole Church.
The A p 0 s to lie T r a d i t ion of Hippolytus which was
previously called the Egyptian Church Order appears to influence to
274 Archimandrite Panteleimon E. Rodopoulos

a great extent the liturgical documdnts which come from Egypt and
elsewhere, generally called the «Church Orders».
The Apost. Tradition comes from Rome from the beginning of
the 3rd century. «Here from the pen of a disciple of St. Iranaeus is
what daims to be accurate and authoritative occount of the rites
and organization of the Church as the men of the Jater second century
received them from the sub'apostolic age ... » 46, It deals with «cha·
rismata», ordinations, neophytes, catechumens, Baptism, fasting, the
Eucharist, Worship and apostolic tradition.
In the time of Hippo)ytus a theological problem was the rela-
tion between the incarnate Son and the transcendent God - Father, and
this relation was formulated under the influence of theologians who
came from Asia Minor to Rome, such as Epigonus, Praxeas etc. (this
proves communication between the parts of the early Church).
Hippolitus made use of the doctrine of the Logos which had
been used before by Justin and had been eludicated by Theophilus of
Antioch and Clement of Alexandria. «God had ever possessed within
Himself His Logos ... At a period in time determined by Himself
God «manifested» the Word to Himself and by the Word created all
things. 'rhus the Word was truly God within and of the One Divine
Nature, but «Another» over against the Father, by Whom and from
Whom He was manifested» 47. Hippolytus does not call the creative
Logos «Son»; according to him, Logos !:>ecame Son only in the
incarna tion.
Hippolytus caused a schism in the Roman Church largely beca-
use of his personal quarrel with Zephyrinus and Callistus and he
attached Callistus» decree on Penance. «Inwriting the Apost. Traditicn
Hippolytus the schismatic has in view chiefly the adherents of the
contemporary legitimate Pope».

by the importation of Egyptian elements which in turn show Syrian

influence. Certain elements in the Liturgy come from the East and
through Alexandria go to Rome. He thinks also that Athanasius was
the mediator in this.
On the other hand we have evidence about the circulation of the
Apost. Tradition in Syria where it is almost repeated in the Apost.
Canstitutions B ch. 8 (c. A. D. 375) and in the Testament of our Lord

46. G. nix, The Treatise on the Apost. Tradition, p. XI.

47. G. nix, The treatise on the Apost. Tradition, p. XX.
48. .1\ Hist. of the Early Church, v. III, p. 296.
 The Sacramentary of Serapion 275

(5th c.), where there are eschatological teachings and ecclesiastical con-
stitutionsgiven by the Lord, as they say.
Apart from Syria we see the Apost. Tradition in Egypt and we
see it to be contained in the Egyptian canonical collection which is
known as Sahidic Heptateuch and which belongs to the 5th century 49.
Also the Epitome of the Apost. Constitutions 8 and the Canons of
Hippolytus use a great deal of the Apost. Tradition.
There is the phenomenon that all these of this kind
of ecclesiastical literature are adapted from eache other to some extent,
renewing older documents. Most of them are of Syrian or Egyptian
origin 50 apart from the Testament of our Lord which originated in
Asia Minor.

49. Cf. G. Dix, The Treatise on the Ap. Tradition, p.

50. G. Dix, ibid, P. XJ:.VII. X3 I)J3Xil'llJ:i:: *