JYVÄSKYLÄ STUDIES IN COMMUNICATION 16

Mari Suvanto

Images of Japan and the Japanese

The Representations of the Japanese Culture in
the Popular Literature Targeted at the
Western World in the 1980s – 1990s

Esitetään Jyväskylän yliopiston humanistisen tiedekunnan suostumuksella

julkisesti tarkastettavaksi yliopiston Villa Ranan Blomstedt-salissa
maaliskuun 23. päivänä 2002 klo 12.

Academic dissertation to be publicly discussed, by permission of

the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Jyväskylä,
in the Building Villa Rana, Blomstedt Hall, on March 23, 2002 at 12 o'clock noon.

UNIVERSITY OF JYVÄSKYLÄ

JYVÄSKYLÄ 2002
 Images of Japan and the Japanese
The Representations of the Japanese Culture in
the Popular Literature Targeted at the
Western World in the 1980s – 1990s
 JYVÄSKYLÄ STUDIES IN COMMUNICATION 16

Mari Suvanto

Images of Japan and the Japanese

The Representations of the Japanese Culture in
the Popular Literature Targeted at the
Western World in the 1980s – 1990s

UNIVERSITY OF JYVÄSKYLÄ

JYVÄSKYLÄ 2002
Editors
Raimo Salokangas
Department of Communication, University of Jyväskylä
Pekka Olsbo and Marja-Leena Tynkkynen
Publishing Unit, University Library of Jyväskylä

URN:ISBN:951391223X
ISBN 951-39-1223-X (PDF)

ISBN 951-39-1159-4 (nid.)

ISSN 1238-2183

Copyright © 2002, by University of Jyväskylä

ABSTRACT
Suvanto, Mari
Images of Japan and the Japanese. The Representations of the Japanese Culture in the
Popular Literature Targeted at the Western World in the 1980s – 1990s
Jyväskylä: University of Jyväskylä 2002, 134 p.
(Jyväskylä Studies in Communication,
ISSN 1238-2183; 16)
ISBN 951-39-1223-X
Yhteenveto
Diss.

This study draws together a number of popular issues: images, intercultural

communication and Japan. In particular, Japan has been a popular topic for at least the
last three decades. The Japanese Economical Miracle awoke a real boom in the Western
literature at the end of 1970s, and in the 1980s the Miracle became a fashionable topic in
the Western world. Because of this a great amount of studies, books and articles is
available for those who want to learn about this nation. The aim of this study is to
examine “images of Japan and the Japanese in the Western world” on the basis of the
literature targeted at Western audiences during the big boom. Thus the main research
question is “What kind of images of Japan and the Japanese have been created in the
popular literature targeted at Western audiences”. To find the answers to the research
questions the research technique used is content analysis. The methodological and
theoretical perspective is that of the image. This study adopts an intercultural
communication approach. A combination of several problematic concepts are
discussed: images, stereotypes, culture and the West. One of my goals is to gain a
deeper understanding of the concept of image. The research material analyzed in this
study can be divided into two categories: travel and business. It consists of texts and
pictures. Analysis of this material shows the timeless image of the Japanese to be that
they are a people with great contradictions; they are different, unique and they have an
ability to combine the new and the old in great harmony. There are two Japanese
worlds: the old/traditional society with icons such as the geisha, temples, cherry
blossom and Mt Fuji and a new/high tech society with icons like the sarariiman, neon
lights and electronics. On the basis of this literature of the business world, etiquette
and communication the image of the Japanese sarariiman was created: 1) they all look
the same in their dark suits; 2) they work in big companies for all their lives; 3) they
work long days in their offices and commute long hours to get their small apartments;
4) they are motivated to work hard and learn new things in their teams; 5) their
company culture is based on seniority system; 6) their company is a community, a big
family to them and everybody feels that he is part of the group; 7) they are loyal to
their own group and 8) they make high quality and expensive products for export.
Western businessmen find their Japanese colleagues polite, formal people with whom
it is very difficult to communicate, not only because they do not speak foreign
languages, but also because their culture is so different. They are people with a strict
protocol and they respect punctuality. They are seen as harmony-seeking people who
avoid saying negative things to maintain harmony and save others' faces. They are
described as people who do not say things like they are and they do not have to say
everything. They are seen quiet and calm people and they do not like to talk to people
they do not know.
Keywords image, stereotype, culture, intercultural communication, Japan
Author’s address Mari Suvanto
Isokatu 37
26100 Rauma
[email protected]

Supervisors Professor Jaakko Lehtonen

University of Jyväskylä

Reviewers Professor Olavi K. Fält

University of Oulu

Professor Michael Kunczik

University of Mainz

Opponent Professor Michael Kunczik

University of Mainz
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First, I would like to thank my friends and colleagues in Japan, UK, Finland and
the United States, who helped me to collect this research material and provided
valuable advice, encouragament and support. They are too numerous to
mention individually, but each one deserves a warm, personal thanks. Without
their generous help this project could not have been completed.
Professor Jaakko Lehtonen, the supervisor of this research, has earned
warm thanks for his advice, guidance and encouragement and serving as my
custos during the doctoral defence. I would like to thank Professor Olavi K. Fält
(University of Oulu) for his valuable advice and constructive suggestions which
contributed to the completion of this work. I’m very grateful to Docent Erkki
Karvonen (University of Tampere) for his valuable comments and advice. In
addition, I would like to thank Professor Michael Kunczik (University of
Mainz) who as reviewer and opponent for this dissertion, provided his great
contribution to the completion of this work.
On a personal note, I want to thank my husband Jari for his support and
patience. Special thanks go to my little Aleksanteri who has supported his
mother in his own beautiful way. In addition, I’m very grateful to my father
and sister and her family for all their support.

Rauma, February 16, 2002

Mari Suvanto
CONTENTS

I FRAMEWORK

1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................ 13
1.1 The Research Task .................................................................................. 15

2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .................................................................... 16

2.1 Stereotyped Images ................................................................................ 16
2.1.1 Stereotype..................................................................................... 16
2.1.2 Image ............................................................................................ 17
2.1.3 Images, Myths and Reality ........................................................ 18
2.2 Culture, Communication and Intercultural Communication .......... 22
2.3 Western Stereotypes of Japanese Communication Culture.............. 23
2.4 What Is the West? ................................................................................... 29

3 STUDY DESIGN............................................................................................... 32
3.1 Structure and Research Material .......................................................... 32
3.1.1 Earlier Images.............................................................................. 32
3.1.2 The Great Popularity of Japan .................................................. 33
3.2 Method of the Study............................................................................... 35
3.2.1 Typical Traits ............................................................................... 35
3.2.2 Iconic Significations .................................................................... 36

4 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO UNDERSTANDING THE IMAGE

OF JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE ................................................................ 38
4.1 Early Images. ........................................................................................... 38
4.2 Japan as an Unspoiled Lotusland......................................................... 40
4.3 "Things Japanese" – A Guidebook to Japan ........................................ 43
4.4 Towards a Negative Image .................................................................. 45
4.5 The Enemy ............................................................................................... 47
4.6 Japanese Trade Soldiers ......................................................................... 48
4.7 Fuji and Shinkansen – Traditions in a Modern Society..................... 49
4.8 Nihonjinron – Discussions on the Japanese........................................ 51

II THE JAPANESE MIRACLE

5 THE GREAT COMBINATION ...................................................................... 55

5.1 Icons of Modern and Traditional Japan............................................... 58
5.1.1 A High Tech Country ................................................................. 58
5.1.2 Traditional Japan......................................................................... 59
5.2 Meeting with the “Real Japan” ............................................................. 63
6 ECONOMIC GIANT........................................................................................ 66
6.1 The Miracle Makers – the “Kaisha” and Its “Sarariiman”................ 67
6.1.2 “Sarariiman“ – the Man of the Company................................ 74
6.2 Communicating with the Japanese Business World ......................... 76
6.2.1 The Patterns of the Japanese Business Etiquette .................... 77

7 JAPAN AT A TURNING POINT – A CHANGE OF IMAG? .................... 83

III CONCLUSIONS

8 THE RESULTS OF THE STUDY .................................................................... 89

8.1 The Japanese Are and the Japanese Are not ....................................... 90
8.1.1 Great Contradictions .................................................................. 92
8.2 True or False ? ......................................................................................... 93

YHTEENVETO .......................................................................................................... 95

REFERENCES ............................................................................................................ 97
Appendix 1
Appendix 2
Appendix 3
Appendix 4
Appendix 5

PICTURES

Picture 1 Shinkansen and Mount Fuji...................................................... 64

Picture 2 Himeji Castle with Cherry Blossom......................................... 65
Picture 3 Itsukushima Shrine .................................................................... 65
Picture 4 Neon lighting............................................................................... 65
Picture 5 Shinkansen and Mount Fuji.......................................................65
Picture 6 Skycrapers and Cherry Blossom............................................... 65
Picture 7 A Geisha Dancing....................................................................... 119
Picture 8 The Great Bell at Chio-in Temple............................................. 120
Picture 9 Kinkakuji (The Golden Pavilion).............................................. 121
Picture 10 A Japanese Lady.......................................................................... 122
Picture 11 The Tea Ceremony and a Young Mistress of Traditional
Nagauta Singing Accompanies Herself on the Shamisen....... 123
Picture 12 A Geisha....................................................................................... 123
Picture 13 Golden Pavilion........................................................................... 124
Picture 14 Nijo Castle.................................................................................... 124
Picture 15 Imperial Palace............................................................................ 124
Picture 16 Kasagu Shrine.............................................................................. 124
Picture 17 Toshogu Shrine............................................................................125
Picture 18 Kegon Waterfall.......................................................................... 125
Picture 19 Mount Fuji.................................................................................... 125
Picture 20 Great Buddha...............................................................................125
Picture 21 Geisha Party................................................................................. 126
Picture 22 Sumo............................................................................................. 126
Picture 23 Crystal Room Revenu................................................................ 126
Picture 24 Asakusa Temple.......................................................................... 126
Picture 25 Meiji Shrine.................................................................................. 126
Picture 26 Imperial East Garden..................................................................126
Picture 27 New Car Pavilion........................................................................ 126
Picture 28 Shinkansen................................................................................... 127
Picture 29 Skycrapers.................................................................................... 127
Picture 30 Neon Lighting and Electronics/Akihabara............................ 127
Picture 31 Neon Lighting and Electronics................................................. 127
Picture 32 A Geisha....................................................................................... 128
Picture 33 Mount Fuji................................................................................... 128
Picture 34 Temple.......................................................................................... 128
Picture 35 Festival......................................................................................... 128
Picture 36 Tea Ceremony..............................................................................129
Picture 37 Ikebana......................................................................................... 129
Picture 38 Kabuki...........................................................................................129
Picture 39 Sumo............................................................................................. 129

TABLES

Table 2.1 The Concept of Image................................................................ 18

Table 2.2 Stereotyped Images and Representations
behind Them................................................................................ 20
Table 2.3 Hofstede's Four Dimensions and the Japanese
Communication Culture............................................................ 24
Table 2.4 The Japanese and American Communication Patterns......... 29
Table 5.1 Kyoto and Nara........................................................................... 56
Table 5.2 Kamakura & Hakone, Hakone & Fuji and Nikko..................57
Table 5.3 Tokyo............................................................................................ 58
Table 5.4 Modern Symbols of Japan..........................................................59
Table 5.5 Traditional Symbols of Japan I................................................. 60
Table 5.6 Traditional Symbols of Japan II............................................... 62
Table 6.1 The Japanese Style of Management..........................................70
Table 6.2 TheJapanese and Western Management Practices from
a Western Perspective................................................................ 72
Table 6.3 The Japanese and American Management Practices............. 73
Table 6.4 The Japanese and Western Management Practices from
a Japanese Perspective................................................................73
Table 6.5 A Worst-Case Scenario............................................................... 80
Table 6.6 Ugly Americans – Ugly Japanese ............................................ 81
I FRAMEWORK
1 INTRODUCTION

This study examines ”images of Japan and the Japanese in the Western world”.
Its primary purpose is to find out what kinds of images of Japan and the
Japanese appear in the literature targeted at the Western audience.
Especially, in the last three decades, issues like globalization,
internationalization, intercultural communication or cross-cultural
communication, images, cultural differences in management styles have been
popular objects of studies. The internationalization of companies has led them
to increase competitiveness and mobility in the global market. The international
trading environment has increased the need of companies to improve their
linguistic and intercultural capability. In the global market place the key to
success has been seen in effective communication across cultural borders. This
need for cultural knowledge has created a great amount of books and studies,
seminars and conferences. Intercultural competence – the ability to
communicate effectively and successfully on a multicultural platform – has
become a crucial issue. In addition to this there has been a dramatic increase in
the globalization of popular management culture, manifested by gurus, whose
books sell millions, and world wide seminar tours (see e.g. Furusten, 1999: 3).
The rapid internationalization process has also intensified the debate on
image, not only the image of companies and their products, but also that of the
whole nation - “successful nations must be globally competitive“ (Johanson,
1998: 149). Today, especially, it means that nations are “packed, presented and
promoted on the global market to attract tourists, foreign investments and sell
country’s productions abroad“ (Johanson, 1998:149). Thus a good national
image and reputation are coming to play an increasingly important role in
nations’ wealth and success (Karvonen, 1999; Lehtonen, 1993; 1994; Kunzcik,
1997). Furthermore, Karvonen (1999) has argued that every actor in this media-
dominated world relies on a good image and reputation.
Japan has been a popular topic for at least the last three decades. In fact, it
has been popular ever since it opened its borders at the end of the 19th century.
However, the Japanese economic miracle started a real boom in the Western
literature at the end of the 1970s. In the 1980s this miracle became a fashionable
topic in the Western world. A great number of books, articles, and studies are
14

available to those who want to learn about this nation. As Beedham (1996: 3)
says: “The trouble of writing about Japan these days is that so many other
people are doing it, too“. Or Wilkinson (1990: 30): “The more I read, the more I
found the same things about Japan and the Japanese appearing over and over
again“. So why this study about Japan and the Japanese again? The purpose of
this study is to examine the texts and pictures in the popular literature, to find
out what lies behind the well-known images of the Japanese as polite, warlike,
hardworking people. From what kind of raw material do we create our
stereotyped images of Japan and the Japanese? By investigating these questions
my purpose is to gain a deeper understanding of images and offer new ideas
with which individuals can reexamine their own stereotyped images of
Japanese and Japan; to generate more critical perspective on the raw material,
and also to provide a historical perspective on which to compare the images of
Japan of today.
This study combines several issues of popular interest: images,
intercultural communication and Japan. However the purpose of this study is
not to produce a new book on stereotyped images of Japan and the Japanese,
nor a guidebook for managers and teachers on cross-cultural communication,
nor a list of tips how to behave with the Japanese, nor a historical study of
images of Japan and the Japanese, but a study taking on intercultural
communication approach to stereotyped images of Japan and the Japanese in
the travel and business literature targeted at Western audience in the 1980s and
1990s.
I have been collecting the data, which I am now analyzing, since I wrote
my first report on Japanese Companies’ Education and Training Systems, for
Helsinki University of Technology, Center for Continuing Education in 1989
(Suvanto, 1990). This report was commissioned because of the great interest in
Japanese training and education among Finnish companies. Since, I have been
involved in a variety of projects related to the field of Japanese business and
Japanese business communication. A great part of this study and my previous
studies including my liceciate thesis (2001) has also been done at London
University, the Library for Asian and African Studies and at the Japan
Foundation Library, Tokyo.
When starting the study on Japanese images I actually had two interests
from two different perspectives. First I was curious to know how the images of
Japanese for example as hard-working, polite people have been created. I was
thus interested in testing the different images that most of us had in our minds.
My other interest was in how Japan and the Japanese were represented in the
books I had been collecting and using as material for educating Finnish
businessmen. What kind of material and messages did these texts and pictures
offer to our imaginations to create pictures of Japan and the Japanese? In
relation to this it is important to know how stereotyped images effect that
communication, many of which are created through intercultural
communication.
This study will concentrate on the raw material, which is used in creating
stereotyped images. The raw material means representations, descriptions;
 15

icons used in the literature on Japan and the Japanese targeted at Western
audiences. Thus the objective of this study is not the stereotyped images
themselves of Japan and the Japanese in the minds of Western audiences or
how these images effect the communication between the Japanese and
Westerners. This leads to the question: why is this kind of study important?

1.1 The Research Task

The main question in this study is “what kind of images of Japan and the
Japanese have been created in the popular literature targeted to Western
audiences?” The methodological and theoretical perspective is that of
intercultural communication.
The context is “the Japanese miracle” meaning the time period between
the 1970s and 1990s when there was a boom in Japanese miracle literature in the
Western world. The material analyzed in this study will concentrate on
literature published in the 1980s and 1990s. This literature will focus on
guidebooks, both their texts and pictures. The literature on Japan and the
Japanese can be divided into two main categories: books on the “Japanese
business world” and books on the “Japanese traveling world.”
This study will also describe the changes in images in different periods
and compare the differences between the Japanese and Western authors of
these texts. Thus this study material consists of literature from both sides.
Before the part on the Japanese miracle, which is the main part of the analysis,
there is a historical overview of images of Japan and the Japanese which
provides a basis on which to compare the images of the 1980s – 1990s and
historical images since the 16th century.
To find the answer to the main research question, answers will be sought to the
following research questions: What has been written about the Japanese and by
whom?

What kind of people are the Japanese and what are they not?
What are the most popular descriptions of the Japanese woman and Japanese man?
What pictures of the Japanese are the most used/ popular in these books?
What characteristics are used most in describing the Japanese?
What has been written about Japanese communication styles, business communication
and etiquette?

In order to gain a picture of Japan itself, the country where the Japanese (99%)
live; the research questions are:

What symbols are most commonly used to describe Japan?

How is Japan described to the “gaijin” (foreigner) by the Japanese?

To find the answers to these questions content analysis will be used.

2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Studies on images and intercultural studies have been very popular in recent
decades. The concept of image as it is defined today became popular in studies
of intercultural communication in the USA in the middle of the 1950s. That was
the time when a more visualized (vizualize=to form a mental image) culture
became popular through TV. (Karvonen, 1999). However the concept of image
seems to have hundreds of different definitions. Studies on images are usually
written from the perspective of business marketing or journalism. However
images have also been studied more intensively in the fields of history,
international relations and social psychology in last decades (Karvonen, 1999;
Fält, 1982). According to Fält (1982: 61) images have been studied intensively in
the USA and Japan. It could be said that roots of study on images and
intercultural studies are in the USA. The development of intercultural studies
and research started in American universities in the 1940s. One of the reasons
for starting these studies was relation between the USA and Japan (Lehtonen,
1998: 310).

2.1 Stereotyped Images

In this study the aim is to arrive at a deeper understanding of the concept of

image. This study will focus on stereotyped images; thus the first concept to
start with is the stereotype.

2.1.1 Stereotype

“A standardised mental picture held in common by members of a group and

representing an oversimplified opinion, affective attitude, or uncritical judgement...”
(Leyens, Yzerbyt & Schadron, 1994: 11). A stereotype is a “standardised image or
conception of a type of person etc.” (The Collins, 1986: 847 (English Dictionary)).
 17

Psychiatrists (stereotypy or stereotypie) used the word stereotype before

its introduction to the social sciences as a term describing the frequent
repetition of the same gesture, posture or words common in such disorders as
dementia praecox. It is still used among these professionals as something which
refers to routine, rigid, repetitious behaviours (Leyens, Yzerbyt & Schadron,
1994: 9-10). Social sciences received the concept of stereotype from Walter
Lippmann, a distinguished American journalist and political thinker. His
famous book Public Opinion (1922) introduces stereotypes as “pictures in our
heads” (Karvonen, 1999; Leyens, Yzerbyt & Schadron, 1994; Lippmann, 1962).
Lippmann’s basic idea was that people do not respond directly to objective
reality but to a representation that they have created in their minds. “The real
environment is altogether too big, too complex, and too fleeting for direct
acquaintance. We are not equipped to deal with so much subtlety, so much
variety, so many permutations and combinations.... to traverse the world men
must have maps of the world” (Lippmann, 1962: 10-11). Stereotypes can act as
these maps, providing social categories with content.
“Stereotypes are shared beliefs about person attributes, usually
personality traits, but often also behaviors, of a group of people” (Leyens,
Yzerbyt & Schadron, 1994: 11). Stereotypes are widely circulated assumptions
about particular groups of people, but they are not actual people. Individuals
place people in social categories and stereotypes provide the content of these
categories. This is the way we make sense of the world (Branston & Stafford,
1999; Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994). According to Branston & Stafford, 1999, “
we all employ typifications in certain situations and we all belong to groups
that can be typified or stereotyped”. Thus when using these given stereotypes
we believe that all members of the category, for example ethnic group, share the
attributes embedded in the stereotype. In this aspect that makes stereotypes
disliked and negatively colored. The danger of stereotypes has often been seen
as their way of generalizing and simplifying things. They make us see things
before we actually do so. Thus, they create too strong expectations by teaching
us what to look for (Lippmann, 1965; Littlewood, 1997; Salo-Lee, 1996). Thus the
stereotypes regulate people’s social interaction too effectively. This process can
lead to real problems if the stereotypes are applied negativity. According to
Lehtonen (1991: 175), “in initial interaction with strangers, stereotypes play a
vital role: they determine the characteristics of the strangers’ personality and
their expected attitudes and serve as a kind of zero-hypothesis for our
attributions. The less we know the more we cling to stereotypes”.

2.1.2 Image

“A representation or likeness of a person or thing...an optically formed reproduction of

an object ...a mental picture; idea produced by the imagination...the mental experience of
something that is not immediately present to the senses, often involving memory...the
personality presented to the public by a person: a politician’s image”
(The Collins, 1986: 421).
18

We all have images in our minds. They are tools, which help us to manage
the world around us and thus they influence the decisions we make (see e.g.
Karvonen, 1999; Fält, 1989; Lippmann, 1965 etc.). According to Kunczik (1997: 2-
5), images are formed through a very complex communication process
involving different sources of information. Most of images of other cultures are
based on schoolbooks, popular encyclopedias, popular literature, guidebooks,
fictions, newspapers, magazines, radio and TV, especially international
programs. Cultural exchange, sports, movies, light operas, theater and so on
also have a crucial role in how images are formed (Fält, 1992; Wilkinson, 1990;
Littlewood, 1997; Kunczik, 1997). The mass media have a great influence on the
images people form of other countries, because this is still the main source of
information on foreign countries (Kunczik, 1997: 7). The images are a mixture of
the knowledge, information in the sense mentioned above and memories,
hopes, hate, love, myths etc. Images can be seen as a combination of emotional
attitudes, prejudices or illusions, information, knowledge and experiences (see
e.g. Lehtonen, 1994).
Next I want to approach this concept of image from the point of view of
the following model:

TABLE 2.1 The Concept of Image

Internal Image - National Identity

How do the Japanese see themselves; define themselves?
This is not relevant to this study. Of course it might have some similarities with National
Profile.

National Profile
How do the Japanese like to be seen by non-Japanese?
This study will give a partial answer to this question when analyzing material produced
by the Japanese.

External Image - National Image

How are the Japan and the Japanese seen by non-Japanese?
This is the main area of this study focusing on images of Japan and the Japanese in the
literature targeted to Western audience

Forming part of the national image is the national stereotype, which simplifies
the characteristics and attributes of the people of the nation in question.

2.1.3 Images, Myths and Reality

I have found the way of using the concepts of image, stereotype, national
stereotype, national image etc. difficult and confusing. The reason for this must
be that there are so many definitions and different ways of using these
concepts. However I decided to use the concept of the stereotyped image
instead of image or stereotype or even representation or schema. I have chosen
the concept of the stereotyped image in my study because after reading several
 19

studies and books on stereotypes, images and representations, I found that

definitions (also presented in the previous sections) of stereotypes and images
could, combined, enable a stronger focus on the following hypotheses.
Stereotyped images are durable and long lasting. According to Fält
(1989) an image is longer lasting and more durable than a popular opinion or
popular attitude. This means that images are difficult to change and are
transferred as heritage from the past. According to Boulding (1973) the
relationship between image and message is an important one. The meaning of a
message is actually the change it can induce in an image (Boulding, 1973: 7).
The level of information of the message depends on the present image. So, if the
message contains enough information to induce us to change the image, we say
that we received new information from that message (Karvonen, 1999;
Boulding, 1973). The crucial question in this point is that whether we are willing
to change our stereotyped images on the basis of new information. We have
been warned against drawing hasty conclusions about people from other
cultures purely on the basis of stereotyped images. We have been asked to
collect more information, knowledge and experiences from "real life" and "more
serious literature". But before doing this, we have usually already created these
stereotyped images. Therefore, the question is: are we able to change these
images if necessary?
In relation to the previous sentence my next question is whether
stereotyped images are correct or wrong; true or false? Perhaps more
important question is for what purposes stereotypes and images are used: are
they harmful or harmless or even useful? The simple answer to the first
question is that images can be true and false. Thus the content of stereotypes
can be based on correct or inaccurate information or observation and the
content can be pleasant or unpleasant. Littlewood has argued (Littlewood, 1999)
that images gain their acceptance because there is the basis of truth in them. Or
as Fält has said, they are pictures of reality, but not reality themselves.
According to Branston & Stafford (1999: 125) "Yet however realistic or plausible
media images seem, they never simply present the world direct. They are
always construction, a representation, not a transparent window to the real".
Stereotyped images are seen from the perspective of cultural
dimensions. Stereotyping encourages bipolar cultural dimensions. The material
analyzed in this study typically compares Western and Japanese culture; two
cultures, seem to have nothing in common.
Stereotyped images effect our behavior and, especially, have an
important role in our initial interaction with strangers, and thus also in
intercultural communication. Concerning this influence there have been several
warnings about stereotyped images - that they are too generalized, too
simplified, and that they create excessive expectations about what to look for or
that they even make people see things before they actually do. As Hirano has
argued, people are now better informed about other nations' cultures than
before, but this knowledge is still quite superficial. Thus, people who act
according to their stereotypes and prejudices with only superficial knowledge
may find themselves involved in many cultural conflicts.
20

TABLE 2.2 Stereotyped Images and Presentations Behind Them

Source Japan Japanese

Dictionary Japan is a country of volcanoes and cherry Japanese are brave, loyal
trees and honorable
“The icons of Japan are: volcano Fudzijama “Japanese samurai
and cherry blossoms” traditions persisted, with
(Huovinen, P., Manninen, J. & Tarmio, H. minor adaptations. Profit
(eds.) 1960. Suuri Tietosanakirja. was never an end in itself
Finnish Encyclopedia Series). but was secondary to honor
and prestige. The old
warrior virtues of courage,
endurance and loyalty
translated smoothly into
managerial skills” (Black, J.
1999. World History).
School Book Japan is isolated with great contradictions Japanese are group-oriented
and hard-working
“There are booming cities in the South of
Japan...But most of Japan is still peaceful and “Four centuries the Japanese
beautiful” (Wright, D. & J. 1989. Children’s tradition has been to work
Atlas). together by agreement and
“Japan has been and still is an isolated discussion” (Joe Scott, 1989.
country” (Rikkinen & Eskola, 1976. Maat ja The World Since 1914).
Kansat II. Finnish Book Series on Geography). “There are booming
cities...with highly skilled
and hard-working people”
(Wright, D. & J. 1989.
Children’s Atlas).
Newspaper Japanese are nationalistic
“Japanese are proud of their
own quality productions
and the reputation of the
expensive country. They are
not ready to open their
market to foreign products
and so they keep stating
that Japanese consumers
don’t respect imported good
and thus are not willing to
buy them...” (Pitzen. T.
/Kauppalehti 13.3.1995.
Finnish Financial News).
Novel Japan is neat and clean
“The garden was unlike anything he had ever
seen: a little waterfall and stream and small
bridge and manicured paths and rocks and
flowers and shrubs. It is so clean, he thought.
So neat” (Clavell J. 1988.Shogun).
Travel Japan is different and unique Japanese are polite
Guide
“...yet this country remains for many enigma, “The Japanese are famous
an unsolved riddle. Westernized, but different the world over for their
from any Western country, part of Asia, but politeness and courtesy...”
clearly unlike any other Asian society, Japan is (Clement, E. 1906.
a uniquely adaptable place where tradition Handbook of Modern
and modernity are of one continuum” Japan).
(Eyewitness Travel Japan 2000).
 21

We are warned about creating stereotyped images based on irrational feelings,

lack of personal experiences, contacts and knowledge. This is especially related
to generic stereotypes. Osland and Bird (2000: 61-76), for example, in their
article encourage people to create helpful stereotypes using common cultural
dimensions as tools. These tools could be used to better explain the great
complexity within cultures. Thus these tools could help people to create more
correct stereotyped images, induce people to be more willing to change
stereotyped images and limit or decrease the friction between cultures and
communication between cultures. One of these tools is introduced in the section
2.3 (Hoffstede’s four dimensions).
As mentioned earlier the aim of this study is not to produce a guidebook
to help readers to create more “helpful” stereotypes of the Japanese but to
provoke questions in their heads like “how have I created my images of Japan
and the Japanese and what are they based on”?
This study is about the images of Japan and the Japanese in the popular
literature targeted at Western audiences, not about the images inside their
heads. One could argue that this is actually a study on representations, or how
the Japanese and Japan are represented in the literature. However, the concept
of the stereotyped image was chosen because it is broader than representation
and because the images found in this study are very similar to the images in the
minds of Western audiences. Images are based on different representations at
different periods of time. This means that images are more long lasting and
durable than representations and one of my aims in this study is to compare the
change of images at different times. One image can be based on different
representations.

2.2 Culture, Communication and Intercultural Communication

Culture is, above all, a way of living (Barnlund; 1989: 44). Thus culture includes
the everyday practices, customs and habits which make a group of people
different from others, unique. It reflects people's attitudes, values and norms in
their own society, sometimes even without their noticing it (Garant, 1997: 25).
According to Hall (1959), "Culture is a word that has so many meanings that
one more can do it no harm". This study will not create any new definitions of
culture, but focuses on this issue from the perspective of communication.
Culture gives individuals guidelines as to how they should interact and
interpret others' behavior (Hall, 1959). Furthermore, "Culture is the system of
knowledge which shared by a large group of people" (Gudykunst & Nishida,
1994: 18). Our own culture always seeks to affect the way we act in a strange
culture (Lehtonen, 1994: 51).
Communication is about sending messages and creating meanings.
Through communication we create and manifest cultural differences and
similarities (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994: 19). According to Barnlund (1989: 98)
“One of the most important functions of culture is to create and preserve such
22

communicative codes because they alone make possible an universe of

discourse within any community”.
In business life and on formal occasions the concept of culture is
associated with special etiquettes and protocols, norms, which inform the
practice and customs concerning communication, business negotiations, formal
meals, visits and so on. Although we talk about international business etiquette
every culture has customs of its own and habits which can make intercultural
communication difficult (see e.g. Halinoja, 1996).
The situation in which people from different cultures interact - send
messages and create meanings - is called intercultural communication (Salo-
Lee, 1996: 11). In the process of intercultural communication we utilize different
rules, norms, expectations, habits and values based on our different cultural
backgrounds. Although culture is behind our communicational choices, our
different personalities and personal abilities to communicate and behave in
different situations and settings are also involved (Salo-Lee, 1996; Garant, 1997
etc.). The crucial factor in the intercultural communication is the creation of
meaning, which is often already influenced by our own values, stereotypes,
prejudices and so on. As Lippmann (1965: 54-55) has argued, we imagine most
things before we experience them. In the process of intercultural
communication we have often created meanings before receiving the message.
To put it in another way, attitudes and stereotypes create expectations that very
often lead people to misinterpret each other's messages (Gudykunst & Nishida,
1994: 2). According to Lehtonen (2000: 7), “These simplified and generalized
images can be useful and help us to orientate in a new culture, while others can
be misleading or strictly erroneous. Stereotypes are sometimes called “best
guesses”.
In relation to intercultural communication and, in general, the knowledge
related to global understanding, several warnings have been issued about
creating over generalized and simplified stereotypes of different nations
(Littlewood, 1997; Salo-Lee, 1996 Lehtonen, 1994). For example Lebra (1993: 51)
has pointed out that there has been a warning against overstating cultural
differences and instead people have been exhorted to find the sameness behind
these differences. But on the other hand, there has been a demand that people
be sensitized to cultural differences, ignorance of which would be detrimental
to intercultural communication. However, differences and misunderstandings
seem to be a popular object of the intercultural communication research
(Nagatani & Edgington, 1998; Aoki, 1999; Salo-Lee, 1996; Neupstuny, 1993,
Morsbach, 1984 etc.).
The development of intercultural studies and research started in American
Universities in the 1940s. The reason for starting these studies was the
development of relations between the USA and Japan (Lehtonen, 1998: 310). In
the 1940s Ruth Benedict was asked by the American government to write a
manual on Japanese behavior. Other American anthropologists trying to
interpret the behavior of the Japanese and trying to give some basis for
understanding the cultural and historical development of Japan followed her
study. "It is difficult for an American to understand the nature of Japanese
 23

culture. It is an old-world Asiatic culture in contrast to the United States, a

New-World, machine-age culture..." (Embree, 1975: 3).
As mentioned before, the American influence on the existing intercultural
communication research and literature and research focusing on Japan and the
Japanese is very strong. This can be explained historically (see above) and also
by the fact that the largest percentage of these studies compare communication
between America and Japan (Gudykunst, 1993: 6-7). Gudykunst explains this by
the following arguments:

* There are more Japanese Ph.D.s trained in communication in the USA than in any
other country.
* There is extensive anthropological research on Japan that has also examined some
aspects of communication and thus provides a foundation for intercultural
comparisons.
* Japanese culture is very different from American culture. However compared with
other different cultures, Japanese culture is more accessible for Americans.
* There have been several conferences devoted to discussing communication in
Japan and the USA.

The boom in the Japanese miracle literature included a great many books
focusing on the differences between the Japanese and Western communication
styles. Most of the Western examples were concerned with the American
communication culture. Many of the communication problems that existed
between the Japanese and the Western world were seen as caused by
differences between the communication styles of the cultures.

2.3 Western Stereotypes of Japanese Communication Culture

Most of the Western studies focus on the differences between the West and
Japan and the difficulties and causes of friction between these two. A similar
point of view is found also on the Japanese side. There are plenty of studies on
how the communication culture differs between the Japanese and Western
people, particularly Americans. Many of the studies focus on differences along
the scale individualism-collectivism. There are also studies concentrating on
politeness behavior of Japanese, on their very formal and honorific language
and on their indirect communication, which is often seen as a result of their
language and politeness. This section will give some examples of studies from
well-known authors like William B. Gudykunst, Dean C. Barlund, Takie
Sugiyama Lebra etc.
Japanese communication has been said to be focused on non-verbal
aspects, and in verbal communication the Japanese emphasize indirect
communication. It is important to understand how to read the messages from
the context, to read cues (high-context culture) (Barnlund, 1989; Gudykunst,
1993; Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994). This has also been claimed to be one the
most difficult issues to be administrated in communication between the
“talkative and direct Americans” and the “quiet and indirect” Japanese.
24

According to Gudykunst & Nishida (1994: 62) the Japanese

communicative style is based on:
traditional mental telepathy
taciturnity
atmosphere
indirect communication
tatemae and honne

Hofstede's four-dimensional model of Cultural Differences12 is frequently used

in studies of cultural differences. The following table 2.3 shows Hofstede’s view
of the Japanese culture (left side) and how Gudykunst & Nishida (1994) have
applied Hofstede’s model to explain the Japanese communication culture.

TABLE 2.3 Hofstede's Four Dimensions and Japanese Communication Culture

Hofstede Gudykunst & Nishida

Individualism-Collectivism Individualism-Collectivism
Japan is a collective society "Japanese is a collectivistic culture where
people conceptualize themselves as
In individualism an individual look after interdependent with one another". The
her/his own interest as opposed to Japanese emphasis is on wa (harmony) in
collectivism in which people from birth the ingroup and on enryo (explained in the
onwards are integrated into strong, cohesive following chapter) and amae (passive love)
in-groups, which throughout their lifetime in interactions with others. For reasons of
continue to protect them in exchange for harmony the Japanese draw a distinction
unquestioned loyalty. between tatemae and honne (explained in
the following chapter).
Power Distance Power Distance
Japan is a large power distance society Japan is a large power distance society
meaning that the Japanese emphasize
Power distance defines the extent to which status in communication. Power distance
the less powerful in society accept also leads to the importance of on
inequality in power and consider it as (obligation) and giri (indebtedness) in the
normal. Inequality exists within any culture, relationships between people.
but the degree to which it is tolerated varies
between one culture and another.
(continues)

1 Hofstede's project covered cultural differences among societies in over 50 different

countries. The survey consisted of 32 value questions put to 117000 IBM employees from
40 countries. The results were tabulated and correlated in relation to each other.
Japan emerged as the most masculine country; the next three after her were Austria,
Venezuela and Italy.
As a society with strong uncertainty avoidance Japan was seventh after Greece, Portugal,
Guatemala, Uruguay, Belgium and Salvador.
As a large power distance society Japan had one the highest indexes together with the
other Asian and Latin American countries.
In the indexes of individualism and collectivism Japan was ranked in the middle.
 25

TABLE 2.3 (continues)

Uncertainty Avoidance Uncertainty Avoidance

Japan is a society with strong uncertainty Japan is a high uncertainty avoidance culture
avoidance meaning that the Japanese pay a lot of
attention to rituals and the specification of
Uncertainty defines the extent to which relatively clear rules in most
people within the culture are made nervous communication situations.
by situations which they perceive as
unstructured, unclear, or unpredictable,
situations which they therefore try to avoid
by maintaining a strict code of behavior and
a belief in absolute truths. Cultures with a
strong uncertainty avoidance are active,
aggressive, emotional, compulsive, security
seeking, and intolerant; cultures with weak
uncertainty avoidance are contemplative,
less aggressive, unemotional, relaxed,
accepting of personal risk, and relatively
tolerant.
Masculinity- Femininity Masculinity- Femininity
Japan is a masculine society Japan is highly masculine culture which
means that they emphasize same-sex
Masculinity as a characteristic opposes communication and separation of the sexes
femininity. Masculine cultures strive for a in many social situations.
maximum distinction between what men
are expected to do and what women are
expected to do. They expect men to be
assertive, ambitious and competitive, to
strive for material success and to respect
whatever is big, strong and fast. They
expect women to serve and care for the non-
material quality of life, for children and for
the weak. Feminine cultures define
relatively overlapping roles for the sexes. In
both cultures the dominant values within
political and work organizations are those of
men, but emphasis on the values is different
in these two cultures.

The two concepts most frequently used to explain the Japanese communication
style are group and harmony. According to Barnlund, (1989: 177), Japan as a
culture emphasizes status, group membership, harmony, modesty, obligations
and sensitivity to others. Groupism has been a very popular issue in the debate
on Japanese society and culture. Groupism and group membership - family,
school class, work-group, corporation and so on - are concepts that are stressed
by most of the writers (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994, Barnlund, 1989). “The
Japanese concern for belonging relates to the tendency toward collectivism,
which is expressed by an individual's identification with the collective goal of
the group to which he belongs. The Japanese person stresses his position in a
social frame rather than his individual attributes” (Lebra, 1976: 22-25). Strong
group ties require the Japanese to subordinate their individualism to the
welfare of others (Barnlund, 1989: 163). Obligations have a higher priority than
rights. Moeran (1986: 64) argues that the concept of the group means that the
Japanese prefer to act within the framework of group which is hierarchically
organized and run by a paternalistic leader. He brings into the discussion the
Japanese concept of amae, "passive love", which he sees as a psychological
process underlying the structure of the group (Moeran, 1986: 64-65). Amae is
26

one of the frequently used Japanese concepts related to Japanese

communicative styles (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994; Barnlund, 1989, Lebra,
1993). According to Barnlund (1989: 41) amae means an effort to establish a
protective relationship with others. Amae is also translated as dependence (see
for example Doi, 1988), which is very highly valued and encouraged in
Japanese society. Barnlund (1989: 41) has listed concepts like obligation (on),
indebtedness (giri), humanity (ninjo), face (kao), responsibility (sekenin) and duty
(gimu) as concepts which all emphasize dependence on others and the way the
Japanese adapt their actions to the needs and the moods of others. The
Japanese concept of enroy, reserve or restraint has been used to explain the
Japanese loyalty and solidarity to a group, such the nation, family, corporation
and so on (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994: 25-26). As Lebra has pointed out (1994),
enroy is a response to group pressure to conform. However, enroy is not limited
to personal opinions, but it does involve restraint from expressing wishes and
desires and it also includes side-stepping such opportunities whenever they are
offered (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994: 25)."The strong sense of belongingness as
a stake for self-identity, reinforced by collectivism and conformism, calls for the
individual's total commitment and loyalty to his group. It also means that the
group is responsible for taking care of all the needs of its members" (Lebra,
1976: 31).
The Japanese draw a sharp distinction between ingroup and outgroup.
Ingroups influence Japanese behavior and communication greatly. Ingroups
have different rank orders of importance (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994).
Barnlund (1989: 68) argues that because of the importance attached to group
affiliations and obligations, the Japanese are reluctant to approach strangers
and respond less favorably to conversations initiated by people they do not
know. Strangers are usually seen as "outsiders" or even "non-persons". Robins-
Mowry (1993: 52) argues that "while many Japanese reiterate that they are
sensitive to other people, in fact, this is true only for those within their own
group". The Japanese find the group identity based on information, such as age,
sex, status and so on necessary before dealing with other people. They prefer to
have as much background information as possible in advance in order to avoid
a situation of uncertainty (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994; Barnlund, 1989)
Barnlund (1989: 40) argues that the Japanese cannot talk to each other until their
status is clarified.
The Japanese themselves have actively used the "group-model" which
relates to the internal structure of group in building their national profile in the
West (Moeran, 1986: 65). The “group-model” has also been criticized strongly
because it ignores one important aspect of Japanese society, namely personal
networks.
According to Barnlund (1989: 42), for the Japanese conversation is a "way
of creating and reinforcing the emotional ties that bind people together.
Interpersonal attitudes are its content. Institution is its mode. Social harmony is
its aim...". The emphasis on social harmony seems to be the explanation behind
most communicational patterns like indirect communication and nonverbal
communication (Barnlund, 1989; Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994; Lebra, 1993 etc.).
 27

Things are not described as they are in order to maintain harmony and face.
"They do not say what they want to say because they sincerely hope not to hurt
the other's feelings, and they say what they do not want to say, believing that
their discomfort is less important than the happiness of others" (Barnlund, 1989:
156). To maintain harmony and to avoid damaging relations with people on
whom one depends, the Japanese are said to speak "white-lies" using the so
called public language, tatemae (March, 1996; Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994).
Harmony is developed and maintained through tatemae (Gudykunst & Nishida,
1994: 24). According to Gudykunst & Nishida, the Japanese draw a distinction
between "what is said in public and what one truly believes (honne)".
Gudykunst & Nishida (1994: 42-44) also point out that it is important to learn to
interpret sentences from the situational context. Tatemae is also related to the
Japanese way of avoiding self-disclosure.
Interdependence requires a polite way of expressing things. The Japanese
language contains a great many honorifics. Because Japan is a hierarchical
society, language is adapted to the social status of the person being addressed
(Lebra, 1993: 72-73). According to Lebra (1993: 72), empathy underlines a
diversity of modes of speech and behavior among the Japanese and it is not
only a question of conversational attitude, but also one of the linguistic
structure. Japanese is seen as a language which uses various forms to show the
speaker's empathy with the other. Because communication is indirect, the main
burden for successful communication is placed upon the listener. Cues,
guessing what somebody is meaning, sasshi, plays a great role in the
communication process (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994; Barnlund, 1989; Lebra,
1993). According to Barnlund (1989: 42) who cites Befu's ideas about Japanese
nonverbal communication: "One crucial thing about learning to be Japanese is
to know what people mean without saying it". As Barnlund goes on to say,
intuition is valued among the Japanese. It has also been said that instead of
discussing their feelings in so many words, the Japanese are able to express
them through external objects or actions like traditional Japanese art: ikebana,
the tea ceremony, haiku, calligraphy, and gardens (Barnlund, 1989, Embree,
1975). Barnlund (1989: 130-132) discusses the Japanese emphasis on different
forms of nonverbal communication. He argues that the Japanese, in order to
seek consensus, dislike verbal argument and prefer visceral over cerebral forms
of empathy. This leads to the conclusion that the use of the physical mode of
communication is greater than verbal modes. For example silent language, such
as posture, facial expression, glances and the pregnant pause should play quite
a large role in relating to companions. But Barnlund goes on to say that the
Japanese place emphasis on situational formalities, dislike public displays of
emotion and disapprove of physical demonstrativeness. The Japanese psyche
seems to inhibit the grosser forms of non-verbalization such as facial
expressiveness, gestures, and touching, but emphasizes the use of space, time,
and silence as appropriate ways of conveying feelings. The Japanese are said to
prefer greater distance and avoid touching people or being touched (Barnlund,
1989; Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994).
28

Although Barnlund (1989: 131, 182) says that the samurai tradition of
emphasizing strength through silence is still alive in today's Japan, there are
perhaps other myths behind the Japanese silence which encourage the image of
a unique culture. According to Gudykunst and Nishida (1994: 51-53), several
non-mystical reasons can be found behind the Japanese silence. Silence may be
used to save the Japanese from being embarrassed; it allows them to be socially
discreet. Silence may also be related to a hierarchical situation, such as presence
of a senior person who has the superiority to initiate speech. Gudykunst &
Nishida (1994: 67) argue that the Japanese attitude toward time is different
when dealing with foreigners than with their own people. When dealing with
foreigners, the Japanese pay more attention to time, schedules, plans, and being
prompt.
Many books focusing on the Japanese etiquette and customs have stressed
nonverbal customs such as gift-giving, entertaining, greetings, introductions
and so on. The Japanese are said to pay more attention to these rituals than
many other people do (see for example Befu, 1986). Barnlund (1989: 139) takes
as an example gift-giving and, according to him, "Americans give more gifts
more frequently than do the Japanese and do so more spontaneously and as
symbol of affection rather than because it is appropriate or required".
However, gift-giving has many variations across the Western cultures.
Nonetheless, in all the books on the Japanese etiquette, gift-giving is introduced
as one of the most important issues (see chapter 5.4).
Several different explanations have been proposed for Japanese groupism
and harmony. The most commonly advanced include Japan’s long history -
especially the period of isolation - the influence of Confucianism and great
homogeneity of the nation (Embree, 1975; Barnlund, 1989; Koskiaho, 1995;
Garant, 1997 etc.). Barnlund (1989: 38) argues that in addition to Confucianism,
Buddhism has also had a great influence in emphasizing a sense of humility
and fatalism, a preference for the simple and concrete and Shintoist ideas, such
as empathy with nature and the search for harmony.
The next table 2.4 The Japanese and American Communication Patterns, is
an example of comparison between the Japanese and American communication
patterns. The content of the table is adapted from Barnlund, 1989 and
Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994.
 29

TABLE 2.4 The Japanese and American Communication Patterns

Interpersonal Relations Japanese Americans

Relations with Strangers “Japanese are supposedly “Americans are open and
indifferent toward trusting of strangers.”
strangers.”
“Japanese can’t talk to each
other until their status is
clarified.”

Making Friends Japanese have strong ties Americans’ personal relations

Choice of Companions to pivotal groups as the are more matter of choice, and
family, school, workplace they shift with the changing
etc. The bonds that matter interests of the parties.
most in Japan are less
matter of choice than of Americans attempt to equalize
birth, school or their interpersonal relations
employment. despite differences in age and
status.
Japanese shape their
interpersonal relations in Americans friendships are less
accordance with the comprehensive and less
various levels of the social permanent.
hierarchy.
Japanese friendships are
more comprehensive and
durable.
Manner of Conversation Japanese are conciliatory. Americans are assertive.
Japanese favor a rhetoric of Americans favor a rhetoric of
inclusion, emphasizing exclusion emphasizing
similarities of viewpoint. differences.
Japanese incline toward Americans indulge in
understatement and self- overstatement and self-
depreciation. congratulatory remarks.
Japanese place their trust Americans emphasize a verbal
on nonverbal code, what is code.
left unsaid.
Americans respect the power of
Japanese do not respect words.
words; “with noble
phrases seen as
oversimplifying
events...”
Independence and Japanese emphasize Americans emphasize
Dependence dependence. independence.

2.4 What is the West?

The material analyzed in this study mostly focuses on the differences between
the West and Japan. Usually the concept of the West is defined in a very general
way. Many authors leave the whole concept without any definition. For those
who define the concept, the West equals Europe or/and North America. Some
studies imply that there is one Western culture, one Japanese culture and
between those two cultures there is a series of contrasts in cultural values.
30

Furthermore, as Littlewood points out in his book, The Idea of Japan, Western
Images, Western Myths (1997: xii): "To talk of the "West" as a single entity is to
lump together a vast range of disparate and conflicting responses".
Wilkinson (1990: 34) explains his way of using the terms "Western Image"
and "West" in his book, Japan Versus the West Image and Reality in the following
way: "In talking about of the Western Image I'm guilty of gross over-
simplification, whose only excuse is that these are convenient shorthand". He
continues with the argument that not all European countries have held the
same images of Japan and also that American images have differed from
European ones. He also points out that the concepts of East and West give a
false impression of complete opposites.
Benedict (1954) drew a line between the West and the East, the Americans
and the Japanese whom she saw as, "us" and "them". She saw Japanese values as
feudalistic and fascist and American values as modern and democratic. Ito
(1998: 83) argues that Benedict was not free from value judgments.
Very often the West has been seen as “highly-developed”, industrialized,
modernized, urbanized, and capitalist. Thus the concept of the West is the
product of historical process that started in the 16th century (Hall, 2000). This
also means that we tend to divide the world into the West and the non-West. In
this context the position of Japan has been a little confusing. Japan has been
industrialized, modernized etc. which brings it very close to Western world.
When we discuss the concept of the West we cannot ignore the concept of
westernization, although, the debate of it has taken on a somewhat different
perspective. Travel guides (for example Baedeker, Berlitz) describe Japan as the
most westernized country in the Far East. Westernization has been the issue,
which has most attracted the attention of visitors to Japan (Neupstuny, 1993:
21).
In particular the Meiji Restoration (1868-1912) is seen as the period when
Japan underwent rapid westernization. Japan's modern century has been seen
as progress induced by many western elements. Japan has developed its culture
in various fields by harmoniously combining its own traditions and cultural
values with the Western cultural values (Maraini, 1971; Varley, 1974; Tames,
1996 etc.).
Modernization has been a part of the westernization of Japan. Maraini
(1971) argues that the westernization process means acceptance of the values
and ideals of the West and a Western outlook on life. Modernization involves
more than anything else the adoption of technology, which is ideologically
neutral he speaks of "Japanese spirit and Western technology". He also argues
that in the Far East Japan is a modernized country, not a westernized one.
Hirano (1988: 160) argues that for the Japanese international cultural contacts
have always meant receiving and adapting to foreign cultural elements. Since
the 19th century this has meant cultural elements from modern Europe and
America. According to Neupstuny (1993: 21), westernization means "taking on
a particular form of culture, historically derived from European traditions",
such as Western dress, music and so on. Westernization leads to an image of
imitators and one could say that this has been one of the most well known
 31

images of Japan in the Western world since the Meiji restoration (Neupstuny,
1993 Wilkinson, 1990; Comte-Helm, 1996 etc.).
According to Lebra (1993: 81), who has studied the differences between
Americans and Japanese communication styles: "serious is the difficulty, if not
impossibility, of generalizing Americans...who are proud of the ethnic diversity
of their society”. As a European I find a more serious difficulty in talking about
the typical European person or his/her behavior. But as Lebra says (1993:81),
people are ready to make generalizations about outsiders like Americans do
about the Japanese, but are quick to rebut any generalization made about
themselves by outsiders.
The concept of the West is a complexity one. As far as this study is
concerned, it seems to be difficult to define the West more specifically than just
North America and Western Europe. In this study the West has been defined
according to the definitions adapted by authors of the material analyzed i.e. as
Americans and Western Europeans. Among the authors of the historical
material the influence of Europeans is stronger. The West is also seen through
the target audiences: Americans and Europeans. The main influence comes
from the American dimension and from Anglo-American culture. This can be
explained by the fact that Americans have focused more studies on intercultural
communication and especially on the relations between themselves and the
Japanese. It is also true that more books on the Japanese business management
and business etiquette have been published by Americans.
3 STUDY DESIGN

3.1 Structure and Research Material

This study is divided into three parts. The first part gives the framework for the
analysis. It consists of the theoretical methodological framework and presents
the images of Japan from a historical perspective. The second part is the
empirical part of the study, focusing on the Japanese miracle, and the third part
concludes.
This study focuses on the Japanese miracle: the period of the 1980s and
1990s when Japan was a popular topic in the Western world. Although this
popularity was based on economical and industrial development in Japan, I
have also chosen another perspective from which to analyze the images of
Japan and the Japanese: tourism or travel. Thus the Japanese miracle will be
discussed from two different perspectives: business and tourism.
Content analysis was chosen as the research technique to answer the
question: What kind of images of Japan and the Japanese are created in popular
literature targeted at Western audiences. The data to be analyzed consists of
texts and pictures.

3.1.1 Earlier Images

Although the focus of this study is on the images of the 1980s and 1990s, these
images can be based on very old descriptions and pictures. Thus the grip of
inherited prejudice appears to be as strong now as in the past (Fält, 1992;
Wilkinson, 1990; Littlewood, 1997). As I am particularly interested in
stereotyped images, which are images repeated over the years and are difficult
to change (see e.g. Salo-Lee, Hall 1999, etc). It will be interesting to examine the
question: what similarities can be found in the images created in “travel stories”
in 16th century and 19th century and 1980s? The historical account of images of
Japan and the Japanese is mostly based on books and notes written by Western
authors who were well-known in their own time and whose writings are often
 33

still quoted. The chapters on the postwar period also discuss a guide published
in Japan. In particular the 1960s and early 1970s seems to be a period when
Japanese had to rebuild their image to the outside world. The discussion on the
historical images of Japan and the Japanese covers the whole period from the
beginning of the16th century up to the end of the 1970s. Endymion Wilkinson’s
book Japan versus Europe- Images and Realities and Ian Littlewood’s book, The
Idea of Japan Western Images, Western Myths (1996) are the most important
reference works for this discussion. Here some examples, including movies and
novels, will also be discussed. The aim is to show what kinds of images have
excited in the past and how they have changed compared to the 1980s and
1990s. However, the focus of this study is not in the history of Japan and,
accordingly, this part does not go very deep into history.

3.1.2 The Great Popularity of Japan

After the historical part, this study will concentrate on the context of the
Japanese miracle. The research material is divided into two main categories:
travel and business. The business books are divided into two categories: the
Japanese company culture & Japanese style-management and the Japanese
business etiquette & communication. The first sections analyse travel guides
and brochures. The study will compare the different icons used in travel guides
written by Japanese and Western authors. In these chapters one of the goals is
to find the symbols most frequently used to represent Japan and the Japanese.
Travel guides and brochures are relevant for studying images because
tourism business utilises images and tourists’ decisions on travel are strongly
influenced by images. Before entering the country they have certain images of it
and they have certain expectations. This part begins with examples from
Japanese traveling brochures published by Japan Travel Bureau (JTB) and Japan
National Tourist Organization (JNTO). Other sections are based on guidebooks
for ordinary non-Japanese travelers published in the West and Japan by well-
known publishers like Berlitz, Baedeker, Fodor, Kodansha International and the
Charles E. Tuttle Company in the 1980s and 1990s. Also interesting this section
are the photos published with the text. It is worth remembering that most
mental images are pictures of a kind. We receive a great deal of information
through pictures. However, pictures are usually not as respected as written
texts, but yet we believe things more easily if we can see them with our own
eyes (Hietala, 1996).
After the traveling oriented part the study will focus on the economic
miracle, Japan as an economic giant will be discussed. Japan has been
universally acknowledged as the pre-eminently successful economy in the
world. After the Second World War the Western world became interested in
rapid commercial and industrial development. During the last three decades
the Western world has been keen on learning about the secrets of the Japanese
economical miracle. In the mid 1970s started a great boom in the literature on
the Japanese miracle in the Western world. In the 1980s the Japanese economic
miracle was a fashionable topic in the Western world and the answers to
34

Japanese success were found in the unique Japanese business management

system. These books also tried to give a deeper understanding of the Japanese
culture and industrial structure with simplified explanations. Many books have
sought to explain the issue with simplified core values of Japanese culture. The
task of these books was more or less to point out how the Japanese miracle can
be applied to the Western world. Numerous studies have been carried out to
determine the transferability of the Japanese style of Management to the West
(Suvanto, 1993; Merviö, 1995, Lillrank, 1991; Fukuda, 1988). Most of these books
and studies had a tendency to draw far-reaching conclusions on the
characteristics of Japanese society on the basis of just a few examples of large,
successful companies (Merviö, 1995: 28). Most of the social and cultural settings
of these books have been presented in simplified formed often in part of it taken
directly from academic studies, including nihonjinron literature (see also
Merviö, 1995: 28).
Addition to these management books during the boom, a great number of
books appeared which focused on the Japanese business etiquette, business
communication and the differences between the Japanese and Western
communication styles. The main aim was to help Western businessmen to better
understand their Japanese colleagues and their habits and, to learn the general
principles of Japanese business culture by giving practical advice, hints and
guidelines, as in the following example quoted in Kato & Kato, 1992,
Understanding and Working with the Japanese Business World shows (introduction):
“You will learn how to adjust for the differences that exist between American
and Japanese businesses…initiate contacts with Japanese
businesspeople…understand forms of Japanese expression that are easily
misinterpreted by Westerners…The book will:

-Show you how Japanese traditions and values relate to the way Japanese
businesspeople think
-Show you how Japanese people communicate through non-verbal language, eye
contact, silence and gifts.
-Give you six ways to avoid insulting Japanese people when calling them by name
-Tell you the one thing that no Japanese businessperson would dare be caught
without and neither should you

The business guidebooks emphasized cultural differences more than the

commercial ones. “… it is felt that cultural and not commercial problems
predominate in Japan…“(Abecasis-Phillips, 1992: 11). According to Hirano
(1988: 157-159), misunderstanding Japanese culture has been the reason for
international friction between Japan and other countries.
The analysis of the economic miracle is based on the business management
literature and guidebooks on the Japanese business communication for Western
businessmen published in the 1980s and 1990s during the great boom in the
literature on the Japanese miracle. The authors of the books are both Western
and Japanese, but the guides are clearly targeted at Western readers and are
mostly published in English. One important criterion, especially for the
guidebooks, is that they can be easily found at international airports, are sold in
international book stores in Tokyo, London, New York, Los Angeles, and so on.
 35

The material focusing on the structure of the Japanese industry and companies
especially includes writers like Ronald P. Dore, Charles J. Macmillan, Karel Van
Wolferen and David Clark.
As mentioned before, a great number of books, studies and articles discuss
the Japanese and Japan in the 1980s and 1990s, during the Japanese miracle
boom. The books mentioned above were chosen from a vast selection at London
University Library and the Japan Foundation Library, as well as the
international bookstores, as representative examples of this genre. The problem
in choosing the books was that the books dealing with business etiquette &
communication and travel books tended to repeat each other so that one might
take just one as take all. The first set of criteria for the books was that they were
published during the 1980s and 1990s and they were related to the Japan and
the Japanese of that time. The second set of criteria was whether the books were
really popular at that time or the publisher or author well-known. The third set
of criteria was that these books were widely distributed and the target group
was the “ordinary” traveler or businessman. In the travel category books
written by more “ordinary” travelers were also included.
In all categories there were books written by Japanese and Western
authors. The books which are analyzed in the Japanese miracle section are listed
(author, publisher, place of publishing, edition, the content) in appendix 1.

3.2 Method of the Study

Content analysis is a common research technique in communication studies and

studies on images in literary texts. Content analysis can be defined as: “media
research technique, counting the number of times an item appears in media
texts” (Branston and Stafford, 1999: 436). It can also be defined as a research
technique in which the different methods are valid as long as they can help the
researcher to make observations and collect relevant information from the data
without forgetting academic rules (Pietilä, 1973: 27). In this study content
analysis is used to identify systematically the most frequently used descriptions
and representations of Japan and the Japanese from texts and pictures. The
main part of analysis is based on qualitative work, descriptions, but
quantitative work is also done, particularly in chapter five where icons and
symbols of Japan are counted. This study focuses on the attributional point of
view. Several comparisons will take place between these different attributions.

3.2.1 Typical Traits

The main question in this study is “what kind of images of Japan and the
Japanese have been created in popular literature targeted at Western
audiences?”
To find the answers, the first step was to collect adjectives describing the
Japanese, and then to count the number of times these attributes appeared in
36

the texts. A result of this step was a list of typical Japanese traits. In fact during
this process the Japanese were divided into two categories: Japanese man;
“sarariiman”, and Japanese woman, close to the idea of the geisha. There were
two worlds: modern society symbolized by the sarariiman and the traditional
society symbolized by the “geisha”.
Example of the typical Japanese man, sarariiman

* Hard working – works long hours and puts his work before his own life
* Strict and punctual
* Loyal – he is loyal to his company all his whole life
* Polite – does not express negative things, uses compliments etc.

In the case of modern Japanese society attributes were sought to describe the
issues beyond the image of the economic giant, the attributes that had made
Japan popular in the Western world. These were the same issues which became
the topics of many bestsellers: the Japanese company, Japanese style of business
management, Japanese business culture, Japanese business etiquette.
Typically, Japanese company with its unique management style was
described with the following attributes:

* Seniority system (promotion, payment)

* Community orientation
* Group-orientation
* Job rotation
* Learning systems (on-the-job, off-the-job, self-development, quality circles etc)

Particularly in the case of business etiquette the typical descriptions of the

Japanese were found in the following categories:

* Business matters (negotiations, seating, introductions, go-between, meishi, gift-

giving, time etc)
* Conversations and communication (greetings, topics, indirect communication,
silence, hierarchy, names etc)
* Wining and Dining

In particular it is the literature of the business culture (company culture,

management and communication) the different attributes between Japan and
the West were found.
Tables showing comparisons between the Japanese and Western
management cultures were frequently used.

3.2.2 Iconic Significations

Semiotic terms have been applied, especially in the discussion of the Japanese
miracle from the travel perspective where the pictorial material together with
texts is analyzed. The icons introduced in these chapters as the most typical
icons and symbols of Japan and the Japanese were chosen by using quantitative
(percentages of icons and symbols used in ten guidebooks) and qualitative
techniques (placement of icons and symbols in ten guides). The difficulty here is
that the researcher has certain pictures of Japan and the Japanese in mind which
 37

can easily make these pictures seem more important than they actually are. To
define the categories for the icons, Befu’s (Befu, 1993) list of the most used
symbols of Japan were used as follow:

* Mt Fuji, Geisha and Cherry Blossom as symbols of the traditional society

* Bullet train, semiconductor and Walkman as symbols of the modern society

Littlewood’s (1999) data on how different symbols of Japan were used in

advertisements was also a helpful tool.
4 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO
UNDERSTANDING IMAGES OF JAPAN
AND THE JAPANESE

Although this study focuses on the boom in the Japanese miracle literature in
the 1980s and 1990s, the images of that period can be based on very old
descriptions and pictures. Thus the grip of inherited prejudice appears to be as
strong today as in the past (Fält, 1992, Wilkinson, 1990; Littlewood, 1997). This
chapter will give historical information useful in understanding the images of
the Japanese today.
This chapter will elaborate on the image of the Japanese from historical
perspective. It starts with the initial contacts made by missionaries in the 16th
century trough the reopening of Japan, the exotic Lotusland, in the mid 19th
century and its development into a powerful modern state which lost the war
and had to rebuild; to its rise to the status of economic superpower, which has
been the dominant picture of Japan over the last three decades. This is actually
the rough framework within which the Western images of Japan and the
Japanese have been created.

4.1 Early Images

It was Marco Polo (1307) who first gave a picture of Japan to Europeans:
"Zipangu (Japan) is an island in the eastern ocean, situated at the distance of
about fifteen hundred miles from the mainland. Its inhabitants have fair
complexions, are well-made, and are civilized in their manners. Their religion is
the worship of idols. They are independent of every foreign power, and
governed only by their own kings" (Clement, 1906: 3). Marco Polo gave a very
positive picture of Japan and the Japanese. He even went too far in describing
the extent of gold and riches of Japan. "So vast, indeed, are the riches of the
place, that it is impossible to convey an idea of them" (Clement, 1906: 3).
 39

Addition to the European merchants who were venturing their way to

east missioners had started their work in China and India already in 14th
century. From early 16th century the Europeans became world “superpowers”.
Their discoveries had taken them all over the world, where they established
trading companies and laid claim to territory. The first direct contact was also
made between Japan and Europe by missioners in the mid 16th century. It was
1543 when the first Spanish and Portuguese missionaries, followed by traders,
came to Japan and started to create a picture of Japan and the Japanese for
Europeans. In coming to East Europeans had generally adopted the role of
representatives of a superior race. Thus discovering Japan and her highly
developed culture and civilization was a surprise, even a shock to the
newcomers. Because of this positive discovery most of the missionaries gave a
very favourable picture of Japan (Wilkinson, 1982, 1990, Cooper, 1965 etc.).
Jesuit Francis Xavier was the first to write about this new discovery: "Japanese
are the best race yet discovered and I do not think you will find their match
among the pagan nations" (Cooper, 1965: 60). One of the most quoted of
Xavier’s sentences has been: "These people are delight to my soul". Xavier, like
his successors, admired Japanese good manners, sense of honor, propriety and
duty. The Japanese were seen as a very prudent and discreet people who spoke
very politely, never failing to show each other respect. Besides their polite
manners missionaries paid a lot of attention to the well-developed Japanese
system of education which was even seen as more advanced than its European
counterpart (Cooper, 1965; Fält, 1994; Wilkinson, 1990, etc.).
Most of the images built of the Japanese were very favourable ones.
Alongside the positive there was an image of a different nation with extreme
and paradoxical contrasts: "Japanese have rites and ceremonies so different
from those of all other nations that it seems that they deliberately try to be
unlike any other people. The things they do in this respect are beyond
imagining and it may truly said that Japan is a world the reverse of Europe”
(Cooper, 1965: 42).
The Japanese were also seen as very difficult to understand, because "they
were so crafty in their hearts". It was said that the Japanese had three hearts: "a
false one in their mouths for all the world to see, another within their breasts
only for their friends and the third in the depths of their hearts, reserved for
themselves alone" (Cooper, 1965: 45).
In addition to the image of being polite, hospitable, discreet, patient,
resigned and melancholy, the Japanese men especially, were described as a
cruel and warlike people who had a very high opinion of themselves. Xavier
wrote about their trust in weapons: "They carry a sword and dagger both inside
and the outside house and lay them at their pillows when they sleep. Never in
my life have I met people who rely on their arms so much. They have a high
opinion of themselves because they think that no other nation can compare
with them as regards weapons and valor, and so they look down on all
foreigners" (Cooper, 1965: 40-41).
Since the 16th century Japanese women's beauty and graceful manners
have been greatly admired. Though legal prostitution was strongly criticized by
40

missionaries, it offered Western tradesmen a chance to enjoy the prohibited

fruit of passion (Fält, 1994; Wilkinson, 1990; Ma, 1996 etc.). The Japanese woman
was admired for her politeness, cleanliness and intelligence. Her world was
opposite to the world of the warrior, the samurai which presented cruelty. The
Japanese people generally were described with the characteristics of women
(see e.g. Littlewood, 1995).
The Japanese had an open-minded attitude toward Christianity, Western
values and customs. It was quite easy for missionaries to do their work
successfully in Japan. However, the increasing sphere of foreign influence, the
fear even of possible invasion made decision-makers, shoguns and feudal lords
suspicious (Keene, 1969: 1). Alongside this the most important European export
item, fireworks, was seen as too great a threat to Japanese society, and its
leaders made the decision to prohibit Christian activities, expel the missionaries
and finally close the borders of the country for two centuries (Keene, 1969;
Wilkinson, 1990; Tames, 1996 etc.).
During the era of isolation the only contact between Japan and Europe
was the small Dutch trading station in Nagasaki. To the Japanese the station
was an important window to the West through the long years of isolation. The
Dutch provided a knowledge of the outside world (Comte-Helm, 1996; Tames,
1996). Knowledge of Japan and the Japanese in Europe was very limited.
Generally speaking Europeans did not know much about Japan, if anything.
Information about Japan was based on a few active writers like von Siebold,
Kaempher, and Thurberg, who tried to collect as much information as they
could about Japan and the Japanese in difficult circumstances at a trading
station where they felt more like prisoners (Keene, 1969; Chamberlain, 1890;
Fält, 1994 etc.).
The image of Japan and the Japanese during isolation did not differ from
what had already been reported by missionaries. For example Dr. Kaempher
wrote in his book, History of Japan (1726-1728): "Japan is land of earthquakes,
with a much revered conical volcano (Mt. Fuji). Japanese have a sharply
contrasted character: on the one hand they are modest, patient, courteous, hard-
working and clean as well as artistic and ingenuous, while on the other hand
they are proud, ambitious, cruel and uncharitable as well as passionate and
revengeful" (Wilkinson, 1982: 32). Like the samurai culture (bushido), earlier
with its strict formality, rituals and especially seppuku (ritual suicide) seem to
make Western observers eager to report.

4.2 Japan as an Unspoiled Lotusland

In the 19th century Europeans and Americans explored many countries in Asia
searching for new markets. In 1853 the Westerners, this time led by Americans,
returned to Japan. Strong foreign pressure made the Japanese open their
borders to the outside world and the period of isolation came to an end.
 41

Japan was under strong foreign and domestic pressure when it started the
Meiji restoration in 1868. It was political revolution carried out by samurais.
The main aim of this restoration was to learn from the West in a Japanese spirit
and thus avoid the fate of the other Asian countries colonized by Western
world (Varley, 1974, Tames, 1996, Wilkinson, 1990 etc.).The Meiji restoration
has been considered the beginning of modern Japanese society. According to
Morikawa (1993: 1) and Kahn (1970: 1) the post-war miracle rests on the solid
basis of the Meiji restoration when Japan changed from a feudal society into an
advanced industrial power.
Many foreign experts were invited to Japan and hundreds of Japanese
were sent to Europe and America to gain the latest economic and technical
knowledge. Japan's industrial, economical and military progress was very
rapid. Within a few decades Japan had become, both socially and economically
a competitor to the industrialized Western world. Chamberlain described the
development of Japan in 1890, "The Japanese boast that they have done in
twenty years what it took Europe half as many centuries to accomplish"
(Chamberlain, 1890: 1).
Around the end of the 19th century an increasing number of travelers and
businessmen found Japan. Great curiosity was felt in the Western world
towards Japan after its long period of isolation. For Europeans Asia had been
the same thing as China and India, not Japan. Even around the turn of the 20th
century Europeans and Americans still saw China and India as more important
to them than Japan; to them it was a boundless market for manufactured goods.
Neither was Japan seen as any serious competitor to the "superior westerners",
even though they had developed their own domestic industry very rapidly
(Wilkinson, 1990: 98-99).
The picturesque Japan of tea-houses, geisha, gardens, flowers and
toyhouses became a standard Western image. It was very favourable one. “It is
not easy to describe the fascination of a Japanese garden chiefly it is due to
studied neglect of geometrical design. The toy summer-houses dotted here and
the miniature lakes, and the tiny bridges grossing miniature streams, give an air
of indescribable quaintness” (Menpes, 1901). The Geisha was described as a
little genius, perfectly brilliant as a talker and mistress of the art and dancing.
She was perfect wife and the ideal of femininity (see e.g. Menpes, 1901;
Littlewood, 1995; Morton, 1984 etc).
Japan was described as different, a topsy-turvy, exotic fantasyland. Thus
the fundamental picture of Japan in the West was a country of extreme and
paradoxical contrasts. Authors of books related to Japan and the Japanese
customs around turn of the 20th century seemed to repeat each other. As
Wilkinson (1990: 102) wrote: "at that time experts on Japan never tired of
repeating each other, driving home the same point, even using the same
examples."
One of the experts on Japan, Sir Alcock, wrote in 1863, "Japan is essentially
a country of paradoxes and anomalies, where all, even familiar things, put on
new faces, and are curiously reserved. They write from top to bottom, from
right to left, in perpendicular instead of horizontal lines and their books begin
42

from the backside. Their locks though they are imitated from Europe, are
locked by turning they from left to right..." (Alcock, 1863: 101).
Japan was presented in British magazines and reviews in 1850 as follows:
"Japan remains to us a vague and shadowy idea. The Japanese people had
remained a mystery for two centuries" (Yokoyama, 1987: 5). The Japanese were
seen as singular people from a forbidden land. In the 1880s the image of an
unreal Japan became firmly established in England. It was an image of a
civilization without any originality, which was seen as a very romantic idea by
Victorian tourists. The image of the borrower emerged through this romantic
idea (Yokoyama, 1987: 5).
The image of the Japanese as polite with very formal behavior continued
(Arnold, 1899, Chamberlain, 1980, Watt, 1967, Wilkinson, 1982 etc.). "The
Japanese are famous over the world for their politeness and courtesy, they are a
nation of good manners, and for this and other qualities, have been styled "the
French of the Orient"” (Clement, 1904: 76).
The first tourist invasion hit Japan in the late 19th and the early 20th
centuries. Most of the travelers described Japan as an exotic and beautiful
paradise, one of the most favored countries in the world. Typically the travelers
wrote about Mount Fuji, beautiful gardens, shrines and temples, teahouses and
odd Japanese customs like women and men having a hot bath together. The
Japanese indifference to nudity both fascinated and horrified Victorian tourists
(Tames, 1996; Maclean, 1967; Cortazzi, 1987 etc.). Usually it was seen as a part
of the innocence of this unspoiled paradise, which was how they wanted to see
Japan.
Japanese woman was the most important part of the image of Japan as an
exotic Lotusland. European artists, connoisseurs and novelists created an
exotic-aesthetic image of Japan with all the major stereotypes. They drew a
picture of the Japanese woman that has dominated the Western psyche for over
a century (Ma, 1996: 9). It was very often a singular, nature-loving and naive
image of Japan (Comte-Helm, 1996: 23). Japanese women were often pictured in
traditional kimonos in tearooms, gardens, in front of temples, under the cherry
blossom, serving green tea or playing traditional instruments, dancing or
making ikebana (see appendixes 2 and 3). These charming little women from a
Lotusland that was very often described as the Garden of Eden, the place of
forbidden pleasures, were the main characters in many European romantic
novels like Loti's Madam Chrysanthemum. This novel was basis of many other
artists' works including the famous opera Madam Butterfly.
In 1841 Siebold wrote about the Japanese women (see Barrow eds. 1973:
123): "The minds of the Women are cultivated with as much care as those of
men; and among the most admired historians, moralists and poets are found
several female names. The Japanese ladies are described as being generally
lively and agreeable companions, and the ease and elegance of their manners
have been highly extolled". Later in 19th century Chamberlain (1890), Clement
(1904) and Hearn (1894) also paid attention to the fact that Japanese women
were more educated and cultivated than their sisters in other Asian countries.
 43

Japanese women were seen as the highest expression of Japan's aesthetic

sensibility. "Japanese women are most womanly, - kind, gentle, faithfully,
pretty. A Japanese woman's lot is summed up in what are termed: "the three
obediences" - obedience, while yet unmarried, to a father; when married to a
husband and that husband's parents; obedience when widowed to a son"
(Chamberlain, 1890: 424).
These young, charming women were provided to foreign visitors. The
Japanese lady had a moral charm and at the same time she was an exciting
sexual fantasy and object to Western man who could enjoy freedom from the
sexual prohibitions placed upon him by his own culture (Cooper, 1965; Ma,
1996; Wilkinson, 1990; Fält, 1994). "If you could take the light from the eyes of a
Sister of Mercy at her gracious task, the smile of a maiden looking over the seas
for her lover, and the heart of an unspoiled child, and materialize them into a
winsome and healthy little body, crowned with a mass of jet-black hair, and
dressed in bright rustling silks, you would have the typical Japanese woman"
(Norman, 1892: 27).
In Europe there was a great interest in exotic cultures. There was a sudden
boom in Japanesery in Europe in the mid 19th century. This boom started with
prints and objects d'art. Impressions of Japan were much influenced by art
items like wood block prints, painted screens, textiles and porcelain, which
came into European shops and showrooms. By the end of 19th century it had
spread to many areas of life, as the following example term of the comedy
Francillo by Dumas in 1887 shows:

"Henri: Annette, may I ask you the recipe of the salad we had this evening? It would
appear that it was your own mixture.
Annette: The Japanese salad?
Henri: It's Japanese?
Annette: That's what I call it.
Henri: Why?
Annette: So it has a name: everything is Japanese nowadays" (Cited in Wilkinson,
1982: 36).

4.3 "Things Japanese" - a Guidebook to Japan

The English scholar Sir Basil Hall Chamberlain wrote a guidebook on Japan
titled Things Japanese. He was “leading Western student of the Japanese
language in the nineteenth century and commentator on the country"
(Wilkinson, 1990: 102). He arrived in Japan in 1873, in the middle of the big
upheaval then under away.
Chamberlain's guidebook was published in 1890 and is still in print. The
latest edition of the book is from the 1970s and remains one of the most famous
and quoted books on Japan. Staller says in his book, All-Japan: the Catalogue of
Everything Japanese (1984: 12) that Things Japanese is outdated but it is still
eminently readable. Wilkinson describes Chamberlain's book as "an amusing
introductorion".
44

Chamberlain himself describes his book: "the shape of dictionary, not of

words, but things or shall we rather say a guidebook, less to places that to
subjects - not an encyclopedia mind you, not the vain attempt by one man to
treat exhaustively of all things, but only sketches of many things" (Chamberlain,
1890: 2). This book was written because "we are perpetually being asked
questions about Japan...The book was made for "the use of travelers and others"
(Chamberlain, 1890: 2). In the introduction Chamberlain warned the Western
world about the fast development of Japan and its power in the fields of
commerce and military powers. This was something that the West found
difficult to believe. One of the book’s merits is that it is a combination of the
work of different authors. Chamberlain has indicated the names of reliable
works at the end of each article and also a list of recommended books
concerning the topic of each chapter. Things Japanese consists of a vast number
of topics from the abacus to zoology. Chamberlain paid a lot of attention to
such topics as art, women, the Japanese people, language etc.
The chapter on the Japanese people (227-235) is divided into two parts:
physical character and mental character. The first starts with a definition of the
Japanese man. “Compared with people of European race, the average Japanese
has a long body and short legs, a large skull with a tendency to prognathism, a
flat nose, coarse hair, scanty eye-lashes, puffy eyelids, a sallow complexion, and
a low stature. The average stature of Japanese men is about the same as the
average stature of European women". Chamberlain also pointed out that "The
Japanese have less highly strung nerves than we Europeans. Hence they endure
pain more calmly, and meet death with comparative indifference". Like so
many other authors Chamberlain also found Japanese women very charming
and even devoted a whole chapter to them.
The part on mental character starts with a very interesting point of
view:..."an eight week's residence was the precise time qualifying an intelligent
man to write about Japan. A briefer period was sure to produce superficiality,
while a longer period induced a wrong mental focus". This sentence could be an
excellent starting point for a whole analysis concerning the images built of the
Japanese during the last 500 years. In this chapter Chamberlain mostly quoted
the opinions of the well-known writers and "experts” on Japan, including St.
Francis Xavier, Sir Edvin Arnold, Sir Rutherford Alcock, Engelbert Kaempfer,
Will Adams, Lafcadio Hearn and Pierre Loti. Most of the authors described
Japan as a topsy-turvy land with paradoxical contrasts. Chamberlain had
collected both negative and positive opinions about the Japanese. Of course
most authors had very positive opinions of Japan. Chamberlain was able to sum
up these opinions and find three principal ones on the credit side, which were
kindliness, cleanliness, a refined artistic taste, and three on the debit side:
vanity, unbusinesslike habits, and an incapacity to appreciate abstract ideas.
 45

4.4 Towards a Negative Image

Chamberlain wrote (1890): "Old Japan was dead and gone...The Japanese boast
that they have done in thirty years what took Europe half as many centuries to
accomplish. The educated Japanese want to be somebody else than and
something else than what they have been and still partly are".
However, most Western people wanted to see Japan as an unspoiled
Lotusland and ignored this fast development. Hearn wrote in 1894 (see Kings
1984: 23): "The traveler who enters suddenly into a period of social change -
especially change from a feudal past to a democratic present- is likely to regret
the decay of things beautiful and the ugliness of things new. What of both I may
yet discover in Japan I know not, but today, in these exotic streets, the old and
the new mingle so well that one seems to set off the other".
Although the standard Western image of Japan was a favourable one the
frivolous image of Japan was abruptly challenged by the Japanese victory over
China in 1895. It was the first sign to the West that Japan was more than just a
toy-town country. The real turning point was the Japanese victory in the Russo-
Japanese war of 1904-1905. The Western world was poorly prepared for the
rapid development of Japan and thus this victory came to the Western world as
a shock. Japan had proved to the world that the Meiji reform was working and
it was on an equal footing with the major Western powers. However this
Asiatic country could not be treated with the equal terms in the Western world
(see e.g Wilkinson, 1982; Littlewood, 1995 etc.).
The Japanese were seen as inhuman and the fear of the “yellow peril” was
awoken. The idea of the “Yellow peril“ suggested that the fear from Japan was
primary an inhuman one; something mystical and superhuman (Littlewood,
1995: 27-28). 3
Western merchants were not building very positive pictures of the
Japanese at the end of the 19th century. They were frustrated with Japanese
business practices, complaining that the Japanese were dishonest partners and
they did not have any idea of the value of time. They wasted a lot of time shilly-
shallying, concentrating too much on inessential things and ceremonies
(Chamberlain, 1890; Wilkinson; 1990).
The two worlds of Japan seem to become an important idea. There was the
admired world of the Japanese woman and then less admired world of the
Japanese man. The men were seen more often as cruel and as ridiculous
imitators of the West. "We see many a man wearing a Prussian cap and French
shoes, with a coat of the British navy and the trousers of the American army - a
mosaic of different Western countries plaited on a Japanese basis"(Wilkinson,
1982: 51). Such imitations of Western culture were seen as very amusing by
Western observers (Comte-Helm, 1991; Fält; 1992).
For travelers Japan offered exotic beauty and exotic manners (Maclean,
1967; Ponting, 1911). It remained a toy-town country with temples and cherry-
2 Yellow peril was a drawing sent by Kaiser Wilhelm to Tsar Nicholas II in 1895
warning about the Japanese and their subhuman abilities.
46

blossoms (Littlewood, 1997). "The sudden rise of the Japanese nation from an
insignificant position to a foremost rank in the comity of nations has startled the
world" (Kikuchi, 1915: 7).
First, perhaps the fear of the yellow peril was more a military one, but it
quickly became a fear of Japanese economic power. It was said that the real
danger from the East lay in economic competition. During the First World War
Japan was able to increase its exports and gain real economic benefit from the
war in Asia. During the worldwide recession in 1929-1930 Japan continued to
expand its markets and increase its exports. Denunciation of Japan reached a
peak in the Western press during these years as Japan alone of the industrial
powers continued to expand its markets and to increase its export. Then, Japan
was blamed for unfair competition, dumping, manipulation of the yen
exchange rate, and so on (see e.g. Smith, 1995; Littlewood, 1996; Wilkinson,
1990). "Made in Japan" meant "cheap and unreliable" (Wilkinson, 1990: 129-130).
The popular image of Japan was known as "Japan Incorporated", which
lived on long after the Second World War. This picture described Japan as a
monolithic corporation where the mass of its workers, ordinary citizens,
followed the orders of the top Japanese government and business leaders, who
worked closely together. All this happened behind a facade of democratic
institutions and a powerless parliament (Wilkinson, 1990, 1982; Reischauer,
1985; Varley, 1974; Littlewood, 1997).
The 1930s were a very strong period of nationalism in Japan, which meant
negative attitudes towards Western culture, and taking full advantage of the
myth of Asian racial and cultural affinity. The Japanese themselves tried to
prove that they had the important role of liberating Asian countries from
European rulers. These myths of "Asian" similarities opened the way for
present Japanese colonialism (Merviö, 1995: 69; 1993: 90-91). Military aggression
and economic policy were allied in 1930s to attain the fulfillment of Japan’s
ambition to create in East Asia a so-called “Co-Prosperity Sphere”. (Allen, 1981:
19).
It was no longer only the Western literature but also the growing mass
media that was building the image of Japan and the Japanese. In the Western
media Japan was not only seen as an economic monster, but as a country of
fanatical and inhuman "Orientals". This image was first created in the Western
press and in war films after the Japanese bombing of Shanghai in 1932.
However, most people in the Western world wanted to retain the image of a
charming, unspoiled and exotic Japan (Wilkinson, 1990; Comte-Helm, 1996;
Varley, 1974 etc.). Shepherd sums this up in his book, The Land and Life of Japan
(1937) as follows: "At the same time Japan was strongly admired and bitterly
criticized".
Japan continued to be a land to visit. "Pilgrims, sightseers, traders and
agents of every kind fill the trains and motor-buses and crowd the numerous
hotels". Among travelers Japan was known for its Mount Fuji, gardens, temples,
rice fields and so on (Shepherd, 1937; Leiviskä, 1933). De Garis wrote in 1934
about Japanese customs and manners, giving "tips" to travelers focusing on
their polite and formal etiquette, which was "a sign of modesty and self-
 47

deprecation”. The Japanese are polite and hospitable because they are humble
enough to be little themselves" (De Garis, 1934: 94-95).
Nobody seriously believed that these still charming Japanese in their
Lotusland would attack the European and American colonies in Asia. However
the Western world received a great shock at the beginning of the 1940s when
the Japanese army successfully marched into its colonies.

4.5 The Enemy

When the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbour and descended on the European
colonies bringing all European territories in the Far East under their control, the
aesthetic image of Japan was very temporarily replaced. In fact the image of the
Japanese during the war had a strong and long lasting influence in the Anglo-
Saxon world (see e.g. Merviö, 1995; Wilkinson, 1990; Littlewood, 1995; Comte-
Helm, 1991). A good example can be found in popular culture such as movies
like the latest one, Pearl Harbour (spring 2001), which keep alive the wartime
image of the Japanese.
Pearl Harbour became a reference point for Japanese untrustworthiness
for years. The surprise attack showed to the Western world that behind the
Japanese surface, smiles, bows and politeness there was hidden a fanatical
patriotism, which issued in the dreadful fighters, samurais who acted
regardless of their own lives (for example ”kamikaze” the suicide fliers). The
description of the Japanese as subhuman became very strong during the war
(see e.g. Littlewood, 1995; Wilkinson, 1990 etc.).
The Japanese crimes against humanity during the war, especially, became
familiar and was maintained for long after the war, particularly through the
popular culture, as in books and movies like The Bridge on the River Kwai, the
Camp on Blood Island and Objective Burma etc. According to Littlewood (1995:
172) in the 1950s the most widely read books in Britain were books, which dealt
with the experience of male combatants in the Second World War. Among the
nineteen most read titles there were four which directly concerned with Japan
and dealt with the experience of prisoners of the war (The Bridge on the River
Kwai, The Naked Island, The Knights of Bushido and the Camp on the Blood Island).
The image of the cruel, inhuman, sneaky Japanese soldier who did not respect
human life has had strong influence in the Western world. For example the
mass media, particularly in the USA, England, Australia and the Netherlands
keep alive an idea of Japanese society based on wartime attitudes and images
(Merviö, 1995: 89).
48

4.6 Japanese Trade Soldiers

The Second World War brought a complete change. Japan was a country in
ruins and it was occupied for the first time in its history. The new Constitution
of Japan was framed under the control of the United States and was based on
the three principles of pacifism, sovereignty of the people and respect for basic
human rights. In the post-war era Japan's foreign policy was strongly
influenced by the United States, on the basis of the United States-Japan Security
Treaty. In the formation of Japan's diplomacy, Japan's expanding foreign trade
has played an influential role (Korhonen, 1990; Koskiaho, 1995; Kodansha
International, 1994).
After the Second World War the Japanese had to start from nothing. The
Japanese people had a common goal: Japan was to become one of the world's
leading economic powers. The economic recovery of Japan after the war was
amazing. "Yet in spite of small size, many people, lack of natural resources, the
crushing defeat of the Second World War and the loss of empire and markets
Japan is again one of the world’s major industrial powers" (Hall, 1963: 8).
A good example of this rapid and surprising development is that in the
USA in the beginning of the 1950s the Japanese were seen as unable to enter the
Western market with their "disqualified products". However, only a few years
later the USA and the EC suggested to the Japanese that they make "a voluntary
export restraint agreement" (Wilkinson, 1990: 169).
The results of growth were evident in the 1960s when Japan's gross
national product rose to second place within the market economy countries.
Japan's world trade was growing at twice the rate of that of Europe and the
USA. Once again this rapid development and change, the Japanese economic
miracle, came as a great surprise to the Western world (see e.g. Lorriman &
Takahashi, 1994; Wilkinson, 1990). The Japanese soldier had become a trade
warrior. Once again behind his Western surface there was the samurai.
The image of Japan Inc. became popular again. Japan was seen as a
country of "economic animals". Japan Inc. included a population grimly
working with low salaries and without vacations; a single-minded and centrally
directed concentration on export industries at the expense of housing and other
social overheads. Fast industrialization turned Japan into a polluted monster
(Comte-Helm, 1996; Wilkinson, 1990; 1982). The Japanese were once again seen
as machines. They were working like ants and living in small boxes. To the
Western world this was something inhuman again (Littlewood, 1997).
In the 19th century Madam Chrysanthemum symbolized the exotic picture
of Japan. In the mid 20th century this was supplemented by the picture of a
fanatically warlike, cruel and untrustworthy nation. Soon the Second World
War was replaced by a trade war (Comte-Helm, 1996; Wilkinson, 1990;
Littlewood, 1997). Like it was said in Nixon’s cabinet: “The Japanese are still
fighting the war, only now instead of a shooting war it is an economic war”
(Wilkinson, 1990: 136). Japanese were seen as untrustworthy people. Behind
 49

their friendly Western appearance there was a real Japanese warrior a ninja or
samurai.
Wilkinson (1990: 138) has listed in his book The Upside-Down Land some
titles of books which were published between 1969-1971 warning about the
Japanese industrial and commercial threat: The Japanese Challenge, Japan: the
Planned Aggression, The Japanese Threat, The Japanese Industrial Challenge, Japan:
Monster or Model, The Japanese Miracle and Peril, Stop the Japanese Now.
Behind the cruel image of the “trade warriors” there were the images of
the Japanese during the war. As mentioned earlier popular culture encouraged
this image. The image of trade warriors was also encouraged by movies like
You only Live Twice (Bond film), The Rising Sun and Black Rain. It seems that the
most 20th century Western people have been warned about trusting these
sneaky Japanese.
Alongside the warnings about Japanese business soldiers, several articles
focusing on the opportunity to learn from Japanese success, the economic
miracle, including housing, health care, transport and crime prevention were
also published (see e.g. Wilkinson, 1982, Vogel, 1979).

4.7 Fuji and Shinkansen – Traditions in a Modern Society

"I can not say that I went to Japan with an open mind and a forgive and forget
attitude about the crimes of the war" (Simpson, 1952: 4). In 1952 the Japan
Travel Bureau published a pocket guide in which it was said that Japan has
never in its history changed more fundamentally than since the end of the
Second World War.
After the war Japan was ruined and poor. During the war the image of the
Japanese was of a brutal, cruel, even inhuman, people. The Japanese spirit had
shown loyalty to the nation and especially to the emperor (Embree, 1945;
Moeran, 1986; Benedict, 1946). Soon this was replaced by the image of the trade
soldier, and the Japanese spirit was seen as a little bit different.
In 1955 “The official guide of Japan” introduced Japan to foreigners: “As a
tourist land Japan is unique: each season and even each month has its special
attractions. Japan is a land of flowers and has probably supplied more
flowering shrubs and trees to the gardens of the world than any other country”
(JTB, 1955: 14). In this guide Japan is described as a country with flowers and
beautiful nature and old cultural traditions. It is a unique well-organized and
modern country whose economy is still essentially weak (JTB, 1955). In the
picture that was built outside Japan in the 1950s and 1960s beauty was also
back: a picture of Mt Fuji, a geisha playing a koto, temples and cherry trees. The
message of the pictures and the texts was that the new post-war Japan, which
readers of Holiday Magazine, are invited to reappraise, is really the old Japan
(Littlewood, 1999: 72).
In the 1960s Japan's economic growth was fast and her international
relations with the outside world were based on economic issues. During the
50

period 1952-1964 the door was open to international communication and

exchange, but still to a very limited extent. Japan was achieving her goal to be at
the top of the world economy. Alongside this development it was also
important to rebuild her image to the outside world (Hirano, 1988: 157).
In 1964 Japan hosted the Olympics in Tokyo, which also meant the
liberalization of overseas travel and the inauguration of jumbo jet flights. The
Japanese travel abroad increased rapidly (Hirano, 1988: 157). The bullet train,
Shinkansen, came into its service at the time of the Olympics and became one of
the most well known symbols of Japanese technological development (see
chapter 5.1 and appendix 3).
The Japanese tourist authorities like the Japan Travel Bureau created an
image of Japan using traditional symbols like Fuji together with new symbols
representing fast technological development, such as Shinkansen or the Jumbo-
Jet. The image of Japan was a harmonious combination of unique Japanese
culture and traditions with a modernized society and high technology. Japan
was shown as an unusual, exotic, fascinating, and enigmatic country (JTB, 1963;
1975; Hibino, 1966). The Japanese were encouraging visitors to regard Japan as
a perplexing country: "our culture forms a hopeless jumble of ancient and
modern" (Maraini, 1971: 7). "Although the Japanese people are generally
conservative, they have avidly imported new things from abroad. Those which
have turned out to be acceptable are assimilated and then developed in a new
form” (Hibino, 1966: 11).
This image of a different country and different culture was promoted by
both the Japanese and Western authors. "It must not be forgotten that Japan is
an isolated archipelago, that the Japanese speak a difficult language, that their
written language is extraordinarily complex, that they are separated from their
nearest neighbors by a formidable barrier of different customs and mental
habits..."(Grousset, 1959: 62). Furthermore, "As Japan is so strikingly different
from other countries in the world in many aspects of culture, visitors to these
shores are often puzzled about many things. They wonder what such and such
a thing is, and how it is used...." (JTB, 1963: 3).
The guidebooks written by the Western authors and published in the West
soon started to use this rebuilt image of an exotic country with unique
traditions and advanced technology. The typical picture was of a Japanese lady
in a colorful kimono, Mount Fuji and Shinkansen, beautiful temples and the
busy streets of Tokyo. Foreign visitors were again attracted by the contrast
theme. "Contrasts are everywhere, the modern and traditional walk side by
side" (Buck, 1966: 14).
There was also criticism of this "official picture". For example Rebinschung
wrote in 1972 (he wanted avoid all the photographs described earlier and give a
real picture): "Some of the Japanese are rich, but many of them are very poor.
Sometimes they are surrounded by beauty, but often there is squalor. There is
still unique art, but there is also a raucous commercialism". He saw Tokyo as
one of the ugliest cities in the world” (Rebischung, 1972: 11, 30). Matsuhara in
his Essays on Life and Nature in Japan wrote: "The beauty of nature in Japan as it
seems to many of us here, is becoming less and less as years go by all because of
 51

the on-rush of modern industrialization, which means building factories and

concrete buildings, high-ways...." (Matsuhara, 1964: 1). Japanese were seen as
people, who loved harmony, were extraordinarily clean, honest and kind and
who assumed responsibility. "Love of education is probably their most
outstanding characteristic" (Van Zandt, 1971: 60-62).

4.8 Nihonjinron – Discussions on the Japanese

Particularly the economic growth of Japan gave birth to a vivid debate on the
essential characteristics of Japan and the Japanese culture, society and people.
Various names for theories about Japan and the Japanese exist: Nihonron,
'theory of Japan', Nihonjinron, 'theory of the Japanese' and Nihon bunkaron,
'theory of the Japanese culture' (Tsukaguchi-Le Grand, 1991: 143). Merviö (1991:
166) has defined Nihonjinron as a debate about the Japanese people. In general
sense Dale (1986/Introduction) says that Nihonjinron can be defined as "works
of cultural nationalism concerned with the ostensible uniqueness of Japan in
any aspect and which are hostile to both individual experience and the notion
of international socio-historical diversity". He continues (1986: 14), “The
Nihonjinron or discussions of Japanese identity, constitute the commercialised
expression of modern Japanese nationalism”.
Discussion has mainly focused on uniqueness as the Japanese national
character. This uniqueness has been explained by reference to biology, such as
that the Japanese have a different type of brain, to geography. The Japanese
have been seen as totally different from all other people in the world. The most
frequently used keywords have been groupism, collectivism and harmony. The
discussion on uniqueness arises out of the sense of Japanese ethnic superiority -
consciously or unconsciously - which is confirmed by myths and beliefs often
based on great mythologies about the origin of Japan and the Japanese (Merviö,
1991; Tsukaguchi-Le Grand, 1991; Koskiaho, 1995; Tiililä, 1991; Befu, 1993).
Befu (1993: 19) has listed as the "all time run-away best sellers" among the
post-war Nihonjinron books:

* The Chrysanthemum and the Sword by Ruth Benedict (1946). Translated into
Japanese in 1948.
* Nihonjin to yudayjin by Isaiah BenDasan (1970)
* Amae no kozo by Doi Takeo (1971)
* Tate shakai no ningen kankei by Nakane Chie (1967)
* No to ieru nihon by Morita Akio and Ishihara Shintaro (1989)

The American books on Japan and the Japanese were written more for popular
consumption until the onset of World War II when United States military
commanders needed reliable information about Japanese behavior and
communication culture. One of the most famous studies of the time was Ruth
Benedict's The Chrysanthemum and the Sword. This research is still very well
known and cited. The main aim of the study was to give "reliable" information
to policy-makers and administrations on how to deal with the Japanese. In the
52

study she focused in particular on child-rearing practices, values, proper

behavior, and hierarchical organization in Japan (Gudykunst & Antonio, 1993;
Benedict, 1946). It was an anthropological study like most of the studies at that
time (Gudykunst & San Antonio, 1993:20-21). Benedict’s work could be seen as
the beginning of the Nihonjinron literature in the Western world (Tiililä, 1991:
36-38). Most of the Nihonjinron literature, written in English by non-Japanese
authors, focused on the Japanese character (Tiililä, 1991: 35-36).
During and after the Second World War Japanese society was seen as a
cultural totality with paradoxical people. Because of the war, the atmosphere
and attitudes toward the Japanese were rather negative. In the 1950s and 1960s
the focus was on Japanese rapid modernization and conflict between the
traditional and the modern. Research on kinship and the family, working life
and descent systems appeared. There was a great interest in models like the:
"group model" and "consensus model" (Tiililä, 1991: 36; Gudykunst & Antonio,
1993: 21).
In the mid 1970s the boom in the Japanese miracle literature in Europe and
the USA started. This literature presented the Japanese economy and its success
prospects to Western audiences as something unexpected and respected. The
boom concentrated on single-factor explanations of the secret of Japan's
commercial and industrial success. Everybody wanted to learn from Japan's
example. In the field of business management especially there was a great
number of books, which took it as their task to point out how the Japanese
miracle had been achieved and how it could be applied to the Western business
world. Common to these books was a tendency to concentrate on differences,
notably in social values and social structures, between Japanese society and "the
West" (Merviö, 1995; Tiililä, 1991; Lillrank, 1992; Reischauer, 1985 etc.). From
1946 to 1978 about 700 titles were published on the theme of Japanese identity.
The peak period was from 1976 to 1978 when 25% of the titles were issued.
These publications consist of work of scholarship, occasional essay, newspaper
article, paperback bestsellers for “general readers” almost anything which
attempts to define the unique things of the Japanese (see e.g. Dale, 1986;
Merviö, 1995). Dale (1986) argues very strongly that the translations and the
Western books we read do not give the same picture of Japan as that
experienced by Japanese individuals: "Rather we encounter Japan as the society
and its people tend to be interpreted by conscious nationalists working in an
intellectual framework out of the touch with both reality and the most
elementary principles of logic and method".
II THE JAPANESE MIRACLE
5 THE GREAT COMBINATION

“Travelers to Japan are often surprised both by the wealth of traditional culture
and by the variety of modern cultural forms, and for many it is difficult to sum
up: is Japan basically traditional or modern?” (Neustupny, 1993: 20). Japan is
refined to its mythical elements, purged of modern Japanese and of all the other
unwelcome realities of the present day - modern buildings, modern cars,
modern clothes, modern technologies etc. (Littlewood, 1996). Japan was seen as
the most “Western” country in the Far East. However, behind the Western
surface has also been seen Japan’s conception of itself, unchanged and
established by centuries of tradition. "Japan is a whole unknown continent. It is
strange mingling of old and new, a blend of tradition with modern economic
reality, a culture so remote from our own in the West that we have immense
difficulty understanding it" (Random, 1987: 11).
The main decision to rebuild the image of Japan after the war was made in
Japan in the 1960s. Since then the official picture has been based on icons
representing a technological advanced country and traditional culture with
scenic beauty (see e.g. Hibino, 1966; Wilkinson, 1990; Littlewood, 1996). The
most popular image was created by combining these: the bullet train (modern)
speeding past Mount Fuji (tradition/beauty). A meeting of two icons is
representing modernity and tradition, the new Japan and the old, a perfect
aesthetic image of Japan.
The icons representing traditional Japan such as the geisha, temples,
shrines and cherry trees create timeless images of Japan. The historical chapter
already examined the popularity of these icons and this chapter will continue
this process. According to Befu (1993: 38), symbols of Japaneseness are: Mt. Fuji,
the geisha and cherry tree blossom, which symbolize tradition, and such
symbols as the bullet train, semi conductor and Walkman, which symbolize
modern Japan. In line with several guidebooks for tourists, (Berlitz, 1989;
Baedeker, 1983; Fodor, 1989; Kodansha International, 1987 etc.) to this study
picture, one could like to add Japanese gardens, shrines and temples as
traditional symbols and skyscrapers and neon lights as icons of today. Looking
through several posters and brochures of Japan the first icons one finds are the
geisha, a shrine, Mount Fuji, a traditional garden and Ginza with neon lighting.
56

Nearly everybody has an image of Japan as the country of origin of the

home electronics as well as the car he/she is driving. A slightly more negative
image of the same thing is: "Japan which has gone to war in the market place
and won world power through its cars, cassettes and all-round electronic
wizardry" (Finbeiner-Zellmann, 1994: 123).
In this study 15 of the guidebooks and tourist brochures published by the
Japan Tourist Bureau (JTB), the Japan National Travel Organization (JNTO)
travel guidebooks published by Berliz, Baedekker, Fodors and Kodansha will
be analyzed to find out how the traditional icons 1) Geisha, 2) Mount Fuji, 3)
Temples, 4) Shrines and 5) Cherry Blossom and modern icons 1) Shinkansen, 2)
Skycrapers and 3) Electronics & Neon lighting are presented in texts and
pictures. The first example focuses on brochures published by the Japan
National Travel Organization (JNTO) and the Japan Travel Bureau (JTB). These
are available, for example, at Embassies, in travel agencies and hotels in Japan.
These brochures introduce sightseeing in Tokyo and tours to Kyoto & Nara,
Hakone & Mt Fuji and Nikko. These are the places, which tourists or people in
business are usually recommended to visit in addition to Tokyo to get a better
idea of Japan. The following tables will show what kind of things the traveler
can see and experience in these places.
Kyoto and Nara stand for historical and traditional Japan; the timeless
images of Japan like temples, shrines, cherry trees, the tea-ceremony etc.
Shinkansen, bullet train represents modern Japan. Travelers not only see things
but experience them as part of them (tea ceremony, ikebana etc.).
TABLE 5.1 Kyoto and Nara

Pictures : Some texts:

Nijo Castle, Golden Pavilion, Imperial Palace, Heian Imperial Palace: ”The ancient
Shrine with Cherry Tree, Sanjusengendo Hall with statue Imperial Palace clearly shows
of Buddha, Kiyomizu Temple, Deer Park, Todaiji Temple the Japanese taste for purity,
and its Great Buddha, Kauga Shrine, Tea-ceremony, Zen- simplicity and calmness“.
style Tempura Supper, Bunraku and Kyomai at Gion
corner, traditional handicrafts Golden Pavilion: “The most
authentic and exquisite
Japanese style garden in the
world, plus the celebrated
See appendix 3 GoldPavilion”.
Kasuga Shrine: ”The most
famous and beautiful Shinto
shrine in Nara, it features
some 3,000 antique ”.
Tea Ceremony: ”Enjoy tea
ceremony or cha-no-yu, one of
Japan’s celebrated traditional
arts at Japanese inn, Yoshiima
Ryokan”.
Zen-style tempura supper:
”Feast on delicious,
internationally famous
tempura in Zen-style at a
Japanese inn”.
(Japan Travel Bureau, 1994.
Sunrise Tours: Kyoto & Nara)
 57

At Gion garden travelers can take part in tea-ceremony, ikebana (flower

arranging), listen to koto music, and see gagaku (court music dance), kyogen
(ancient comic play), kyomai (Kyoto-style Japanese dance) and bunraku (puppet
drama.) On Maiko lane travelers can meet beautiful young ”maiko” or
”geisha” girls.
Hakone, Mt Fuji and Nikko best present the beautiful nature of Japan.
They represent a peaceful and calm atmosphere with old traditional temples,
shrines, Buddha etc.

TABLE 5.2 Kamakura & Hakone, Hakone & Fuji and Nikko

Pictures: Some texts:

Kamakura & Hakone: Great Buddha, Great Buddha: ”Great Buddha about 750-year-old,
Lake Ashi, Hot Spring, Hakone 38 foot tall, 500-ton bronze statue, towers in the
Barries, Bath, Bullet Train, Mountains open air in Kamakura’s Kotokuin Temple. Look
well at its facial expression, which depicts perfect
Hakone & Fuji: Mt Komatage, Mt repose and passionless calm”.
Fuji, Hot Spring Bath, Lake Hakone,
Shrine, Peace Pagoda and Golden Hakone Barrier: ”Hakone Barrier was set up in
Buddha, Bullet Train 1619 by the Tokugawa Shogunate for defense of
Edo, now Tokyo. All travelers had to present their
Nikko: Five Story Pagoda of Toshogu passports to the samurai guards”.
Shrine, Yomeimon Gate of Toshogu Bullet train: ”…traveling by a world-famous
Shrine, Keogn Waterfall & Lake ”Bullet” train”.
Chuzenji, Festivals, Sacred Dance, (Japan Travel Bureau, 1993. Sunrise Tours:
Kanaya Hotel, Mountains Kamakura & Hakone)
Mt Fuji: ”Mt Fuji is Japan’s highest and most
beautiful mountain and every year attracts more
See appendix 3 than 300 000 travelers from all over the world”.
(Japan Travel Bureau, 1994. Sunrise Tours: Hakone
& Mount Fuji)
Toshogu Shrine: ”The mausoleum of the first
Tokugawa Shogun, is a glorious complex of
colorful structures featuring the superb
craftsmanship of Japan'’ finest 17th century
artisans”.
Kegon Waterfall: ”Towering some 100 meters,
Kegon Waterfall makes such a long descent that
the wind converts the water into a lace-like
tapestry of sheer beauty”.
Sacred dance: ”A pair of Miko Shinto Girls,
wearing traditional white and red costumes,
preform the sacred Kagura dance with swords at
Futarasan Shrine”.
Kanaya hotel: ”Relaxing atmosphere and excellent
French cuisine at one of the first Western-style
hotels in Japan”.
(Japan Travel Bureau, 1988. Sunrise Tours: Nikko)

The pictures of Tokyo represent traditional icons such as temples, shrines,

gardens and icons of modern Japan like the streets of Ginza with neon lighting
and shops, the New-Car Pavilion, Shinkansen etc. Traveler can also be a part of
the unique Japanese culture at a Geisha Party wearing a traditional costume.
During a Sukiyaki dinner the traveler will learn about the traditional customs.
Tokyo is also introduced as a combination of Japanese and Western culture.
One example of this is Tokyo’s nightlife, which offers Western-style
amusement, including the Crystal Room Revue.
58

TABLE 5.3 Tokyo

Pictures: Some texts:

Meiji Shrine, Imperial East Garden, Imperial Imperial East Garden: ”Enjoy a pleasant
Palace, Asakusa Temple, Double Bridge, walk through the East Garden of the
Gardens, National Diet Building, Tokyo Imperial Palace as a place of historic
Tower, Nakamise Shopping St (traditional), interest and scenic beauty”.
New-Car Pavilion, Pearl Gallery, Shinjuku Headquarters of Japan’s feudalism, home
skyline, Cherry Blossom in Ueno, Ginza of Shogun, especially opened since 1968
streets, Sushi restaurant, Kushiage lunch, by permission of the Emperor”.
Shinkansen, Sanja Festival, Sumo Asakusa Kannon Temple: ”Walk down
the gay, bright-lit Nakamise shopping
Geisha Party, Kabuki Theater, Sukiyaki street leading to Japan’s finest Buddhist
Dinner, Crystal Room Revue Temple. The important cultural property,
landmark of the entire downtown
Tokyo”.
Meiji Shrine: ”The finest example of
Japanese shrine architecture nestled in
See appendix 3 peaceful picturesque precincts”.
Ginza Shopping District: ”World famous,
most representative shopping district of
Japan”.
(Gray Line, 1989. Tokyo Tours)
Sumo: ”Professional Sumo is highly
specialized sport, with a history of
centuries”.
(Japan National Tourist Organization,
1985. Tokyo)
Kushiage Lunch: Enjoy Kushiage lunch in
a traditional Japanese atmosphere.
Kushiage is deep-fried morsels of meat,
fish and vegetables coated with very fine
breadcrumbs on skewers. Accompanied
by soybean soup, salad, light pickled
vegetables, rice and dessert”.
(Gray Line, 1989. Tokyo Tours)

5.1 Icons of Modern and Traditional Japan

5.1.1 A High Tech Country

The Japanese economic miracle has created an image of a high tech country.
Icons of the modern Japan are the bullet train, neon lighting, electronics etc.
The following table (5.4) describe the modern icons of Japan: shinkansen,
skyscrapers, electronics and neon lighting (see also appendix 3). It would also
be possible to construct a table showing the “modern” Japanese arts such as
karaoke, pachinko or comics. Karaoke was mentioned frequently, while
pachinko and comics were less known in the 1980s and 1990s and not popular
topics in guidebooks.
 59

TABLE 5.4 Modern Symbols of Japan

SHINKANSEN
Japanese trains are described as the world's most famous and fastest trains. "Thanks to
their punctuality, speed, cleanliness and comfort the Japanese railways are the most
used form of public transport…" (Baedeker, 1983). Shinkansen is very often pictured
with Mt. Fuji or with cherry blossom. “…a world-famous “Bullet” train” (JTB, 1986).

SKYSCRAPERS
The Tokyo townscape is dominated by series of modern high-rise blocks. These
skyscrapers or tall buildings are usually pictured together with old traditional
buildings - in great harmony.

ELECTRONICS AND NEON LIGHTING

Can also be seen together in the sections dealing with shopping: "This is greatest sound
and light show on Earth. That is Akihabara which is a merchandise mart for anything
and everything that runs on electricity" (Fodor 1989). Neon lighting has also been used
to describe the busy nightlife in big cities like Tokyo and Osaka.

The combination of traditional and modern symbols is presented in appendix 3.

As already discussed in section 4.7, the most popular image combines of
traditional and modern Japan. One of the pictures most often used shows two
popular symbols together: Mount Fuji and Shinkansen.
The icons introduced here, both old and modern, can be found in all of the
guidebooks analyzed in this study. These icons are usually placed on the front
page or back page or they are the biggest pictures in these books, and thus can
not be ignored by the reader.

5.1.2 Traditional Japan

One of the most frequently used and most well known icons is that of the
geisha. The geisha is as typical an icon of Japan as (Littlewood, 1996: 109) the
pyramids are of Egypt or Eiffel Tower of France (Littlewood, 1996: 109).
Embree wrote about the geisha in 1945 (1975: 125): "The geisha or dancing
girls of Japan are women who have been trained in playing the samisen,
singing, and clever repartee. To be a geisha, a girl must undergo an
apprenticeship-training period and then pass an examination, after which the
police license her. A geisha is not required to sleep with her patrons but as a
rule becomes the more or less faithful mistress of some man, often a rich
patron".
The geisha has often been seen as a model of the Japanese woman. This
image was created long ago and has had a great influence since the end of the
19th century in the literature. In addition are symbols like the kimono, white
faces with very strong make-up, beautifully made black hair, traditional shoes
and so on. However these things do not make a woman a geisha. The concept
of the geisha is more one of a professional institution, which has existed for
over 400 years. “Geisha are female professional entertainers whose knowledge
of traditional arts, skill at verbal repartee, and ability to keep a secret win them
the respect, and sometime love, of their well-heeled and often influential male
clients"(EyeWitness Travel Guide, 2000: 157). Kyoto has been famous for its
beautiful geishas and maikos who will become geishas after training. The
profession of geisha, which has existed since the 17th century is declining. In
60

the 1920s there were about 80 000 geishas in Japan. In the 1980s the number of
geishas was 17000 and in 1999 in Kyoto there were only 250 geishas and maikos
(Vesterinen, 2000: 9).
Three different types of Japanese women can be found in the material
analyzed in this study: 1) the geisha, 2) a woman in traditional costume
(kimono), and 3) a woman in the “service sector” in her official uniform. The
geisha represents this exotic, unique traditional culture, which has its “hidden”
secrets. The woman in the colorful kimono is a traditional woman who takes
care of her husband and family. Modern woman is a working woman, still
generally in the service sector. She is a pretty, polite and smiling woman in the
official uniform in a department store, hotel, restaurant or sightseeing bus.
Table 5.5 presents the traditional icons of Japan such as the geisha, Mount
Fuji, cherry blossom, temples, shrines and Japanese festivals. These tables give
just a few examples of how these icons have been described in guidebooks.
These texts together with pictures (appendix 3) are the raw material for creating
images of Japan and the Japanese.

TABLE 5.5 Traditional Symbols of Japan I

ICONS Berliz Baedeker Fodors Kondasha

Geisha "The word Contrary to an "Geisha still "The hostess-
Geisha means opinion widely entertain, albeit entertainers
"talented held in Europe, at prices out of known as geishas
person" in the Japanese reach for most of 2 art-persons"
Kyoto... geishas are us". have excited so
She has highly skilled much curiosity
sophisticated entertainers…" for so long
talents of a abroad that many
singer, dancer, foreigners
actress and probably know
musician…" more about them
than most
Japanese".
Fuji "While most of "The finest and "The highest "The Mount Fuji is
the civilized best known mountain with the highest, the
world's national Japanese graceful most beautiful
symbols are volcano". shapes… a part and most
man-made… of natural beauty sacred of all
Japan's Mt. Fuji of Japan". the Japan's
is a phenomenon mountains".
of nature".
Cherry Recommended "The best season "One of the "Cherry Blossoms,
Blossoms season to visit to visit Japan… best seasons to Japan's other
Japan is the during the visit Japan…" symbol". The best
Cherry Blossoms cherry season to visit
months-March blossoms". Japan is during
and April. the sakura.
"Picnickers come
out to enjoy the
cherry blossoms
in parks".
(continues)
 61

TABLE 5.5 (continues)

Temples "The Golden "Kamakura is "Gardens and "Kyoto has an

and Pavilion a busy tourist Temples in amazing number
Shrines luxurious center…with Kyoto attract of temples some
hideaway from many shrines tourists from all 1500. Many of
worldly cares". and temples and over the most charming
features of World". temples are
interest". located around the
city's edges…"

Festivals "In a country “Festival and "The Japanese

with such a seasonal events calendar is spotted
highly developed are very with so many
sense of ritual, important to the festivals full
festivals are a Japanese…" of resonance
whole way of and seasonal
life". cheer …"

Table (5.6) and appendix 3 describe the best known, Japanese traditions,
concerning the arts or at least those most mentioned in the guidebooks: the tea-
ceremony, ikebana, kabuki and sumo. In addition to these some guidebooks
contain long lists of the elements of traditional culture from the Japanese fan to
kendo and from bunraku to bushido etc., including everything in which
something different from the Western culture can be seen. These icons are also
often seen together with the modern icons of Japan. “…together with a passion
for the new and trendy is an equal passion for the old and traditional. When the
color TV set is on, the program is quite likely a sumo match, a sport whose
history goes back to 23 BC, Gagaku, a court entertainment with masked dancers
brilliantly dressed in brocades and accompanied by flutes, drums, and the
reedy sho, is performed juts the way it was thousand years ago” (Namioka,
1979: ix).
62

TABLE 5.6 Traditional Symbols of Japan II

Tea Ceremony "True spirit of the tea-ceremony has been

The traditional way of preparing and described by such terms as calmness,
serving tea, macha. rusticity, gracefulness, and the aestheticism
of austere simplicity and refined poverty"
(The International Society for Educational
Information ISEI).
"The final stage of the tea-ceremony is less
formal than the main part …the guests then
take their leave with a bow. They must not
omit to express their thanks to the tea-
master and host on the following day, either
by letter or in person" (Baedeker, 1983: 57).
Ikebana "…the genius of Japanese civilization"
Traditional Japanese art, "flower (Kodansha International, 1987: 147).
arranging".
“The art of flower arrangement as an
expression of aesthetic sensibility is deeply
rooted in cultural life of Japan” (Baedeker,
1983: 54).

Kabuki "Everything in Kabuki is on a huge scale.

Theater The stage, wide and low, is equipped with
traps, revolves and has every mechanical
trick known to pantomime, carried off with
a dozen times more panache and
conviction" (Kodansha International,
1987:148).
"A combination of acting, dancing and
music, also confined to male performers,
Kabuki achieves great variety and dynamic
force and accordingly now appeals to a
wider public than the classically formal No
theater" (Beadeker, 1983:68).
"Kabuki is filled with fantastic color,
movement, action, high drama and low
comedy: The actors are folk heroes…"
Living National Treasures" (Berliz
1992/1993:194).
Sumo "Sumo wrestling is Japan's national sport.
Wrestling The origins of sumo date back over
thousands years…"
"In sumo as in most Japanese arts, form and
ceremony play a major role in creating the
proper atmosphere" (Kodansha
International, 1987: 136).
“This ancient, highly ritualized sport goes
back to 15 centuries and more to Shinto
religious ceremonies, when contests were
held at the harvest festival” (Berliz,
1992/1993:189).
 63

5.2 Meeting with the “Real Japan”?

As the examples in tables 5.1. - 5.3. show, during their “ready-made” tours
travelers are able to see the best part of exotic, different and unique Japan. They
can see the elements of the culture that have been represented and described in
the guidebooks and brochures. Travelers can be a part of this culture, attending
a tea-ceremony, geisha party etc. These pictures and experiences encourage the
images, which perhaps have been created by reading these guidebooks.
Guidebooks for travelers give tips on where to go to get a “real picture” of
Japan and the Japanese. They also recommend Westerners learn patterns of the
Japanese communication culture so that they can get more out of their trip.
“The traditional life-style and attitudes unique to Japan gave birth to many
customs and manners that are also uniquely Japanese. Without some
knowledge of these distinctive features, the traveler interested in understanding
and enjoying Japan is seriously handicapped” (De Mente, 1985: 5).
In addition to visits in temples, gardens, and shrines etc. travelers can
have a “real” experience of Japanese way of life by visiting a Japanese home. It
is very rare that one is invited to Japanese home, but visits to Japanese homes
are arranged by the Japanese Travel Bureau. This special homevisit system
offers the opportunity to visit a Japanese family at home, usually after dinner.
Four or five guests are invited at a time. English is spoken by most of the host
families. One of the most important tips concerning homes is that which also
concerns Japanese-style restaurants: remove your shoes before entering!
Another excellent way to experience Japan is the Japanese-style restaurant.
Japanese cuisine in particular has its own strong place in guidebooks. It is one
of the "exotic topics" of the guidebooks. “The ultimate and most enjoyable
adventure into mysteries of Japanese life may well be the food” (Berliz,
1992/1993: 206). Eating in Japan has described as markedly different from
eating in the Western countries. All the customs, like seating arrangements,
tableware, and much of the etiquette surrounding social eating is also described
to differ from that of other Asian countries. "Leaving the rarefied atmosphere of
teahouses and temples behind, an entire realm of more down to earth
gastronomic pleasures waits to be explored" (Durston, 1989: 63). The dishes best
known to foreigners are sukiyaki, sushi and tempura (see e.g. Fodor, 1989;
Baedeker, 1983; Berliz, 1993).
But, the most important things about Japanese dishes are, beside manners,
the following: unity of taste, appearance, table setting and atmosphere. All
these aspects involve simplicity and beauty (Baedeker, 1983; Fodor, 1989, Berliz,
1989). One important tip is also how to use hashi (chopsticks).
Most of the guidebooks give some guidelines on how to communicate
with the Japanese. These tips include a short list of the most important words
and sentences in Japanese. There is a lot of similarities with the tips for business
communication. These topics include: the language of politeness, how to greet a
Japanese, how to use names, how to behave in a Japanese-style restaurant, how
64

to visit the Japanese onsen (hot bath) and how to bathe in a Japanese-style bath
etc.
Various guidebooks (see e.g. Baedeker, 1983; Berliz, 1993; Jussila, 1992; Dodd
& Richmond, 1999) state very clearly that Japan has a culture which values self-
restraint, consideration for others, humility and formality. Thus there are several
things that travelers should consider:

* Bowing - the Japanese prefer bowing instead of shaking hands. Bowing is an expression of respect
and gratitude.
* Family names are used in Japan, not first names
* The Japanese use a lot of expressions of modesty and praise
* Gift-giving is one of the most important aspects of etiquette.
* Good to remember:
Don't use a finger to point at somebody
Don't express affection in public
Don't move too close
Don't insist on eye contact
Don't slap on shoulders or back
Don't blow your nose in front of others
Don't speak too loudly and aggressively
Especially traveller will find classic manners in hotels, restaurants and shops!

The following pictures summarise the content of this chapter they show the
combination of traditional and modern Japan. This is most commonly used
representation of Japan.

PICTURE 1 "Shinkansen and Mount Fuji" - The Great Combination (JTB, 1986)
 65

2 3

4 5

PICTURE 2 Himeji Castle with Cherry Blossom - Symbols of Traditional Japan (JTB,
1986)
PICTURE 3 Itsukushima Shrine - Symbols of Traditional Japan (JTB, 1986)
PICTURE 4 Neon lighting - Symbols of Modern Japan (Berliz, 1989)
PICTURE 5 Shinkansen and Mount Fuji - The Great Combination (JTB, 1986)
PICTURE 6 Skycrapers and Cherry Blossom - The Great Combination (JTB, 1986)
6 ECONOMIC GIANT

Towards the end of the 19th Century rapid economic and industrial
development took place in Japan. Japan the Lotusland was transformed into a
world-class military power and industrialized country. The progress was rapid,
as Chamberlain wrote in 1890: “Japanese boast that they have done in twenty
years what it took Europe half as many centuries to accomplish”. It seemed as if
the transformation had been hidden from the Western world or perhaps it was
that the Western world did not want to see their exotic Lotusland spoiled.
The second time Japan surprised the world with its rapid transformation
was after the Second World War. It made a miraculous recovery from the
devastation of the war. Already in the 1960s results of growth were evident:
Japan was in second place among the market economy countries. During the
growth in Japan’s GNP between 1960-1969 averaged 12.1% per year. The years
between 1960 and 1973 Japan enjoyed unprecedently high and sustained rates
of economic growth.
In 1962 the first articles on the scale of Japan’s economic success and the
whole range of economic policy making in Japan was revealed to the Western
world by the Economist (Smith, 1995: 106-107; Wilkinson, 1990: 142). Since then
there were massive efforts to explain why and how the Japanese were able to
achieve this extraordinary economic success in such a short period of time. The
“Japanese Miracle” was born. Studies and reports were published followed by
bestsellers on the secrets of the Japanese economic miracle. Explanations offered
all the way from unique culture, Confucian values, different social and
organizational structures; particular economic advantages to astute neo-
mercantilist planning. The Japanese themselves explain their success more
simply: hard work and saving, which also became one of the popular
explanations in Western world (see e.g. McMillan, 1989; Wilkison, 1990; Smith,
1995 etc.).
Like the rest of the industrialized world Japan too suffered from the oil
crisis in 1973. However it continued its growth and in 1980 Japan overtook the
USA as a leading producer of automobiles. By the 1990 Japan was second
largest economy in the world. Japan was a superpower not in military and
political terms, but certainly economically: Japan had the highest per capita
 67

GNP of any OECD of the countries, the five largest banks in the world were
Japanese, the world’s three largest security houses were Japanese, the Tokyo
Stock Exchange had grown into one of the major international markets, no
nation was even owed so much abroad, Japan produced more iron, steel and
cars than the USA etc. (see e.g. Smith, 1995; Wilkinson 1992).
Japanese enormous economic stature stimulated great outside interest.
The Japanese miracle was criticized and admired at the same time. In the
Western world there was great interest in learning what was behind this success
and finding a defence against the Japanese trade soldiers. Thus Japanese
economic growth did not lead only to positive attitudes toward the system.
Complaints about the Japanese as unfair trade partners remained. Trade friction
with the USA and EU caused serious problems. In particular the American mass
media and movie industry (movies like Rising Sun, Black Rain) encouraged a
picture of the Japanese as unfair and brutal businessmen who have come to buy
up the whole of the USA. Behind this was Japan's challenge to American’s
economic hegemony. Japan had become a major challenge to America's
economic position in the world. In the 1980s Japanese direct investments in the
USA continued to grow very fast, including holdings in the American "national
heritage" movie business. Japan has also been the biggest foreign holder of
American government bonds (Hook 1993: 120-121,129).
By the early 1980s the “art of Japanese management” had become a
worldwide vogue. The unique style of Japanese management was seen as the
great secret behind Japan’s economic success. The boom in the Japanese miracle
began to focus more or less on the Japanese company and its unique
management system. A human orientation seemed to be more important for the
Western observers than technological issues. The Japanese themselves seemed
to focus more on technological issues, hard work and good planning than on
complicated concepts of management (see e.g. McMillan, 1989).

6.1 The Miracle Makers – the “Kaisha” and Its “Sarariiman”

Next sections will concentrate on the boom in the Japanese miracle literature.
The sections examine the images of the Japanese miracle makers: the Japanese
company and the man of the company. The last section focuses on the
communication style of the Japanese business world, which became a popular
topic alongside the books on management. The material analyzed in these
sections was written by both the Western and Japanese authors.
The rapid economic and industrial development of Japan was attributed to
the big Japanese companies and their efficient management. During the years
shortly after the Second World War families and companies played important
roles as sustainers of wealth (see e.g. Suvanto, 1993). During the boom of the
Japanese miracle literature the Western world was interested in Japanese
working life, Japanese company culture and the Japanese style of management.
68

It was generally agreed that Japan's economic miracle was mostly based on the
unique Japanese style of management (see e.g. Fukuda, 1988).
The Western world wanted to learn what made the Japanese work so
hard? What made the Japanese so loyal and why did they sacrifice so much for
their companies? Behind these questions was a great desire to learn the secrets
of Japanese success (Suvanto, 1990; Hendry, 1987; Kunio, 1994 etc.).
In particular in the 1980s many books, including several best sellers,
articles in business magazines and academic studies were published on
Japanese working life, mostly focusing on a few big Japanese companies and
thus giving a very narrow picture of the situation. Numerous studies have been
carried out to determine the transferability of the Japanese style of management
to the West (Suvanto, 1993; Merviö, 1995, Fukuda, 1988). "The structure of
Japanese business has one interesting feature which distinguishes it from its
Western counterparts, namely the greater use of subcontracting to small
specialist firms, whose entire production is absorbed by the large firm. The
large firm then looks after part of the manufacture and assembly, marketing
and development of the finished product" (Morton, 1995: 75).
A Japanese business is typically characterized by the strong cohesion of its
company groups (see e.g. Okumura, 1988). The most well known concepts
relating to the company groups are zaibatsu, keiretsu and sogo-shosa, which
are explained in virtually all the books on the Japanese business management.
According to Clark (1988: 70-71) there are three main types of industrial groups:

1 Pre-war Zaibatsu
2 Bank Group
3 Industrial Families

Zaibatsus dominated numerous sectors of the Japanese economy until their

dissolution under the Allied occupation after the Second World War. The
zaibatsu was a group of diversified businesses owned by a single family or an
extended family. Most of the Japanese industry and commerce was controlled
by the zaibatsus that had also very close ties with bureaucracy and the leading
political parties. The outside world has learnt about the zaibatsus since the
1920s. The picture of Japan Inc. was closely related to the zaibatsus, which grew
especially fast during the Japanese expansion during the Second World War
(Morikawa, 1993; Varley, 1974; Sato, 1998). Today's keiretsus descend from the
zaibatsus. The biggest keiretsus like Mitsubishi, Mitsui and Sumitomo have
their roots in the zaibatsus (Argy & Leslie, 1997; Miyashita & Russel, 1994 etc.).
Most Japanese companies are explained as belonging to alliances known as the
keiretsu. They are spread horizontally across large companies in different
industries (horizontal keiretsu) (Clark: 2/Bank Group) and input vertically
suppliers (vertical keiretsu)(Clark: 3/Industrial Families) (Miyashita & Russell,
1994; Lillrank, 1989; Argy & Stein, 1997 etc.). According to Van Wolfren (1989:
46), "They are the hierarchically ordered systems of subsidiaries, suppliers,
subcontractors and distributors associated with a particular major
manufacturer. Each large member of a gurupu (group) stands at the apex of a
vertical keiretsu that may encompass several hundreds of companies." As
 69

Abecasis-Phillips (1994: 44) has noted the terminology related to the Japanese
company groups can be confusing. One very often-used term is "sogo shosha"
which according to Abecasis-Phillips (ibid. P.44) is defined as a holding
company, originally zaibatsu in the pre-war period. They are seen essentially as
trading conglomerates. Most authors see the "sogo shosha" as a part of the
horizontal keiretsu.
The images of the keiretsus have varied. They have been seen as good
examples of efficiency co-operation and a solid basis for long term planning
(Suvanto, 1993; Argy & Stein, 1997). The keiretsus have also been seen as an
aspect of Japanese protectionism. Danziger (1996: 98) sums this up: “Keiretsu -
Japan calls it cultivating long-term business relationships; Japan's biggest
trading partner, America calls it an unfair trade barrier".
The Japanese business world has been criticized very strongly by the
outside world for this kind of co-operation. As it has made the Japanese market
very difficult for foreigners to enter (Lillrank,1989; Robins-Mowry, 1993;
Macmillan, 1989 etc.). This criticism has also affected the close co-operation
between Japanese big business and government. It has also been one of the
popular explanations of Japanese economic growth, the long lasting image of
Japan Inc. (Smith, 1995; McMillan, 1989; Suvanto, 1989 etc.). McMillan (1989: 63)
points out that Japan is one of the few countries to have managers in the private
and public sectors with a vision of where the country fits in the global system
and where it should go. The Japanese government and business community
have had one common goal: to create and maintain Japan's competitiveness at
international levels. Japanese economic success has made Japan and the
Japanese major actors in most parts of the world. The characteristic motive for
Japanese internationalization has been first and foremost economic. Often the
process of internationalization has been seen as separate from the changes
taking place in the Japanese society and the self-identity of the Japanese
(Merviö, 1993: 84-85).
The image of the Japanese company in the West has been built according
to the big company model (see e.g. Dore, 1973; Suvanto, 1993). However, most
Japanese companies are small and medium sized companies and there is
marked difference between big and small companies in company culture
(Suvanto, 1993; Dore, 1973; Hendry, 1987).

6.1.1 The "Kaisha" – the Japanese Company

The Japanese company has usually been described as a community of people

whose most important job is to care for its employees in all areas of life
(Suvanto, 1993: 24). The Japanese company functions like a family and offers its
members secure employment (Kato, 1992: 53). According to Mito (1984: 28) the
three most important pillars in the Japanese companies are employment, the
seniority system and care for the worker's whole life.
According to Macmillan (1983: 197), "Larger Japanese companies have
adopted the human capital approach wherein young employees are hired
through a careful screening process largely based on educational achievement,
70

wages are a function of seniority rather than individual merit, and long term
training programs provide a continuing investment in new skills and
learning...“
The most positive aspects of Japanese management seen in the West are
the following: employment, the "family" atmosphere, education and training
systems, long-sightedness, and consensus in management (Lorriman, 1985: 47;
Suvanto, 1993; Argy & Stein, 1997 etc).
The Japanese company culture has been said to encourage employees to
work effectively, to learn and to study. Education and training has been seen as
a very important part of the company culture; thus, the Japanese company has
also been defined as a learning organization (Suvanto, 1993; Otala, 1994; see
also appendix 4).
Stuart (1993: 218) proposes four major Japanese management practices
which make the Japanese organization so different from its American
counterpart: cohesive work groups, quality circles, participatory decision-
making and company-sponsored services. The Japanese system of business
management system has also popularly been explained as based on Samurai
values.
According to Lebra (1976: 31), who cites the study by Abegglen (1958) on
the Japanese employment system, the following characteristics of the system
have become clichés:

* Lifetime employment
* Promotion in wage and rank based on length of service
* Paternalistic relationship between superior and subordinate and between employer
and employee
* Extension of the rights and duties of employer and employee to their family
members
* Provision by the company of most of the employee's basic needs including
* Housing, dining rooms, medical, educational and recreational facilities and so on

Fukuda describes the Japanese style of management in his book Japanese Style
Management Transferred. The experience of East Asia. In this book he has focused
on the transferability of the Japanese style of management to East Asia, not to
the West, as so many other authors have done.

TABLE 6.1 The Japanese Style of Management

GROUP-ORIENTATION (Emphasis on Group Harmony)

The interests of a group are placed over those of an individual. The individual is
indentured, body and soul, and loyal to the group.
COMMUNITY-ORIENTATION (Total Concern for People)
The company concerns itself with the private life of its employees as well as their
performance at work.
COLLECTIVE DECISION-MAKING BY CONSENSUS
The company is willing to share a large amount of information with all employees to allow
them to join in decision-making.
(continues)
 71

TABLE 6.1 (continues)

LIFETIME EMPLOYMENT
The employees are guaranteed a job until retirement. The company does not dismiss
employees, even when they become redundant.
GROUP DUTIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES
An individual's jobs are not clearly defined, nor duties spelt out in written form; and the
responsibilities are highly diffused.
COMPREHENSIVE WELFARE PROGRAMS
The company provides all employees with total welfare programs, incorporating
recreational / medical facilities, housing, company loan, and so on.
SENIORITY-BASED PAY/PROMOTION
The length of an employee's service in the company, rather than his ability or performance,
is an important criterion in determining pay and promotion.
ON THE-JOB TRAINING
The company provides training programs that continue late into the career, to all
employees for the development of skills useful to the company.
JOB-ROTATION
The company rotates the employees to perform different jobs within the company in order
to develop the generalist rather than specialist.

In the books on the Japanese business management there has been a tendency to
compare and represent contrasts in the fields of work organization and work
attitudes between the Japanese and Western companies (see e.g. Merviö, 1995;
Drucker, 1988). A number of these comparisons have been written by both the
Western and Japanese authors. Here I have taken just a couple of examples
from both sides to give an idea what kind of issues these comparisons focus on.
Table 6.2 is quoted from Clark's book, The Japanese Company (1979: 221-222).
Clark is a well-known American author. This example typifies how the
differences between Japan and the West have been compared in the books
focusing on the Japanese management. As Clark himself says, the arguments
are very generalized and there are big differences between companies in Japan
and the West. I would also like to add that there are not only differences
between companies in one Western country but between different countries in
the West. But this is, of course, the main problem with the concept of the West.
72

TABLE 6.2 The Japanese and Western Management Practices from a Western Perspective

JAPAN THE WEST

Shareholders principally associated with Shareholders primarily interested in
companies, not primarily interested in company as financial investment.
profits and dividends.

Lifetime employment is an ideal. "No ideal of lifetime employment".

Company recruits people of particular Company recruits people with particular

age and education to fill general skills and types of experience to fill specified
vacancies. jobs.

Size of company is correlated closely with There is no close correlation between size of
employment practices. company and employment practices.

Size of company is correlated with quality Size of company is less correlated with
of work force. quality of work force.

Company is ideally a community. Less emphasis is paid to community idea.

There is no major distinction between Frequently a sharp distinction between

managers and workers. managers and workers.

There are standard ranks and strong Management positions are not standard.
emphasis on hierarchy. They are related to particular functions, less
emphatically hierarchical.

Age and length of service are explicitly Age and length of service are only
recognized as promotion criteria. marginally relevant to promotion.

Authority and responsibility are Authority and responsibility are ostensibly

ostensibly diffuse. specific.

Attachment to company is correlated Attachment to company is weaker,

with age and sex. associated with skill as well as sex and age.

Enterprise unions. Trade unions.

Managerial authority is limited in Managerial authority is practice by labor

mobility. challenged ideologically and practically by
trade unions.
 73

Table 6.3 compares Japanese and American management practices and is taken
from Stuart (1993: 218-219).
TABLE 6.3 The Japanese and American Management Practices

JAPAN NORTH AMERICA

Employment Lifetime, career -oriented Short term, market –oriented

Management Harmony and consensus Openness and accountability

values
Management Perfectionism in long term in Action oriented, short-term horizons
Style delay short term

Work Values Collective responsibility Individual responsibility

Control Process Not formalized and implicit Formalized and explicit

Learning Internal consultants and External consultants company

Systems company training and universities

The content of table 6.4 is based on an interview with and material obtained
from Inuka (1989). He is a Japanese Professor at the International University of
Japan in Niigata. It does not differ very much from Clark's table and I could
argue that similar tables with very slight differences could be formed from most
of the studies and books focusing on Japanese working life and the Japanese
style of management during the great boom.

TABLE 6.4 The Japanese and Western Management Practices from the Japanese
Perspective

JAPAN WEST

Shareholders are strongly associated with Shareholders are interested in the company
the company. only as an investment.

The system works based on the principle Principle of an open labor market.
of a closed labor market.
Lifelong employment is the ideal. Lifelong employment is not popular; most
work relationships are short.

Salary is based on the seniority system Mobilization is often a condition for a raise
and promotion. in salary.

Career development creates multitalented The goal is to create specialists.

geniuses.
The company is first of all a community. The personnel are alienated from the
company.
(continues)
74

TABLE 6.4 (continues)

Hierarchy is based on groups. Hierarchy is based on individuals

and fixed positions in the
organization.

A great distinction is not made between There is a clear distinction between

management and workers, but co-operation is management and workers.
based on equality.

Decision-making is from bottom to top. Decision-making is from top to

bottom.

Communication within groups and between Everyone holds on his own ideas.
groups is very efficient.

The company pays training expenses. The employee pays training

expenses.

Trade unions are based on the companies. Trade unions are based on
professional fields.

"I'm a worker at Sony" "I'm an engineer"

6.1.2 "Sarariiman" - the Man of the Company

In the Western literature the sarariiman has become the model of the company
employee, but can also be an employee of different organizations.
On the basis of the books and studies of the Japanese business
management and working life a common view of the Japanese company
employee, the sarariiman (salaryman) has also been created. "The diligence and
loyalty of the Japanese worker became almost legendary" (Tames, 1985: 13).
"The Sarariiman has such predictable concerns and habits that it has become
common in Japanese to speak of the "Sarariiman culture" (Van Wolfren, 1989:
159).
The sarariiman lives in a small apartment with his wife (housewife) and 1.7
children (at the end of the 1990s 1.4 children):

* He is up at 6 or 7 am and commutes at least one hour to get to work. He travels by

underground like the other million sarariimen.
* He has a great sense of loyalty to his company and he is also expected to show this
loyalty actively. Thus he works like the Samurai, putting his job before his family.
* He works late hours without leaving the office before his superiors (sitting in the
same open office). After work he has dinner and drinks with his colleagues. Office
politics demand that he is one of the guys; a member of the group. He is seldom
home before 11.00 p.m.
* He works 6 days a week and even spends his free time with his colleagues playing
golf.
* He has an annual two-week holiday but spends only part of it.
* At some point in his career he may be transferred to another city temporarily for
one or three years. This usually means separation from his family.
 75

(Lorriman, 1985; Hendry, 1987; Suvanto, 1989; Clark, 1990; Tsukaguchi - Le Grand,
1991; Koskiaho, 1995; Yokokura, 1991/CD-Rom etc.)

"We can almost say that sarariimen actually reside at their working place. In the
evenings they go home to pay a visit, and in the mornings they hurry back to
the working place, their real home"(Tsukaguchi-Le Grand, 1991: 149). The
sarariiman's company (large-size) has been described as a family to him taking
care of his whole life for him.
He has a lifelong contract with the company. He was joined the company after
graduation from a good university (whose entrance examination had been his life’s
goal before the career in the company) and has put on the "salaryman uniform"
and learned the "company philosophy". The president of the company promised
his parents that he would take care of his physical, emotional and moral
development and provide him with a decent job. (Van Wolferen, 1989; Suvanto,
1993; Lorriman, 1985; Filipczak, 1992).

* He works in teams and learns many important things about quality control
circles and about small-group activities. He is intensively and constantly involved
in meetings, work discussions, groups.
* His status and salary is based on the seniority system.
* His career development is based on the seniority system, rotation system and the
company's effective education and training systems. He takes part in "lifelong
learning".
* He is part of the decision-making system, "ringi" which means that everybody
will be heard and decisions based on consensus.
* He can trust his life on his company's long-term planning and its good relations
with government and networks with other companies.
(See e.g. Suvanto, 1993; Argy & Stein, 1997)

The Japan Travel Bureau book titled A Look into Japan (1984: 119) gives a very
specific picture of this sarariiman "who has brought about Japan's stunning
economic growth". There is picture of a man wearing a dark suit and carrying a
little briefcase. Beside the picture is the following text:
"Salaryman's Survival Kit":
*Meishi (visiting card)
*Hanko (personal seal)
*Electronic Calculator
*Bank and credit cards
*Handy pocket book
*Cassette recorder with English tape

According to other JTB book (1986), the negative aspects of being a sarariiman
according to age are as follows:

50-year-olds "The Burnout Syndrome"

It is an illness seen in the middle-aged salarymen who, having devoted
themselves entirely to their work, supported Japan's growing economy.
Upon reaching the Kacho level, they immediately burn out.
40-year-olds "The Workalcoholics"
Without so much as a glance back at their families, they live for their work
only. The company is the battlefield for them, for which they will use any
means available to achieve their goals.
30-year-olds “The In-between Years"
Born during the babyboom years, they are now caught in the middle
between the older established generation and the young. Their student
76

years were spent as radicals, though they now are concerned with their
families, something that they are receiving heavy criticism for.
20-year-olds "The Newcomers"
They are the generation that does not know war. They are an enigma to the
older generations who have no idea how or what they think. Their values
and logic appear totally foreign.

In the Western world the sarariimen, who all look the same, are people who
have given their lives to their companies. At the outermost extreme, the
sarariimen in perpetual overdrive has succumbed to karoshi (suicide) or death
from overwork (Watanabe, 1998; Koskiaho, 1995; Danziger, 1993).
Then the French Prime Minister, Mme Cresson, described the Japanese
sarariimen in 1991 as follows: “They work like ants, live in tiny flats, spend two
hours to get to work…they don't have any social security, holidays…”
(Littlewood, 1997, Comte-Helm, 1996). Images of this kind are related to the
trade imbalance between Japan and the EC or to that between Japan and the
USA and to the Japanese investment, especially on production lines in Europe
and in the USA.
According to Joseph (1993), the Sararymen are the “corporate warriors”
who for fifty weeks a year, maybe more, fulfil their duties as guardians of the
Japanese economic miracle“ (Joseph, 1993: 10). In many images created in the
popular culture they have been described as trade warriors who are ready to do
anything for their country. Western people have been warned about trusting
them too much with the reminder that “we are at war with them” (Film Rising
Sun, 1999). Behind their mask of friendliness and western appearance (black
suit) there is a real Japanese Samurai. “Scratch a Japanese and you will find a
samurai – or what he thinks is a samurai”(Fleming, 1964: 58). "At the end of a
busy day the Japanese businessman goes home and exchanges his suit for a
kimono…to do business you must understand these faces of traditions behind
the surface. Only what you cannot see is Japanese" (Random, 1987: 11).

6.2 Communicating with the Japanese Business World

It was not only a desire to learn from the Japanese management or to do

business with the Japanese, but to learn how to succeed in the Japanese market
which had become the second largest in the world and as known as of the most
difficult for outsiders to enter.
The image of a difficult market was not only based on the Japanese
government’s policy of protecting its own market, but also on a difficult
business culture, particularly regarding communication. Most of the problems
seem to be cultural rather than commercial. According the guidebooks analyzed
in this chapter, communication with the Japanese seems always to be a problem
and is the reason for the friction between the West and Japan. However, these
books offer to give guidelines for solving this problem. "Everybody knows that
the Japanese way of doing business is very different from the Western approach
 77

and anyone looking to do business in Japan is well advised to proceed with

caution" (Abecasis-Phillips, 1994/Backsheet).
These books can be divided into at least two categories: those that seek to
explain the basis of the Japanese communication culture more deeply and then
those that just give tips and hints with very ”narrow” explanations. These
books have a tendency to end up with a list of the core values of the Japanese
culture and list of ”do’s and don’ts”.
Alston (1992: 9) argues that without an awareness and understanding of
the general principles of the Japanese company culture, Westerners dealing
with the Japanese businessmen will fail; they will not be able to succeed unless
they understand why and how the Japanese act as they do. "The key to success
is to respect and follow the Japanese business and social style"(Abecasis-
Phillips, 1994/Backsheet). These are very typical approaches recommended in
the business guidebooks.
According to these guidebooks (Abecasis-Phillips, 1994; Alston, 1992;
Durston, 1989; March, 1996; Jenkins & Jenkins, 1993; Kato&Kato 1992 etc.), the
main problematic factor in the communication seems to be Japanese
indirectness. It is said to be very confusing for Western people that things are
not said as they are. This also involves the concept of face. It has usually been
explained that the Japanese lose face if they criticize other members of the
group or express negative ideas. ”Japanese business is 99 percent tatemae. You
cannot say what you really think” (March, 1996: 26). Tatamae means public
language, which is used to maintain good human relationships, harmony and
good will. The Western businessman should be aware of the level of formality
that informs the majority of Japanese relationships.
According the guidebooks, Western readers are not expected to
understand the difficult and unique culture of Japan, but to adopt some
guidelines and tips such as how to bow, use meishi and give presents, and in
this way to cope with the Japanese business world. ”You are not Japanese! You
can never understand” (Ernst, 1993: 9).
In explaining the Japanese business culture and communication to
Western audiences the books tend to describe only one kind of businessman
and how he is likely to react in a given situation and how to understand his
behavior. As Jenkins & Jenkins (1993) have noted in their book “ it is useful to
be aware that there are Japanese who have little experience of foreigners and
the Japanese who have a lot of experience of foreign people and customs. The
situation is also different depending on one is meeting whether Japanese
businessmen abroad or in Japan (1993: 232).

6.2.1 The Patterns of the Japanese Business Etiquette

According to Fodor’s (Fodor's 1989: 35) guide book, the Japanese appreciate the
observance of their unique business practices. These are:
* Business cards are mandatory in Japan.
* The concept of being fashionably late does not exist in Japan.
* Most Japanese are not accustomed to using first names.
78

* Don't be frustrated if decisions are not made instantly.

* The separation of business and private lives remains sacrosanct in Japan.
* Usually entertaining is done over dinner, followed by an evening on the town.
* A special note to women travelling on business in Japan: many Japanese
businessmen do not yet know how to interact with Western businesswomen.

The following list of hints and guidelines for Western businessmen is based on
the contents of books written by Abecasis-Phillips, 1994; Alston, 1992; Durston,
1989; Kato & Kato, 1992; Morsbach, 1984; Tan, 1994; Vardaman, 1995.) The tips
represent the most common areas of concern. The most frequent used tips
include the rituals that will take place during the first business meetings. These
are such topics as how you are introduced (bowing, meishi, go-between
etc.)."Knowledge of Japanese business etiquette is an essential part of your
preparation for a first meeting" (Kato, 1992: 61). Typical first tips are: the
Japanese have a very strict protocol and you should be more polite here than at
home!

BOW
The Japanese are described as people who prefer to bow and are not familiar
with touching people. Bows are explained to have various meanings, which are
difficult for foreigners to learn. If shaking hands with the Japanese (which is
quite common these days), remember to use a light grip and an accompanying
nod. "The traditional Japanese gesture, upon meeting and taking leave, is the
bow. It entails a bending of the body from the waist, with the hands either left
at the sides or drawn to the knees, and the feet kept together. The deeper the
bow, the greater the respect" (Tan, 1994: 12).

MEISHI
The guidebooks pay particular attention to visiting cards. When introduced, the
Japanese will first exchange visiting cards. When you give your card use both
hands and remember to nod. The visiting card should state the most important
things: your company and your position in it, also in the Japanese language. It
seems to be difficult for foreigners to understand how many visiting cards you
will exchange during a business visit (see appendix 5). "Following the official
end of Japan's feudal system in 1868, name cards soon replaced apparel and
other visible signs of rank. Because of the importance of rank, name cards have
continued to play vital role in the country's formalized business world. It is
often said, with a substantial amount of truth, that in Japan if you do not have a
name card, you don't exist" (De Mente, 1994: 100).

GO-BETWEEN
Because everything in Japan is based on social networks, according to the
guidebooks it is better to have a go-between, a third person to make the first
contact and do the introducing. Through him it is possible to find the "right
contacts" that are a necessity in business. "Introduction to a new business
contact is important to you, it should ideally be made by a respected and
trustworthy go-between who knows both parties" (Morsbach, 1984: 19).
 79

GIFTS
Japanese custom of exchanging gifts has told to be a significant part of Japanese
social relations and highly ritualized custom:
* Giving the gift should be done with modesty.
* Gifts should be nicely wrapped.
* Do not give too valuable gifts and leave the receiver in a "position of owing a debt".
* Do not refuse gifts or open gifts in the presence of the giver.
* A gift must be presented and received using two hands, in the Japanese way.

TIME
There are three most important issues presented in the guidebooks concerning
time. Thus foreign people should:
* Be prepared: "The Japanese do not like to be surprised with information that they
feel should have been presented at an earlier stage" (Alston, 1992: 91).
* Be punctual: "The Japanese generally arrive a few minutes early; you must ensure
your own punctuality" (Kato, 1992: 35).
* Be patient:
1) You need time to build your network
2) The decision-making system is very slow. Everything is based on consensus.
Become impatient with the Japanese and you are lost because you are impatient with
the system. “Patience in Japan is not just a virtue, it is a necessity" (Abecasis-Phillips,
1994: 5).

DINING AND WINING

Social life is described as one of the most important aspects of the business
world: it is a way of building networks and as without them you cannot
succeed in the Japanese market. "Japanese business entertaining is done on a
lavish and regular scale, much to the surprise of many non-Japanese, mostly in
the evenings over drinks. This form of socializing is considered important, in
order to get to know clients better" (Tan, 1992: 59). Seating has an important
message: who is who (status, position, issues related to hierarchy and "insiders"
and "outsiders"). There are several manners to remember when having a
Japanese meal. First of all when entering a Japanese-style restaurant you leave
your shoes in the entrance and wear slippers, but you are not allowed to wear
slippers on the tatami. According to Fodor’s (1989: 73):
* Do not point or gesture with chopsticks.
* There is no taboo against slurping your noodle soup.
* Pick up the soup bowl and drink directly from it. You should also pick up the rice
bowl and hold it in one hand while you eat from it.
* When having drinks, don't pour your own.

"RITUALS" AND CONVERSATIONS

According to the guidebooks the Japanese communication focuses more on
non-verbal communication. Japanese verbal communication is based on indirect
communication. The key factor to understanding the rules of verbal
communication is that you cannot say what you think or how things really are
(see also appendix 5). Politeness is issue number one: "Discounting Japanese
expressions of modesty and expressions of praise by 50-70% is recommended"
(Kato, 1992: 80). To foreigners, gaijins, it seems to be difficult to understand the
Japanese way of using expressions of apology or/and gratitude (such words
80

like sumimasen and doomo arigatoo etc.) so often. It is sometimes even

embarrassing for foreigners who are not used to hearing so many polite words
(see appendix 5).
Topics like the Second World War and politics should be avoided.
Speaking about the emperor is taboo. "Speak clearly and relatively slowly"
(Morsbach, 1984: 43). Interpreters are commonly used because many Japanese
have problems speaking English.
The Japanese are very formal. The rules of conversation are very strict and
hierarchy influences everything.
* The Japanese avoid negative expressions. "No (iie) sounds harsh and is rarely used"
(Morsbach, 1984: 19).
* Silence is golden. "Good listeners are especially appreciated in Japan" (Vardaman,
1992: 31).
* "It is mistake to assume that hai (usually understood as yes) means agreement. It
indicates that the listener is following the speaker" (Vardaman, 1992: 21).

The most important rules to remember:

* Use polite language.
* Try to be more indirect.
* Do not raise your voice.
* Do not speak too loudly.
* Do not use first names.

According to Jenkins & Jenkins (1993: 241), “There are a number of crucial
differences in the way in which Japanese business people conduct meetings”.
The following example is adapted from Jenkins & Jenkins (1993: 241). They
describe the following situation as “a worst-case scenario of what can happen if
insufficient preparation is carried out”. This once again is a very simplified
explanation of what happens or can happen in a situation where people, in this
case British, are not prepared concerning the cultural differences between the
Japanese and British business communication.

TABLE 6.5 A Worst-Case Scenario

Stages of Japanese British

meetings
The Wants to approach the discussions from Is frustrated and annoyed at going
Opening a distance, if necessary covering ground over the same ground, and
already well-documented in previous sometimes feels he is being “messed
meetings. around” or not being told the truth.
The Expects the other side to remain quiet Interrupts and refutes minor points
Middle while the point is being made; expects before hearing the main story; tends
the other side to make memos and to not to take notes and often does not
ask questions at the end; labours points listen attentively enough; begins to
with didactic illustration and endless switch off, thinking, “I have heard it
examples. all before”.
The End Completes setsumei (explanation) as Ends the meeting with thinking,
part of duty, with little concern as to “They never change”.
whether the other side is still listening
or not.
 81

It may come as a relief to many foreigners that the Japanese do not expect them
to behave correctly because they are gaijins...(see appendix 5).
Next table is based on a list of attributes from a book called Ugly Americans
– Ugly Japanese (Byoung-chul & Reagan, 1994) which is “designed to give
insights into the ways in which the Japanese andAmericans can misunderstand
one another…to illustrate potential pitfalls in cross-cultural interaction”. The
book is a good example of stereotyped images based on differences between the
Japanese and American behavioural attributes. The examples represent the
views of the authors with a good deal of humour as in the series Gaijin (see
more about this book appendix 1). In table 6.6 the same categories are used
which were introduced earlier in this section (greeting/bow, meishi, dining &
wining, gift-giving etc.) This table examines communication patterns from two
perspectives, American; or the West and the Japanese.
TABLE 6.6 Ugly Americans – Ugly Japanese

The Patterns Ugly Americans from the Japanese point of Ugly Japanese from the
of Business view American point of view
Etiquette

Greeting *Shake hands too firmly *Shake hands too long or too
*Hug when greeting or parting limply
*Smile and greet perfect strangers with a Most Japanese are quite
casual “Hi” familiar with the form of the
*Wave instead of bow when they encounter Western handshake, if not
a person of higher status with its exact style.
“Just who do you think you are? Japanese
invariably bow or nod to a superior when
they happen to meet in passing”.

Meishi *When receiving “meishi”, simply put it in a

pocket without really reading it
American businessmen may cause serious
offence, or even ruin potential business
deals by not examining (if only briefly) the
proffered cards of their Japanese
counterparts. And never, ever, take out your
“meishi” from your rear pants pocket!

Gift-Giving *Give gifts so often

Gift giving is quite complex in
Japan. There are numerous
occasions as well as extensive
system of formal etiquette
involved in giving presents.

Go-between *Regard connections as more

important that ability in
choosing job candidates or
business partners.

(continues)
82

TABLE 6.6 (continues)

*Demand immediate responses/answers *Make invitations or important

Time *Aren’t patient when waiting for somebody announcements at the last minute
*Expect business negotiations to proceed *Arrive exactly on time when
quickly invited to someone’s home for
*Strictly separate work time and private dinner
time *Put on a show of being “busy”
American employees usually feel that their In the USA, the ideal to be busy and
responsibilities to the company end when productive but to appear relaxed
they have finished their clearly outlined and easygoing. But in Japan one
duties. Thus, they may take extended must appear intensively busy in
breaks, do personal work, or leave the order to show how devoted one is
office exactly at finishing time. Japanese to the company and to the work at
show “company spirit” by staying and hand.
working (or trying to look like they are *Engage in extensive small talk
working) until the boss leaves for the day. before getting down to business
Americans, feeling that “time is
money”, generally want to conduct
their business efficiently, in the
minimum amount of time.
American businessmen visiting
Japan on very tight travel schedules
may be frustrated by what appears
to be “beating around the bush”.

Dining *Eat anywhere they happen to be *Pick up rice bowls or soup bowls
and *Begin drinking as soon as their glasses and bring them to their mouths to
wining have been filled eat
*Drink directly from a bottle *Slurp loudly while eating noodles
*Serve food in portions which are much too or soup
large *Talk with their mouths full
*Lick their fingers while eating *Wave a fork, knife or chopsticks
*Talk too much while eating around while conversing during
*Crumple up a paper napkin after a meal meals
*Don’t pour drinks for anyone else *Keep refilling another person’s
Japanese consider it bad form to pour one’s glass with beer even before it is
own drink unless one is alone. Your should empty
pour for others, who will in turn pour for *Use toothpicks loudly at the table
you. Americans, who are accustomed to *Accept public drunkenness
serving themselves whenever they like, Drinking is an accepted (even
may unintentionally leave their Japanese necessary) part of business
hosts feeling uncomfortable. entertaining and most socializing as
well. At night, one often sees
staggering, drunken men making
their way home. In the USA public
drunkenness carries a rather strong
social stigma; it is also cause for
arrest and possibly jail.
7 JAPAN AT A TURNING POINT – A CHANGE OF
IMAGE?

Japan has been said to be in an identity crisis. It is said that today the Japanese
are facing changes as big as during the Meiji-restoration and the post-war era
(see e.g. Robins-Mowry, 1993). The current stagnation or like somebody would
say recession, has been lasting about seven years and it has been the worst since
the war. It has a deep impact on the Japanese society.
Japan has achieved a lot from an economic perspective, but from the
perspective of international politics, her status seems to be poor and even
difficult. Khan wrote in the 1970s: "Japan is already an economic, financial and
technological superstate but it remains an open question whether Japan will
become a superpower as well as a superstate" (Kahn & Pepper, 1979: 141). Japan
has been criticized for having a passive foreign policy, one, which has
maintained a low profile since the end of the Second World War (Kodansha
International, 1994). In other parts of the world there has been an insistence that
Japan takes a bigger share of the 21st century's foreign policy. It has been
demanded that Japan assumes greater international responsibilities, undertake
not only economic aid to the developing world, but also peacekeeping tasks
(Lee, 1994; Paljakka, 1994; Merviö, 1993, 1995). The war against terror and the
USA’s military actions towards Afghanistan has awoken the question of the
role of the Japanese. The Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi has clearly
said, that “Japan cannot engage directly in the ongoing military action in
Afghanistan, the role it can play is economical and political…” This is quite a
similar position to had taken by Japan during the Gulf War in the 1990s (The
Japan Times/online 21 October, 2001).
In the 1980s Japan exalted the goal of "internationalization" (see e.g.
Merviö, 1993: 84). It is said that there is no domestic consensus on Japan's future
international role. The Japanese agree that internationalization is an important
issue, but how to do it is another question (Lee, 1994). Lee argues (1994) that if
Japan is going to be a world player in the fields of both economics and politics,
Japan should open not only its market but also society (Lee, 1994). Japanese
themselves seem that Japan’s role in International Society should be as a
84

promoter and contributor to the maintenance of international peace and to the

solution of global-scale issues such as the global environment (Opinion survey
on Foreign Affairs, 2000).
However, the problem for today's Japan is not only the country’s position
in the international community, but also the domestic situation. Throughout the
1990s Japan has been suffering from overvalued currency, lower growth rate,
declining consumption rate and high unemployment rate (see e.g. Mandel,
Gross & Therien,1993: 42-43). Deep and long stagnation, failing big companies
and banks and political and economic scandals have led the Japanese to
demand structural changes in Japanese society (see e.g. Asahi Evening,
25.2.1998: 2; Miettinen, 1998). Since the mid 1990s there has been more negative
news from Japan: the Kobe Earth Quake, the Sarin gas attack in Tokyo, serious
accidents at the State Nuclear Power Plant near Tokyo, growing violence in
schools, and the bursting of the economic bubble which led to the big bank
collapse. When reading the news on Japan one gets the impression that the
basic feelings of security, honesty and innocence that have somehow been the
basis of everything are being undermined.
"The Japanese born after the war are eager to clean up the murky politics,
untangle the byzantine bureaucracy and deregulate the economy" (Miller &
Uchida, 1993: 28). However, it seems to be a very slow process. The basic
structure seems to remain even though the debate on change have been going
on since 1970s, with especial emphasis in the 1980s when the "quality of
Japanese life " became a very popular topic (Miller & Uchida, 1993:28; Suvanto,
1993). It is argued that the younger generation in Japan has little understanding
of traditional Japanese spirituality and has become accustomed to a more
international and materialistic lifestyle. This has also happened to middle-aged
middle-class Japanese. However, the younger generation is protesting against
the old values relating to education, work and family life. They are insisting on
having more freedom and quality in their lives compared to the existing
system. (Beedham, 1996; Yasumura, 1998). It is said that before one nation can
reorder its position on the international level, it must first change itself
domestically (Robins-Mowry; 1986, Merviö, 1995). This must be quite a
challenge for the Japanese.
There are many divergent opinions about the impending changes in Japan
(see e.g. Merviö, 1999; Lillrank, 1999). Concerning working life, it is said that
Japan's "job-for-life" culture has come to an end. Big changes in traditional
salary structures and human resource management are under way (see e.g.
Kishida; Yoshikawa, 1998; Lillrank, 1999). The whole concept of work is
changing in Japan just as much as in other parts of the world (Heinonen, 1999).
Japan has maintained its image of high tech country, an image that has
been encouraged in the field of telecommunications in which Japan has taken a
big step ahead of the Western world. Japan has done pioneering work in
mobile internet and started operating third generation mobile phone services.
In the information technology sector Japanese might surprise the world. Behind
the success of the mobile internet are the Japanese women. I-mode, one the
successful mobile internet services was created by a woman. Women have
 85

become developers, producers and content providers of the new media. They
have become of part the new economy. The Internet has become a symbolic
venue for Japanese women to break away from their ”ten clicks behind” status
and explore Web-based business models. It is unexpected to see how active and
motivated women are as “Netpreneurs“ in this male-dominated society.
Various scenarios have been presented about the direction of Japanese
society. The main feeling is that the Japanese are very confused about the their
future direction, a situation which runs constrain to the image of the Japanese
as a nation with excellent visions and long-term plans. The following scenarios
are adapted from Lillrank (1998):
MAJOR SCENARIOS FOR JAPAN
Base Case - Nothing Happens
*Political grid lock continues - fires are fought as they erupt, but no major
deregulation
*Big Bang no big deal
*Widening gaps between international and domestic economy
*Risk of financial meltdown
Reformists take over - a New Meiji Restoration
*Deregulation and political reform
*British -style change of direction
*Invigorated competitive power
"Acts of God"
*War in the Korean peninsula
*The Great Kanto Earthquake II
III CONCLUSIONS
8 THE RESULTS OF THE STUDY

We all have stereotyped images of others’ cultures, nations and people. We start
to create these as soon as we receive enough information to do so– this
information feeds our imagination. Most of our images of other cultures are
based on schoolbooks, encyclopedias, popular literature, guidebooks, fictions,
newspapers, magazines, radio and TV, especially international programs.
Together with our own experiences, feelings, knowledge, values and attitudes
we create stereotyped images. When I was a little girl I learnt from a puzzle that
Dutch girls wear a certain kind of costume, a hat with “wings”, clogs and they
have a lot of windmills & tulips in their country. I learnt more about Dutch
people at school, and later at work. I had a chance to visit their country and see
that not all Dutch people wear clogs and grow tulips. Nonetheless my image of
Dutch people and their country includes icons of clogs, windmills and tulips
which are repeated year after year.
Stereotyped images are long-lasting and durable. They are difficult to
change and can be passed on as heritage from the past. Stereotyped images of
other nations and cultures are based on simplified and generalized attributions,
which represent real life, but are not a transparent window on to real life. They
are the tools with which we manage the world around us. However, we are
warned adopting stereotyped images which are too generalized and too
simplified and create excessive expectations about what to look for, and which
can even make people “see” things before they actually do.
Particularly over the three last decades images, internationalization,
globalization and intercultural communication have been popular topics. The
process of globalization has led to a boom in intercultural literature, seminars
and courses. There has been a great demand for quick and easy packages of
intercultural skills, “survival kits”, particularly in the business world. These
“survival kits” offer their sophisticated and less-sophisticated stereotypes to
help people to behave and communicate in the right way in situations that in
fact very rarely exist in real life. Stereotypes play a crucial role in initial
interaction. Not only is our communication influenced by stereotyped images,
90

we also create them through communication. The interesting question is how

ready we are to change our images.
In addition to the business world, rapid globalization has also intensified
the debate on the image and reputation of nations, and on the origin of
products. The national image has become an increasingly crucial issue in the
wealth and success of nations. Studies of national images are particularly
appropriate when problems of international communication become urgent.
Thus the question of what stereotyped images are: harmless or even positive or
harmful has become more important.
The level of our knowledge of other countries and cultures has been
increasing. Through the internet, satellite television and other media it has been
easier to learn about other countries and cultures. The mass media plays a
crucial role in the creation of stereotyped images of other nations and cultures.
As Valentinovna (1994: 112) argues “generally mass media skillfully
manipulates with ready-made stereotypes depending on the politics of the
moment.” This globalization and the new technology are changing our image of
the whole world. In a sense the world is becoming smaller and nowadays we
talk more about “one world” and “a single world culture”. However this is not
the only truth about this development. Globalization has also awakened nations
to seek their own unique cultural, language and local differences. The
expansion of international interaction has not brought a leveling down of
national characteristics. This has been seen, for example, in Europe in the desire
of the different European countries to profile their own characteristics in a
unified Europe. It seems that positive images are wanted.
The purpose of this study was to examine what kinds of stereotyped
images have been created of Japan and the Japanese in the literature targeted at
Western audiences during the great boom in the Japanese economic miracle.
The research question focused on the raw material given in the literature for
image creation.

8.1 The Japanese Are and the Japanese Are Not

The basis of today's images can be located far back in history. When looking at
the historical images of Japan and the Japanese, one sees a nation that has been
strongly admired and hated - the two even at the same time. Most of the images
found in this study have been repeated by so many authors for such a long time
that they have become myths among Western readers.
Missionaries in the 16th century saw this nation as one of the most
admirable in the world. At the end of the 19th century, after long isolation,
Japan was once again admired in the Western world as an exotic Lotusland
with polite people and different habits. There was a great boom in
"Japonaiserie" throughout the Western world. These positive images were
strong in Western minds, despite the increasing criticism of Japanese trade
 91

policy. However this critisism was the start of the image of the Yellow Peril. The
Second World War changed the image of Japan from the exotic Lotusland
symbolized by Mme Chrysanthemum to one of a cruel, fanatically warlike and
untrustworthy nation. During the first Japan boom at the end of the 19th
century, Japan was seen as a "toyland", an exotic culture with beautiful temples
and nature. After the war Japan rebuilt its image combining traditional symbols
and symbols of the modern, fast technological development of the country. One
of the most famous images was Mount Fuji together with Shinkansen.
During the great boom in the Japanese economical miracle in the Western
world - from the mid 1970s onwards - the spotlight was increasingly on
economic questions. In the beginning of the 1970s there were less positive
pictures emerged of a hard-working people living in small apartments, working
long hours without any kind of social security and who were ready to do
anything for their country. They were trade soldiers and Japan's absolute desire
was to conquer the world. The image of the Yellow Peril was re-created again.
However, the idea that the Western world could learn something from the
Japanese economic miracle changed the dominant images once more. More and
more books were published to enable Western decision-makers and
businessmen to gain a deeper understanding of the unique and different
Japanese culture. Negative images of this Japanese and economic and political
friction between Japan and the Western world were seen as due to a lack of
knowledge and understanding of the differences between the Japanese and
Western cultures. The communication culture was especially seen as difficult.
The image of Japan based on the Second World War had a very strong impact
among the decision-makers. This study has focused particularly on the boom in
the Japanese miracle and on the popular business and travel literature
published in this period. During this boom many books on the Japanese style of
management were published. Their first task was usually to give information
and hints about the secrets of the Japanese economic miracle and about how the
best features of the Japanese style of management could be adapted to the
needs of Western companies. These books also tried to give a deeper
understanding of the Japanese culture and industrial structure with simplified
explanations. Many books tried to explain the issue with simplified core values
of the Japanese culture. It was popular to compare the Japan and Western,
particularly American, work organizations and work attitudes. In addition to
the books on the Japanese Management, a great number of books appeared on
the Japanese business etiquette and communication. The purpose of these books
was to help Western businessmen to understand the general principles of the
Japanese business culture by giving practical advice, hints and guidelines. The
problems of understanding Japan were seen as more cultural-based than
commercial.
92

On the basis of this literature the image of the Japanese sarariiman was created:
They all look the same in their dark suits
They work in big companies all their lives
They work long days in their offices and commute long hours to get their small
apartments
They are motivated to work hard and learn new things in their teams
Their company culture is based on the seniority system
Their company is a community; a big family to them and everybody feels that he is
part of the group
They are loyal to their own group
They make high quality and expensive products for export

Western businessmen find their Japanese colleagues polite, formal people with
whom it is very difficult to communicate not only because they do not speak
foreign languages, but also because their culture is so different. They have very
a strict protocol and they respect punctuality. They are harmony-seeking people
who avoid saying negative things to maintain harmony and save others' faces.
They do not say things like they are and they do not have to say everything.
They are quiet and calm people. They do not like talking to people they do not
know.

8.1.1 Great Contradictions

As early as the 16th century in missionaries’ reports the Japanese and their
customs, rites and ceremonies were seen as the “reverse” of Europe. After the
reopening of Japan in the 19th century Japan was seen a topsy-turvy land where
everything was done opposite to how it was done in the Western world. Even
such imitated everyday things like locks were used completely differently than
anywhere else. Perhaps one of the most popular lists of these contradictions
was made by Benedict (1946:2): “Japanese are, to the highest degree, both
aggressive and unaggressive, both militaristic and aesthetic, both insolent and
polite, rigid and adaptable, submissive and resentful of being pushed around,
loyal and treacherous, brave and timid, conservative and hospitable to new
ways”. In the beginning of 1970s when the Japanese miracle was under away,
Dore wrote about Japanese men in his book British Factory - Japanese Factory
(1973): “The Japanese are followers, ambitious, submissive to their superiors,
diligent, childishly naive, and very insecure and they care little what happens
outside their group.”
The most popular image of Japan used today is one of the harmonious
combinations of a unique Japanese culture and traditions with a modernized
society and high technology. These contradictory attributes represent two
opposed worlds: that of men and that of women. The women’s world consists
of all the traditional icons. Throughout the history Japanese women have been
described as kind, gentle, faithful, pretty, polite, very womanly, well-cultivated,
and educated. These images have lasted over the centuries, such as in the
drawings, and later photos, of Japanese women wearing the kimono and
playing the koto or serving tea, or just being pretty. Japanese women have
played a crucial role in the image of Japan as an exotic Lotusland, a highly
 93

aesthetic nation with beauty and politeness. Thus the women’s world
represents traditional Japanese society. The men’s world consists of modern
icons with elements from the past. Japanese men have been seen as samurais,
soldiers, trade soldiers, businessmen. Today their world represents the modern
high tech country. However behind their busy Western surfaces you can find
the calm samurais. Japanese men are polite, impolite, cruel, reliable and
unreliable, full of contradictions.
The Japanese have surprised and even shocked the outside world at
several points during their history. First, the Jesuits were surprised to find a
highly developed culture and civilization, something different from the pagan
nations discovered so far. The Japanese surprised the Western world after
reopening its borders by their fast industrial and economic development.
Militarily Japan shocked Western world by beating Russian in 1905. The next
surprise and real shock was seen when Japanese attacked Western colonialists
in South-East Asia and American troops in Pearl Harbour. After war the real
surprise was the economic miracle, which became a long-lasting image of the
Japanese.

8.2 True or False?

Are images true? The best answer might be that images can be either true or
false. Littlewood has argued that stereotyped images gain their acceptance
because there is a basic element of truth in them. Or as Fält has said, they are
pictures of reality, but no reality itself. So a more important question is: are
these images harmless or harmful?
The Japanese themselves have actively encouraged the image of Japan as
an exotic, different, unique country where old and new can be combined in
harmony. A high tech country with hard working and motivated sarariimen in
black suits on the one hand, and on the other a traditional country with polite
and beautiful women in colorful kimonos.
In this study I wanted to raise the question of the reliability of images in
relation to the people who provide the raw material for image creation. Who are
the people who give others the material and tools to create their images of
Japan and the Japanese? Although we live in the information society with
access to the World Wide Web, satellite TV and other media, we are still, as we
were centuries ago, dependent for our information on a country and its people
on the opinions of people who have been in the country. What is these people’s
relationship with real life, in this case the life of the Japanese? Chamberlain
wrote at the end of 19th century, that "an eight week's residence was the precise
time qualifying an intelligent man to write about Japan". It is difficult to agree
with this. Sonnenborn (1998: 27) has written an article on his experiences of
working in Japan and this following comment is close to my own experience: “I
met quite a number of foreigners living in Japan for many years who tried to
avoid Japanese people, not to get in touch with the Japanese culture and were
94

actually frustrated...these people can tell you a lot of stories about the Japanese
way of doing things. They make fun of it. Sometimes they write books and call
themselves experts”.
As Lippmann has argued, too many important decisions are based on
superficial knowledge and images created from this knowledge. We have been
warned against drawing too quick conclusions about people from other
cultures purely on the basis of the stereotyped images. We have been asked to
collect more information, knowledge and experiences from "real life" and "more
serious literature". But before doing this, we have usually already created these
stereotyped images. As Hirano has argued, people are now better informed
about other nations' cultures than before, but this knowledge is still quite
superficial. Thus, people who act according to their stereotypes and prejudices
with only superficial knowledge may be the cause of many cultural conflicts.
The material analyzed in this study consists of photos, which give
credence to the textual representations and descriptions. Travel books,
especially, utilise a lot of photos of interest. There are photos, which represent
authentic situations: Western tourists walking in busy streets, calm temple areas
or taking part in a tea-ceremony or geisha party etc. Do such pictures act as a
proof of real situations and thus invest these images with more reality than the
others? This is a question, which this study does not seek to answer. Similarly
there are several other questions that could be a topic for future studies. Are the
stereotyped images found in this study similar to those that we already have in
our minds about the Japanese and Japan? Are we ready to change our
stereotyped images of the Japanese and if so how?
 95

YHTEENVETO

Tämä tutkimus käsittelee imagoja, kansainvälistymistä, kulttuurien välistä

viestintää ja Japania. Erityisesti Japani nousi länsimaissa suosituksi aiheeksi
1970-luvulla, jolloin heräsi kiinnostus japanilaiseen talousihmeeseen. Todellinen
boomi aiheesta syntyi 1980- ja 1990-luvuilla, jolloin julkaistiin suuri joukko
tutkimuksia, monografioita, ja artikkeleja japanilaisesta yrityskulttuurista,
liikkeenjohtamisesta ja ylipäätään japanilaisen liikemaailman toimintatavoista.
Esilläoleva tutkimus kuuluu teoreettisesti ja metodisesti kuvatutkimuksen
alaan. Työ keskittyy selvittämään populaarikirjallisuuden, lähinnä erilaisten
opaskirjojen välittämää stereotyppistä kuvaa Japanista ja japanilaisista länsi-
maalaisille. Opaskirjallisuus työssä käsittää sekä perinteiset matkaoppaat,
esitteet että erityisesti liikemiehille suunnatut oppaat japanilaisesta liiketapa-
kulttuurista ja yritysmaailmasta laajemmassa mielessä. Näin ollen materiaalia
jakautuu kahteen osa-alueeseen: matkailu ja liikemaailma. Tutkimuksessa
analysoitava materiaali käsittää sekä tekstejä että kuvia.
Tutkimuksessa etsitään vastausta kysymykseen: ”Millaisia kuvia (image)
Japanista ja japanilaisista on luotu länsimaalaisille suunnatussa populaari-
kirjallisuudessa 1980- ja 1990- luvuilla?” Tavoitteena on löytää materiaalista
niitä kuvauksia, representaatioita, jotka toimivat rakennusaineina länsimaalais-
ten luodessa mielikuvaansa Japanista ja japanilaisista. Varsinaiset mielikuvat
luodaan hyödyntäen tätä rakennusmateriaalia sekä aikaisempaa tietoa,
kokemuksia, tunteita jne. Tämä tutkimus ei yritä kuvata mielikuvien syntyä tai
luomisprosessia; sen tavoitteena on herättää lukija kriittiseen pohdintaan siitä,
mihin hänen Japani-kuvansa perustuu ja miten hän on sen itselleen luonut?
Työn tavoitteena on myös ymmärtää syvällisemmin käsitteitä ”maan-
kuva”, ”mielikuva”, ”stereotypia”, ”representaatio”. Nämä samoin kuin käsit-
teet kulttuuri ja länsi ovat monessa mielessä problemaattisia käsitteitä jo siksi,
että niille on olemassa hyvin monta erilaista määritelmää ja käyttötapaa.
Tutkimus rakentuu kolmesta osasta. Aluksi selvitetään puitteet, taustat ja
teoriat. Tässä osassa erityisesti historiallisella Japani-kuvalla on olennainen
asema. Seuraavaksi päästään tutkimusmateriaalin esittelyyn esimerkkeineen ja
analyysiin, jota seuraavat viimeisessä osassa loppupäätelmät.
Japania on kuvattu vastakohtien maaksi, josta syntynyt kuva on tavallaan
ajaton. Japani-kuva, kuvaukset eksoottisesta, erilaisesta ja vaikeasti ymmär-
rettävästä maasta ovat säilyneet ja toistuneet vuosisatojen ajan. Tämän päivän
kuva Japanista on yhdistelmä, jossa teknologinen ja moderni yhteiskunta elää
harmoniassa vanhojen traditioiden kanssa. Modernin yhteiskunnan symboleita
ovat luotijuna, neonvalot, pilvenpiirtäjät, elektroniikka, vilkkaat kadut, jotka
täyttyvät kiireisistä, tummiin pukeutuneista japanilaisista liikemiehistä.
Vanhaa, traditionaalista yhteiskuntaa edustavat geishat tai kimonopukuiset
naiset, temppelit, kirsikankukat, Fuji-vuori, teeseremoniat ja sumopainijat. Yksi
lähdemateriaalissa käytetyimmistä uuden ja vanhan kohtaamisen kuvista on
luotijuna ohittamassa Fuji-vuorta.
96

Japania voisi myös jakaa naisten ja miesten maailmaan. Naisten maailma

edustaa traditioita. Naiset kuvataan traditionaalisten symbolien kanssa ja
japanilaisesta naisesta kerrotaan yhä samoin adjektiivein kuin 500 vuotta sitten.
Japanilainen mies taas edustaa teknologista ja modernia Japania. Hän on
tummiin pukeutunut liikemies, jonka tehtävänä on ollut valloittaa maailman
markkinat ja ylläpitää Japanin mainetta korkean teknologian maana. Länsi-
maalaisia kuitenkin varoitetaan siitä, että japanilaisen liikemiehen nykyaikaisen
ja länsimaalaisen ulkomuodon takaa voi löytyä vanhan ajan samurai. Kuva
yllätyksellisestä ja myös epäluotettavasta japanilaisesta on elänyt pitkään.
Erityisesti liikemaailmalle suunnatun kirjallisuuden tarjoaman kuva
japanilaisista miehistä on ”saraariman”: He näyttävät samanlaisilta tummissa
puvuissaan, he työskentelevät suurissa yrityksissä koko heidän elinikänsä, he
tekevät pitkiä työpäiviä ja matkustavat pitkät työmatkat ruuhkaisissa junissa,
he ovat ahkeria, motivoituneita, he työskentelevät ryhmissä ja ovat innokkaita
oppimaan uutta, heidän yrityskulttuurinsa perustuu senioriitti –järjestelmään,
heidän yrityksensä on ensisijaisesti yhteisö, suurperhe, joka huolehtii heistä, he
ovat lojaaleja ryhmälleen, he valmistavat korkealaatuisia ja kalliita tuotteita
vientiin.
Länsimaalaisille liikemiehille heidän japanilaiset kollegansa kuvataan
samoissa opaskirjoissa seuraavasti: He ovat käytökseltään hyvin muodollisia ja
ystävällisiä, heidän kanssaan on hyvin vaikea kommunikoida, ei ainoastaan
siksi, että he puhuvat huonosti vieraita kieliä, vaan siksi, että heidän kulttuu-
rinsa on niin erilainen, heillä on tiukka protokolla ja he arvostavat täsmäl-
lisyyttä, he ovat harmoniaa kunnioittavia ihmisiä, jotka pyrkivät säilyttämään
tämän harmonian välttämällä negatiivisten asioiden ilmaisemista ja kasvojen
menettämistä, he ovat ihmisiä, jotka eivät puhu liikaa eivätkä asioiden oikeilla
nimillä - kaikkea ei tarvitse sanoa, kuulijan on ymmärrettävä asioita myös
ilman sanoja, he ovat rauhallisia ja hiljaisia ihmisiä, jotka eivät mielellään
keskustele tuntemattomien kanssa.
Japania on kautta historia ihailtu ja vihattu, joskus jopa samanaikaisesti.
Japanista ja japanilaisista on kirjoitettu hyvin paljon sitten maan rajojen
uudelleen avautumisen. Varsinaisen boomin aikana parhaimpien teosten pai-
nosmäärät ylittivät uskonnollisten kirjojen, kuten esim. koraanin, painosmää-rät
ja alettiin jopa puhua omasta Nihonjinron –uskonnosta.
 97

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 107

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

Doing Business with John A S Abecasis-Phillips
the Japanese Author is German observer who lives and works in Japan and has
the first-hand experience of the culture and procedures, both social
and commercial.

Type of book Publisher

Business guidebook NTC Business Books

Place of the Edition

publication
1994 (The first edition was published in UK 1992)
USA

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction to the book)
”This is not a manual for doing business with the Japanese, but guide to understanding
what is going on behind the seemingly inscrutable face of the Japanese”. At most it can
offer hints , guidelines from simple etiquette to how find office space or set up an agency.
The book is written by an observer, not by either expert or a businessman.
The book is divided into two parts:
š Doing Business in Japan including topics like: Training for Japan-preparing for the
Unexpected, The Japanese business Scene, Trying to Enter the Market, Identifying the
Gaps, Settling Down, Foreign Companies in Japan.
š Doing Business with Japan Abroad consists of the topics: Japanese Business with the
World and Japan and the Future.
108

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

Understanding and Kato, Hiroki & Kato, Joan
Working with the Hiroki Kato is a widely recognized authority on US-Japan cross-
Japanese Business cultural communications. He is vice president for Asian
World development, Chicago Mercantile Exchange, and a former faculty
member of Northwestern University. Joan Kato is his wife who
has American and Japanese clients in her law business.

Type of book Publisher

Guide of Business & Prentice Hall, Business Information & Publishing Division
Business Etiquette

Place of the Edition

publication
1992
USA

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction to the book)

”…this book is for all corporate professionals and government officials who do business
with the Japanese – and want to succeed”.
With this guidebook ”you will be able to ….
š Understand the Japanese style of decision making, etiquette, entertainment, and
nonverbal language
š Comprehend the Japanese mindset, including patterns of thought and philosophy
š Master specific Japanese protocol, such as how to give and receive compliments,
address people by name and more.”

The first part of the book focuses on ”fundamental tenets of Japanese culture” like:
š Japan is a homogeneous island nation
š Operating on Japanese time
š Japanese ageism, sexism and racism etc
The other three parts of the book concentrate on how to make connections and verbal &
non-verbal communication. At the end of book there are several guidelines of the
Japanese language.
This book is one of the books analyzed in the 5. 2.
 109

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

Simple Dr Morsbach, Helmut. Dr Morsbach is Lecturer in Psychology at the
Etiquette in University of Glasgow and is known internationally for his specialist
Japan work on Japanese society, especially in the field of non-verbal
communication.

Type of book Publisher

A guide to Simple Books Ltd
Etiquette

Place of the Edition

publication
1991 reprinted (First published in 1984)
Kent, UK

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction to the book)
”This book gives much useful advice on how to behave in Japan, a country where courtesy
and formality still form an intrinsic part of veryday life”. This book should provide ”a
complementary and useful adjunct to other sources of reference, and that you will enjoy
reading it.”
The book consists following topics:
š General Information about Japanese customs (politness, groupism, bowing etc.)
š Business Matters
š Wining & Dining
š The Japanese Home
š Gift Giving
š Conversation & Communication
š Useful Phrases
110

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

Japanese Etiquette Today Vardaman, James M. Jr. & Vardaman, Michiko Sasaki
A Guide to Business and James M. Vardaman, Jr (born in USA) is a translator and
Social Customs professor of English at Surugadai University in Saitama
prefecture, Japan.
Michiko Vardam (born in Japan) is a teacher of English and
the wife of James.

Type of book Publisher

Guide to Business and Charles E. Tuttle Company
Social Customs

Place of the publication Edition

Tokyo 1995 third printing (first published in 1994)

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction or/and references to the book)

”The authors look at a variety of formal and informal occasions governed by subtle rules –
visiting a Japanese offcie and home, giving and returning gifts, attending weddings and
funerals and much more. The result is an informal overview of Japanese society and a
manual of practical advice on getting along in the society”.
”….handy guidebook which explains what to do and perhaps more important what not to
do, what to say, what to wear, indeed, whatever you need to observe the complex rules of
modern Japanese etiquette.”
Authors of the book have had the assumption that ”non-Japanese can, with sensitivity and
some assistance, learn the everyday forms of Japanese etiquette.”
 111

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

Japanese Etiquette, Tan, Raelene
A matter of Course Tan is, an Australian married to a Singaporean, is cofounder of The
Cosmopolitan Women’s Club (for women who are partners in cross-
cultural marriage) and she is an expert on difficulties in cross-cultural
interaction.

Type of book Publisher

Guide to Etiquette Landmark Books PTE Ltd

Place of the Edition

publication
1994 second edition (first published in 1992)
Singapore
Target of book and content
(based on the Introduction to the book)
”This book is not a guide to customs and traditions, but a guide to good food etiquette…”
The book helps to answer questions on Japanese table and social etiquette. ”The wearing
of indoor slippers, the significance of some numbers and the presentation of business cards
are important in the Japanese way and have been highlighted in this book.”
”The author delves into all aspects of Japanese etiquette: from gift-giving, seating
arrangements for formal dinners, serving sake, coping with unfamiliar food, to business
entertainment and festive occasions”.

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

Business & Finkbeiner-Zellmann, Peter
Pleasure
The Best of Peter Finkbeiner (born in Berlin) is an author-photographer-publisher of
Asia life-style magazine and travel guides. He is best known, however, as
creator of the in World Guide.
(TIME
presents)
Type of book Publisher
Travel guide Signum Publishing INC

Place of the Edition

publication
1994
USA

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction to the book)
This is guidebook that introduce the whole of Asia. ”The Best of Asia is the first up-
market guide to the entire continent, based on author’s personal travels from Karachi to
Kyoto”.
This guidebook is mostly targeted at business travellers. It gives tips on how to behave in
Asia, general information about every Asian country and most of all it is guide to find the
right hotel and restaurant.
112

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

Discover JAPAN This book is contributions by 62 different writers from Europe,
Words, Customs and USA and Japan
Concepts
(Vol. 1)

Type of book Publisher

Guide to Customs Kodansha International

Place of the Edition

publication
1987 (first edition 1982). This book was previously published as A
Tokyo Hundred Things Japanese in 1975 by Japanese Culture Institute

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction of the book)
Discover Japan consists of a great deal of Japanese words and concepts from ”Aisatsu” to
”Yohaku”. Every concept and word has its own author who explains the meaning.
For example MEISHI (a business card, a calling card) ”Possession of a meishi, the central
prop in the act of selfintroduction, is imperative for anyone in business or professional
worlds in Japan. Without meishi to present, a Japanese feels unequipped for meeting new
people”. This is followed with more detailed instructions how to exchange meishi.
 113

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

The Insider’s Guide Popham, Peter.
to Japan Peter Popham is a British author and journalist who has lived in
Japan for nine years. His works appears in newspapers and
magazines around the world.

Type of book Publisher

Travel guide Merehurst Press

Place of publication Edition

London 1987 (First published in 1985)

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction tohe book)

”Japan, much larger than most people think, has an extraordinary history, artistic and
cultural heritage, unique traditions and philosophies and has made immense technical and
industrial achievements.” Japan is a complex nation which confronts the visitor with a
vast, bewildering range of choices”.
The book consist following parts:
š The Island of Japan (geography and history)
š The Culture of Japan
š Japan: The Broad Highway (introducing Honsu and Kyushu)
š Japan: Off the Beaten Track (trips from Tokyo including Hokkaido, Shikoku and other
Islands of Japan)
š Travellers’ Tips (Accomondation, Visas, Shopping etc) and Instant Japanese
114

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

JAPAN Dr Giesen, Walter (religion, literature, music) & Prof. Dr Hassenpflug
Wolfgang (Climate) & Khan Karin (introduction and chapter from A
to Z).
All authors are German experts in their fields.

Type of book Publisher

Travel Guide Baedeker (Baedeker –AA)

Place of the Edition

publication
1983
UK

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction to book)

”It is precisely this mingling of different elements that makes the land of the rising sun
such fascinating country to visit”.
The two main parts of the book are the introducation and Japan from A-Z. The
introduction consists of topics like geography, history, climate, culture, art, economy etc.
Japan from A-Z is wide introduction to Japanese places to visit. The last part of the book
called Practical information includes many different tips from traveling to food and good
manners. Also a brief language course is included.
 115

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

JAPAN Written by the staff of Berlitz Guides

Type of book Publisher

Travel guide Berlitz Publishing Ltd

Place of the publication Edition

Switzerland Sixth Printing 1992/1993.

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction to the book)

The 265 pages are targeted to cover the highlights of Japan, grouped by area under seven
different headings.
”our selection of sights will enable you to make the most of your holiday”.

”This comprehensive guide offers you all the information you need to prepare and enjoy a
fascinating journey thourgh Japan, from the snowcapped perfection of Mt Fuji to the
sunwashed beaches of the south, from the quiet gardens and temples of Kyoto to the bustle
of downtown Tokyo”.

”The sights” is the main area (pages 58-185)

Other areas are:
š Help on planning a trip
š Where to go
š General background including Japan and the Japanese, Historical landmarks, Facts
and figures and History (pages 8-52)
š Entertainment and Activities including Eating out
š The Practical Information including
Hints and Tips
š Map Section
š Index
116

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

The Intelligent Dr Alston John P.
Businessman’s Guide Dr Alston is a professor in the department of sociology at Texas
to Japan A6M University. He has written several publications and articles
concerning the social and cultural differences betwen Japan and
the West.
Type of book Publisher
Business guide Charles E. Tuttle Company

Place of the publication Edition

Japan Fourth Printing 1992. First edition 1990.
Target of book and content
(based on the Introduction to the book)
”For Westerners dealing with the Japanese, simple differences in business practices can be
troublesome obstacles to successful negotiation”. In this book Alston descripes common
Japanese rules of social interaction and shows how foreigners who understand them can
put this knowledge to profitable use.
”This guidebook is an invaluable aid for acquiring the extra leads to business success”.
”Insider’s tips that will make dealing with the Japanese both manageable and successful”.
 117

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

Japanese Boye Lafayette De Mente
Etiquette &
Ethics in De Mente has written several guidebooks including guidebooks for
Business travellers on Japan and the Japanese.

Type of book Publisher

Guide to NTC Business Books
Business
Etiquette

Place of the Edition

publication 1995
Sixth Edition
USA

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction to the book)
”As long as key areas of Japanese behavior are based on circumstances
and etiquette rather than principles, Westerns and other outsiders must
know a great deal about the origin and essence of their situational
morality in order to deal with them responsibly and effectively”.
”…business and political behavior in Japan are direct reflection of the
traditional core culture…”.
The book consists of the following topics to explain the arguments
mentioned above.
Topics:
Tate Shakai
Living and Working in a Vertical Society
Wa
Peace and Harmony in an Up-Down World
Kaisha
The Japanese Company
Manejimento
Aspects of Japanese Company Management
Nippongo
The Magnificent Barrier
Yamato Damashii
The Spirit of Japan
118

Appendix 1

Name Author (s)

Ugly Japanese , Ugly Americans Min Byoung-chul & Nevitt Reagan

Type of book Publisher

“Guidebook” with humorous slant BCM Publishers Inc.

Place of the publication Edition

Korea 1994

Target of book and content

(based on the Introduction to the book)
“Ugly Japanese, Ugly Americans is designed to give insights into the ways in which
Americans and Japanese can misunderstand one another. We do not attempt to analyze
cultural behavior in depth, but rather to illustrate potential pitfalls in cross-cultural
interaction. The examples are necessarily subjective, representing the views of authors. In
fact, not all of the behavioral attributes may really be described as “ugly”. Some may be
strage, confusing, or merely funny – but all are certainly different”.
“Americans who live in Japan (or Japanese who live in America) will eventually learn
much of the information contained in this book on their own. Our goals is to save culture
learners time and trouble as they gradually work toward intercultural accommodation.”
 119

Appendix 2

PICTURE 7 A Geisha Dancing (Ponting, 1911)

See page 42/Japanese women.
120

Appendix 2

PICTURE 8 The Great Bell at Chio-in Temple (Ponting, 1911)

See page 42/Japanese women.
 121

Appendix 2

PICTURE 9 Kinkakuji (The Golden Pavilion) (Ponting, 1911)

See page 42/Japanese Women.
122

Appendix 2

PICTURE 10 A Japanese Lady (Maraini, 1971)

See page 42/Japanese Women.
 123

Appendix 2

PICTURE 11 The Tea Ceremony and a Young Mistress of Traditional Nagauta Singing
Accompanies Herself on the Shamisen (Popham, 1984)
See page 42/Japanese women.
PICTURE 12 A Geisha (JTB, 1990)
See page 42/Japanese women.
124

Appendix 3
Pictures of TABLE 5.1
Kyoto and Nara,
page 56.

13

14

15
16
PICTURE 13 Golden Pavilion (JTB, 1994)
PICTURE 14 Nijo Castle (JTB, 1994)
PICTURE 15 Imperial Palace (JTB, 1994)
PICTURE 16 Kasuga Shrine (JTB, 1994)
 125

Appendix 3
Pictures of TABLE 5.2
Kamakura & Hakone,
Hakone & Fuji and Nikko,
page 57.

17 18

19

20

PICTURE 17 Toshogu Shrine (JTB, 1988)

PICTURE 18 Kegon Waterfall (JTB, 1988)
PICTURE 19 Mount Fuji (JTB, 1994)
PICTURE 20 Great Buddha (JTB, 1994)
126

Appendix 3
Pictures of TABLE 5.3
Tokyo, page. 58.

21

22

23

25

24

26

PICTURE 21 Geisha Party (JNTO, 1985) 27

PICTURE 22 Sumo (JNTO, 1985)
PICTURE 23 Crystal Room Revenu (Gray Line, 1989)
PICTURE 24 Asakusa Temple (Gray Line, 1989)
PICTURE 25 Meiji Shrine (Gray Line, 1989)
PICTURE 26 Imperial East Garden (Gray Line, 1989)
PICTURE 27 New Car Pavilion (Gray Line, 1989)
 127

Appendix 3
Pictures of TABLE 5.4
Modern Symbols of
Japan page 59.

28

29

31

30

PICTURE 28 Shinkansen (JTB, 1986)

PICTURE 29 Skycrapers (JTB, 1989)
PICTURE 30 Neon lighting and Electronics/Akihabara (JTB, 1994)
PICTURE 31 Neon lighting and Electronics (Berliz, 1989)
128

Appendix 3
Pictures of TABLE 5.5
Traditional Symbols
of Japan I, page 60

32

34

33

PICTURE 32 A Geisha (Berliz, 1989)

PICTURE 33 Mount Fuji (Baederker 1983) 35
PICTURE 34 Temple (Baderker 1983)
PICTURE 35 Festival (Berliz, 1989)
 129

Appendix 3
Pictures of TABLE 5.6
Traditional Symbols
of Japan II, p. 62.

36 37

38

39

PICTURE 36 Tea Ceremony (Baedeker 1983)

PICTURE 37 Ikebana (Baedeker, 1983)
PICTURE 38 Kabuki (ISEI, 1989)
PICTURE 39 Sumo (ISEI, 1989)
130

Appendix 4

Suvanto, 1993
 131

Appendix 4

Suvanto, 1993
132

Appendix 5
See page 78

See page 79

(Ernst, 1987/Japan Times)

 133

Appendix 5
See page 79

See page 80

(Ernst, 1987/Japan Times)

134

Appendix 5
See page 80

(Ernst, 1987/Japan Times)

 J Y V Ä S K Y L Ä S T U D I E S I N C O M M U N I C A T I O N

1 MERVOLA, PEKKA, Kirja, kirjavampi, sanoma- 10 HYNNINEN, ASKO, Periaatteessa julkista.

lehti. Ulkoasukierre ja suomalaisten sano- Julkisuusperiaatteen käytäntö EU-Suomen
malehtien ulkoasu 1771-1994. - From päätöksenteossa ja journalismissa. - Puplic, in
newsbook to newspaper. The appearance principle. Principle of openness on a practical
spiral and the outward appearance of level in the decision-making and journalism in
Finnish newspapers from 1771 to 1994. 429 EU-Finland. 226 p. Summary 4 p. 2000.
p. Summary 17 p. 1995. 11 HUJANEN, JAANA, Journalismin maakunnalli-
2 PÖRHÖLÄ, MAILI, Yksin yleisön edessä. Esiinty- suus. Alueellisuuden rakentuminen maakun-
misjännitykseen ja esiintymishalukkuuteen talehtien teksteissä ja tekijöiden puheessa. -
liittyvät kokemukset, käyttäytymispiirteet ja Regional journalism. The construction of
vireytyminen yleisöpuhetilanteessa. - Alone regions and regionalism in Finnish
in front of an audience. Cognitive experiences, newspaper texts and in journalists’ talk. 281
behavioral features and physiological arousal p. Summary 5 p. 2000.
in speech anxiety and willingness to speak. 12 PIETIKÄINEN, SARI, Discourses of differentiation.
203 p. Summary 6 p. 1995. Ethnic representations in newspaper texts. -
3 KUUTTI, HEIKKI, Tutkiva journalismi. Journalis- Etnisen toiseuden rakentuminen
tinen suuntaus ja suomalaisen journalismin uutisdiskurssissa. 330 p. Yhteenveto 3 p. 2000.
tutkivuus. - Investigative reporting. 13 LI, ZHENYI, Cultural impact on international
The journalistic trend and the investigative branding. A case of marketing Finnish mobile
nature of Finnish journalism. 325 p. Summary phones in China. 147 p. Yhteenveto 1 p.
8 p. 1995. 2001.
4 LUUKKA, MINNA-RIITTA, Puhuttua ja kirjoitettua 14 VAAHTERIKKO-MEJÍA, PÄIVI, Cultural
tiedettä. Funktionaalinen ja yhteisöllinen differences in ibero-nordig communications.
näkökulma tieteen kielen interpersonaalisiin Perceptions about finnish and colombian
piirteisiin. - Spoken and written science. negotiators. - Kansainvälistyminen,
Functional and social perspective on the globalisaatio ja lokalisaatio vaikuttajina
interpersonal features of scientific texts. 158 p. Suomi-Kolumbia-kaupassa. 174 p. Yhteen-
Summary 12 p. 1995. veto 7 p. 2001.
5 ISOTALUS, PEKKA, Toimittaja kuvaruudussa. 15 SUMIALA-SEPPÄNEN, JOHANNA, Nomadit
Televisioesiintyminen vuorovaikutuksen rippituolissa. Medioidun uskonnon
näkökulmasta. - Presenter on screen. Televisi- moraallisen järjestyksen dynamiikka
on performance as interaction. 208 p. (post)modernin television ja kulttuurin
Summary 10 p. 1996. kontekstissa. - Nomads in the confessional:
6 PURO, JUKKA-PEKKA, Towards a mediated religion in the context of
phenomenological theory of interpersonal (post)modern television and culture. 212 p.
communication. - Kohti keskinäisviestinnän Summary 2 p. 2001.
fenomenologiaa. 214 p. Yhteenveto 3 p. 1996. 16 SUVANTO, MARI, Images of Japan and the
7 HURME, PERTTI, Acoustic studies of voice Japanese.The representations of the Japanese
variation. - Puhe- ja lauluäänen akustiset culture in the popular literature targeted at
piirteet. 148 p. Yhteenveto 5 p. 1996. the western world in the 1980s – 1990s.
8 GARANT, MIKEL DEL, Intercultural teaching and 134 p. Yhteenveto 2 p. 2002.
learning. English as a foreign language
education in Finland and Japan. 322 p. 1997.
9 KANERVA, JUKKA, Character, intimacy, and
issues in a PresiTentti interview series, Fin-
land. 123 p. 1997.