The Illusion of Geopolitics: The Enduring Power of the Liberal Order

By Ikenberry, G. John
Foreign Affairs, May/June 2014

Walter Russell Mead paints a disturbing portrait of the United States' geopolitical predicament. As he sees
it, an increasingly formidable coalition of illiberal powers- China, Iran, and Russia-is determined to undo
the post-Cold War settlement and the U.S.-led global order that stands behind it. Across Eurasia, he
argues, these aggrieved states are bent on building spheres of influence to threaten the foundations of U.S.
leadership and the global order. So the United States must rethink its optimism, includ- ing its post-Cold
War belief that rising non-Western states can be persuaded to join the West and play by its rules. For
Mead, the time has come to confront the threats from these increasingly dangerous geopolitical foes.

But Mead's alarmism is based on a colossal misreading of modern power realities. It is a misreading of
the logic and character of the existing world order, which is more stable and expansive than Mead depicts,
leading him to overestimate the ability of the "axis of weevils" to undermine it. And it is a misreading of
China and Russia, which are not full-scale revisionist powers but part-time spoilers at best, as suspi- cious
of each other as they are of the outside world. True, they look for opportunities to resist the United States'
global leadership, and recently, as in the past, they have pushed back against it, particularly when
confronted in their own neighborhoods. But even these conflicts are fueled more by weakness-their
leaders' and regimes'-than by strength. They have no appealing brand. And when it comes to their
overriding interests, Russia and, especially, China are deeply integrated into the world economy and its
governing institutions.

Mead also mischaracterizes the thrust of U.S. foreign policy. Since the end of the Cold War, he argues,
the United States has ignored geopolitical issues involving territory and spheres of influence and instead
adopted a Pollyannaish emphasis on building the global order. But this is a false dichotomy. The United
States does not focus on issues of global order, such as arms control and trade, because it assumes that
geopolitical conflict is gone forever; it undertakes such efforts pre- cisely because it wants to manage
great-power competition. Order building is not premised on the end of geopolitics; it is about how to
answer the big questions of geopolitics.

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Indeed, the construction of a U.S.-led global order did not begin with the end of the Cold War; it won the
Cold War. In the nearly 70 years since World War II, Washington has undertaken sustained efforts to
build a far-flung system of multilateral institutions, alliances, trade agreements, and political partnerships.
This project has helped draw countries into the United States' orbit. It has helped strengthen global norms
and rules that undercut the legitimacy of nineteenth- century-style spheres of influence, bids for regional
domination, and territorial grabs. And it has given the United States the capacities, partnerships, and
principles to confront today's great-power spoilers and revisionists, such as they are. Alliances,
partnerships, multilateralism, democracy-these are the tools of U.S. leadership, and they are winning, not
losing, the twenty-first-century struggles over geopolitics and the world order.

THE GENTLE GIANT

In 1904, the English geographer Halford Mackinder wrote that the great power that controlled the
heartland of Eurasia would command "the World-Island" and thus the world itself. For Mead, Eurasia has
returned as the great prize of geopolitics. Across the far reaches of this supercontinent, he argues, China,
Iran, and Russia are seeking to establish their spheres of influence and challenge U.S. interests, slowly but
relentlessly attempting to dominate Eurasia and thereby threaten the United States and the rest of the
world.

This vision misses a deeper reality. In matters of geopolitics (not to mention demographics, politics, and
ideas), the United States has a decisive advantage over China, Iran, and Russia. Although the United
States will no doubt come down from the peak of hegemony that it occupied during the unipolar era, its
power is still unrivaled. Its wealth and technological advantages remain far out of the reach of China and
Russia, to say nothing of Iran. Its recovering economy, now bolstered by massive new natural gas
resources, allows it to maintain a global military presence and credible security commitments.

Indeed, Washington enjoys a unique ability to win friends and influence states. According to a study led
by the political scientist Brett Ashley Leeds, the United States boasts military partnerships with more than
60 countries, whereas Russia counts eight formal allies and China has just one (North Korea). As one
British dip- lomat told me several years ago, "China doesn't seem to do alliances." But the United States
does, and they pay a double dividend: not only do alliances provide a global platform for the projection of
U.S. power, but they also distribute the burden of providing security. The military capabilities aggregated
in this U.S.-led alliance system outweigh anything China or Russia might generate for decades to come.

Then there are the nuclear weapons. These arms, which the United States, China, and Russia all possess
(and Iran is seeking), help the United States in two ways. First, thanks to the logic of mutual assured
destruction, they radically reduce the likelihood of great-power war. Such upheavals have provided

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opportunities for past great powers, including the United States in World War II, to entrench their own
international orders. The atomic age has robbed China and Russia of this opportunity. Second, nuclear
weapons also make China and Russia more secure, giving them assurance that the United States will
never invade. That's a good thing, because it reduces the likelihood that they will resort to desperate
moves, born of insecurity, that risk war and undermine the liberal order.

Geography reinforces the United States' other advantages. As the only great power not surrounded by
other great powers, the country has appeared less threatening to other states and was able to rise
dramatically over the course of the last century without triggering a war. After the Cold War, when the
United States was the world's sole superpower, other global powers, oceans away, did not even attempt to
balance against it. In fact, the United States' geographic posi- tion has led other countries to worry more
about abandonment than domination. Allies in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East have sought to draw the
United States into playing a greater role in their regions. The result is what the historian Geir Lundestad
has called an "empire by invitation."

The United States' geographic advantage is on full display in Asia. Most countries there see China as a
greater potential danger-due to its proximity, if nothing else-than the United States. Except for the United
States, every major power in the world lives in a crowded geopolitical neighborhood where shifts in
power routinely provoke counterbalancing-including by one another. China is discovering this dynamic
today as surrounding states react to its rise by modern- izing their militaries and reinforcing their alliances.
Russia has known it for decades, and has faced it most recently in Ukraine, which in recent years has
increased its military spending and sought closer ties to the eu.

Geographic isolation has also given the United States reason to champion universal principles that allow
it to access various regions of the world. The country has long promoted the open-door policy and the
principle of self-determination and opposed colonialism-less out of a sense of idealism than due to the
practical realities of keeping Europe, Asia, and the Middle East open for trade and diplomacy. In the late
1930s, the main question facing the United States was how large a geopolitical space, or "grand area," it
would need to exist as a great power in a world of empires, regional blocs, and spheres of influ- ence.
World War II made the answer clear: the country's prosperity and security depended on access to every
region. And in the ensuing decades, with some important and damaging exceptions, such as Vietnam, the
United States has embraced postimperial principles.

It was during these postwar years that geopolitics and order building converged. A liberal international
framework was the answer that statesmen such as Dean Acheson, George Kennan, and George Marshall
offered to the challenge of Soviet expansionism. The system they built strengthened and enriched the
United States and its allies, to the detriment of its illiberal opponents. It also stabilized the world economy

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and established mechanisms for tackling global problems. The end of the Cold War has not changed the
logic behind this project.

Fortunately, the liberal principles that Washington has pushed enjoy near-universal appeal, because they
have tended to be a good fit with the modernizing forces of economic growth and social advancement. As
the historian Charles Maier has put it, the United States surfed the wave of twentieth-century
modernization. But some have argued that this congruence between the American project and the forces
of modernity has weakened in recent years. The 2008 financial crisis, the thinking goes, marked a world-
historical turning point, at which the United States lost its vanguard role in facilitating economic
advancement.

Yet even if that were true, it hardly follows that China and Russia have replaced the United States as the
standard-bearers of the global economy. Even Mead does not argue that China, Iran, or Russia offers the
world a new model of modernity. If these illiberal powers really do threaten Washington and the rest of
the liberal capitalist world, then they will need to find and ride the next great wave of modernization.
They are unlikely to do that.

THE RISE OF DEMOCRACY

Mead's vision of a contest over Eurasia between the United States and China, Iran, and Russia misses the
more profound power transition under way: the increasing ascendancy of liberal capitalist democracy. To
be sure, many liberal democracies are struggling at the moment with slow economic growth, social
inequality, and political instability. But the spread of liberal democracy throughout the world, beginning
in the late 1970s and accelerating after the Cold War, has dramatically strengthened the United States'
position and tightened the geopolitical circle around China and Russia.

It's easy to forget how rare liberal democracy once was. Until the twentieth century, it was confined to the
West and parts of Latin America. After World War II, however, it began to reach beyond those realms, as
newly independent states established self-rule. During the 1950s, 1960s, and early 1970s, military coups
and new dictators put the brakes on democratic transitions. But in the late 1970s, what the political
scientist Samuel Huntington termed "the third wave" of democratization washed over southern Europe,
Latin America, and East Asia. Then the Cold War ended, and a cohort of former communist states in
eastern Europe were brought into the democratic fold. By the late 1990s, 60 percent of all countries had
become democracies.

Although some backsliding has occurred, the more significant trend has been the emergence of a group of
democratic middle powers, in- cluding Australia, Brazil, India, Indonesia, Mexico, South Korea, and

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Turkey. These rising democracies are acting as stakeholders in the international system: pushing for
multilateral cooperation, seeking greater rights and responsibilities, and exercising influence through
peaceful means.

Such countries lend the liberal world order new geopolitical heft. As the political scientist Larry Diamond
has noted, if Argentina, Brazil, India, Indonesia, South Africa, and Turkey regain their economic footing
and strengthen their democratic rule, the G-20, which also includes the United States and European
countries, "will have become a strong 'club of democracies,' with only Russia, China, and Saudi Arabia
holding out." The rise of a global middle class of demo- cratic states has turned China and Russia into
outliers-not, as Mead fears, legitimate contestants for global leadership.

In fact, the democratic upsurge has been deeply problematic for both countries. In eastern Europe, former
Soviet states and satellites have gone democratic and joined the West. As worrisome as Russian President
Vladimir Putin's moves in Crimea have been, they reflect Russia's geopolitical vulnerability, not its
strength. Over the last two decades, the West has crept closer to Russia's borders. In 1999, the Czech
Republic, Hungary, and Poland entered nato. They were joined in 2004 by seven more former members
of the Soviet bloc, and in 2009, by Albania and Croatia. In the meantime, six former Soviet republics
have headed down the path to membership by joining nato's Partnership for Peace program. Mead makes
much of Putin's achievements in Georgia, Armenia, and Crimea. Yet even though Putin is winning some
small battles, he is losing the war. Russia is not on the rise; to the contrary, it is experiencing one of the
greatest geopolitical contractions of any major power in the modern era.

Democracy is encircling China, too. In the mid-1980s, India and Japan were the only Asian democracies,
but since then, Indonesia, Mongolia, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand have joined the
club. Myanmar (also called Burma) has made cautious steps toward multiparty rule-steps that have come,
as China has not failed to notice, in conjunction with warming relations with the United States. China
now lives in a decidedly democratic neighborhood.

These political transformations have put China and Russia on the defensive. Consider the recent
developments in Ukraine. The eco- nomic and political currents in most of the country are inexorably
flowing westward, a trend that terrifies Putin. His only recourse has been to strong-arm Ukraine into
resisting the eu and remaining in Russia's orbit. Although he may be able to keep Crimea under Russian
control, his grip on the rest of the country is slipping. As the eu dip- lomat Robert Cooper has noted, Putin
can try to delay the moment when Ukraine "affiliates with the eu, but he can't stop it." Indeed, Putin might
not even be able to accomplish that, since his provocative moves may serve only to speed Ukraine's move
toward Europe.

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China faces a similar predicament in Taiwan. Chinese leaders sin- cerely believe that Taiwan is part of
China, but the Taiwanese do not. The democratic transition on the island has made its inhabitants' claims
to nationhood more deeply felt and legitimate. A 2011 survey found that if the Taiwanese could be
assured that China would not attack Taiwan, 80 percent of them would support declaring independence.
Like Russia, China wants geopolitical control over its neighborhood. But the spread of democracy to all
corners of Asia has made old-fashioned domination the only way to achieve that, and that option is costly
and self-defeating.

While the rise of democratic states makes life more difficult for China and Russia, it makes the world
safer for the United States. Those two powers may count as U.S. rivals, but the rivalry takes place on a
very uneven playing field: the United States has the most friends, and the most capable ones, too.
Washington and its allies account for 75 percent of global military spending. Democratization has put
China and Russia in a geopolitical box.

Iran is not surrounded by democracies, but it is threatened by a res- tive pro-democracy movement at
home. More important, Iran is the weakest member of Mead's axis, with a much smaller economy and
military than the United States and the other great powers. It is also the target of the strongest
international sanctions regime ever assem- bled, with help from China and Russia. The Obama
administration's diplomacy with Iran may or may not succeed, but it is not clear what Mead would do
differently to prevent the country from acquiring nuclear weapons. U.S. President Barack Obama's
approach has the virtue of offering Tehran a path by which it can move from being a hostile regional
power to becoming a more constructive, nonnuclear member of the international community-a potential
geopolitical game changer that Mead fails to appreciate.

REVISIONISM REVISITED

Not only does Mead underestimate the strength of the United States and the order it built; he also
overstates the degree to which China and Russia are seeking to resist both. (Apart from its nuclear
ambitions, Iran looks like a state engaged more in futile protest than actual resis- tance, so it shouldn't be
considered anything close to a revisionist power.) Without a doubt, China and Russia desire greater
regional in- fluence. China has made aggressive claims over maritime rights and nearby contested islands,
and it has embarked on an arms buildup. Putin has visions of reclaiming Russia's dominance in its "near
abroad." Both great powers bristle at U.S. leadership and resist it when they can.

But China and Russia are not true revisionists. As former Israeli Foreign Minister Shlomo Ben-Ami has
said, Putin's foreign policy is "more a reflection of his resentment of Russia's geopolitical marginal-
ization than a battle cry from a rising empire." China, of course, is an actual rising power, and this does

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invite dangerous competition with U.S. allies in Asia. But China is not currently trying to break those
alliances or overthrow the wider system of regional security governance embodied in the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations and the East Asia Summit. And even if China harbors ambitions of eventually
do- ing so, U.S. security partnerships in the region are, if anything, getting stronger, not weaker. At most,
China and Russia are spoilers. They do not have the interests-let alone the ideas, capacities, or allies-to
lead them to upend existing global rules and institutions.

In fact, although they resent that the United States stands at the top of the current geopolitical system,
they embrace the underlying logic of that framework, and with good reason. Openness gives them access
to trade, investment, and technology from other societies. Rules give them tools to protect their
sovereignty and interests. Despite controversies over the new idea of "the responsibility to protect"
(which has been applied only selec- tively), the current world order enshrines the age-old norms of state
sovereignty and nonintervention. Those Westphalian principles remain the bedrock of world politics-and
China and Russia have tied their national interests to them (despite Putin's disturbing irredentism).

It should come as no surprise, then, that China and Russia have become deeply integrated into the existing
international order. They are both permanent members of the un Security Council, with veto rights, and
they both participate actively in the World Trade Organi- zation, the International Monetary Fund, the
World Bank, and the G-20. They are geopolitical insiders, sitting at all the high tables of global
governance.

China, despite its rapid ascent, has no ambitious global agenda; it remains fixated inward, on preserving
party rule. Some Chinese intel- lectuals and political figures, such as Yan Xuetong and Zhu Chenghu, do
have a wish list of revisionist goals. They see the Western system as a threat and are waiting for the day
when China can reorganize the international order. But these voices do not reach very far into the political
elite. Indeed, Chinese leaders have moved away from their earlier calls for sweeping change. In 2007, at
its Central Committee meeting, the Chinese Communist Party replaced previous proposals for a "new
international economic order" with calls for more modest reforms centering on fairness and justice. The
Chinese scholar Wang Jisi has argued that this move is "subtle but important," shifting China's orientation
toward that of a global reformer. China now wants a larger role in the International Monetary Fund and
the World Bank, greater voice in such forums as the G-20, and wider global use of its currency. That is
not the agenda of a country trying to revise the economic order.

China and Russia are also members in good standing of the nuclear club. The centerpiece of the Cold War
settlement between the United States and the Soviet Union (and then Russia) was a shared effort to limit
atomic weapons. Although U.S.-Russian relations have since soured, the nuclear component of their

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arrangement has held. In 2010, Moscow and Washington signed the New start treaty, which requires
mutual reductions in long-range nuclear weapons.

Before the 1990s, China was a nuclear outsider. Although it had a modest arsenal, it saw itself as a voice
of the nonnuclear developing world and criticized arms control agreements and test bans. But in a
remarkable shift, China has since come to support the array of nuclear accords, including the Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty and the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. It has affirmed a "no first use"
doctrine, kept its arsenal small, and taken its entire nuclear force off alert. China has also played an active
role in the Nuclear Security Summit, an initiative proposed by Obama in 2009, and it has joined the "P5
process," a collaborate effort to safeguard nuclear weapons.

Across a wide range of issues, China and Russia are acting more like established great powers than
revisionist ones. They often choose to shun multilateralism, but so, too, on occasion do the United States
and other powerful democracies. (Beijing has ratified the un Conven- tion on the Law of the Sea;
Washington has not.) And China and Russia are using global rules and institutions to advance their own
interests. Their struggles with the United States revolve around gaining voice within the existing order
and manipulating it to suit their needs. They wish to enhance their positions within the system, but they
are not trying to replace it.

HERE TO STAY

Ultimately, even if China and Russia do attempt to contest the basic terms of the current global order, the
adventure will be daunting and self-defeating. These powers aren't just up against the United States; they
would also have to contend with the most globally organized and deeply entrenched order the world has
ever seen, one that is dominated by states that are liberal, capitalist, and democratic. This order is backed
by a U.S.-led network of alliances, institutions, geopolitical bargains, client states, and democratic
partnerships. It has proved dynamic and expansive, easily integrating rising states, beginning with Japan
and Germany after World War II. It has shown a capacity for shared leadership, as exemplified by such
forums as the G-8 and the G-20. It has allowed rising non-Western countries to trade and grow, sharing
the dividends of modernization. It has accommodated a surprisingly wide variety of political and
economic models-social democratic (western Europe), neoliberal (the United Kingdom and the United
States), and state capitalist (East Asia). The prosperity of nearly every country-and the stability of its
government-fundamentally depends on this order.

In the age of liberal order, revisionist struggles are a fool's errand. Indeed, China and Russia know this.
They do not have grand visions of an alternative order. For them, international relations are mainly about
the search for commerce and resources, the protection of their sover- eignty, and, where possible, regional

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domination. They have shown no interest in building their own orders or even taking full responsibility
for the current one and have offered no alternative visions of global economic or political progress. That's
a critical shortcoming, since in- ternational orders rise and fall not simply with the power of the leading
state; their success also hinges on whether they are seen as legitimate and whether their actual operation
solves problems that both weak and powerful states care about. In the struggle for world order, China and
Russia (and certainly Iran) are simply not in the game.

Under these circumstances, the United States should not give up its efforts to strengthen the liberal order.
The world that Washington inhabits today is one it should welcome. And the grand strategy it should
pursue is the one it has followed for decades: deep global engagement. It is a strategy in which the United
States ties itself to the regions of the world through trade, alliances, multilateral institutions, and
diplomacy. It is a strategy in which the United States establishes leadership not simply through the
exercise of power but also through sustained efforts at global problem solving and rule making. It created
a world that is friendly to American interests, and it is made friendly because, as President John F.
Kennedy once said, it is a world "where the weak are safe and the strong are just."∂

Sidebar
China and Russia are not full-scale revisionist powers but part-time spoilers at best.

Russia is experiencing one of the greatest geopolitical contractions of any major power in the modern era.

In the age of liberal order, revisionist struggles are a fool's errand.