Synagogue Sues Over Florida's 15-Week Abortion Restrictions
Synagogue Sues Over Florida's 15-Week Abortion Restrictions
Synagogue Sues Over Florida's 15-Week Abortion Restrictions
Defendants.
COMPLAINT FOR DECLARATORY RELIEF AND FOR TEMPORARY AND
PERMANENT INJUNCTION DECLARING HOUSE BILL 5, INVALID
UNCONSTITUTIONAL AND UNENFORCEABLE
I. PRELIMINARY STATEMENT
1. Over a generation ago, the people of Florida amended the Florida Constitution to
guarantee Floridians a broad right of privacy, including the right to abortion. Art. I, § 23, Fla.
Const. This “independent, freestanding constitutional provision which declares the fundamental
right to privacy” was drafted “in order to make the privacy right as strong as possible,” Winfield
v. Div. of Pari-Mutuel Wagering, 477 So. 2d 544, 548 (Fla. 1985), and to “embrace more privacy
interests, and extend more protection to the individual in those interests, than does the federal
Constitution,” In re T.W., 551 So. 2d 1186, 1192 (Fla. 1989). The Florida Supreme Court has
always held that this broad right to privacy includes a woman’s right to terminate a pregnancy.
“The Florida Constitution embodies the principle that ‘[f]ew decisions are more personal and
intimate, more properly private, or more basic to individual dignity and autonomy, than a
woman’s decision . . . whether to end her pregnancy. A woman’s right to make that choice freely
Gynecologists, 476 U.S. 747 (1986)). Floridians have consistently reaffirmed that abortion is a
fundamental right deserving of the strongest protection against government intrusion. In 2012,
Floridians rejected a ballot initiative that would have amended the state constitution to overturn
precedent by construing the right to privacy narrowly to prohibit state courts from interpreting
the Florida Constitution to provide stronger protection for abortion than the federal constitution.1
protecting the right to abortion as inviolate and fundamental, the Florida legislature recently
passed House Bill 5, a law that criminalizes pre-viability abortions in direct violation of Floridians’
fundamental privacy rights guaranteed by the Florida Constitution. See Ch. 2022-69, §§ 3–4, Laws
of Fla. (“HB 5” or “the Act”) (amending §§ 390.011, 390.0111, Fla. Stat.). HB 5 was signed by
Governor Ron DeSantis on April 14, 2022, and it is scheduled to take effect on July 1, 2022. The
“There shall be no law respecting the establishment of religion or prohibiting or penalizing the
free expression thereof.” The Florida Constitution thus goes beyond the United States
Constitution in its protection of religious freedom in that it adds that the free exercise of religion
may not be penalized. Plaintiff and its members, congregants and supporters rely on Jewish law
and understanding regarding abortion, which differs from the requirements of the Act, and thus,
if the members, congregants and supporters of Plaintiff practice their religion regarding decisions
related to abortion, they will be penalized by the state in violation of the Constitution.
4. The Act establishes as the law of the State of Florida, a particular religious view
about abortion and when life begins, which is contrary to the views of Plaintiff, its members,
congregants, and supporters as well as many other Floridians. While the Act does not specify all
the penalties for violation of its terms, the Act has been instigated across the nation by those who
espouse the view that human life begins at conception, and thus equates abortion with murder.
Accordingly, the penalties for violations of the Act could be grave and could include death. By
failing to include all penalties for violation of the Act, the Act is unconstitutionally vague, and
Floridians are left in the dark as to who will face punishment and the penalties if they exercise
their religious beliefs, which has a great chilling effect upon the free exercise of religion in
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Florida.
not to bear children and assume the obligations of parenthood, in violation of their rights under
the Florida Constitution. Bringing children into this world is among the greatest blessings, but it
can become a curse if forced upon a woman against her will, as will result if HB 5 takes effect.
As such HB 5 violates the rights of all women to determine when they are ready and prepared to
take on the awesome challenges, responsibilities and risks to their health, associated with
childbirth and parenthood. Rather than encouraging women who take parenthood seriously and
who understand the importance of this decision, the Act deprives them of their basic right to
choose parenthood and to manage the size of their families, the Act treats women as incubators
for potential life and forces them to risk their health, their lives, and their emotional well-being to
further a law which has no rational basis and which serves no compelling state interest.
as dated from the first day of a woman’s last menstrual period (“LMP”). That timing is early in
the second trimester and months prior to both fetal viability and the current limit under Florida
law. This timing is arbitrary and capricious, is not supported by any rational basis or compelling
state interest and is hard to understand for many women and their medical providers.
7. By banning the provision of abortion care after fifteen weeks LMP, the Act will
unlawfully intrude upon the fundamental privacy rights of Florida women. It will deny Floridians’
autonomy over their own bodies and undermine their ability to make deeply personal decisions
about their lives, families, and health care, free of government interference.
8. The Act threatens Plaintiff and its members, congregants and supporters, and their
families as well as those who currently provide abortion care services to Plaintiff and their
congregants in Florida after 15 weeks LMP, with severe penalties: it makes the provision of
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abortion care after 15 weeks LMP a felony and threatens clinics and health care professionals
with adverse licensing and disciplinary action for providing essential health care to their patients.
If the Act goes into effect, it will cause immediate and irreparable harm to Floridians seeking
abortions after 15 weeks LMP, including, but not limited to Plaintiff, its congregants, members
9. The Act criminalizes physicians who perform an abortion but does not criminalize
abortions performed by non-physicians. Thus, the Act unreasonably jeopardizes the lives of all
women in Florida, including those who choose to exercise their religious freedom, such as the
Plaintiff, its members, congregants and their supporters, by forcing the women of Florida to seek
abortions from non-physicians or out of state. The Act targets women without the means to pay
thousands of dollars to travel out of state to obtain an abortion and takes Florida backwards to
the dangerous days when women were forced to obtain back-alley abortions in order to exercise
their right of privacy and their religious freedom, and as a result suffered injury and death.
10. Plaintiff seeks a declaratory judgment and a temporary and permanent injunction
pursuant to Chapter 86 and Section 26.012(3), Florida Statutes, and Florida Rules of Civil
11. Unless this Court grants an injunction before HB 5 takes effect, abortion
providers will be unable to provide pregnant Floridians, including the members, congregants,
supporters and families of Plaintiff with abortions and health care that they are guaranteed under
the Florida Constitution. If denied an abortion by the Act. Plaintiff’s pregnant members,
congregants and supporters and their families will lose autonomy and the religious freedom to
make important decisions about intimate aspects of their lives, while those with the means to do
so, will be required to travel great distances, which could be thousands of miles to exercise their
rights, and all such delays increase the danger and harm to women from abortion, which
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nevertheless is less than the dangers of childbirth. Other women in desperation may seek to end
their pregnancies in the manner utilized by women when abortions were illegal in the United
States, which involved being treated by unlicensed, untrained individuals who were often not
physicians and often caused great harm to the women they treated which included permanent
damages and death. Because of the vague, undefined terms in the Act, others may be afraid to
assist women in making a decision regarding abortion, leaving women to struggle with the stress
12. Forcing parenthood upon women against their will harms women, their families,
our society and the religious freedom of those who do not share the views reflected in the Act.
By denying women their dignity, autonomy, religious freedom and their fundamental rights, the
Act denigrates women, threatens the integrity of families and reverts back to a time in our
nation’s history when women were denied the right to vote, to enter into a contract and to enjoy
equal rights under the law. Thus, the Act takes us backwards to a time of less rights for women,
rather than forwards in pursuit of full equality of opportunity and rights under the law.
13. If injunctive relief is not granted, the Act will deny Plaintiff and other Floridians
their fundamental constitutional rights and will cause Plaintiff, its members, congregants,
supporters and their families irreparable harm for which there is no adequate remedy at law. In
order to infringe upon the religious freedom and privacy rights of Plaintiff and all other women
in Florida and their families, the State must show a compelling state interest in support of the Act
and the least intrusive manner to achieve this goal. No compelling state interest exists nor even a
rational basis is offered to support the Act and its methodology is overly broad and vague.
14. This Court has jurisdiction over this action pursuant to article V, section 5,
subsection (b) of the Florida Constitution and Sections 26.012(3) and 86.011, Florida Statutes.
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15. Venue is proper in this Court pursuant to Section 47.021, Florida Statutes, because
A. Plaintiff
organized under the laws of Florida, d/b/a Congregation L’Dor Va-Dor,(hereinafter referred to as
“L’Dor Va-Dor”), operating in Palm Beach County, Florida for 25 years. It files this lawsuit on behalf
of itself, its congregants, its members, its supporters and their families, the Jewish community, religious
minorities of all backgrounds and on behalf of those whose ethics, values, morals and beliefs, whether
recognized as a formal religion or not, are in conflict with the religious views and assumptions that are
reflected in the Act and inspired its passage and who wished to impose their religious views upon all
“others” who they consider morally inferior and thus not deserving of the right to exercise autonomy
over their bodies in matters related to abortion, child birth and family, and must be threatened with
severe penalties if they attempt to make their own decisions in this regard.
B. Defendants
17. Defendant the State of Florida, through its Legislature and Governor, adopted the
18. Defendant, Ron DeSantis, is Governor of the State of Florida, and spearheaded
the passage of the Act not for any legitimate rational purpose or compelling state interest, but due to
purely political reasons. He is sued in his official capacity, as are his agents and successors.
19. Defendant Jack Campbell is the state attorney of the Second Judicial Circuit of
Florida and is authorized to initiate and prosecute alleged violations of the Act per Fla Stat. §
27.02(1). Defendant Campbell is sued in his official capacity, as are his agents and successors.
20. Defendant David A. Aronberg is the state attorney of the Fifteenth Judicial Circuit
of Florida and is authorized to initiate and prosecute alleged violations of the Act. § 27.02(1),
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Fla. Stat. It is unknown to what extent Defendant Aronberg will enforce the Act, and until this is
known, he is sued in his official capacity, as are his agents and successors.
21. Defendant Ashley Moody is the Attorney General for the State of Florida, an
elected cabinet official and the chief legal officer in the State of Florida, responsible for the
enforcement of the laws of Florida and obligated to offer her opinion if she concludes that a law,
investigate potential violations of the Act and, in some instances, impose penalties for violations
of the Act on providers of abortion care, including members of the clinic’s staff and perhaps
others. Defendant Joseph Ladapo, M.D., is Secretary of the Department and is sued in his official
capacityas Secretary of Health for the State of Florida, as are his agents and successors.
23. Defendant Florida Board of Medicine is part of the Florida Department of Health.
Pursuant to Florida law, the Florida Board of Medicine exercises supervisory powers over the
state’s physicians and conducts disciplinary proceedings and imposes penalties against physicians
and physician assistants. Defendant Florida Board of Medicine is authorized to impose penalties
on providers of abortion care for violations of the Act. Defendant David Diamond, M.D., is the
Chair of the Florida Board of Medicine and is sued in his official capacity as Chair of the Florida
24. Defendant Florida Board of Osteopathic Medicine is part of the Florida Department
of Health. Pursuant to Florida law, the Florida Board of Osteopathic Medicine is authorized to
impose penalties on providers of abortion care. Defendant Sandra Schwemmer, D.O., is the
Chair of the Florida Board of Osteopathic Medicine and is sued in her official capacity as Chair
of the Florida Board of Osteopathic Medicine, as are her agents and successors.
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25. Defendant Florida Board of Nursing is part of the Florida Department of Health.
Pursuant to Florida law, the Florida Board of Nursing exercises supervisory powers over the state’s
registered nurses, licensed practical nurses, and advanced practice registered nurses and conducts
disciplinary proceedings and imposes penalties against them. Defendant Florida Board of Nursing
care for violations of the Act. Defendant Maggie Hansen, M.H.Sc, R.N., is the Chair of the
Florida Board of Nursing and is sued in her official capacity as Chair of the Florida Board of
26. Defendant Florida Agency for Health Care Administration is the state agency
authorized to license abortion clinics or refuse to renew licenses for failure to comply with the
Act. As Secretary of the Agency, Defendant Simone Marstiller, J.D. is sued in her official
27. Florida law currently bans abortions after a fetus attains viability, which is
defined as “the stage of fetal development when the life of a fetus is sustainable outside the womb
throughstandard medical measures.” § 390.011(13), Fla. Stat.; see also § 390.01112, Fla. Stat.
28. Section 390.0111, Florida Statutes, sets forth statutory requirements for the
provision of abortion care in Florida, including the current requirements that abortions be
performed prior to the third trimester of pregnancy, only by physicians, and only after obtaining
provision of abortion care after fifteen weeks LMP, approximately two months before a
pregnancy can be viable. Fla. HB 5, § 4 (2022) (to be codified at § 390.0111(1), Fla. Stat.).
Section 3 of HB 5 amends section 390.011 to provide definitions for Section 4’s operative terms. Fla. HB
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5, § 3(6)–(7) (to be codified at § 390.011(6)–(7)).
30. The Act contains only two extremely limited exceptions. First, an abortion after
fifteen weeks LMP may be performed if “the termination of the pregnancy is necessary to save the
pregnant woman’s life or avert a serious risk of substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a
major bodily function of the pregnant woman other than a psychological condition,” and either
two physicians certify this conclusion “in [their] reasonable medical judgment” in writing, or a
sole physician certifies that the risks are “imminent” and “another physician is not available for
31. Second, the Act permits an abortion after 15 weeks LMP when “[t]he fetus has not
achieved viability under § 390.01112 and two physicians certify in writing that, in [their]
reasonable medical judgement, the fetus has a fatal fetal abnormality.” Fla. HB 5, § 4 (to be
codified at § 390.0111(1)(c), Fla. Stat.). The Act defines “fatal fetal abnormality” to mean “a
terminal condition that, in reasonable medical judgment, regardless of the provision of life-saving
medical treatment, is incompatible with life outside the womb and will result in death upon birth
penalties, including imprisonment of up to five years and monetary penalties up to $5,000 for a
33. Physicians and other health care professionals are subject to disciplinary action for
violating the Act, including but not limited to revocation of their licenses to practice medicine and
34. In addition, abortion clinics may be prevented from renewing their clinic licenses
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for violations of the Act. Fla. Admin. Code R. 59A-9.020.
35. In addition, the Act requires extensive reporting requirements not required for any
other similar procedure in the State of Florida, such as detailed information about each abortion
performed and the number of abortion regimens prescribed or dispensed. Thus, after passing a
draconian abortion law, the State is further requiring abortion clinics and facilities to become
informers against their own patients, compelled to further violate the right of privacy of their
patients who choose abortion, after the State has already done so, in further violation of Article
1, Section 23 of the Florida Constitution. Such compelled speech against one’s own patient, and
the requirement that medical personnel who provide abortion care must violate their Hippocratic
oath by violating the privacy rights of their patients, constitutes compelled speech which is
anathema to the state’s obligation to guarantee the rights provided under the Florida Constitution.
36. The Act, by its terms, is scheduled to take effect on July 1, 2022. Fla. HB 5, § 8.
V. STATEMENT OF FACTS
37. Abortion is one of the safest medical procedures in the United States. Abortion,
including pre-viability abortion after 15 weeks LMP, is much safer than continuing a pregnancy
14 times higher than her risk of death associated with abortion. In addition, every type of
complication associated with pregnancy is more common among women who give birth than
38. Abortion is not only safe, but common. Approximately one in four women in this
country will have an abortion. A majority of women having abortions (60%) already have at least
one child.
39. Women seek abortions for a variety of deeply personal reasons, including familial,
medical, and financial. Some women have abortions because they conclude that it is not the right
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time in their lives to have a child or to add to their families. For example, some decide to end a
pregnancy because they want to pursue their education; some because they feel they lack the
necessary economic resources or partner support or stability; some because they are concerned
that adding a child to their family will make them less able to adequately provide and care for
their existing children; some because they decide not to have children at all. Some women seek
abortions to preserve their lives or their physical, psychological, and emotional health;some because they
have become pregnant as a result of rape; and some because they are experiencing intimate partner
violence and do not wish to be further tethered to an abusive partner or to bring a child into an abusive
environment. Some women decide to have an abortion because of an indication or diagnosis of a fetal
medical condition or anomaly. Some families do not feel they have the resources—financial, medical,
educational, or emotional—to care for a child with special needs or to simultaneously provide for the
children they already have. The decision to terminate a pregnancy for any reason is motivated by a
combination of diverse, complex, and interrelated factors that are intimately related to the individual
woman’s values and beliefs, culture and religion, health status and reproductive history, family situation,
40. Some women, such as the members, congregants, supporters of Plaintiff L’Dor Va-Dor
and their families have an abortion because it is required by their religious faith. For Jews, all life is
precious and thus the decision to bring new life into the world is not taken lightly or determined by state
fiat. In Jewish law, abortion is required if necessary to protect the health, mental or physical well-being
of the woman, or for many other reasons not permitted under the Act. As such, the Act prohibits Jewish
women from practicing their faith free of government intrusion and thus violates their privacy rights and
religious freedom. The most important institution in Jewish life is the family, which has withstood
centuries of persecution and discrimination by clinging to values and ideals which are quintessential to the
Jewish faith. By preventing Jews from making intimate, personal decisions about the size of their
families, or when and under what circumstances to bring new life into the world, the Act not only
threatens the lives, equality and dignity of Jewish women, the Act also threatens the integrity of the
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Jewish family and denies religious freedom to Jewish women and their families. As such, the Act
establishes the religion of its proponents and prohibits the free exercise of the Jewish religion by
prohibiting Plaintiff’s members, congregants and supporters from exercising their religious beliefs in the
most intimate decisions of their lives in consultation with their rabbis, medical providers and their family.
41. Moreover, the Jewish people are just one group among all the people of Florida whose
religious beliefs about when life begins and when abortion is proper runs afoul of the Act. Thus, the Act
violates the religious freedom of all Floridians who do not share the religious views reflected and codified
in the Act.
42. The Act also discriminates against those who are most vulnerable, by specifically failing
to permit abortion due to considerations of the mental distress and challenges that a woman could face if
forced to bring a child into the world against her will. There is no rational basis nor compelling state
43. Due to a range of factors, including lack of access to affordable health care,
approximately 75% of people obtaining abortion care have incomes that classify them as poor or
low-income. Centuries of systemic racism have also contributed to inequities in health care access
and economic inequality; as a result, the majority of patients seeking abortion care are Black,
Indigenous, or women of color, and these same populations face disproportionately high rates of
maternal mortality and comorbidities that increase the health risks associated with pregnancy.
44. Forcing a woman to become a parent against her will not only discriminates
against Jews, it also violates the rights of the mentally ill, minorities, the poor and oppressed, and
those who do not wield similar power in the State of Florida as the Governor and the other
Defendants.
45. The Act serves no governmental interest and in fact is harmful to the interests of
the people of Florida. Those societies that respect women’s rights and grant women autonomy
over their own reproductive system and their own bodies prosper in every way, while those
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societies who treat women as the property of the State, always suffer and decline. Thus, the
injunctive relief sought by the Plaintiff will serve the public interest.
two months before the point in pregnancy at which fetal viability may occur. Like fully
developed people, all fetuses are different and thus they reach viability at different stages and
some never do. To base criminal charge on such an elusive definition and to threaten criminal
charges against physicians and a wide dragnet of others who may be deemed to have assisted a
woman in obtaining an abortion will have a strong chilling effect upon the women of this state
who do not share the views of a Governor who is all too willing to target even the most powerful
entities in Florida who defy his will and thus would not hesitate to persecute and prosecute those
who intentionally defy the Act or who cannot understand its vague terms.
47. In general matter, people who decide to end a pregnancy try to do so as early as
possible in their pregnancy. As a result, most abortions in Florida occur prior to 14weeks
LMP. However, women seek abortion in the second trimester for a number of reasons.
48. For example, some patients, especially those with irregular menstrual cycles or who
do not experience pregnancy symptoms, may not even suspect they are pregnant for weeks or
months. Because of the way pregnancy is dated, a missed period occurs at the earliest at 4.5 to 5
weeks LMP. Patients may be further delayed in confirming the pregnancy, researching and
49. Many patients seek abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy because they cannot
raise funds for the procedure and related expenses, such as transportation and childcare.
50. Other patients have difficulty arranging time off from work or school, finding
51. Other patients, including women who initially intended to carry their pregnancies
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to term, may decide to terminate a pregnancy because their life circumstances change: they lose a
job, they break up with a partner, or a family member becomes ill. Others experience health
conditions that are caused or exacerbated by pregnancy or receive a diagnosis of a serious fetal
condition or a serious medical condition of their own which makes carrying a fetus to term risky
and medically inadvisable. These health conditions may first arise or worsen after 15 weeks
LMP, and many fetal conditions are not able to be identified until after 15 weeks LMP, but these
conditions often do not fit within the Act’s very limited exceptions.
52. For all these reasons, nearly 5,000 patients obtain abortion care after 14 weeks
LMP in Florida each year. As a result of the Act, thousands of patients who need abortion care
after 15 weeks LMP will be left with few options. Some may attempt to travel extremely long
distances to obtain care in another state if such care is still available. But doing so will impose
substantial economic and logistical burdens, and will not be possible for many patients, 75% of
whom are poor or have low incomes. Some patients may decide to end their pregnancies on their
own, outside the medical system. Others will be prevented from obtaining abortion care entirely
and thus will be forced to continue their pregnancies and have children against their will.
53. Being forced to continue a pregnancy against her will can pose a risk to a woman’s
physical, mental, and emotional health, and life, as well as to the stability and well-being of her
family, including her existing children. The Act mandates the medically riskier course of
individual patient’s will, and regardless of the specific health risks it imposes upon her.
54. Because of the Act’s severe penalties, absent an injunction, abortion providers will be
forced to stop providing care to patients seeking abortions after 15 weeks LMP, contrary to their
good-faith medical judgment and their patients’ needs and wishes. With no one available to
provide such care in Florida, Florida women will suffer irreparable harm to their autonomy, their
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well-being, and their dignity, in violation of their right of privacy under the Florida Constitution.
Plaintiff, its members, congregants and supporters, who do not share the religious views reflected
in the Act, will suffer additional irreparable harm by having their religious freedom under the
Florida Constitution violated. This failure to maintain the separation of church and state, like so
many other laws in other lands throughout history, threatens the Jewish family, and thus also
threatens the Jewish people by imposing the laws of other religions upon Jews. There is no
adequate remedy of law for the irreparable harm that will be caused by the Act’s violation of the
Constitutional rights of the Plaintiff, its members, congregants, supporters and their families.
success on the merits, irreparable harm to the Plaintiff, no adequate legal remedy, that the
equities are with the Plaintiff and that an injunction would not disserve the public interest. This
complaint amply demonstrates that all these prerequisites have been met and clearly
56. In addition, the Act is unconstitutionally void for vagueness by failing to specify
the penalties for its violation and by failing to identify who could be prosecuted under its vague,
abortion. Our legal system abhors such traps for the unwary and prohibits such vague laws
which could impose draconian penalties upon those who exercise their fundamental rights such
as privacy and religious freedom in making their own health care decisions, especially when such
women are among the vulnerable and/or minority populations. The Act fails to define the term
“actively participates” and thus criminalizes behavior about which those of ordinary intelligence
would have to guess if it applies to them. The Act fails to make clear if those who assist a
woman to obtain an abortion in Florida by giving her a ride to the clinic, working as staff at a
clinic, provide rabbinic counseling regarding the permissibility of abortion under Jewish law,
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counsels a woman that it is in her best interest to have an abortion, gives her directions to the
abortion clinic or other unspecified acts, would be subject to prosecution for “actively”
participating in an abortion.
57. Florida courts do not permit such vague laws which have an extreme chilling
effect on basic, fundamental rights, especially the right to abortion, which the Florida Supreme
Court considers among the most basic and fundamental of all rights as expressed in In re TW
(Id.).
58. In order to prevent this chilling effect upon Constitutional rights in Florida, by
criminalizing behavior that had been the law of the land for nearly half a century, and in order
not to violate the right of privacy, freedom of religion and the separation of church and state, this
Court should hold the Act unconstitutional as written and as it would be applied, and/or void for
vagueness. The status quo ante has served Florida well for many years and should be preserved
with the granting of a temporary and a permanent injunction, and/or declaratory relief.
59. The Act is arbitrary and capricious as written, and as revealed by the framers, will
also likely be arbitrary and vague as applied. The determination that a fetus becomes a human
being at 15 weeks is irrational and there is nothing in the Act which explains why this date has
been chosen to begin the imposition of harsh penalties. The President of the Senate, Wilton
Simpson replied when asked to explain the Act, “After 15 weeks, that is a child. And so, the
argument is, should you kill a baby after 15 weeks because it was (conceived) under certain
circumstances?” What criteria are used to determine that a fetus becomes a child at 15 weeks,
and not at 14 or 16 weeks is not explained in the Act, by Senator Simpson or by anyone else
because there is no rational basis to make such a determination. However, what is clear from his
remarks and the legislative intent of the Act is that anyone who performs, undergoes, or assists in
an abortion after 15 weeks from the time that the State begins to calculate conception, is subject
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to the charge of murder according to the President of the Senate, whose above statement
indicates that he has conflated the terms, fetus, baby and child, and that if one takes the life of
this “child” he or she has killed a baby and thus may be subject to the charge of murder in
Florida.
60. Plaintiffs hereby reaffirm and reallege each and every allegation made in ¶¶ 1–59
61. The Act, on its face and/or, in the alternative, as it will be applied, violates the
right to privacy of women seeking and obtaining abortions in the state of Florida, as guaranteed
by Article I, section 23 of the Florida Constitution. Plaintiff’s members and congregants, along
with all other women have the right to be let alone from government intrusion into their private
lives.
62. As a result of Defendants’ enactment and intended enforcement of the Act, the
right of privacy regarding decisions about abortion, of Plaintiff, its members, congregants,
supporters and their families has been violated, resulting in irreparable harm to the Plaintiff.
63. Plaintiff repeats the allegations of ¶¶ 1–59 above as if set forth fully herein.
64. As described herein, the Act violates the right of the Plaintiff, its members,
Congregants and supporters from exercising their rights as Jews to freedom of religion in the
most intimate decisions of their lives. By harming and threatening the Jewish family, and the
rights of Jewish women, the Act does irreparable harm to the Jewish people.
65. The Jewish mother is widely praised, honored and cherished for her love and
devotion to her husband, children and family, and for working with the father of their children
to create a Jewish home, filled with love, joy and Jewish ideals.
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66. These qualities of the Jewish home and its positive influence upon the children are
threatened when women are forced to bear children against their will and the family is not
free to determine the number of children they feel responsible, capable and ready to raise.
When children are born outside of marriage, against the will of the mother, this harms the
sanctity of the Jewish home and family, and does incalculable harm to Jewish women and all
other women who cherish not the quality, not merely the quantity of lives they produce.
Preventing families from enjoying the freedom to determine the number of children that they
can raise responsibly, also does great harm to our society and shows a disregard for the sanctity
67. Among the many contributions of the Jewish people to the world is a reverence
for life and the belief that all human life is sacred. Plaintiff, its members, congregants, and
supporters and their families do not require others to impose their religious views about when
life begins and the sanctify of life in order to supplant and replace by judicial fiat and the
power of the State the Jewish view of when life begins and the sanctity of life.
68. The Act reflects the views of Christian nationalists who seek to deny religious
freedom to all others, under the arrogant, self-righteous notion that only they are capable of
understanding God’s law and judgments and the religious views of all others are false, evil
and not entitled to respect or constitutional protections. Proponents of this way of thinking
used their political power to enshrine their narrow religious views as the law of the State of
Florida, which not only results in irreparable harm to Plaintiff and all others who espouse a
different view, including many of their co-religionists, but it also threatens and harms the very
framework or our Democracy, and the cherished ideal of the separation of church and state
which has been the cornerstone of American democracy since its inception and the reason why
has been so successful and the envy of freedom-loving people throughout the world.
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69. According to data from the Pew Research Center as reported by Jews For A
Secular Democracy, an overwhelming 83% of American Jews are pro-choice and this number
is almost assuredly an underestimate, since even those Jews who may not practice abortion, do
not need or require the government to tell them what to do in such personal areas, and do not
want the government to impose rules and regulations regarding abortion which contradict their
70. According to the National Council of Jewish Women (NCJW) “Judaism permits
Abortion. Full stop. The Constitution gives us the right to have abortions. Full stop.” This
view reflects the view of most Jewish organizations, many of whom have led the effort to
protect abortion rights as quintessential towards protecting the rights of women, Jews and all
people and which is essential in preserving the sanctity of life, and the Jewish goal, which is
shared by many others, of living in a society where all children are wanted, cherished and loved.
71. The Jewish people have often borne the brunt of the horrors that occur when the
power of Christianity has merged with the power of the state. The result has been Inquisitions,
Crusades, ghettoes and pogroms for the Jews and the eventual loss of freedom for everyone else.
The founding fathers, well aware of such evils in Europe, sought to create a form of government
free of such horrors and so they enshrined in our founding documents such as the Declaration of
Independence and the Constitution of the United States the principle of the separation of church
and state as a guiding principle of our democracy, as they eloquently expressed in the letter to the
Baptists of Danbury, and the Treaty of Tripoli. The founders viewed this separation as the bedrock
of our democracy, essential to freedom and a prerequisite to enjoying the blessings of America. As
they understood so well, when this wall of separation experiences a crack or begins to crumble, as
is the case with the passage of the Act, the Jewish people are among the first to suffer, followed by
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72. The architects of the Act have taken a first step towards the dismantling of that wall
and returning the state of Florida and our nation back to a time when the merger of Christianity
and government produced genocide, slavery, misogyny, and the denial of equal rights and in many
cases, any rights at all to those who did not share the gender, race or religion of those in power.
73. The Jewish people have been among those who strongly believe in the principle of
the separation of Church and state in order to keep America where it is today, as a bastion of
freedom and a source of hope for people around the world rather than to take us back to the dark
days of the past where the light of freedom was dimmed and flickered.
74. Thus, as written and potentially applied the Act violates the rights of Plaintiff and
context of decisions regarding abortion and defining when life begins and also prohibiting the free
75. Jewish law does not consider life to begin at conception or at 15 weeks and most Jews
such as Plaintiff, its members and congregants do not believe that all the rights of personhood
are conferred upon a fetus. In fact, under traditional Jewish law life begins at birth and if a fetus
poses a threat to the health or emotional well-being of its mother, at any stage of gestation up until
birth, Jewish law requires the mother to abort the pregnancy and protect herself. Thus, if a Jewish
mother were to practice Jewish law in Florida in the context of abortion after the enactment of the
Act, she would be considered party to a crime and in the eyes of the some of the proponents of the
Act, she and her physician and staff would be considered murderers.
76. As a strong proponent of ecumenical harmony and good will, L’Dor Va-Dor also
makes this legal challenge not only on behalf of Jews, but also on behalf of the majority of
Christians who do not share the beliefs reflected in the Act, and who believe in a woman’s right
to choose, as well as those of all religious faiths and those of no religious faith at all, who share a
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belief in the American ideal of the separation of church and state.
77. Accordingly, the Act violates the establishment and the free exercise clause of the
result of Defendant’s Constitutional violation, the Plaintiff, its members, congregants, supporters
and their families and all Floridians have suffered irreparable harm.
78. Plaintiff repeats the allegations of paragraphs 1 to 59 as if fully set forth herein.
79. Article I, Section 9 of the Florida Constitution provides that no person in the
State of Florida may be deprived of their right to life, liberty or the pursuit of happiness without
Due Process of Law. This provision prohibits laws, like the Act, which are vague and leave
plenty of room for the government to arbitrarily and capriciously enforce the Act.
necessarily guess at its meaning. Laws, such as the Act, which provide criminal penalties, which
could even include murder, are considered unconstitutionally vague when they invite selective,
arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement, as written or applied, and thus have a chilling effect
upon the exercise of constitutional rights. The vagueness in the statute regarding the penalties for
violation of the act, those who are subject to these penalties because they have “actively
participated” in an abortion, and other vague provisions of the Act, invites arbitrary enforcement,
especially with an administration eager to punish those who disagree with the Governor.
81. The cut-off date of 15 weeks into a guess as to when gestation began, upon which a
fetus is said to become a human being, and thus entitled to protection under the Act, is arbitrary
and capricious, and lacks any support or foundation for this determination in the law.
82. Thus, the Act violates the due process provisions of the Florida Constitution as
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provided in Article 1, Section 9. As a result of Defendant’s violation of their constitutional
rights, the Plaintiff, its members, congregants, supporters and their families and all Floridians
83. Plaintiff repeats the allegations of ¶¶ 1–59 above as if set forth fully herein.
84. The Act excludes any exceptions of its drastic restrictions on abortion rights due to the
adverse mental health effects of forcing pregnancy upon a woman, no matter how severe.
85. There is no rational basis or compelling state interest in ignoring the serious
psychological harm inflicted upon women by forcing them to carry a pregnancy to term and to
bear a child against her will, especially if the pregnancy is the result of rape, incest or other
woman by compelling her to become a parent against her will, while exceptions are made for
other reasons, no exception is made due to mental health considerations when the trauma of an
unwanted pregnancy is compounded by the additional trauma inflicted by the State upon a
woman when her autonomy is denied in decisions of parenthood. The traumatic effect not only
of the pregnancy under egregious circumstances, but of the loss of power to terminate the
86. On June 7, in response to yet another deadly shooting in Uvalde, Texas, Governor Ron
DeSantis signed a bill that will require mental health “crisis intervention” training for on-campus
officers. The new law also requires that 80 percent of employees at all schools receive training in
“youth mental health awareness and assistance,” and recognizes that under certain circumstances,
mental health concerns can represent a crisis in one’s life, especially to the young.
87. The Florida Constitution provides in Article 1, Section 2 that “All natural persons,
female or male alike, are equal before the law and have inalienable rights.” By allowing other
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considerations to be considered, but explicitly eliminating the mental health consequences of
forced parenthood upon a woman, regardless of the terrible circumstances which may surround
the pregnancy, the Act discriminates against the mentally ill or those why may suffer mental
88. Accordingly, the Act discriminates against those who suffer mental illness or may
suffer mental distress and illness as a result of the Act. Accordingly, the Act violates Article 1,
Section 2 of the Florida Constitution. This violation of equal protection causes irreparable harm
to Plaintiff, its members, congregants, supporters and their families, some of whom suffer and/or
will suffer from mental illness and/or distress as a result of the Act.
1. Issue a declaratory judgment that HB 5 violates the right of Plaintiff, its female
members, congregants, and supporters and their families and/or all women of Florida to privacy
restrictions upon decisions surrounding abortion, reproduction and personal autonomy. Plaintiff
further requests that this Honorable Court find that because HB 5 violates the provisions of the
Florida Constitution Article 1, section 23, it is therefore void, unenforceable, invalid and of no
legal effect.
members, congregants, supporters and their families as well as all others to be free to exercise
their religious, spiritual and/or ethical values and beliefs, free from government intrusion; and to
find that HB 5 violates the establishment and the free exercise clause of the Florida Constitution
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as expressed in Article 1 section 3 and is therefore void, unenforceable, invalid and of no legal
effect.
members, congregants, supporters and their families, as well as many others in Florida by
depriving them of their fundamental right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and other
rights described in this complaint without due process of law; and to further find that because of
this violation, HB 5 violates the due process clause of the Florida Constitution as expressed in
Article 1, section 9, and is therefore void, unenforceable, invalid and of no legal effect.
Constitution by denying equal protection under the law and by discriminating against those with
mental illness or who could suffer adverse mental health consequences as the result of the Act,
and therefore the Act is void, unenforceable, invalid and of no legal effect.
employees, appointees, or successors, as well as those in active concert or participation with any
of them, from enforcing, threatening to enforce, or otherwise applying the provisions of the Act
in Florida due to its violation of the rights of Plaintiff, its members, congregants, supporters and
families and all other people in Florida as provided in the Florida Constitution, Article 1,
7. Grant such other and further relief as this Court deems just and proper.
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I HEREBY CERTIFY that a true and correct copy of the foregoing Complaint and its
attached Exhibit A has been sent by electronic mail to the defendants or their representatives,
as listed on the service list below, this June 10, 2022.
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Dave A. Aronberg, State Attorney Joseph A. Ladapo, M.D.,State Surgeon
401 N. Dixie Highway, Suite 2800 General &
West Palm Beach, Florida 33401-4209 Florida Department of Health Secretary
Email: [email protected] 4052 Bald Cypress Way
Tallahassee, Florida 32399-1719
Dennis W. Ward, State Attorney Email: Joseph A. Ladapo, M.D., State
530 Whitehead Street, Suite 201 Surgeon General,
Key West, Florida 33040-6547 [email protected]
Email: [email protected]
Florida Board of Medicine
Florida Department of Health c/o David Diamond, M.D., Chair
c/o Joseph A. Ladapo, M.D., Office of the General Counsel
State Surgeon General 2585 Merchants Row Blvd.
4052 Bald Cypress Way Tallahassee, Florida 32399
Tallahassee, Florida 32399-1719 Email: Ed Tellechea, Chief Assistant
Email: John Wilson, General Counsel, Attorney General,
[email protected] [email protected]
Email: Joseph A. Ladapo, M.D., State
Surgeon General, David Diamond, M.D., Chair
[email protected] Florida Board of Medicine
Office of the General Counsel
Simone Marstiller, J.D., Secretary 2585 Merchants Row Blvd.
Fla Agency for Health Care Admin. Tallahassee, Florida 32399
2727 Mahan Dr. Email: Ed Tellechea, Chief Assistant
Tallahassee, Florida 32308 Attorney General,
Email: Deputy General Counsel [email protected]
[email protected]
Florida Board of Osteopathic Medicine
State of Florida c/o Sandra Schwemmer, D.O., Chair
c/o Ashley Moody Office of the General Counsel
Florida Attorney General 2585 Merchants Row Blvd.
PL-01 The Capitol Tallahassee, Florida 32399
Tallahassee, Fl. 32399-1050 Email: Donna McNulty, Senior Assistant
Attorney General,
Simone Marstiller, J.D., Secretary [email protected]
Florida Agency for Health Care Admin.
2727 Mahan Drive
Tallahassee, Fl. 43408
[email protected]
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Florida Board of Nursing
c/o Maggie Hansen, MHSc, RN, Chair
Office of the General Counsel
2585 Merchants Row Blvd.
Tallahassee, Florida 32399
Email: Deborah Loucks, Senior Assistant
Attorney General,
[email protected]
Email: David Flynn, Assistant Attorney
General, [email protected]
State of Florida
c/o Jack Campbell
State Attorney for the Second Judicial Circuit
of the State of Florida
Leon County Courthouse
301 S. Monroe St. Suite #475
Tallahassee, Fl. 32301
Email: [email protected]
Jack E. Campbell
State Attorney for Leon County
Leon County Courthouse
301 S. Monroe St. Suite #475
Tallahassee, Fl. 32301
Email: [email protected]
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EXHIBIT A
CHAPTER 2022-69
Committee Substitute for House Bill No. 5
Section 1. Subsections (2), (3), and (7) of section 381.84, Florida Statutes,
are amended to read:
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smoke. Further, it is the intent of the Legislature to base increases in
funding for individual components of the program on the results of
assessments and evaluations. Recognizing that some components will
need to grow faster than inflation, it is the intent of the Legislature to
fund portions of the program on a nonrecurring basis in the early years so
that those components that are most effective can be supported as the
program matures.
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Ch. 2022-69 LAWS OF FLORIDA Ch. 2022-69
(1) As used in this section, the term “department” means the Depart-
ment of Health.
(2) The department shall contract with local healthy start coalitions for
the creation of fetal and infant mortality review committees in all regions of
the state to improve fetal and infant mortality and morbidity in each region.
Each committee shall:
(a) Review and analyze rates, trends, causes, and other data related to
fetal and infant mortality and morbidity in a geographic area.
(3) Each local healthy start coalition shall report the findings and
recommendations developed by each fetal and infant mortality review
committee to the department annually. Beginning October 1, 2023, the
department shall compile such findings and recommendations in an annual
report, which must be submitted to the Governor, the President of the
Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
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Ch. 2022-69 LAWS OF FLORIDA Ch. 2022-69
respectively, present subsection (6) is amended, and new subsections (6) and
(9) are added to that section, to read:
(c) The fetus has not achieved viability under s. 390.01112 and two
physicians certify in writing that, in reasonable medical judgement, the
fetus has a fatal fetal abnormality.
(1) The director of any medical facility in which abortions are performed,
including surgical procedures and medical abortions, including a physician’s
office, shall submit a report each month to the agency. If the abortion is not
performed in a medical facility, the physician performing the abortion shall
submit the monthly report. The report must may be submitted electronically
on a form adopted by the agency, the Board of Medicine, and the Board of
Osteopathic Medicine which, may not include personal identifying informa-
tion, and must include:
(a) Until the agency begins collecting data under paragraph (e), The
number of abortions performed.
(b) The reasons such abortions were performed. If a woman upon whom
an abortion is performed has provided evidence that she is a victim of human
trafficking pursuant to s. 390.0111(3)(a)1.b.(IV), such reason must be
included in the information reported under this section.
(c) For each abortion, the period of gestation at the time the abortion was
performed.
(2) The agency shall keep such reports in a central location for the
purpose of compiling and analyzing statistical data and shall submit data
reported pursuant to paragraph (1)(e) to the Division of Reproductive Health
within the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, as requested by the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
(4)(5) Any person required under this section to file a report or keep any
records who willfully fails to file such report or keep such records may be
subject to a $200 fine for each violation. The agency shall be required to
impose such fines when reports or records required under this section have
not been timely received. For purposes of this section, timely received is
defined as 30 days following the preceding month.
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Ch. 2022-69 LAWS OF FLORIDA Ch. 2022-69
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