Assam and the Eastern States

Assam – the remote and hilly region in the north- have inluenced the development of Śākta Hindu-
east corner of India, tucked between Bhutan, ism in Assam.
Bangladesh, and Myanmar – is home to some of Many early scholars – including both British
the most complex and poorly understood Hindu orientalists and Assamese historians – tended to
traditions of South Asia. Together with the sur- dismiss the religion of Assam as a kind of thin
rounding northeast states of Arunachal Pradesh, veneer of Hinduism pasted clumsily over a deeper
Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, and subculture of tribal ritual, witchcrat, and magic
Tripura, Assam contains some of India’s most (Eliot, 1921, 279; Kakati, 1989). In fact, however,
remarkable ecological, cultural, and religious it is more accurate to think of Assamese religion
diversity, and yet it has rarely received serious as a rich, complex, and hybrid negotiation or dia-
attention in modern scholarship. hroughout lectical exchange among a wide variety of pre-
both European orientalist writings and Hindu lit- Hindu indigenous traditions and the Sanskritic
erature, Assam has long been portrayed as a land Brahmanic traditions coming from central India.
of tribal superstition, black magic, and human he most popular festival in Assam today, for
sacriice (Acharyya, 1966, 2). According to a example, is the spring Bohagi Bihu in mid-April
Tibetan author from the 17th century, “there are that marks the start of the agricultural cycle. Cel-
so many witches (ḍākinīs) and various kinds of ebrated with great fervor by Assamese Hindus
demons and devils there that even a person who and tribal communities alike, the Bihu is a rich
has fully mastered the Tantras can hardly stay synthesis of various inluences that combines
there” (Kooij, 1972, 35). British orientalist schol- Hindu prayers and oferings with highly erotic
ars and Christian missionaries were typically even songs and dances that relect indigenous fertility
more negative in their assessment of the religions rites (Goswami, 1967, 23; Sharma, 1990, 305).
of the northeast, which were widely dismissed as In this sense, Assam is an important case for
“barbarous and immoral worship,” whose “out- the larger understanding of Hindu traditions as
ward signs are repulsive” and “inner meaning they have adapted to and interacted with a variety
strange” (Eliot, 1921, 287–289). of non-Hindu local traditions, producing some of
Known in early literature as Prāgjyotiṣpura the most fascinating forms of Hinduism in South
(“City of Eastern Light”) and Kāmarūpa (“Form Asia. Indeed, it is a powerful reminder of the fact
of Desire”), Assam is a long, alluvial valley of the that “Hinduism” itself is less a homogenous, sin-
Brahmaputra River bounded on almost all sides gular, neatly bounded category than an extremely
by mountains with a tremendous variety of wild- complex, dynamic, and hybrid tradition that has
life and among the heaviest rainfall in Asia. he assumed many diferent forms in diferent parts
people of the region are no less diverse, represent- of South Asia as it encountered a wide variety of
ing a complex mixture of ethnic and linguistic indigenous cultures.
groups that include Mon-Khmer, Tibeto-Burman, he article that follows is divided into six parts,
Indo-Aryan, and Shan. Today, the state of Assam devoted to six major forms of Hinduism in the
alone contains 23 recognized tribal groups, northeast, and corresponding roughly to six
including the Bodo Kacharis, Rabhas, Lalungs, major → historical periods: (a) Vedic and Brahma-
Mikirs, Khasis, Jaintias, Garos, and Nagas, each nic inluences in the early history of Kāmarūpa;
with their own unique cultures, dialects, and reli- (b) Śaiva traditions in ancient and medieval
gious traditions. It is worth noting that several of Assam; (c) the Śākta traditions that became
these indigenous communities, particularly the powerful from roughly the 8th to the 18th cen-
Khasis, Jaintias, and Garos, have traditionally tury; (d) Hindu Tantra, which lourished from
been matrilineal and have worshipped a variety the 10th century onward (→ Tantrism); (e) the
of powerful goddess igures, which may very well Vaiṣnạ va reforms that swept across Assam from

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2009 BEH, vol. I

Also available online – www.brill.nl

BEH_11-22_Asam.indd 11 7/9/2009 7:08:40 PM

 12 Assam and the Eastern States
the 16th century onward; and (f) new develop- with the Varman dynasty (4th–7th century).
ments in modern Assam, such as the internationally Although the Varmans were probably of non-
famous female guru, Shree Maa of Kāmākhyā, who Hindu origin, they incorporated numerous Vedic
has spread a hybrid sort of devotional Śākta Hin- and Brahmanictraditions, such as royal consecra-
duism to a global audience of devotees. tion ceremonies (abhiṣeka), the royal ritual of
the horse sacriice (aśvamedha), and various other
→ yajñas. According to copper-plate land grants
from the period, the mythical ancestor of the
Vedic and Brahmanic Influences in
Varmans, Vajradatta, studied the four Vedas and
Early Kāmarūpa performed numerous horse sacriices. he his-
torical king Mahendravarman (470–494) was also
he mythical origins of Hinduism in Assam and
praised in land grants for his performance of
the northeast states are tied to the enigmatic
aśvamedhas and indeed as ofering sacriices “like
igure of King Naraka. According to the oldest
the god Indra”; his mother, meanwhile, was
sacred text from Assam, the Kālikāpurāṇa (here-
named Yajñadevī – that is, the “Goddess of Sacriice”
ater KāP., 10th–11th cents.), Naraka was the son
(Sharma, 1990, 307). Finally, Bhāskaravarman
of Lord → Viṣnụ and the goddess Earth (→ Bhūdevī),
(600–650), the greatest of the Varmans, was said
conceived during the highly inauspicious time of
to have been created by Lord → Brahmā himself in
the goddess’ menstrual period (KāP. 36.6–7). he
order to reestablish the varṇāśramadharma (order
northeast region, according to this narrative, was
of classes and stages of life) and was thus given
then under the protection of Lord → Śiva and was
the epithet Prakāśitāryadharmaloka, “he One Who
inhabited by the Kirātas – a generic term for non-
Revealed the Light of Aryan Religion” (Sarma,
Hindu tribal peoples of the northeast hills – who
1990, 307). As we see in the copper-plate grants
were described as “shaven-headed and addicted to
from the period, the Varmans were generous
wine and meat” (KāP. 38.100–103). According to
patrons of Brahmans, donating large pieces of
the Yoginītantra (YogT.), a product of 17th-
land and villages to priests from a wide range of
century Assam, the original religion of Assam was
lineages (gotras) and branches of Vedic learning
thus Kirātadharma (Religion of the Kirātas), or
(śākhās).
non-Hindu tribal religion, which involved sexual
Royal patronage of Brahmans and Vedic ritual
freedom and the consumption of ducks, pigeons,
continued under the later dynasties of Kāmarūpa,
tortoises, boars, and other impure animals (YogT.
particularly under the Palas (9th–12th cents.).
2.9.13–16). At the command of Lord Viṣnu ̣ , King
According to a copper-plate grant from Guwahati
Naraka invaded the region and drove out the
in the 10th century, King Ratnapāla (920–960 CE)
indigenous Kirātas; he then established a number
was such a great patron of Vedic rites that the sky
of twice-born families who were masters of the
became dark with sacriicial smoke and the land
→ Vedas and the Śāstras (→ Sanskrit texts). here-
was covered with sacriicial posts, temples, and
ater, “[e]veryone became devoted to the study
homes for Vedic scholars (Sharma, 1990, 309).
of the Vedas and engaged in ofering of gits
and religious duty. In a short time, the land of
Kāmarūpa became renowned” (KāP. 38.130). Its
name became Kāmarūpa, we are told, because this Śaiva Traditions
region is the very place where Lord Śiva burned
Kāma, the god of sexual desire, to ashes and then As Vedic and Brahmanic inluences spread to the
restored his body (rūpa) to life again (KāP. 51.78). northeast, however, they also began to mingle
he kingdom of Kāmarūpa is said to have lour- with the many indigenous tribal religions of the
ished under Naraka with Vedic dharma (order region. his complex process is clearly seen in the
and duties) and Brahmanic rites until the king Śaiva traditions of Assam, which relect a long
made a pact with a non-Hindu tribal chief from history of mutual inluence between indigenous
eastern Assam: Naraka then became “inimical to religions and Brahmanic traditions. According to
gods and Brāhmaṇas” and was cursed by the sage the Kālikāpurāṇa, the tribal king Bāṇa – a con-
Vasiṣtḥ a (KāP. 38.144–45). temporary and ally of Naraka – was a devotee of
Virtually all the dynasties of ancient Kāmarūpa Lord Śiva. he same text also narrates that the
traced their origins to King Naraka, beginning great sage Vasiṣtḥ a placed a curse on Śiva that he

BEH_11-22_Asam.indd 12 7/9/2009 7:08:41 PM

 Assam and the Eastern States 13
would become a favorite of the → mlecchas (non- Worship and patronage of Śiva continued
Hindus and tribals) in the region and would throughout the medieval history of Assam, par-
therefore be worshipped according to the trans- ticularly under the Ahoms, a Shan people who
gressive vāmācāra or “let-hand” method with entered Assam from the east and ruled much of
wine, meat, and non-Vedic sacriices (KāP. 81.22; the region between the 13th and 18th centuries.
→ Tantrism). Several of Assam’s greatest Śiva temples were
he early copper-plate land grants suggest that built under the later Ahoms, such as the famous
Śiva was worshipped by many of the early kings Umānanda Temple on Peacock Island in the mid-
of Kāmarūpa, such as Bhāskaravarman, whose dle of the Brahmaputra River, built by Gadhādhār
inscriptions begin with a salute to Lord Śiva. Like- Siṅgha (1681–1696). In fact, one of the tallest Śiva
wise, Harjaravarman (815–832) was praised as temples in India is the Śivadol Temple in Sibsagar,
Paramamaheśvara, that is, a great devotee of Śiva- eastern Assam, which stands 32 m high. Built in
Maheśvara. And King Vanamāla (832–855) is said 1734 by Queen Ambikā, wife of the great Ahom
to have committed religious suicide by perform- king Śiva Siṅgha (1714–1744), the Śivadol is also
ing a → vrata (act of austerity) of fasting unto death a striking testimony to the religious and political
and was thereater absorbed into the spirit of Lord power wielded by women in Assam. To this day
Śiva (Sharma, 1990, 314–315). the Śivadol remains one of the most active Śiva
However, according to many of the burañjīs or temples in India, attracting thousands of pilgrims
historical accounts from Assam, Śiva was also on major holy days such as the great śivarātrī
worshipped in some form by various tribal groups → festival held in February-March.
in the region, oten with a mixture of Brahmanic
and indigenous ritual practice. Among the Bodos,
for example, Śiva was known as Bāthau or Bāthau
Śiv-rāi, while the Mechs worshipped Śiva with the Śākta Traditions
highly un-Vedic oferings of bufalo and pigeon
Assam is perhaps most famous, however, for the
sacriices (Neog, 1980, 81).
tremendous lourishing of Śākta Hinduism that
Similarly, the Koch kings of Koch Behar and
took place here from roughly the 8th century
western Assam claimed to be descendents of
onward. Indeed, Assam has long been regarded
Lord Śiva and worshipped him with a mix of
by both Indian and Western authors as the “prin-
Brahmanic and indigenous rites. According to
cipal center” and even “the birthplace of Śāktism,”
one popular narrative, when the Koch king
or the worship of the goddess as creative power
Naranārāyaṇa Siṅgha (1540–1584) was leading
(śakti; Sharma, 1990, 317; Eliot, 1921, 278). It is
a military expedition against the Ahoms, he began
said that the god Kāma – the god of sexual desire –
to worship Śiva according to the Hindu Śāstras.
built the irst temple to the goddess here, and it is
But Śiva appeared to him in a dream and rebuked
here that she comes “secretly to satisfy her amour
him sternly for giving up his tribal form of wor-
(kāma) with Śiva” (Barua, 1933, 167). Since at
ship. hus the king arranged for the performance
least the time of the Hevajratantra (8th cent.;
of tribal rites by the Kachari soldiers under his
→ Tantras), Kāmarūpa has been revered as one of
command, which involved the sacriice of all man-
the oldest and most important “seats of power”
ner of non-Vedic animals: “Oferings of ducks and
(śāktapīt ̣has), or centers of the goddess’ energy,
pigeons, wine and cooked rice and sacriices of
that dot the sacred landscape of South Asian Hin-
bufaloes and swine, cocks and he-goats were
duism (Sircar, 1973). According to a widespread
made. here were also Kachari dances with the
myth found in the Brāhmaṇas, epics, and Purāṇas,
beating of drums” (Neog, 1980, 80). According
the śāktapīṭhas were created when the goddess
to the historical narrative of the Darraṅg
Satī (→ Pārvatī) committed suicide by throwing
Rājvaṃ śāvalī (Sarma, 1973), Naranārāyaṇa also
herself upon a sacriicial ire; her corpse was then
issued an edict regulating the indigenous and
cut up and dismembered by Lord Viṣnu ̣ , and the
Brahmanic forms of worship in the temples of
various pieces of her body fell at diferent holy
his realm: in the temples on the north side of the
sites in India, which then became the “seats” of the
central Gohāi-Kamala road, Koch, Mech, and
goddess’ power (KāP. 18.41–47). he goddess’
Kachari people alone were to perform worship,
yoni or sexual organ is believed to lie inside
while on the south side of the road, Brahmans
the temple of Kāmākhyā on Nīlacala hill near
were to perform the rites.

BEH_11-22_Asam.indd 13 7/9/2009 7:08:41 PM

 14 Assam and the Eastern States
Guwahati, making this temple literally the (Sharma, 1990, 319). Some scholars like B.K. Kakati
“mother of all seats of power,” or the “womb” of (1989) have even tried to trace a tribal or non-
Śākta Hinduism itself. In addition to Kāmākhyā, Sanskritic etymology of Kāmākhyā, which he
moreover, the northeast region contains a number suspects may come from kāmoi (demon) or kāmet
of other major goddess temples, such as the pīṭha (corpse in Khasi). Kāmākhyā herself is an
of Tripurasundarī in Tripura, seat of the goddess’ extremely complex igure, who represents a
right leg, the Jainteśvarī Durgā Temple in Megha- remarkable melding of many diferent traditions
laya, and the Tāmreśvarī Temple in eastern and deities. A composite igure, she combines
Assam. great goddesses from mainstream Hindu mythol-
Worship of the goddess in Assam can be traced ogy like Durgā and Lakṣmī (→ Srī Lakṣmī), with
to at least the time of the Varman Empire. One of the many local, indigenous goddesses worshipped
the land-grant plates of Vanamāla (9th cent.) by tribal groups throughout Assam. Within the
refers to Lord Kāmeśvara and the goddess temple, Kāmākhyā is represented not by any
Mahāgaurī, who reside on the hill Kāmatagiri; human image, but by a large rock that happens to
since the Kālikāpurāṇa explicitly refers to Śiva have a rather vaginal-looking clet running down
and Kāmākhyā as Kāmeśvara and Mahāgaurī it. When she is represented in iconic form, she
and to Nīlacala hill as Kāmatagiri (KāP. 62.110; appears as an extremely ambivalent goddess who
38.85; 8.43), many scholars take this to be an early has two very diferent sides. On one side, she has a
reference to the Kāmākhyā Temple as a major seat benign, loving, maternal form (her śānta or peace-
of Śākta Hinduism in the northeast (Sharma, ful state), associated with sensuality and pleasure.
1990, 322). On the other side, she also has terrible, wrathful,
But even more so than the Śaiva traditions, the destructive forms (her ugra, terrible state), such as
Śākta traditions of Assam relect a long and com- the dark goddess of time and death, → Kālī, or the
plex interaction between mainstream Brahmanic emaciated terrifying Cāmuṇḍā, who smiles ghoul-
forms of Hinduism and the many tribal religions ishly as she sits upon a human corpse and drinks
of the northeast. Indeed, according to the mytho- blood from a skull-bowl (KāP. 60.55; Kooij, 1972,
historical narrative of the Kālikāpurāṇa, the 32). In popular art today, she is commonly depicted
goddess Kāmākhyā was already present and wor- as a fusion of Lakṣmī, Kālī, and Durgā, seated on a
shipped in Kāmarūpa before the conquest of King lotus with 12 arms holding various weapons, while
Naraka. When Naraka conquered and Hinduized also resting her foot upon the corpse of Śiva, who
the region, he continued the preexistent worship is in turn lying upon a lion.
of the goddess (KāP. 38.100–119). In fact, power- his composite, hybrid image of the goddess
ful mother goddesses were worshipped by many was quite likely closely tied to the complex politi-
of the northeast tribal communities, such as the cal and cultural landscape of Assam, with its rich
Bodos, Chutiyas, Jaintias, Khasis, Lalungs, and mix of Hindu and indigenous traditions. As Brah-
Rabhas (Mishra, 2004, 15–17). Several of these manic Hindu inluence spread throughout the
tribes, such as the Khasis and Jaintias, have tradi- region, and as more tribal kings began to patron-
tionally been matrilineal and worship a variety of ize Hindu deities, Kāmākhyā emerged as a kind
powerful natural and domestic goddesses – such of syncretic goddess who could assimilate and
as the Khasi goddess Ka blei Synshar, “Goddess of unite the many indigenous goddesses of the
the World,” or the powerful Jaintia form of region – much as Assam’s kings hoped to assimi-
→ Durgā, worshiped with blood sacriice at her late and unite a wide range of indigenous peoples
temple in Nartiang, Meghalaya. he Chutiya and communities under a single political rule
kings, who ruled eastern Assam from the 13th to (Urban, 2001, 2008).
the 16th century, were known for their worship of his rich blending of tribal and Brahmanic and
the terrible goddess Kecāi Khāti, or “She Who Hindu inluences can be seen throughout the
Eats Raw Flesh,” and her temple near Sadiya was worship at Kāmākhyā Temple to this day. For
infamous for the regular ofering of human sacri- example, one of the most unusual festivals cele-
ice (Mishra, 2004, 5; Barua, 1965, 87). brated at Kāmākhyā is dedicated to the snake-
Many historians have suggested that Kāmākhyā goddess, Manasā, held in the late summer. In addi-
herself may have originally been a tribal mother tion to numerous animal sacriices, manasāpūjā
goddess and that nearby peoples like the Khasis is accompanied by the ecstatic dancing of quasi-
and Garos may have been her original devotees shamanic igures known as deodhās. As they wor-

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 Assam and the Eastern States 15
Assam and the Eastern States

Sadiya

ra
put
hma
Bra Sibsagar
Koch Bihar Hajo

Guwahati

Nartiang

Hirapur

ship and prostate themselves before the goddess, human) sacriices. Since at least the time of the
the deodhās become temporarily possessed by Kālikāpurāṇa, blood sacriice has been the most
various deities and enter into a kind of divine basic public form of goddess worship. Indeed, it
frenzy that is believed to give them the power to said that the male gods like Gaṇeśa (→ Gaṇapati/
see the future (Mishra, 2004, 54–57). Although Gaṇeśa), Śiva, and → Kṛsṇ ạ can be worshipped
many scholars believe the dance is probably of with sweets, chanting, and religious vows, but
Bodo-Kachari origin, connected to the non- the goddess can only be satisied with blood
Hindu priests (deodhāis) of the tribal communi- (KāP. 55.1–2). However, the kinds of animals
ties, it has now been incorporated as a regular listed as suitable sacriices in the Kālikāpurāṇa,
part of the annual pūjā at Kāmākhyā Temple. Yoginītantra, and other texts from Assam are
However, the most important festival at highly un-Vedic and most likely relect the strong
Kāmākhyā Temple is ambuvācīmelā, which cele- inluence of non-Hindu tribal traditions. Accord-
brates the goddess’ annual menstruation during ing to the rather motley list of victims in the
the summer months. For three days the goddess Kālikāpurāṇa, her oferings can include every-
is believed to be in a state of ritual impurity dur- thing from birds, tortoises, and crocodiles to rhi-
ing her menstrual low, and the temple is closed nos, lions, and elephants (KāP. 55.3–5). he
to the outside world. Finally on the fourth day, Yoginītantra, a product of 16th–18th century
the temple doors are opened to thousands of pil- Assam, adds yaks, hares, and lizards to this list of
grims, who receive red pieces of cloth symboliz- victims (2.7.157–162). Today, the most prized
ing the power of the goddess that is believed to victim ofered to the goddess is the bufalo – an
bring grace to her devotees and life to the earth. animal that is explicitly considered wild, impure,
A variety of scholars have observed that this cele- and unit for sacriice by traditional Vedic stan-
bration seems to be a complex mixture of indige- dards (Biardeau, 1993, 98; Urban, 2008). More-
nous fertility rites and more-mainstream Śākta over, the manner of killing the victim is also
Hindu traditions (Bhat ̣ṭācāryya, 2000; Urban, highly un-Vedic and relective of tribal practices:
2008). rather than an unbloody sufocation outside the
While the goddess gives her blood to the earth ritual enclosure, as prescribed in Vedic ritual,
each year during her annual menstruation, blood sacriice to Kāmākhyā centers on a quite bloody
is in turn ofered to the goddess through the reg- act of beheading followed by the ofering of the
ular performance of animal (and, at one time, head and blood to the goddess. Again, this likely

BEH_11-22_Asam.indd 15 7/9/2009 7:08:42 PM

 16 Assam and the Eastern States
relects non-Hindu tribal ritual practices of the 84–85). While King Naraka is said to have been
northeast, where sacriices of a wide range of vic- the irst mythical patron of the goddess, early
tims – and especially of bufalo – concluded in kings like Vanamāla and Indrapāla are believed to
beheading and the ofering of the head to the have been worshippers of Śakti (Sharma, 1990,
deity (Endle, 1911, 39–41; Urban, 2001; 2008). 322), and the present temple was rebuilt by the
From the time of the Kālikāpurāṇa down to the Koch kings who ruled western Assam in the 16th
last of the Ahom kings, moreover, human sacri- and 17th centuries. According to a widespread
ice appears to have been a key part of the god- narrative, the original temple had been destroyed
dess’ worship in Assam. he Kālikāpurāṇa devotes by invasion or natural disaster but was rediscov-
an entire chapter to the subject of human sacri- ered by the Koch king Viśva Siṅgha (d. 1540) dur-
ice, which is described in great detail as the most ing his war against the tribal kings of western
powerful ofering to the goddess and the source Assam. An old woman of the Mech tribe told him
of victory, prosperity, and destruction of enemies this was the seat of the goddess, so he ofered the
to the one who performs it: for “when a human sacriice of a pig and a cock to her and vowed to
being is sacriiced, the goddess remains pleased rebuild her temple should he be victorious in bat-
for 1,000 years; and when three are sacriiced, for tle. he temple was then rebuilt in its present form
100,000 years” (KāP. 67.18; see YogT. 2.7.157– by Viśva’s son, Naranārāyaṇa Siṅgha, and his
162). Here again we see the likely inluence of brother Chilarāi in 1565, ater they successfully
pre-Hindu tribal traditions: several of the north- defeated most of the tribal chiefs of the region.
east tribes such as the Nagas and Garos were he inner walls of the temple contain a sculpture
headhunters, with a long tradition of collecting of the king and an inscription celebrating his
human heads (Gohain, 1977; Woodward, 2000), “glory,” “charity,” and “excellence” as a “worshipper
and human sacriice has been recorded among a of Kāmākhyā” (Nath, 1989, 58–62).
wide range of northeast tribes such as the Khasis, his intimate connection between kingship
Jaintias, and Chutiyas (Gait, 1898; Barua, 1965; and the goddess continued ater the defeat of the
Mishra, 2004). According to one well-known Koch kings by the Ahoms in the 17th century.
account in 1615, the Ahom king made a human Although originally a non-Hindu group derived
sacriice of the invading Muslim commander, from the Tai or Shan peoples, the Ahom kings
who was be headed and ofered to the goddess adopted many Brahmanic traditions and worship
Kāmākhyā (Basu, 1970, 237). he Jaintias are also of Kāmākhyā ater they conquered the region.
said to have ofered human victims to the goddess he Ahoms brought in new priests from → Bengal
Durgā at her temple near Nartiang, Meghalaya, and other parts of India and constructed hundreds
where the hole into which the heads were ofered of temples throughout the region. hus the great
can still be seen today. he practice apparently Ahom king, Rudra Siṅgha, wished to be initiated
continued up until the 1830s when the British into the “cult of strength or Śakti” and so invited a
government put a stop to it ater four British sub- famous Brahman named Kṛsṇ ạ̄ nanda Bhat ̣ṭācārya
jects were kidnapped and taken to Nartiang to to come to Assam from Bengal (Sarma, 1998, 16).
be ofered (Gait, 1963, 65). But there are in fact Unfortunately, Rudra Siṅgha died in 1714, before
still periodic rumors of the rite being practiced the priest arrived to initiate him. His queen, how-
secretly today around Kāmākhyā and other parts ever, was initiated and had the Brahman installed
of the northeast (Karmakar, 2002). on Nīlacala hill to serve as chief priest of Kāmākhyā
As the very embodiment of divine power Temple.
(śakti), closely tied to the land and to fertility, the hough no longer a center of political power,
goddess has also long been tied to kingship and Kāmākhyā Temple remains to this day one of the
political power in Assam. From the mythical king liveliest and most popular goddess temples in all
Naraka down to the last of the Ahom kings in the of South Asia. Particularly during the annual fes-
18th century, many of Assam’s rulers have been tival celebrating the goddess’ menstruation, the
patrons of the goddess as power. Indeed, the temple attracts thousands of pilgrims from all
Kālikāpurāṇa devotes two entire chapters to sub- over the subcontinent who come hoping to
jects of statecrat, politics, and military strategy receive the divine grace and power carried by the
with a detailed discussion of the ideal conduct of goddess’ blood.
the king and his worship of the goddess (KāP.

BEH_11-22_Asam.indd 16 7/9/2009 7:08:42 PM

 Assam and the Eastern States 17
Hindu Tantric Traditions and their sexual luids embody the divine creative
energies.
At the same time, in addition to being considered According to the Yonitantra – a text from the
the motherland of Śākta Hinduism, Assam is also Koch Behar region adjacent to Assam, dating to
widely regarded as the heartland and perhaps roughly the 16th century – the liṅga or phallus of
original homeland of Hindu Tantra, which spread the male partner is the eternal Lord Sadāśiva, and
throughout South Asian from roughly the 4th or the yoni or vulva of the female is the great god-
5th century onward. As the locus of the goddess’ dess Mahāmāya (YonT. 5.25). Indeed, the yoni is
sexual organ and the home of the supreme “God- the goddess Śakti herself, the very form of the
dess of Desire” (Kāmākhyā), Assam has long been universe (YonT. 5.24), and the yonitattva or luid
revered as the “home of Tantricism” (Rahman, essence of the yoni is the ultimate source of spiri-
1966, 100), the “headquarters of the Tantric wor- tual and material power. Oten called kula yāga or
ship” (Briggs, 1938, 166), and “the tantric country ādi yāga (the clan or primal sacriice), these secret
par excellence” (Eliade, 1971, 305). For Tantra is rites can be thought of as the esoteric counterpart
itself perhaps best deined as a religious practice to ritual of sacriice. Like the sacriicial ritual,
aimed at “harnessing → kāma – desire (in every the tantric rite centers on the circulation and
sense of the word) – and all of its related values to consumption of luid power substances (White,
the service of deliverance” (Padoux, 1990, 40; see 2003, 106). As J.A. Schoterman observes, “the
KāP. 18.43–50; 62.76–77). hus according to Vedic drinking of the Soma has been transformed
several tantric texts, the sage Vasiṣtḥ a was told to into a yogic practice connected with the Yonitat-
go to the Kāmākhyā Temple on Nīlacala hill in tva” (1980, 30; Urban, 2008). Like the ofering
order to learn the most secret cīnācāra practice – of bufalos and other non-Vedic victims to the
that is, the “Chinese practice” involving the infa- goddess Kāmākhyā, however, the tantric rite of
mous “ive M’s” (pañcamakāra), or ive forbidden sexual union is also deliberately transgressive and
substances and actions beginning with ma- in San- involves explicit violations of laws of purity. Sex-
skrit: namely, meat (maṃ sa), ish (matsya), wine ual relations take place between men and women
(madya), parched grain (mudrā), and sexual of all social classes and during highly impure
union (maithuna) (Woodrofe, 1918, 198–199; times such as during the woman’s menstrual low
Biernacki, 2007, 102). (YogT. 1.6.37–39; YonT. 2.15; Urban, 2008).
Likewise, according to the key tantric text, the he primary aim of this esoteric ritual or
Kaulajñānanirṇaya (10–11th cents.), it was in “secret sacriice” is, again, the acquisition of
Kāmarūpa that the great sage Matysendranāth power (śakti) in both a spiritual and a very mate-
irst learned the secret tantric rites from the many rial sense. By worshiping the yoni and the yonitat-
female → yoginīs who dwell there (Bagchi, 1934, tva, the Tantras proclaim, the Pāṇḍavas were
78; White, 2003, 213), and it was from Kāmarūpa victorious in battle (YonT. 4.28), Lord Śiva con-
that the Yoginī Kaula tradition spread as one of quered death (YonT. 1.8) and destroyed Tripura
the oldest and most inluential currents within (YonT. 4.28), and Lord Rāma was able to defeat
South Asian Tantra. Although there is no evi- the demon Rāvaṇa (YonT. 4.7). Indeed, “if, having
dence of a sixty-four yoginī temple in Assam com- obtained the yonitattva, one enters battle, he will
parable to the famous ones in Hirapur or conquer all his enemies and be victorious” (YonT.
Khajuraho, numerous texts state that the sixty- 6.6–7). Ultimately, by worship of the yoni and
four yoginīs were established in Kāmarūpa, and liṅga, one can achieve full liberation while still
they are still invoked in the daily worship of alive (YonT. 5.25).
Kāmākhyā (Dehejia, 1986, 78). he Yoginī Kaula While no longer as vibrant a center of tantric
school (→ Tantrism)is perhaps best known for its practice today as it was 400 years ago, Assam
use of highly transgressive rituals, such as ritual remains one of the few areas in India where Tan-
sexual union (maithuna) and the oral consump- tra still survives on the margins of mainstream
tion of sexual luids, especially menstrual blood Hinduism. his is no doubt one of the primary
(White, 2003, 11, 236). Here the initiated male reasons that Assam continues to be associated
and female partners embody the supreme deity with magic, witchcrat, and occultism in the
and the goddess, Śiva and Śakti or Kāmeśvara Hindu popular imagination. Indeed, on the
(“Lord of Love”) and Kāmeśvarī (“Lady of Love”), streets of Gwuhati today, one can ind hundreds

BEH_11-22_Asam.indd 17 7/9/2009 7:08:42 PM

 18 Assam and the Eastern States
of popular paperbacks with gruesome covers and the time” – and above all, the bloody rites of the
titles like Kāmākhyā Tantrasāra, most of which Śāktas and the sexual practices of let-hand Tantra
deal with spells for performing black magic and (Acharyya, 1966, 262–263). His closest disciple,
fulilling all worldly desires (Śāstrī, 1987). Mādhava (1489–1596), was originally a Śākta and
defended the practice of blood sacriice in a debate
with Śaṅkaradeva, before inally conceding and
converting to the Vaiṣnạ va faith. Initially,
Vaiṣṇava Traditions Śaṅkaradeva’s reformist movement and his cri-
tique of Śākta ritualism drew intense hostility
In light of early inscriptions and images of Viṣnu ̣
from the Brahmans of the region, who complained
found in ruins throughout the region, Vaiṣnạ vism
to the Ahom kings. Mādhava was imprisoned and
seems to have been widespread in Assam since at
another disciple beheaded, while Śaṅkaradeva
least the 5th or 6th century CE (Sharma, 1990,
was forced to lee from place to place to avoid per-
328; Sarma, 1988, 17). he Kālikāpurāṇa men-
secution. Ater leaving Assam to visit various holy
tions numerous holy sites in Kāmarūpa dedicated
sites, Śaṅkaradeva returned to the Koch kingdom,
to Lord Viṣnu ̣ , including Maṇikūta hill, in the
where he was initially met with hostility from
modern town of Hajo, where the famous temple
King Naranārāyaṇa, who arrested and tortured
̣ as Hayagrīva (the “Horse-Head” incar-
of Viṣnu
two of his disciples. However, the saint presented
nation) now stands. In the 14th century, the great
himself at the king’s court and persuaded him by
Assamese poet Mādhava Kandali composed a
the profundity of his learning and the depth of his
popular verse translation of the great epic, the
faith (Neog, 1967, 25). Finally, Śaṅkaradeva set-
Rāmāyaṇa, celebrating the heroic deeds of Viṣnu ̣ ’s
tled in the town of Bheladonga in Koch Behar,
incarnation as Lord Rāma. he poet at the time
where he died at the age of 120. However, he let
received the patronage of a Barāha king in central
behind a massive body of literature, including
Assam named Śrī Mahāmāṇikya, and it is likely
numerous poetic works, such as his magnum opus
that the Barāhi kings, like several other Assamese
Kīrtanaghoṣa, treatises on bhakti, translations of
dynasties, traced their lineage to Viṣnu ̣ ’s boar
the Bhāgavatapurāṇa and → Rāmāyaṇa, as well as
incarnation, Varāha, or Barāha in Assamese San-
numerous dramas and songs.
skrit (Sarma, 1976, 45–46).
Śaṅkaradeva’s devotional faith is oten referred
However, Vaiṣnạ vism became a major religious
to simply as ekaśaraṇa nāmadharma, meaning the
force in the 16th century with the popular devo-
religion of worship of the one true god (Viṣnu ̣ ,
tional revival led by the charismatic reformer
particularly in his incarnation as Kṛsṇ ạ ) through
Śaṅkaradeva (1449–1569). Born in what is now
recitation of his name (nāma). As Śaṅkaradeva
the Nowgong district of Assam, Śaṅkaradeva
put it in his Bhaktiratnakāra, “here is only one
came from a staunch Śākta family, with an image
religious duty, the worship of this god. here is
of the Goddess Caṇḍī as the object of worship in
only one mantra, the name of this god” (Cantle,
his father’s house, but Śaṅkaradeva eventually
1984, 256). All other deities are seen as mere
came to reject Śāktism and its bloody worship of
manifestations of Viṣnu ̣ , meaning that the wor-
the goddess (Neog, 1980, 85). While on pilgrim-
ship of any other gods or goddesses is useless. In
age at the Jagannāth Temple in Puri, Orissa,
contrast to Bengali Vaiṣnạ vism, Śaṅkaradeva’s
Śaṅkaradeva received his great spiritual illumina-
bhakti does not involve the worship of Kṛsṇ ạ ’s
tion and then returned to Assam to preach
female consort, → Rādhā – perhaps because of his
the devotional love of Viṣnu ̣ , above all in the
rejection of Śāktism and its focus on the female
form of his → avatāra (descent), Kṛsṇ ạ . Much like
aspect of the divine. Moreover, in contrast to
the devotional revivals led by Kabīr in North India
other bhakti traditions, it focuses primarily on the
and Śrī Caitanya in Bengal, Śaṅkaradeva’s move-
dāsya attitude, that is, the role of the devotee as a
ment spread rapidly throughout the northeast
“slave” (rather than a friend, mother, or lover) of
region in large part because of its simple, direct
god. In place of elaborate ritual, sacriice, or eso-
message of devotional love (→ bhakti) of God in a
teric rites, Śaṅkaradeva’s devotional worship
personal form and its accessibility to individuals
focuses primarily on the remembrance of god’s
of any class or caste.
name through chanting, prayer, and devotional
Śaṅkaradeva was quite critical of what he saw
singing (→ kīrtan). In this most degenerate cosmic
as the “idolatry and sacriicial piety practiced at
age, the kaliyuga (→ cosmic cycles), when human

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 Assam and the Eastern States 19
beings are frail and weak, singing and remem- ties. he chanting houses represent an integrated
brance of the name is the simplest, most direct, association of households who combine for the
and therefore most appropriate form of worship: purposes of “maintaining a local centre of devo-
“In the Golden Age salvation was attained by tional worship” (Cantle, 1984, 116). As the neo-
knowledge. In the Silver Age it was sacriices. In Vaiṣnạ va movement spread rapidly across Assam,
the Copper Age it was ritual. In the Iron Age it is the nāmghars efectively became the basic struc-
kīrtan” (Cantle, 1984, 267). tural unit of rural society in much of the region.
Śaṅkaradeva’s neo-Vaiṣnạ vism does, however, his is a large part of the reason that the state
place great emphasis on the importance of the remains predominantly Vaiṣnạ va to this day and
→ guru or teacher as the one who shows the way to Śaṅkaradeva’s devotional revival continues to
salvation. Indeed, the novice should see the guru inform both the religious and the social fabric of
as god and respect him as such: “God and guru Assamese culture.
are one, diferent only in body” (Cantle, 1984,
269). Initiation therefore means taking shelter
under the guru and surrendering oneself to god, The Power of the Goddess in a
to the guru, and the name. Unlike most other
forms of Hinduism in the region at the time, this Transnational Age
faith was open to men and women of all → castes,
With the onset of British colonial rule and an
and Śaṅkaradeva was famous for giving initiation
active missionary presence in Assam in the
to tribals, untouchables, and Muslims without
19th century, Christianity emerged as a major
hesitation. In his words, “A chandala who remem-
spiritual alternative to Hinduism in northeast
bers Hari is much superior to a Brahman observ-
India. Tribal groups in particular converted
ing religious vows” (Cantle, 1984, 268). For true
rapidly to Christianity, and today three of the
devotional love (bhakti), caste is irrelevant. As he
northeast states – Mizoram, Meghalaya, and
wrote in his Kīrtanaghoṣā,
Nagaland – are majority Christian. he British
Who understand the words of Krishna colonial authorities and Christian missionaries
What need he be by birth a Brahman? also tended to be iercely critical of what they saw
Let him only remember Hari by day and by as the gross idolatry and barbarism of the Hindus
night of the region, and above all of the transgressive
Bhakti does not care if he has a caste or not. rites of the tāntrikas (followers of one of the
(Cantle, 1984, 268) tantric traditions) and the blood sacriices of the
Śāktas. As the Reverend Sidney Endle put it in
Finally, Śaṅkaradeva and his followers also intro-
1911, Assam, with all its magic, ritualism, and
duced new kinds of Vaiṣnạ va institutions that
sacriice, represents the epitome of the worst ten-
reshaped not just the religious but also the social
dencies in Indian religions as a whole and indeed
life and communal organization of the northeast
the “destructive vortex of Hinduism,” which is
region. he two main structures he introduced
“invariably accompanied by a grave and deep-
were the satras, or monastic centers, and nāmghars,
seated deterioration in conduct and character”
or chanting houses. he satras basically consist of
(1911, 53; Eliot, 1921).
a guru (the satrādhikār or head of the monastery)
Today, Hinduism in all its forms remains a
and those disciples initiated by him, and these
vibrant part of Assamese life, and the great tem-
serve as centers of learning and study for Vaiṣnạ va
ples of Kāmākhyā, Śivadol, Hajo, and others con-
monks throughout the northeast. Under the
tinue to attract thousands of devotes from all over
Ahom kings, the satras received generous patron-
India. However, the Hindu traditions of the
age and became powerful bodies with an estab-
northeast have also undergone some fascinating
lished place in society. Although this patronage
transformations in the context of an increasingly
ended with the advent of British rule, there are
modern, globally interconnected, and diasporic
still today more than 650 satras in the Assam
Hindu population. One of the most remarkable
Valley, such as the famous satras on the great river
examples of the new forms of Hinduism is the
island of Majuli in eastern Assam. he nāmghars,
internationally famous female guru, Shree Maa
meanwhile, have played a central role in the
of Kāmākhyā. Born in Digboi, Assam, sometime
village life of Assam and serve as essentially the
between 1938 and 1948, Shree Maa came from
“religious congregation” of many local communi-

BEH_11-22_Asam.indd 19 7/9/2009 7:08:42 PM

 20 Assam and the Eastern States
a wealthy family descended from the great Ben- In the early 1980s, Shree Maa received a divine
gali saint and poet Rāmprasād Sen. From an early message from her spiritual master, the great
age, Shree Maa recounts having a wide array of Bengali saint, Shri Ramakrishna (1836–86), who
mystical experiences, trance states, and spiritual instructed her to leave India and travel to America.
visions. She was, he said, to “perform worship in the West
For example, while visiting Kāmākhyā Temple as you do in the East” in order unite East and
with her family on the last day of ambuvācīmelā West: for “the Motherland and Fatherland must
and the goddess’ menstruation, Shree Maa be made one” (Saraswati, 1997, 114).
received a vision of a blinding, bright light that Satyananda was initially opposed to the idea of
knocked her unconscious: the goddess herself returning to America, which he decried as a land
told her that she was now completely free and of “religious businesses” and the “Mahamaya
could go anywhere she pleased. Her own (human) land” (land of great illusion; Shree Maa, 2007,
mother became angry with her, thinking she was 175–176). But the two did come to the United
just a silly child, whereupon Shree Maa picked up States and eventually settled in an ashram near
an axe and hit herself repeatedly on the head with Napa, California, where they have attracted a
it. Seeing the child completely unscathed ater large American audience. When Linda Johnsen’s
multiple blows with an axe, her mother and fam- widely read book Daughters of the Goddess was
ily bowed down and praised her as a divine being published in 1994, with Shree Maa featured
(Shree Maa, 2007, 52). In keeping with the tantric prominently on the cover, the ashram was sud-
dictum that “to the pure, all things are pure,” denly looded with visitors hoping to meet the
Shree Maa also recounts seeing the entire uni- holy mother of Kāmākhyā (Biernacki, 2004, 187).
verse as divine and therefore seeing no distinc- Today, in her numerous biographies, written
tion between clean and unclean, pure and impure: works, Web sites, and audio recordings, Shree
“I saw God everywhere. I would get on my knees Maa is presented as a global guru with a transna-
and eat with the dogs because they were God too” tional following and a universal spiritual message:
(Saraswati, 1997, 47). From an early age, however,
Today Shree Maa . . . travels the world to share
Shree Maa’s theology was remarkably eclectic and
with devotees in the delight of worship and
syncretistic, and she had no trouble incorporat-
meditation. In addition to large families across
ing visions of Jesus with those of Kālī or America, Europe, South America and Asia she
Kāmākhyā (Saraswati, 1997, 27). has uncountable devotees in laces too numer-
Ater attending college, Shree Maa spent a ous to mention. (Saraswati, 1997, 136)
number of years wandering in the forests around
Kāmākhyā and in the foothills of the Himalayas. At her shrine in California, an image of Jesus is
She also entered into an extended period of aus- seated between → Sarasvatī and Lakṣmī, a product
terity and penance, living for eight years on a of Shree Maa’s eforts to celebrate Christmas one
daily meal that consisted of nothing more than a year (Biernacki, 2004, 197). Indeed, her biogra-
little piece of turmeric and basil leaves washed phy Shree Maa: he Life of a Saint, by S. Saraswati,
down with sandal paste mixed with water. In even features an image of Shree Maa holding a
1980, she is said to have weighed a mere 26 kg white baby against a backdrop of the Manhattan
(Saraswati, 1997, 38). skyline with the two igures of Jesus and Shri
While in the holy town of Bakreshwar, West Ramakrishna standing behind her (Saraswati,
Bengal, in 1980, Shree Maa encountered Swami 1997, 120).
Satyananda – an American man known as the he spiritual teachings of Shree Maa and
“white sādhu” who had studied with an Indian Swami Satyananada are essentially rooted in
→ sādhu (renunciant) in the Himalayas. he two much older Hindu bhakti, Śākta, and tantric tra-
became intimate spiritual companions and began ditions, relecting a kind of “right-handed Tantric
traveling together throughout India. Even then, tradition” (Biernacki, 2004, 193), but they have
Shree Maa had begun to adopt a universalistic also been adapted and repackaged for a largely
spiritual vision and rather eclectic practice: dur- Western audience. he powerful tantric goddess
ing her travels with Satyananda, she carried with Kāmākhyā, traditionally worshipped with blood
her a portable shrine containing images of Kṛsṇ ạ , and transgressive ritual, has been transformed
Durgā, Jesus, and Mecca, embodying her faith in into a far more benign, loving, and maternal god-
the oneness of all religions (Biernacki, 2004, 196). dess with a universal spiritual message. Tantra, as

BEH_11-22_Asam.indd 20 7/9/2009 7:08:42 PM

 Assam and the Eastern States 21
they deine it, is not a matter of blood sacriice or Eliot, C., Hinduism and Buddhism: An Historical Sketch,
sexual rites. Rather, vol. II, 1921.
Endle, S., he Kacharis, 1911.
in Tantra yoga the goal is to connect with [the Gait, E., A History of Assam, 1963.
god and mother goddess’] energy through prayer, Gait, E., “Human Sacriice in Ancient Assam,” JRASBeng
recitation of texts, mantras, singing, meditation, 67/3, 1898, 56–65.
and rituals. Faith and devotion is an integral part Gohain, B., Human Sacriice and Head Hunting in North
of this worship. (Shreemaa.org, 1997) Eastern India, 1977.
Goswami, P., “Hindu and Tribal Folklore in Assam,” AFS
In sum, Shree Maa is a striking example of the trans- 26/1, 1967, 19–27.
formation of the Hindu traditions of Assam in a Johnsen, L., Daughters of the Goddess, 1994.
global context and in an American spiritual market- Kakati, B., he Mother Goddess Kamakhya, 1989.
Karmakar, R., “he Temple Revives Human Sacriice,”
place. Far from an esoteric tradition of transgressive
BBC News, Apr 2, 2002.
tantric rites or bloody Śākta rituals, Shree Maa’s Kooij, K.R. van, Worship of the Goddess according to the
Hinduism is a more benign message of devotional Kālikāpurāṇa, 1972.
love, universal spiritual truth, and global harmony. Mishra, N., Kamakhya: A Socio-cultural Study, 2004.
In the process, however, she has helped popularize Nath, D., History of the Koch Kingdom, 1515–1615, 1989.
the goddess Kāmākhyā and Śākta Tantra for a new Neog, M., Early History of the Vaiṣṇava Faith and Move-
age and for a new global audience. As such, Shree ment in Assam: Sankaradeva and His Times, 1980.
Neog, M., Sankaradeva, 1967.
Maa serves as a reminder of the rich complexity,
Padoux, A., Vāc: he Concept of the Word in Selected
diversity, and dynamic change that characterize the Hindu Tantras, 1990.
Hindu traditions as a whole. Rahman, S., Assam District Gazetteers, Sibsagar District,
1967.
Saraswati, S., Shree Maa: he Life of a Saint, 1997.
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