JPF in Search of A Goldilocks Exit Strategy Euro Intelligence 160709
JPF in Search of A Goldilocks Exit Strategy Euro Intelligence 160709
JPF in Search of A Goldilocks Exit Strategy Euro Intelligence 160709
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16.07.2009
When policymakers meet nowadays, at the G8 summit in L’Aquila or elsewhere, the discussions
naturally revolve around exit strategies, in other words: when and how will economic policy return
to normality?
It is only natural that policymakers wonder. Whether or not they are deemed appropriate and
sufficient, actions taken by governments and central banks to support banks and stimulate the
economy are genuinely extraordinary. Budget deficits in several countries have entered unknown
territory (at least in peace time) and central bank balance sheets bear no resemblance to what they
were two years ago. Impatience is thus perfectly understandable. But this does not make the task
easy.
The first question to be asked is when retrenchment should start. The answer is neither too early,
as a hasty withdrawal of support could precipitate a double-dip recession (as in Japan 1997), nor
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too late as debt build-up and the taking on by central banks of a de facto fiscal role should be
ended as soon as feasible without severe damages to growth. But the best analysis cannot
guarantee a Goldilocks exit and against the background of a still very weak economy it is
advisable to err on the side maintaining support for a little too long.
But an exit should be prepared. In fact the announcement of a credible exit strategy would help
calm down bond markets and keep inflation expectations low. There is no contradiction between
providing as much budgetary and monetary support as needed today and committing for tomorrow
to strict targets, rather the two are complementary. The US arguably lacks medium-term
commitments and this threatens the effectiveness of current actions. Europe’s policies are better
anchored in the medium term in spite of the shortcomings of the Stability Pact. So a good
approach for European policymakers at a time when the public wonders about the next step would
be to preannounce their exit strategy, while making the start of actual normalisation contingent on
a sustained improvement of economic conditions.
This however leaves two problems unresolved. The first is that as soon as conditions improve,
most governments are likely to embark on consolidation simultaneously. This has often been done
successfully in the aftermath of financial crises, but the difference here is that all countries are in
recession. Against the background of wealth losses and unfinished deleveraging, private demand
may be too weak to offset a major simultaneous cut to public demand. So there is a collective
action problem that needs to be recognised and addressed. It will possibly be more difficult than
the problem Europe faced at end-2008 when designing its (loosely coordinated) stimulus.
The second problem does not arise from coordination among countries but across policy
instruments. Current exceptional measures are of three different types: support to the banking
sector and individual banks through both government guarantees and central bank provision of
liquidity against collateral (there are also public recapitalisations but the time horizon for state
withdrawal may be longer here than on other fronts); overall monetary stimulus, involving in
varying degrees non-standard easing techniques; and budgetary stimulus. Separations between the
three categories are not watertight. Support to banks is in some respect hard to distinguish from
overall monetary stimulus and central banks have embarked on quasi-fiscal initiatives. But it is
conceptually useful to distinguish them.
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The question now is: who should normalise first? An obvious candidate for early exit is fiscal
policy since budgetary stimulus involves costs. So even though the lags involved in monetary
policy are arguably longer, there are compelling reasons to remove budgetary support first. But the
same applies to the withdrawal of bank support: it is only after banks have been adequately
recapitalised and restructured that implicit subsidisation through the provision of cheap liquidity
against collateral of uncertain quality can be ended. So the natural sequencing is to start with the
cleaning up of the banking sector (keeping macro support broadly in place while this is being
done), then to withdraw budgetary support, and to end with monetary policy normalisation.
This Goldilocks sequencing however raises difficulties. First, for the cleaning up of the banking
sector to start, accurate information on the individual banks’ true health needs to be available,
which in turns implies to stop agonising over stress tests. Second, the interrelated character of
current policy actions implies that exit requires an unusual degree of coordination between
governments and central banks. This only needs to be temporary until monetary and fiscal policy
can again be separated, but in the meantime the situation requires sharing information, thoughts
and plans – not an easy task within a single country and an even more daunting one within the
euro area. Third, the very fact that monetary policy should normalise last creates a potential
tension with other policy planks. Central banks are unlikely to accept their own normalisation
being hostage to potential government procrastination.
These problems are far from insurmountable, but they need to be recognised, addressed and
solved. This is why it is not too early to think about exit strategies, even though it is still too early
to act.
Jean Pisani Ferry is Director of the Bruegel think tank in Brussels and Professor at the
Université Paris-Dauphine.
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