1 Kings

C h r i s to p h e r A . R ol l s to n & He a th e r D a n a D a v i s Pa rk e r

Chapter contents to by scholars as the “Deuteronomist,” with this

Contexts  xxx term being chosen because the books of Kings and
Deuteronomy use similar language and reflect simi-
Commentary  xxx
lar theological perspectives. The “Deuteronomist” is
David’s Death & the Reign of Solomon · 1 Kgs
often credited with authoring Joshua, Judges, and
1:1–11:43  xxx
the books of Samuel as well. For this reason, Joshua,
Division of the Monarchy & Narratives about
Judges, Samuel, and Kings are traditionally referred
Israel & Judah to 722 BCE · 1 Kgs 12:1–2
to as the “Deuteronomistic History.”
Kgs 17:41  xxx
There has been much debate regarding the dating
Theological Reflections  xxx of the final version of the books of Kings. Currently,
For Further Study  xxx most scholars believe that the next-to-last version of
Works Cited  xxxx the “Deuteronomistic History” was produced during
the reign of King Josiah (640–609 BCE) and the final
version during the Babylonian Exile, that is, during
Maps, Tables, & Features the sixth century BCE. Phrases such as “unto this day,”
Gezer  xxx “then,” and “at that time” (2 Kgs 8:22; 14:7; 16:5–6; 17:41;
Shalmaneser & Ahab  xxx 18:16; 20:12; 24:10) actually suggest a time of composi-
tion long after the occurrence of the actual events.
Although the final composition may date to the
First and Second Kings, originally one continuous sixth century, the history detailed within the books of
work, were derived from numerous sources, includ- Kings spans the tenth century to the sixth century BCE.
ing the “Chronicles of Solomon” (1 Kgs 11:41), “the The text provides precise information about the various
Chronicles of the Kings of Judah” (1 Kgs 14:9; 15:7), Israelite and Judean kings, and the duration of their
and the “Chronicles of the Kings of Israel” (1 Kgs reigns. Moreover “synchronisms,” the coordination of 1 kgs
14:19; 15:31). These “chronicles,” or “annals,” were events in the two kingdoms, also run through the book.
apparently the royal records commissioned by the Here we use conventional dates for the reigns of the
king and his administration (compare Esth 6:1 for kings of Israel and Judah, even though some dates are
a reference to Persian royal records). Various addi- debatable because some rulers shared the throne with
tional sources may have been used as well, including their eventual successors (Thiele; Bright).
the narratives of the “Elijah-Cycle,” the “Elisha-Cycle,” Though Kings contains a substantial amount
and “Temple Records.” None of these sources sur- of historical information, it was not intended to
vives outside of 1 and 2 Kings, however. In any case, be solely a recitation of data. That is, the author(s)
the important point is that the books of Kings draw did not merely record a string of events, but com-
on various sources, and some of these are actually mented on them, in light of a particular theology. For
named within the books of Kings (Cogan 89–95). example, although Omri was a powerful king of the
Northern Kingdom of Israel, he receives little atten-
tion in the books of Kings. Moreover, although Jehu
Contexts of Israel became a vassal of the great Assyrian king
Through the centuries, traditions within Judaism Shalmaneser III (something described in detail in an
(for example, the Talmud) and Christianity have Assyrian text), 2 Kings does not refer to this event.
often affirmed that Jeremiah authored the books of Josiah’s reign is discussed in detail, but his religious
Kings. However, the books of Kings are anonymous, reforms are the focus, not his international political
and their author (or perhaps authors) is referred activities (though it was the latter that brought about

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his death). The point is that Kings is not “history”; it ful virgin woman that might assist in maintaining
is “religious history,” or “historical theology.” David’s body temperature. The Hebrew sokeneth (used
Significantly, the “theology” most clearly re- of Abishag, the virgin woman selected) implies that
flected in the books of Kings is that found within she not only functioned as a “nurse” but also served
the book of Deuteronomy. The “Deuteronomistic some sort of administrative function as well.
theology” is complex, and we will discus it in detail 1:5–10  Adonijah (meaning “Yahweh is Lord”) was
at the end of our commentary. The major compo- born to David and Haggith (2 Sam 3:3) during David’s
nents of the theology of the Deuteronomist include: royal residency in Hebron, before Jerusalem became
righteous people (and good kings) could anticipate the capital. Adonijah’s older full-siblings were the now-
the blessings of God, and wicked people (and kings) deceased Absalom (2 Sam 18:14–15) and Chileab (2 Sam
could anticipate the curses of the covenant; good 3:3; compare 1 Chr 3:1), arguably also now dead. There-
Yahwists (worshipers fore, as the heir apparent (based on the principle of
High Places of Yahweh) sacrificed primogeniture), the handsome Adonijah begins
Outdoor holy sites, often located solely in Jerusalem, preparations for
on hilltops and always condemned not on the “high plac- the assumption Primogeniture
in the Old Testament. es”; and any king that of the Israelite The practice by which the oldest
worshiped a deity oth- monarchy, in- son inherits the bulk of the estate
er than (or in addition to) Yahweh was condemned. cluding the and related social responsibilities.
One of the most striking features of the books of creation of an
Kings is that these books demonstrate that ancient entourage of chariots, horsemen, and runners. Sig-
Israel and Judah did not exist in a cultural vacuum. nificantly, David never rebukes Adonijah for these
References to Assyria, Babylon, and Egypt suggest actions, although the text affirms that David had actu-
that intercultural contact was common. Moreover, ally promised that Solomon, his son with Bathsheba
Syria and Lebanon also frequently appear within the (2 Sam 12:24–25), would succeed David as king.
narratives. Finally, there are also references to the Within the court, there is division regarding the
Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, and Philistines succession. Adonijah is supported by David’s mili-
within the Deuteronomistic History, as well. tary commander, Joab (2 Sam 8:16), as well as by the
Within the books of Kings, there are often also stock priest Abiathar, whose father Ahimelech had harbored
numerals. For example, the number three often occurs David at Nob (1 Sam 22:20). However, Nathan the
1 kgs within the narratives of Kings (1 Kgs 12:5; 17:1; 17:21; prophet, Zadok the priest, as well as Benaiah (2 Sam
18:34; 2 Kgs 13:18). The number seven is often employed, 8:18), Shimei son of Ela (compare 1 Kgs 4:18), Rei, and
as well (for example, 1 Kgs 8:65; 2 Kgs 4:35; 5:10; 8:1). Of David’s warriors do not support Adonijah. As part of
course, the number forty also occurs numerous times the coronation preparations, Adonijah sacrifices at
in Kings (for example, 1 Kgs 2:11; 11:42; 19:8; 2 Kgs 12:1), En-Rogel (see also 2 Sam 17:17), inviting all of his broth-
and fifty-two occurs several times (2 Kgs 2:24; 10:14), ers, the king’s sons, and all the royal officials, except
as does 70, as well (2 Kgs 10:1). Because these numbers for Nathan, Benaiah, David’s warriors, and Solomon.
often occur as stock numerals in much of Ancient Near Although Adonijah’s actions are calculated to preempt
Eastern literature, readers of the Bible should not press Solomon’s forthcoming coronation, they are also
these biblical numbers very hard, for they are often not nevertheless public, in contrast to Absalom’s earlier
to be understood in a strictly literal sense. conspiracy to usurp the throne (2 Sam 15: 1–12).
1:11–31  Because of Bathsheba’s status as the
primary wife of David, she has the privilege of imme-
COMMENTARY diate access to the king. Nathan prompts her to visit
David’s Death & the Reign of Solomon · 1 Kgs the king and remind him of his oath (in the name of
1:1–11:43 Yahweh) to orchestrate Solomon’s coronation and also
1:1–4  This chapter concludes the Deuteronomist’s to report that Adonijah is in the process of executing
narrative of David’s life and a description of the ensu- his own coronation. Nathan promises to enter the
ing rivalry regarding succession. Initially, however, king’s presence and affirm the accuracy of Bathsheba’s
there is a reference to the need for finding a beauti- synopsis of Adonijah’s activities. Bathsheba does as

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Nathan has instructed, enters the king’s room (with ready seated on the throne. With this sudden demise
Abishag also present), and petitions David to remem- of his claim to the throne, Adonijah seeks “sanctuary”
ber his oath regarding Solomon’s kingship. She also (see Exod 21:14), grasping the horns of the altar (Ps
alludes to the fact that if Adonijah does become king, 18:2; Amos 3:14; see Keel 146). Solomon honored his
she herself and Solomon will become outcasts. At this brother’s act of subjection by letting him live, but with
juncture, Nathan enters the king’s room and confirms the caveat that any disloyalty would be met with re-
Bathsheba’s account. Nathan specifically states that venge (see 1 Kgs 2:13–25).
he himself was not invited to Adonijah’s coronation 2:1–12  Within this section, the Deuteronomist
festivities. After listening to Nathan, David summons affirms that David encourages Solomon to be faith-
Bathsheba and reiterates his vow that Solomon will be ful to Yahweh (see Deut 17:14–20), keeping his
his successor. Bathsheba responds with the standard commandments as written in the “law of Moses”
court greeting, “May my lord King David live forever” (see Deut 4:40; Ezra 3:2; 7:6; Neh 10:29; 2 Chr 23:18).
(verses 34, 39; 2 Sam 15:10; 2 Kgs 11:12). There may He also reiterates the fact that Yahweh has indeed
have been a strong relationship between Solomon promised loyalty to the Davidic dynasty, with the
and Nathan for some time (2 Sam 12:25); hence, one caveat that the Davidic king must be faithful to
of Nathan’s motivations in coaching Bathsheba was Yahweh (2 Sam 7; Ps 89; 1 Kgs 9:4–9). In addition,
probably fidelity to Solomon; however, Nathan’s David here instructs Solomon to kill Joab and
desire to retain his status within the kingdom was Shimei. Joab, a kinsman of David, had earlier killed
doubtless another motivation. Abner (Saul and Ishbaal’s commander) because of a
1:32–37  After his meeting with Bathsheba and blood feud (1 Sam 17:55; 2 Sam 2:8–10; 3:22–30;
Nathan, David commands the coronation of Solomon, compare 2 Sam 2:17–
with the priest Zadok and the prophet Nathan 28), even though David The Royal Purge
anointing him with olive oil, as was the custom (com- had made peace with Solomon’s elimination of all poten-
pare 1 Sam 10:1; 15:1, 17; 16:13; 2 Sam 2:4, 7; 5:3; 1 Kgs Abner (2 Sam 3:6–21). tial rivals ties up many literary
19:15–21; 2 Kgs 8:7–15; 9:1–13; 11:12; 23:30). It is sig- Joab (1 Chr 2:16) had loose ends from 2 Samuel, and
nificant that the coronation was to occur at the Gihon also killed Absalom’s thus the narrator reports his
Spring, within the hearing of those in the process of commander Amasa (2 acts of “justice.” On the other
crowning Adonijah at En-Rogel. Those present were Sam 17:25; 20:4–10), a hand, most readers have diffi-
to blow the ram’s horn (shofar) and shout: “May king military figure who culty avoiding the comparison to
Solomon live!”– a customary affirmation (see verse had displaced him as twentieth-century coups d’etat 1 kgs
31). Then all were to proceed to the palace, where David’s commander and their purges. Solomon’s first
Solomon would sit upon David’s throne. Benaiah during the period after act does not bode well for him to
confirms his support of the wisdom of this course of Absalom’s rebellion (2 live up to his name, a pun on the
action with an oath. This process of coronation seems Sam 19:11–15). Joab word for “peace” (shalom).
to be reflected in Psalms 2, 45, and 110. killed professional ri-
1:38–53  This narrative details the enactment of vals. In any case, David also instructed Solomon to
David’s instructions, under the direction of the priest kill Shimei son of Gera, a decendant of Saul, who
Zadok and the had cursed David during his flight from Absalom (2
Cherethites & Pelethites prophet Nathan, Sam 16:5–13), even though Shimei had subsequent-
Probably Cretan and Philistine with the full sup- ly “repented” (2 Sam 19:16–23). Finally, David also
soldiers in David’s service. port of Benaiah requests that Solomon show kindness to the sons
and David’s for- of Barzillai (2 Sam 17:27–29; 19:31–40). Note that
eign mercenaries. The ceremony included Solomon’s “Instructions” to successors and heirs are often at-
riding upon David’s mule, an act often associated with tested in biblical (Gen 47:29–50:14; Deut 33–34; Josh
kingship (see Zech 9:9; Matt 21:1–11). Adonijah’s sup- 23–24; 1 Maccabees 2:49–70) and ancient Near East-
portive attendees (including Joab and Abiathar) hear ern (Lichtheim 1:135–139) literature. This narrative
the celebrative din from the Gihon spring and become concludes with references to David’s death (about
alarmed, because they learn that David has endorsed 961 BCE), to the durations of his reigns in Hebron (2
the inauguration of Solomon and that Solomon is al- Sam 5:4–5) and Jerusalem (a total of forty years; for

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the implications of this number, see our Introduc- (1 Sam 2:27–36; see 1 Kgs 4:4). Subsequently, although
tion above), and to the Joab enters the tent of Yahweh for sanctuary (fearing
Cave Burials establishment of Solo- retaliation), Solomon orders that Benaiah kill him
During the period of the monarchy, mon’s kingdom. The there. Benaiah carries out this order, as well; Joab is
prosperous Israelites often buried text also notes that subsequently buried in the family tomb in Bethlehem
their dead in hollowed-out caves of David was buried in (2 Sam 2:32). At this juncture, Solomon makes Benaiah
one or more rooms. Each chamber the city of Jerusalem, the commander of the army and replaces Abiathar (as
might contain several benches presumably in a cham- the senior priest) with the priest Zadok (2 Sam 8:17;
carved into the wall, and each bench ber-tomb (Borowski 15:24). Significantly, from this point on, the priest-
could receive one or more bodies. 83–85). hood will often trace its lineage back to Zadok (Ezek
2:13–46  Accord- 40:46), a descendant of Aaron (Ezra 7:2). To ensure the
ing to the Deuteronomist, Adonijah asked Bathsheba security of his kingship, Solomon also requires Shimei
to facilitate his marriage to Abishag the Shunamite. to remain always in Jerusalem. However, Shimei sub-
Bathsheba goes to Solomon, transmitting the request sequently goes to the Philistine city of Gath (and its
of Adonijah. However, Solomon is enraged, as he King Achish), seemingly in pursuit of some fugitive
considers this to be indicative of Adonijah’s continued slaves, and for this, Solomon orders him killed. Again,
desire to become king. Solomon’s conclusions are Benaiah fulfills the request. Since, David and Achish
based on the fact that within the ancient Near East, of Gath had enjoyed a congenial relationship (1 Sam
“concubines” (better, secondary wives) of the previous 21:10–11), Shimei’s journey seems imprudent. The text
monarch (or patriarch) often became the property of concludes with the following words: “And the kingdom
the new monarch (Gen 35:22; 49:4; 2 Sam 16:20–23; was established by the hand of Solomon,” a summary
1 Chr 5:1–2; but see Deut 22:30; Lev 18:8). Solomon statement concluding chapters 1–2 and affirming that
takes an oath affirming that Adonijah must die, and many potential rivals were eliminated so as to ensure
Benaiah carries out this instruction (1 Kgs 1:50–53). the security of the fledging monarchy.
Because Abiathar and Joab had supported 3:1–15  Earlier Egyptian kings were often reluc-
Adonijah’s earlier attempt to succeed David as king tant to give their daughters in marriage to foreign
(1 Kgs 1:7), Solomon assumes that they might be monarchs (see El Amarna Letter 4, in Moran 8–10);
in collusion with Adonijah in this second “attempt.” however, this text affirms that Solomon married a
For this reason, he orders that Abiathar return to daughter of the Pharaoh, and the Deuteronomist
1 kgs Anathoth, thus concluding his tenure as priest, and later states that this Pharaoh gave Gezer, a city near
fulfilling the prophetic utterance from the time of Eli the Philistine-Israelite border, to his daughter as a
dowry (1 Kgs 7:8; 9:15–16; 11:1). This marital alliance
Map of Gezer
may have been possible because of Egypt’s relative
weakness during the Twenty-first Dynasty.
Solomon chooses to inaugurate his reign with
sacrifices at the “great high place” in Gibeon (1 Chr
16:39; 21:29; 2 Chr 1:3–6), a site near Jerusalem,
rather than at Jerusalem itself. Levitical priests
may have been responsible for the actual sacrifices,
but royal figures often functioned as priests (2 Sam
6:17–18; 1 Kgs 8:63), including some of David’s sons (2
Sam 8:18), something that the Chronicler later found
difficult to explain and so modified (1 Chr 18:17). (For
a negative view of kings administering sacrifices, see
also 1 Kgs 12:32; 13:1–2; 2 Kgs 15:5; 16:12–13.)
Dreams were often believed to reveal the future
(Gen 20:3–7; 26:24; 28:12–16; 1 Sam 3:1–15; 28:6). Thus
the Deuteronomist affirms that Yahweh appeared to
Solomon at Gibeon in a dream in order to endorse his

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legitimacy, affirm his status as the heir to the Davidic during the period of his contention for the throne
covenant (see 2 Sam 7), and offer the new king what- (1 Kgs 1:11–31). Some of these official titles are also
ever he wants. Solomon admits his youthfulness and present in the narratives about David’s court (2 Sam
then petitions Yahweh for a “listening heart” (under- 8:16–18; 20:23–26; 1 Chr 18:15–17). Abiathar’s pres-
standing and humility), so as to judge the numerous ence in the list reflects his status as priest before his
people well and to have moral direction. In the ancient subsequent banishment (1 Kgs 2:26–27).
Near East, a primary responsibility of a monarch was 4:7–19  Solomon divides the kingdom up into
to promote and to ensure justice within his realm, twelve administrative districts, rather than attempt-
often acting as the final arbiter (2 Kgs 6:26–31; 8:1–6; ing to work through the old tribal boundaries (as in
Preamble to the Code of Hammurabi in Roth 71–142; Josh 13–22; Judg 1). Each district is responsible for
Weinfeld; Gunkel 155–56; for an example of abuse of providing for the king’s household for one month
this power, see 1 Kgs 21:1–29). each year, a sizeable financial burden, given the
Yahweh approvingly promises to grant Solomon’s quantity of provisions listed as consumed per day
request and add riches and honor, and, conditional on by the court (1 Kgs
loyalty to the covenant, a long life as well. Riches, honor, 4:22–23). Also, the Deu- Judah & Taxation
and wealth were signs of divine favor to ancient people teronomist affirms Based on the list in 1 Kings 4:22–
(1 Kgs 10:1–13). that Solomon had also 23, it is arguable that Judah (with
Kingship & Divinity At this juncture, imposed the corvée just one official) was not taxed as
Elsewhere in the ancient Near the text notes (tax) on segments of heavily as was the heartland of
East, kingship was considered to that Solomon the Northern tribes (1 Israel. Archaeological excavations
be a divine gift. For example, this awakes from the Kgs 11:28). Also of im- indicate a small population for
motif is present in biblical texts dream, returns portance is the fact Judah during the tenth century,
(1 Sam 9:15–17; 16:1–13) and in to Jerusalem, that at least two of the another possible explanation.
Israelite inscriptions, as well (for and offers sacri- officials in this list
example, The Tel Dan Inscription fices there before married daughters of Solomon, a prudent mecha-
in Biran and Naveh). the ark of the nism for ensuring the fidelity of his officials.
covenant (see 1 Finally, it should be noted that some of the terri-
Kgs 8:62–64; 9:25–28). Throughout this story, Solomon tory referred to is in Trans-Jordan, thus suggesting
is depicted as the ideal king, a docile servant God. the breadth of Solomon’s territory (Fritz 48–52).
3:16–28  Two prostitutes seek justice at the feet 4:20–28  The Deuteronomist states that Israel 1 kgs
of the king. Within this narrative, the king determines and Judah were as “numerous as the sands of the
accurately the true mother of the living child. The sea,” an affirmation suggesting the fulfillment of the
narrative concludes by noting that the entire country promises (Gen 12:1–3; 13:14–17; 15:18–19; 22:17; 32:12;
learned of the king’s sage judgment and marveled Deut 1:7–8). He also states that Solomon controlled
at the wisdom God had given him. Of course, the at some level much of the Levant, receiving tribute
ultimate purpose of this story is to demonstrate that from numerous vassal
Solomon possesses the wisdom that he had so astutely states. Further refer- The Levant
requested (verses. 9–12). Interestingly, the text makes ence is made to the The region between the eastern
no moral judgment on the women, highlighting immense food provi- Mediterranean and the Arabian
instead the puzzling nature of their problem. sions necessary for the Desert, including the modern
4:1–6  The names of the members of Solomon’s throne and those as- states of Israel, Jordan, Lebanon,
chief officials appear here. Among the official titles sociated with the royal and Syria, is known as the Levant.
are priest, scribe, herald, commander of the army, administration and to
prefect, palace overseer, and head of forced labor the horses and horsemen of the Israelite kingdom.
(1 Kgs 5:14; 12:18). The precise functions of these Finally, there is reference to the fact that there was
officials have been discussed at length (Fox 81–203) peace [Hebrew shalom] in Israel and Judah during
and presumably varied as new needs arose. It is Solomon’s reign (in an idyllic world with vines and
significant that among these officials are two sons fig trees) and a statement affirming that this peace
of Nathan, one of Solomon’s strongest supporters reached from Dan in the north to Beersheba in the

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south, traditional phraseology describing Israel’s pleased to send some of his workmen to assist in the
ideal borders. The statement reflects Solomon’s cutting of the Phoenician timber and to pay the
fulfillment of a major obligation of ancient Near wages of the Phoenician coworkers. Hiram is said to
Eastern kings, maintaining the security of the na- have rejoiced at hearing Solomon’s reply and to have
tion. The assertions in this story may reflect stated, “Blessed be Yahweh today, who has given David
historical reality, but some may be hyperbolical, a wise son.” Hiram then replies to Solomon with a
reflecting grandiose rhetoric lauding a royal figure message affirming that he would be happy to supply
of a “golden age” in Israelite history. the cedars and cypress and that he would send these
4:29–34  This chapter also contains grandiose materials via the Mediterranean Sea to a designated
descriptions of Solomon’s wealth and wisdom, with his port (Joppa in 2 Chr 2:15). He notes that Solomon
wisdom purported to surpass that of Egyptian and var- could orchestrate the transportation of the timber
ious neighboring sages. Just as the Assyrian emperor, from the Israelite port to the city of Jerusalem. Also
Assurbanipal, was lauded within Mesopotamian litera- within this let-
ture for learning to write, so also Solomon is lauded ter, he requests Trade in Cedars
for composing proverbs and songs, dwarfing even the that Solomon, Large forests of cedars existed in the
famous wisdom of Ethan and Heman (see Pss 88–89). in return, pro- Lebanon mountains in antiquity.
Significantly, Solomon’s proverbs and songs focus on vide agricultural Since the trees can grow up to 90 feet
flora and fauna, subjects that are not a predominant commodities for high, and their aromatic, attractive
focus of the book of Proverbs. Nevertheless, these Tyre, namely wood resists insects and rot, it was
verses are often cited in connection with an endorse- wheat and olive a prized product all over the Near
ment of the Solomonic authorship (or sponsorship of) oil (commodi- East and a valued building material,
at least part of Proverbs. Solomon is the sage par excel- ties often raised especially for palaces and temples.
lence, but this tradition may be based on Solomon’s in abundance in
patronage of wise traditions, not on actual authorship the fertile territory of Israel). The text also affirms
(Crenshaw 35–54). that Hiram and Solomon made a treaty (literally “cut
5:1–18  A Phoenician king named Hiram from a covenant”). Note that the presence of ambassadors
the city of Tyre (Cogan 226) had been instrumental and international communication via formal letters
in the building of the Davidic palace in Jerusalem, was standard practice in ancient Near Eastern diplo-
supplying David his “friend” (better,” ally,” a stan- macy (Moran; Pardee).
1 kgs dard treaty term) with materials and artisans (2 The workers that Solomon contributed to the
Sam 5:11), for which Phoenicia was famous (as in the project were predominantly forced laborers (see 1
term “cedars of Lebanon”). Although David had also Kgs 9:15–22). Forced labor was often felt as royal
considered building a temple for Yahweh during his oppression (Exod 1:8–14; Judg 1:28; 1 Sam 8:11–17).
reign (2 Sam 7; 1 Kgs 7:51; 1 Chr 22:2–7; Ps 89), the task The practice is attested to throughout much of the
of securing his throne and defending his country had ancient Near East (Weinfeld 75–151). Note that
made this impractical. Moreover, there is a strong Adoniram (1 Kgs 4:6) is referred to as the superin-
tradition in Chronicles suggesting that David was not tendent of Solomon’s forced labor (and later
considered the best person for this project because of Rehoboam’s), a significant reference in light of the
the bloodshed that marked his reign (1 Chr 22:8). fact that he is also a figure (sometimes referred to
In any case, Hiram now sends a delegation in order as Adoram and Hadoram) associated with David’s
to renew diplomatic relations with David’s successor. administration (2 Sam 20:24; 1 Kgs 12:18; 2 Chr
This sort of diplomatic action was common during 10:18). In this connection, it also should be men-
periods of royal succession (2 Sam 10:1–5), but it cer- tioned that Solomon’s extensive use of conscripted
tainly shows that the Israelite king was an important laborers became a source of tension during his reign
potential ally. The text notes that Solomon responds and contributed to the disintegration of the so-
by sending Hiram’s ambassadors back to Tyre with a called United Monarchy (1 Kgs 11:28; 12:1–20). Also
cordial letter, requesting Hiram’s assistance (ship- of significance is the fact that reference is made to
ments of cedars and cypress) for the temple in those quarrying the stone and dressing it, work that
Jerusalem. Solomon also affirms that he would be was done in conjunction with artisans from Phoeni-

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cian Byblos (Gebal, north of Tyre), a city famous for connection that the Solomonic Temple is similar in
its majestic monumental architecture (Mazar). architectural structure to Late Bronze Age (1550–1200
Kings in the Ancient Near East often engaged in BCE) Canaanite temples (for example at Ugarit, Hazor;
public works, especially the erection of large-scale see Mazar 248–57; Akkermans and Schwartz 335–41;
monumental architecture. Therefore, Solomon’s com- Keel 111–76), and also to non-Israelite Iron Age
missioning of the building of the temple, the palace, and temples (for example, the temple at Ayn Dara in Syria).
massive fortifi- Finally, it should be reiterated that Yahweh’s presence
Dating the Exodus cation projects at in the temple and his dynastic promise are conditional,
There is an important date-for- Jerusalem, Gezer, based on religious obedience (verses 11–13).
mula (the fourth year of Solomon Hazor, and 6:23–38  The furnishings and decorations of the
and the 480th year after the Megiddo (1 Kgs Temple are described in some detail. The text repeatedly
Israelite Exodus from Egypt) 9:15–19) is char- mentions cherubim, that is, mythological creatures
in this text. Because Solomon acteristic of the having features associated with both humankind
began to reign about 960 BCE, work of a power- and beasts (see 2 Sam 22:11; Ps 18:10; Ezek 1; 10), well
this text seems at first to suggest ful king. Some attested in the ancient Near East. Palm trees and open
that the Israelite Exodus from massive fortifi- (blooming) flowers sometimes reflect notions of royalty,
Egypt occurred during the mid- cations (at Gezer peace, and even fertility (Exod 28:36; Ps 92:12–15; Song
fifteenth century BCE. However, and Hazor) have 7:7–13; Keel 166–71). The chapter concludes with refer-
based on the archaeological evi- been excavated ence to the fact that the Temple was completed in seven
dence (and some biblical evidence), and are tradition- years, during the Canaanite month of Bul.
most biblical scholars date the ally dated to the 7:1–12  Solomon’s Palace Complex required
Exodus to the mid-thirteenth Solomonic era thirteen years to complete. In addition to Solomon’s
century BCE (Mazar 328–355; (Mazar 375–402). private residence, various other components of the
Sarna and Shanks 33–54). The The features palace complex are mentioned, including “the house
month of Ziv is the name of the and dimensions of the forest of the Lebanon,” “the hall of pillars,” and
second Canaanite month. Several of the Solomon- “the hall of the throne,” the last also apparently referred
Canaanite month names are used ic Temple are to as “the hall of justice.” It is important to note that
within the Hebrew Bible (for discussed in there is a special residence for Pharaoh’s daughter, an
example, Abib, Bul, Ethanim), some detail (of- indication of the fact that she was of higher status
although it is more common for ten using very than the rest of Solomon’s royal wives (1 Kgs 3:1). 1 kgs
the writers of the Hebrew Bible to rare Hebrew vo- 7:13–51  Hiram is the name of the Phoenician king,
use Babylonian month names. cabulary). Based and it is also the name of the Phoenician artisan respon-
on the architec- sible for making some of the most elaborate features of
tural information provided here, the Solomonic the palace complex (and this personal name is attested
Temple was rectangular, and about 90’ x 30’ and about to in Phoenician sources; see Benz). The Deuteronomist
45’ high. There were two major “rooms,” the main states that the artisan (Hiram) was a descendant of an
room about 60’ long, and the inner sanctuary (“holy of Israelite woman and a Tyrian father.
holies”) about 30’ long, wide, and high (thus a perfect Two pillars of bronze were erected in the vesti-
cube). The temple was built with stone finished at the bule (and so were highly visible) but do not appear to
quarry, with the assembly occurring in Jerusalem. have had any structural function. Significantly, the
The roof of the house consisted of cedar beams and pillars were given names “Jachin” and “Boaz,” which
planks. In addition, the interior walls of the Temple mean respectively “may he (God) establish” and
were lined with cedar, and the floor was covered with “with strength” (with the former name attested to in
cedar. Wooden carvings overlaid in gold adorned the Old South Arabic language as the name of a gate).
Temple, as well. Of course, the ark of the covenant was The molten sea is an interesting structure. Its ca-
placed in the inner sanctuary. The Chronicler affirms pacity was some two thousand baths, that is, some
that the Solomonic temple was built on the site of twelve thousand gallons. It may have functioned as
Ornan’s threshing floor, where David built an altar to a priestly wash basin of sorts (2 Chr 4:6), but the
Yahweh (1 Chr 22:1). It should be mentioned in this nature of the structure (with its rim some ten feet

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from the pavement) would have presented some lo- Within this narrative, Solomon also addresses
gistical problems for such a use. In any case, just as the entire assembly, blesses Yahweh the god of Israel,
the two pillars had symbolic significance, so also the and affirms Yahweh’s selection of, and fidelity to,
molten sea may have David. Solomon also affirms that although David
Watery Chaos had special significance, had desired to build the temple, Yahweh had given
In creation stories from norther perhaps symbolizing his son this responsibility and privilege (1 Kgs 5:3),
Syria, Baal defeated the god some sort of life-giving an accomplishment that this text celebrates.
Yamm/Nahor (Sea/River) in water, or as a symbol of 8:22–66  Solomon here utters a prayer that
order to create the world. The the watery forces of celebrates Yahweh’s faithfulness in keeping the
Bible knows of such an idea (Ps chaos overcome in the covenant, especially with the Davidic line. He affirms
24:2), but downplays it, or rather creation of the world that Yahweh is incomparable (verse 23). A most
demythologizes it. Still, the molten (Coogan). The rich ico- interesting component of this prayer is Solomon’s
sea could symbolize the created nography that was part affirmation that Yahweh cannot be “contained” in all
world governed by Yahweh of this sea (lions, oxen, the heavens and so certainly not within an earthly
and cherubs on the temple. Nevertheless, Solomon declares, God is
borders and twelve cattle underneath) reflects tradi- present in some fashion in the Israelite temple
tional ancient Near Eastern artistic motifs (Keel). (the reference in verse 29 to Yahweh’s name dwell-
Regarding the ten “stands” (verse 27), it should be ing there is a euphemism). Furthermore, Solomon
mentioned that some cult stands (with similar artwork) petitions Yahweh for the forgiveness of the people’s
have been found in Israel, including the Iron II levels of future sins and for their restoration (after military
Taanach (Mazar 380). In addition, the Deuteronomist defeats, droughts, famines, etc.), based on the peni-
also states that Hiram made various cultic implements, tence of the people. Some consider verses 41–53 to be
such as pots, basins, and shovels (the ones of precious a post-exilic addition to Solomon’s prayer. The pres-
metal probably reserved for special rites). Similar cultic ence of monotheism in verse 60 and of “universal
utensils have been found at religious sites in Israel (for salvation” motifs (verses 41–43) analogous to those
example, Tel Dan; see Mazar 492–95). Finally, the refer- of Isaiah 44–55 strengthen this position. Finally, it
ence to David’s involvement in the creation of the cult should be noted that “blessings” (verse 56) were
(verse. 51) may, in part, reflect later traditions that are often considered priestly duties (Num 6:24–26), as
also described in Chronicles. were sacrifices (verses 62–64; see 1 Kgs 3:4). At the
1 kgs 8:1–21  The dedication of a temple was a major conclusion of the seven-day festival, Solomon sends
event in the ancient Near East; therefore the pomp the people (some of whom had come from distant
and circumstance is predictable and apropos. It is borders, Lebo-hamath in the north to the Wadi of
significant that the temple was completed in Bul, the Egypt in the south; see 2 Kgs 14:25) to their homes,
eighth month (1 Kgs 6:38), but the dedication did not and they go away blessing the Davidic king.
occur until the month of Ethanim (note the fact that 9:1–9  After Solomon’s completion of the temple,
this is also a Canaanite month name), some eleven Yahweh appears to him again, but this time at
months after the completion. The Masoretic Text Jerusalem, not Gibeon. This serves to affirm Yahweh’s
states that the dedication occurred at the festival complete acceptance of Jerusalem as the official cult
(perhaps Tabernacles). In any case, the priests help site. In addition, there are reaffirmations of the dynas-
transfer the ark of the covenant from the portable tic promises made to David and his descendants (1 Kgs
tabernacle to the permanent temple. It is placed in 2:1–12). Note that the promises are conditional, with
the most holy place using poles (see 2 Sam 6:6–7; 1 the Davidic line required to be loyal always to Yahweh.
Chr 15:13–15), and God’s presence is symbolized by Infidelity, the text affirms, will result in destruction
the cloud in the temple, analogous to the cloud in of the dynasty, the temple, and the city.
the tabernacle (Exod 40:34–35). The Deuteronomist 9:10–14  This section constitutes an interlude
notes that there was nothing in the ark except the in the narrative. The essence of the narrative is that
two stone tablets of Moses. Note that the Pentateuch Solomon gives Hiram ten cities as a gesture of royal
refers to Aaron’s rod and the jar of manna as being benevolence to the supportive Phoenician king (and in
“before the covenant” (Exod 16:33–34; Num 17:10). response to Hiram’s gift of 120 talents of gold). However,

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when Hiram sees the cities, he is displeased and refers to activities, Solomon is reputed to have built a fleet of
them as “Cabul,” that is, “like nothing.” Royal gift-giving ships harbored at Ezion Geber in the region of modern
was a prominent feature of international diplomacy Elat (biblical Eloth), on the coast of the Red Sea in the
in the ancient Near East, and such is reflected in the land of Edom (the Edomites, from the time of David,
Amarna Letters and in this narrative, as well (Moran). were sometimes subjects of Israel; see 2 Sam 8:12–14;
9:15–25  Reference is made to the Millo of 1 Kgs 11:14–22; 22:47; 2 Kgs 3:8–9; 8:20–22; 14:7, 22;
Jerusalem and the fortification walls of Jerusalem, as 16:6). It is significant that Israelite kings normally did
well as the walls of Hazor, Megiddo, and Gezer (see 1 not establish navies (because the Philistines normally
Kgs 6:1–22). The word “Millo” derives from a Hebrew occupied the coastal areas, not the Israelites). However,
word meaning “to fill,” and so it probably refers to the Phoenicians were famous for their nautical abilities,
some sort of earthen rampart or terracing made by and the biblical text affirms that Solomon was assisted
“filling in” with dirt. Fortification walls often associated by them. Finally, an inscription from Tel Qasile (near
with the reign of Solomon (or with Omri and Ahab of the Mediterranean coast) refers to the “gold of Ophir”
ninth-century Israel) have been excavated in Israel (see Naveh, “Writings,” 16–17), a striking parallel to the
(Mazar 380–87; 469; see 1 Kgs 10:26–29 for the store reference here (compare 1 Kgs 10:11–12, 22; 22:47–49; 2
cities and chariot cities mentioned in 1 Kgs 9:19). The Kgs 14:22; 16:6; Job 22:24; 28:16; Ps 45:9; Isa 13:12).
Masoretic text also refers to a pharaoh (often identi- 10:1–13  This text serves to demonstrate
fied with Pharaoh Siamun) who gives the city of Gezer Solomon’s fame and wisdom and thus constitutes
to his daughter as a dowry. No Egyptian sources have another example of the fulfillment of Yahweh’s
yet been found that refer to this event (Fritz 110). Note promises to him (see 1 Kgs 3:1–15). Indeed, this nar-
that the narrative repeats (verse 24) that Solomon rative may affirm that Yahweh’s promises were
built a house for Pharaoh’s daughter (1 Kgs 3:1), an fulfilled to the superlative degree, with the result
indication of her high status in his harem. that distant monarchs sought Solomon (compare
Regarding borders, there are references in the Ps 72). Sheba is normally considered to be Saba (of
Masoretic text (verses. 18–19) to Solomon’s rule the Sabean people), a region in Southwest Arabia
over portions (modern Yemen), and so this “Queen of Sheba” had
Forced Labor of Lebanon and traveled a great distance to see the splendor of
Regarding building projects and Tadmor (that Solomon’s royal court and to hear words of wisdom
workers, the Masoretic Text affirms is, Palmyra, an from his lips (resulting from her queries). Note the
that the Canaanites of the land oasis in the presence of the personal name “Sheba” in genea- 1 kgs
who had not been annihilated had desert of Syr- logical texts in Genesis (25:3; compare Gen 10:7),
become slaves to the Israelites (and i a ) . T h e re i s even as a brother of Ophir (Gen 10:28–29).
were conscripted for Solomon’s no archaeologi- In keeping with ancient Near Eastern customs of
building projects). The Israelites, cal or ancient royal gift giving, she brings numerous gifts for the
however, were his soldiers and Near Eastern Israelite king. Among
officials, not conscripted slaves. historical data the presents are spices, The Incense Trade
However, clearly Solomon had suggesting that something that prob- Many plant products could serve
conscripted at least some Israelites Solomon ruled ably reflects Sheba’s as incense or perfumes in ancient
for his building projects, for 1 Kings over parts of role in the incense Israel. Some grew throughout the
11:28 refers to Solomon’s appoint- Lebanon or trade. The narrative Near East, while some (frank-
ment of Jeroboam I “over the forced Aram; therefore, portrays the queen not incense, myrrh) came from
labor of the tribe of Joseph.” these references only praising Solomon’s southwestern Arabia or northeast-
are often con- legendary wisdom, but ern Africa, and others (cinnamon)
sidered idealized statements. Moreover, a better even blessing Yahweh, from India or further east.
Hebrew reading would be “Tamar,” a city in Judah, Solomon’s God. Thus
not Tadmor (verse 18), in Syria. even foreigners acknowledge the uniqueness of Israel’s
9:25–28  Of course, the narrative notes Solomon’s God. Solomon, also following traditional ancient Near
cultic activities, with Solomon himself again said to Eastern protocol, gives many gifts to the queen as well,
offer sacrifices (as in 1 Kgs 3:4). In addition to his cultic in return for her gifts and her visit to his kingdom.

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Indeed, the text even states that Solomon gave her tated initially by his willingness to accommodate their
“every desire that she requested” (verse 13), a text that religious practices (note that foreign women are often
has given rise to many legends (for example, Ethiopic, considered culpable in Old Testament narratives – for
Yemenite, Jewish, and Muslim traditions; see Qur’an, example, Potiphar’s wife, women of Baal-Peor, Jezebel).
Surah 27) suggesting the presence of a romantic rela- The end result is that Yahweh punishes Solomon, stat-
tionship between Solomon and the queen of Sheba. ing that his kingdom will be divided (but not until after
Finally, it should be noted that verses 11 and 12 are his own death; see 1 Kgs 12:1–24).
intrusive, and continue with contents that are present 11:14–25  The material here is intended to
in 1 Kgs 9:26–28 (see verse 22). demonstrate Solomon’s religious infidelity and its
10:14–29  This text contains a further descrip- consequences. Namely, Yahweh raised up Hadad the
tion of Solomon’s purported opulence as well as Edomite (see 1 Kgs 9:26–28). Of course, this text notes
the trappings of power that Hadad had fled to Egypt during David’s reign, and
Ivory and prestige associated a strong marital alliance had been formed between
Carved ivory was an important with his court. The text him and the Pharaoh. In addition, God raised up an
product of Syrian and Phoenician notes that among Solo- Aramean adversary, namely, Rezon son of Eliada, a
artisans (Winter); therefore, the mon’s trade partners usurper that ascended the throne in place of the
reference to carved ivory (verse 18) were the Phoenicians Aramean king Hadadezer of Zobah (2 Sam 10:15–19).
is unsurprising (see Amos 6:4 and (verse 22) and Arabian 11:26–43  Solomon had struggled to gain
Mazar 503–5 for carved ivories at kings (verse 15). Fur- and establish the throne (1 Kgs 1–2), and now the
Iron Age II Samaria). thermore, the presence Deuteronomist affirms that, with his death, the divi-
of prestige items such sion of the kingdom will come. Moreover, the leader
as golden and silver shields is characteristic of the of the revolt was to be Jeroboam the son of Nebat,
ostentatious nature of many ancient Near Eastern a Northern Israelite whom Solomon had placed in
courts. Naturally, thrones with reliefs of lions are part a position of importance (1 Kgs 5:1–18). It is a pro-
of the same sort of desire for majestic royal presenta- phetic figure named Ahijah of Shiloh who announces
tion (see Keel). Import items are often associated with to Jeroboam (with the symbolic act of tearing a gar-
wealth and fame – hence, Solomon’s fleet of Tarshish ment into twelve pieces; see 1 Sam 15:27–28; 1 Kgs
ships (a term that refers to the style of the ships and 20:35–43; 2 Kgs 9:1–13) that he will soon reign over
essentially means that they were capable of crossing ten of the Israelite tribes, with one tribe (LXX “two
1 kgs large open waters such as the Mediterranean; see 1 Kgs tribes,” that is, with Benjamin understood not yet to
9:26–28) is coupled with reference to the importation have been assimilated to Judah; compare 1 Kgs 12:21)
of precious metals and exotic fauna (verse 22). The remaining for the Davidic kings and thus insuring
chapter concludes with reference to Solomon’s military the continuation of the Davidic dynasty (see 2 Sam
prowess (chariots and horses), the ubiquitousness of 7:1–17; “lamp” in 1 Kgs 15:4; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6;
Phoenician cedars, and Solomon’s status as a middle- 22:2; 25:25, 27–30). Ahijah informs Jeroboam that
man for Neo-Hittite and Aramean kingdoms to his Solomon’s abandonment of Yahweh has precipitated
north (see also Deut 17:16; 1 Kgs 9:15–25). Yahweh’s decision to divide the kingdom. Note that
11:1–13  The religion of the nations of Edom, Moab, Ahijah promises Jeroboam a dynasty as well, pro-
and Ammon was a “national god religion” (see the vided that he and his descendants remain faithful
conclusion of 2 Kings). For ancient Israel, the national to Yahweh (1 Kgs 12:1–24). This text then implies
god was Yahweh. This narrative notes that Solomon that Solomon learns that Jeroboam will soon reign
was a king with a large harem, consisting of 700 wives over a large portion of the kingdom and so attempts
of royal birth (often the result of international alliances to kill him. Nevertheless, Jeroboam flees to Egypt
and relations, for which Solomon was famous; 1 Kgs and to the court of Shishaq (Sheshonq, founder of
3:1) and 300 concubines (for the significance of the the Twenty-second Dynasty) of Egypt, remaining
numbers three and seven, see note in chapter opening). there until Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25–28). This
The foreign wives are reported to have caused Solomon section of the text concludes with a reference to the
to compromise his own Yahwistic faith (see Exod 34:16; annals of Solomon’s reign and to his great wisdom,
Deut 7:1–6; 23:2–8; Ezra 9:2; Neh 9:12), probably precipi- stereotyped statements about the duration of his

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reign, references to his death (sometime between Ultimately, Jeroboam I is crowned king in Israel. At
930 and 922 BCE) and to his successor. this juncture, Rehoboam returns to the capital city
of Jerusalem and assembles a massive number of
Division of the Monarchy & Narratives about Judean troops, with the explicit purpose of forcing
Israel & Judah to 722 BCE · 1 Kgs 12:1–2 Kgs 17:41 Israel to remain part of his kingdom. However, a
12:1–24  Solomon’s son Rehoboam is the heir appar- divine oracle comes to Shemaiah, affirming that
ent (reigns 922–915 BCE). Significantly, he travels to Judah should not go into battle against Israel, be-
the historic northern cult site of Shechem (see Josh cause they are “kindred.” From this point on, there
24) to be crowned king by Israel, an act intended to were two kingdoms in “Israel”: the northern king-
consolidate his power within both Judah and Israel. dom of Israel (often called Ephraim) and the
Jeroboam I (son of Nebat; referred to as Jeroboam I, southern kingdom of Judah.
as there is a subsequent king of Israel with this name 12:25–33  Jeroboam I (reigns 922–901 BCE) en-
as well, 2 Kgs 14:23–29) learns of Solomon’s death and gaged in building projects at Shechem and Penuel,
of the coronation of Rehoboam, so he returns from historic sites in the northern tribal territory. From the
Egyptian exile to meet with the new king, and to deter- perspective of the Deuteronomist, however, Jero-
mine the prudence of Israel’s accepting Rehoboam’s boam’s most important act is the erection of cult sites
kingship in the north (see 1 Kgs 11:26–40). The text at Dan and Bethel, including the making of golden
notes that Jeroboam is willing for the Northern tribes calves. Religion in the
to be subjects of the kingdom of Rehoboam, but he region often associated Bethel
desires some assurances that Rehoboam will not bovine imagery with Bethel was a site associated with
engage in the oppressive policies (1 Kgs 5:1–18) that deities, especially Baal Jacob and his dream of the ladder
characterized Solomon’s reign. Rehoboam requests and El (see Exod 32; going to heaven (Gen 28:19; com-
three days to consider. His older counselors advise Smith, Early History, pare Gen 32 on Penuel). Dan was
him to “lighten the load,” but his younger counselors 83–85). In addition, Je- a historic religious site, with roots
(lacking the wisdom that ostensibly comes with age) roboam institutes a new back to the grandson of Moses
encourage him to increase the number of oppressive festival on the fifteen (Judg 18:30). The point is that
policies, suggesting that he say, “my father disciplined day of the eighth month. Jeroboam’s decisions to engage
you with whips, but I will discipline you with scorpions,” Finally, he establishes a in building and cultic activities
and even the euphemistic phrase “my little finger is Nor thern Israelite at Bethel, Penuel, and Dan can be
thicker than my father’s loins” (vss 10–11). Rehoboam priesthood of some sort. framed as his attempt to recon- 1 kgs
foolishly accepts the advice of the young counselors, The Deuteronomist nect with sites associated with
and the kingdom divides, thus fulfilling Yahweh’s considers all of these patriarchal and Mosaic religion.
words to Solomon (1 Kgs 11:11–13) and the prophetic actions to be idolatrous, Also, it is important to note that
oracle of Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29–39). David had succeeded though many Israelites Jeroboam gives his son a Yahwistic
in unifying north and south, and Solomon had main- obviously disagree. name (Abijah, meaning, “Yahweh
tained and strengthened it, but Rehoboam cannot. 13:1–34  Jeroboam is my father”). Together, these facts
Jeroboam and the northern delegation depart, I stands at the altar of suggest that Jeroboam worshiped
affirming that they have no “share with David, no Bethel to offer incense Yahweh, but not in a way that met
portion with the son of Jesse” (verse 16; compare (1 Kgs 3:4). However, the approval of the Deuteronomist.
the similar terminology in 2 Sam 20:1). Subsequent- a prophet from Ju-
ly, Rehoboam sends a corvée officer named Adoram dah, who had been commanded to travel to Bethel,
(perhaps a de- pronounces a curse upon the altar, resulting in its im-
Corvee scendant of the mediate destruction; he also indicates that a future
A day’s unpaid labor owed by a Adoram of Da- Judean king, namely Josiah (reigned 640–609 BCE),
vassal to his lord, or forced labor vid’s reign; 2 will one day burn the bones of this altar’s priests
exacted in place of taxes. Sam 20:24; see upon it (2 Kgs 23:15–18), thus desecrating it. The edi-
also 1 Kgs 4:6 tor of the book, writing in Josiah’s time, emphasizes
for a similar name) to the north, but “all Israel” (that God’s foreknowledge of the course of Israel’s history.
is, the people of the north) “stone him to death.” Jeroboam’s command to seize the Judean prophet

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results in the withering of Jeroboam’s hand. Jero- Early History, 108–47). Finally, the chapter concludes
boam implores the prophet to entreat Yahweh for the in the traditional manner, with reference to the “Book
hand’s restoration, and the request is granted. of the Annals of the Kings of Israel,” to the duration of
Jeroboam attempts to convince the prophet Jeroboam’s reign, and to the name of his successor.
to dine with him, but the Judean prophet refuses, 14:21–29  These verses summarize Rehoboam’s
indicating that he has divine instructions not to reign. The text notes that he becomes king at the age
do so (and not even to travel the same road home). of 41 and reigns for 17 years in Jerusalem. Striking is
Nevertheless, an old prophet from Bethel deceives the fact that Jeroboam’s mother is an Ammonite
the Judean prophet and convinces him to sup with (probably an Ammonite princess). The Deuteronomist
him, then later pronounces God’s judgment upon the affirms that Judah “did what was evil,” using “high
Judean prophet for violating the divine instructions. places, pillars, and asherim on every high hill and
The result is that a lion kills the Judean prophet after under every green tree.” Moreover, there is even
he departs for home (compare 1 Kgs 20:36; 2 Kgs reference to the presence of male temple prostitutes
17:25–26). The old prophet later learns the location of in Judah during this period (see 2 Kgs 23:7; Deut
the Judean prophet’s body, provides it with a proper 23:17–18). Temple prostitutes apparently existed in
burial, and then requests that, when he dies, his sons ancient Near Eastern religion.
bury him near the Judean prophet. The odd story, so One of the most important historical events dur-
troubling to modern readers, underscores the risks ing the reign of
of prophecy and the importance of the individual Rehoboam was The Campaign into Judah
prophet’s sense of and obedience to the divine will. Shishaq’s cam- Shishaq’s own record of this cam-
This narrative concludes by affirming that paign into Judah paign has been preserved on the
even after this event, Jeroboam I continues to (Cogan 387–88). Bubastite Portal (at the Egyptian
worship at high places and to employ his own The biblical text Temple of Amun at Karnak in
priests. The Deuteronomist then states that this (here) mentions Thebes) and reveals that he cam-
“sin of Jeroboam” would lead to the termination of his plundering paigned heavily in the Judean
Jeroboam’s line (also see 1 Kgs 15:29–30). of Jer usalem Negev. Significantly, though, sites
14:1–20  Jeroboam I’s son Abijah becomes gravely (including the in the northern kingdom (Megiddo,
ill, and Jeroboam asks his wife to go from Tirzah (in temple and pal- Taanach) are also listed as con-
disguise) to Shiloh to ask the prophet Ahijah about ace), and one quered, and, in addition, a fragment
1 kgs his recovery (for inquiring of a prophet or deity at the might conclude of a stele has been found at Megiddo
time of sickness, see 2 Kgs 1; 5:1–19; 8:7–15; 20:1–11). that this was a that contains the cartouche (hiero-
He instructs that she take loaves, cakes, and honey to punitive cam- glyphic name and symbol) of
serve as some form of compensation. Although Ahijah paign intended Shishaq (Mazar 395–98).
is elderly and nearly blind, Yahweh had told him of to demonstrate
the coming of Jeroboam’s wife. Ahijah informs her support for Jeroboam I (1 Kgs 11:40).
that Jeroboam’s religious faithlessness will result in This chapter concludes with the standard refer-
the termination of Jeroboam’s “male” line (literally, ence to the presence of records of Rehoboam’s reign
“those who urinate on the wall”; 1 Kgs 16:1–4, 11–12; in the “Book of the Annals of the Kings of Judah,” to
21:19–29; 22:37; 2 Kgs 9:7–10:17). This will begin in the his burial in Jerusalem (city of David), to his mother’s
near future, starting with the death of his sick son. name (Naamah the Ammonite), and to his successor.
Moreover, Ahijah states that all of Jeroboam’s relatives Note that there is war between Rehoboam and Je-
will die violent deaths, with animals consuming their roboam I continually (compare 1 Kgs 12:24).
flesh (see Pritchard 538 for a similar statement), will 15:1–8  This text notes that in the eighteenth
not receive proper burial (with the exception of his year of Jeroboam I of Israel, Abijam (Abijah), son
son Abijah, in whom Yahweh found something pleas- of Rehoboam, begins to reign in Judah (reigns
ing), and that the northern kingdom, will fall (see 1 915–913 BCE). Abijam’s mother is Maacah, daughter
Kgs 15:25–16:7; 2 Kgs 17). This story also refers to the of Absalom (2 Chr 11:20; 13:2). According to the
Asherah poles, a component of Jeroboam’s state religion Deuteronomist, Abijam is not faithful to Yahweh;
that the Deuteronomist considers offensive (Smith, however, because of Yahweh’s faithfulness, David still

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had a lamp in Jerusalem (see 1 Kgs 11:36). The wars (of Judah), and then provides the standard formula
between north (Israel) and south (Judah) continue all about sources. The fact that Nadab is assassinated
the days of Abijam’s life. This section concludes with during a battle against Philistine Gibbethon prob-
the traditional summary (source and successor). ably demonstrates that he was attempting to expand
15:9–24  The Deuteronomist begins by providing his borders, seize plunder, or gain tribute.
the standard synchronism, in this case noting that Immediately after usurping the throne of Israel,
Asa (son or brother of Abijam and son or grandson of Baasha (reigns 900–877 BCE) succeeds in annihilat-
Maacah) begins to reign in Judah (reigned 913–873 ing all members of the dynasty of Jeroboam I, thus
BCE) during the twentieth year of Jeroboam I of Is- fulfilling the word of the prophet Ahijah the Shilonite
rael. Significantly, Asa receives praise for his religious (probably not, of course, the same Ahijah as the father
reforms, even though he continues to allow worship of Baasha; 1 Kgs 14:7–16). The text affirms that Baasha’s
on the high places. Some have argued that the queen capital was at Tirzah (1 Kgs 14:17), that he reigned
mother held some sort of official position, and here for twenty-four years, and that he was evil. During
the text notes that Asa removes Maacah from this Baasha’s reign, a prophet named Jehu son of Hanani
role [Hebrew gevirah]; (see 2 Kgs 8:26; 10:13; 11:1–16; (2 Chr 16:7–10) delivers an oracle condemning Baasha
24:12; Ackerman, “The Queen Mother,” 385–401). for his sins and promising that his dynasty will not
During Asa’s reign (in Judah), there is continual war- endure, but his heirs will all die violent deaths (verse 4,
fare between Judah and Israel, culminating during compare verse 11; 1 Kgs 14:1–20). Baasha’s reign is then
the reign of Baasha of Israel. To strengthen his mili- summarized, with the traditional reference to sources,
tary position, Asa of Judah forms an alliance (using to death and burial, and to his successor.
precious metals from the temple as a “gift”; see also 16:8–14  Elah (reigns 877–876 BCE) son of
1 Kgs 6:1–7:51; 2 Kgs 12:18; 16:8; 18:15; 24:13; 25:13–17) Baasha begins to reign in Israel during the twenty-
with Ben-Hadad I of Damascus (reigns about 885–870 sixth year of King Asa (Judah). However, Zimri
BCE), who had (an official in the Israelite army) assassinates him.
Hadad formerly had an Zimri begins by killing the royal line of Baasha, thus
Hadad was the Syrian storm god alliance with fulfilling the prophecy of Jehu (verse 11; compare 1
(similar to Canaanite Baal), and Baasha of Israel. Kgs 14:1–20). The narrative concludes by referring
Aramean kings would often be This alliance suc- to the sources for Elah’s reign.
referred to as Ben-Hadad, that ceeds in forcing 16:15–28  Zimri (reigns 876) begins to “reign” in
is, “son of Hadad,” as a means of Baasha (Israel) Israel during the twenty-seventh year of Asa (Judah). 1 kgs
affirming fidelity to this deity. The to withdraw During the army of Israel’s continued siege of the
Aramean king of this narrative is from R amah Philistine city of Gibbethon, it becomes known that
often referred to as Ben-Hadad (near Jerusalem, Zimri has assassinated Elah. The army, displeased with
I, as he is the first Aramean king the capital of Ju- this turn of events, declares their commander Omri to
known by the name Ben-Hadad dah). Some have be king. Omri’s first act is to lay siege to the capital
(also 1 Kgs 20:1–22; 2 Kgs 13:1–9). suggested that city of Tirzah. Knowing that he cannot repel the army,
the destruction Zimri sets the palace ablaze and dies in the conflagra-
of Dan (and Hazor Stratum IX) might be associated tion. The narrative concludes with a reference to Zimri’s
with a campaign of Ben Hadad I, both being strate- walking in the ways of Jeroboam, to his conspiracy, and
gic cities on the border between Israel and Aram to the sources used for the description of his reign.
(undertaken after his alliance with Asa against Chaos continues to reign in Israel, with some
Baasha; see Mazar 494; Halpern 72). The narrative supporting Tibni’s kingship (876 BCE) and some
concludes with the formulaic reference to records supporting Omri. However, Omri crushes the sup-
of Asa’s reign, to his death, and to his successor. porters of Tibni (and Tibni himself is killed),
15:25–16:7  Nadab (reigns 901–900 BCE), son of although this process may have taken as many as
Jeroboam I, begins to reign in Israel in Asa’s second three years (compare 16:15, 21–23). The synchronism
year. He is reported to have been evil. Moreover, of the text affirms that Omri (reigns 876–869 BCE)
the text notes that a coup led by Baasha results in begins to reign (as the sole ruler) in the thirty-first
Nadab’s assassination during the third year of Asa year of Asa (Judah). Although he begins his reign

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in Tirzah, he makes Samaria the new capital of the time in Transjordan, the ravens feed him bread and
northern kingdom of meat in the morning and evening, as he lived in a
Omri Israel (Tappy 1:145– seasonal riverbed. Because there is normally no rain
Omri must have been a very 212). Significantly, during the dry season, ravines dry up. The fact that
powerful monarch, as Assyrian Omri is affirmed to the Ravine Cherith dries up, therefore, is quite typical.
inscriptions refer to the kingdom have done more evil 17:8–24  Elijah travels to the town of Zarephath, in
of Israel as the “House of Omri” than any of those before the territory of
until the time of the fall of Israel him, but the remaining Sidon (in Phoe- Options for Women
in 722 BCE (see Pritchard 284–85). textual notations are nicia). There he Widows were often vulnerable
Moreover, he is also mentioned in brief and formulaic meets a poor and downtrodden members of
the Mesha Inscription as a power- (sources, successor). widow (as he society in ancient times (Exod
ful king of Israel that ruled over the 16:29–34  Omri’s had been told 22:22–24; Deut 24:19–21; Ruth 2;
Moabites (Pritchard 320; Rollston, son Ahab (reigns he would), also Luke 7:12–15). Although there are
“Mesha”; compare 2 Kgs 1:1; 3:4–27; 869–850 BCE) begins suffering from some exceptions, women’s roles
13:20; 24:2). Furthermore, the to reign in Israel dur- the drought (see often revolved around the family.
text’s statement that Omri rested ing the thirty-eighth Luke 4:26). Vocational options for a widow
with his fathers suggests that year of Asa (of Judah), Striking is were few, and those that did exist
he received proper burial in the and he is said to have the fact that garnered only the most modest
capital city of Samaria. reigned for twenty-two Phoenician terri- compensation. Widows without
years and to have been tory suffers from (grown) male children could be in
“more evil than all who were before him.” Among the the drought, for dire straits (King and Stager 53).
acts of Ahab that the Deuteronomist considers most within Phoeni-
offensive is Ahab’s marriage to the Phoenician prin- cia the god Baal was believed to be the “storm-god,”
cess Jezebel (whose name means “here is the royal the god that controlled the rain (see Green). However,
one”), daughter of the Sidonian king Ethbaal (Roll- this text affirms that Yahweh is omnipotent, even in
ston, “Ethbaal”). Ahab is credited with supporting the the land of Phoenicia. Also important is the fact that
worship of Baal and Asherah (Smith, Early History, Elijah is sent (by Yahweh) from the land of Israel to
65–147), precipitated by the foreign wives who bring the land of Phoenicia, the very region from which
foreign cults into Israel (see 1 Kgs 11:1–8 for similar Jezebel hailed, again a demonstration of Yahweh’s
1 kgs statements about Solomon). Finally, the text provides power in the region of Phoenicia (and perhaps a
a historical footnote, affirming that Hiel of Bethel demonstration of Ethbaal’s weakness).
rebuilt the city of Jericho, at the cost of his youngest Elijah requests a drink from the widow, and as she
son (Josh 6:26), who may very well have been ritually is bringing it to him, he also asks her for some food.
sacrificed and buried as a “foundation” deposit. She responds, however, by stating that she has only
17:1–7  Elijah of Tishbe is introduced into the a handful of meal and a little oil and that she is about
narrative here. This inaugurates a series of stories to cook a final meal for herself and her son. Elijah tells
that revolve around the prophets Elijah and Elisha. her to prepare the meal, but to feed him first and then
These stories are sometimes referred to as the “Elijah to make more for herself and her son. Then Elijah
and Elisha Cycle.” They are probably used as source vows that the widow and her son will have enough
materials by the Deuteronomist. grain and oil to suffice until the drought has ended.
Importantly, Elijah seems to have been considered The text concludes by affirming that all occurs just as
a paradigmatic prophet, analogous to the lawgiver and Elijah (through Yahweh) predicts (see 2 Kgs 4:1–7).
prophet Moses (Exod 18:9–22; 33:17–23; Num 19:11–15; At some point, the widow’s son nearly dies The
Deut 18:9–22; 2 Kgs 2). In any case, within this narrative, widow assumes that this is some sort of divine judg-
Elijah proclaims that there will be a drought in the land ment for some (unnamed) sin, and she rails against
for three years (for the number “three,” see note in 1 Elijah. However, Elijah revives the boy. One of the
Kings introduction). Then, Yahweh instructs Elijah to most interesting components of this narrative is the
cross the Jordan River so as to be outside Ahab’s juris- fact that Elijah stretched himself out on the boy three
diction. The narrator also affirms that during Elijah’s times (for the number “three,” see above) and prays to

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Yahweh for the child’s life. The end result is that the Elijah reconstructs the altar of Yahweh, using
child is restored to life and that the Phoenician widow twelve stones (Josh 4:3–9, 20–24), and prepares the
feels compelled to affirm that Elijah is indeed a man sacrifice. Finally, he requests that four jars be filled
of God and that the word of Yahweh is truth (2 Kgs with water and dumped onto the altar, repeating
4:8–37). That is, the text now affirms that, not only this (again) three times. Then Elijah calls upon the
does Yahweh’s power reach beyond Israel, but even name of Yahweh, and Yahweh answers by consum-
that non-Israelites are capable of realizing this. ing the sacrifice, the water, and even the stones with
18:1–19  During the third year of the drought, fire. Within the narrative, this event functions as an
Yahweh reveals to Elijah that he is to meet with Ahab. empirical demonstration of the power of Yahweh
However, in the mean time, Ahab sets out to find and the impotence of Baal. Immediately after this,
pasturage, along with his servant Obadiah (a faithful Elijah commands that the prophets of Baal be seized
Yahwist who has hidden prophets of Yahweh from and killed (as some laws describe Deut 13:1–5).
Jezebel, but not to be confused with the prophet of the 18:41–46  The culminating event that exposes
book of Obadiah). Elijah and Obadiah meet, and Elijah Baal’s powerlessness is that, after this demonstra-
tells him to summon Ahab. Although Obadiah is reluc- tion of Yahweh’s power, the rain comes. Yahweh, not
tant at first, fearing that Elijah will be transported by Baal, the narrator affirms, is lord of nature. Although
Yahweh’s spirit to another place (see 2 Kgs 2:16; Acts Samaria was the primary national capital, Jezreel was
8:39; Bel and the Dragon 36) before Ahab can return, also a capital city (2 Kgs 8:29). For this reason, Ahab
he concedes, and Elijah and Ahab meet. Ahab ridicules returns to Jezreel, and Elijah runs alongside the
Elijah, but Elijah replies with a stern condemnation of chariot of Ahab. Elijah’s telling Ahab to eat and drink
his own, accusing Ahab of abandoning Yahweh. Then, before the journey may be an indication that Ahab can
Elijah throws down the gauntlet, calling Ahab and the begin to celebrate the conclusion of the drought.
court prophets of Baal and Asherah to a contest. 19:1–18  Although Elijah has been victorious on
18:20–40  Mount Carmel was historically Mount Carmel, Jezebel’s vow to take Elijah’s life ter-
associated with the storm-god Baal; hence Elijah’s rifies him (see 1 Kgs 18:20–39). He flees from the
desire to duel on Mount Carmel indicates his northern Israelite city of Jezreel to Judean Beersheba
confidence in Yahweh’s power and dominance in (in the deep south), and from there he travels even
all realms. Nevertheless, Elijah also affirms (per- further south. During this period of discouragement,
haps with hyperbole) that he is the sole prophet he pleads to God for death (compare Job 3; Jer
of Yahweh in the land at that time, with all others 20:14–18). Instead, an angelic visitor encourages 1 kgs
having abandoned Yahweh or having been killed (1 Elijah to eat and drink; however, he drifts off into a
Kgs 19:10). Ultimately, it is agreed that two bulls sleep. A second time, Yahweh’s angel comes to him
will be prepared for sacrifice, with the deities being and tells him to eat. Then Elijah rises and travels for
responsible for the fire. Elijah permits the prophets forty days (for the number “forty,” see above ), arriv-
of Baal to prepare their bull first; however, Baal fails ing at Mount Horeb (Sinai; compare Exod 19–34; Deut
to consume the sacrifice with fire. The prophets of 5–30), thus essentially reversing the journey of the
Baal engage in a ritual dance during their attempts Israelites from Horeb to the Promised Land.
to “summon” Baal (see 2 Sam 6:14; Ps 149:3; 150:4). After Elijah again affirms that he is the sole re-
For this reason, Elijah taunts (compare Jer 10:1–16; maining prophet of Yahweh (compare 1 Kgs 18:1–22),
Isa 44:9–20) the worshipers of Baal, suggesting that Yahweh instructs him
Baal may be “meditating,” “on a journey,” or “asleep” to go out and stand on Theophany
(perhaps a trip to the “underworld,” as is affirmed the mountain and wait An appearance by God, especially
in Ugaritic literature; compare Smith, Early History, for Yahweh’s presence. to a prophet or other spokesper-
67–69) or that he may have “wandered away” (per- Theophanies (appear- son for the divine is known as
haps a euphemism for defecating and urinating). ances of God) are often theophany. Elijah’s theophany
The worshippers of Baal even resort to cutting attested to within the deliberately downplays the majes-
themselves (Lev 19:28; Deut 14:1; Hos 7:14; Coogan biblical narrative, and tic features that Moses’ prior
109) as part of their attempt to gain Baal’s attention. the accompany ing vision of God at the same location
Nevertheless, nothing happens. components often in- leads one to expect.

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clude thunder and lightning, fire, quaking, wind, etc. Ben-Hadad’s subsequent demands for permission to
(compare Exod 19:16; Deut 5:22–24; Judg 5:4–5; Isa search the royal residence and the residences of high
6:1–4; Ezek 1:4). Striking within this text, however, officials, so as to seize more. Ben-Hadad is so angry
is the fact that Yahweh is present in the silence. Dur- at Ahab’s refusal that he vows (verse 10) to destroy
ing this theophany, Yahweh instructs Elijah that his Samaria. Rather than succumbing to Ben-Hadad’s
prophetic ministry is to continue, and he commands anger, Ahab responds with a proverb, stating that
him to anoint Jehu as king of Israel and Hazael as warriors should not boast until they have vanquished
king of Aram (compare a foe (and thus are able to take off their armor after a
Tel Dan Inscription 1 Kgs 1:39). These di- victory). Significantly, a prophet of Yahweh approaches
Three fragments of this inscription rectives, of course, Ahab with a word: attack the Arameans. Ahab accepts
were discovered in 1993–94. Though necessitate Elijah’s de- the prophetic word and wins a great Israelite victory.
broken, the inscription testifies to parting from the south Nevertheless, the prophet affirms that Ben-Hadad will
an Aramean victory over Israel: and returning to the return in the spring for battle again (compare 2 Sam
“Hadad went before me.… king of north, and reveal the 11:1; 2 Kgs 13:20). Although one might deduce from the
Israel and [ ]yahu son of [ ] I [over fact that Yahweh is still “Elijah and Elisha Cycle” that Ahab was not a Yahwist, it
thr]ew the House of David….” the God of Israel and is important to note that this narrative (not necessar-
even holds sway over ily part of that cycle per se) affirms that Ahab did not
Aram, as well. Significantly, there is reference (verse always reject all Yahwistic prophets (compare 22:5–28).
17) to some sort of an alliance between Hazael and 20:23–43  Within the ancient Near East and
Jehu, a fact that is evidenced also by the Tel Dan Mediterranean, gods were often associated with moun-
Inscription (Biran and Naveh 2–18; compare 2 Kgs tains. Thus some of the Aramean officials assert that
8:7–10:36; 12:17–13:7). Yahweh’s power
19:19–21  Although the text does not specifically is confined to Gods & Mountains
state that Elijah anoints Elisha (compare 1 Kgs 1:39), the mountains; Many cultures associated deities
the text does affirm that Elijah travels from Mt. Horeb therefore, they with mountains. For example, the
and meets Elisha as he is plowing fields. Moreover, propose to do Ugaritic pantheon was associated
Elijah’s casting of his mantle onto Elisha is indicative battle with Israel with Mount Zaphon, and the
of his desire for Elisha to serve as a prophetic voice on the plain, gods of Greece were associated
in Israel. Elisha requests permission to give a part- near the city of with Mount Olympus. Yahweh
1 kgs ing kiss to his parents and then returns to prepare a Aphek (which was associated with mountains
final meal for various people (for example, coworkers appears to have as well (Sinai, Horeb, and Zion).
with whom he was plowing the field). Elijah responds been on the Isra- Furthermore, the term El Shaddai
with the enigmatic phrase: “go and return, for what el-Aram border likely means “God of the Moun-
have I done to you.” In any case, the fact that Elisha and in Aramean tains” (not “God Almighty”).
slaughters his oxen and burns their yokes reveals that hands, although
he is renouncing his agricultural past in favor of the its precise location has been debated).
prophetic life. Finally, with the words he became his Israel marshals a modest force (like small flocks
attendant, the text affirms Elisha’s fidelity to Elijah, as of goats) in the face of superior Aramean forces. A
well as Elisha’s secondary status in the relationship prophet of Yahweh verifies that Yahweh will deliver the
(compare Num 27:12–23 and Deut 31:7–23, for the Arameans into Israel’s hands, especially because of the
relationship between Joshua and Moses). Arameans’ presumptive assertion that Yahweh’s power
20:1–22  The Ben-Hadad of this text is often is confined to the mountains. The Arameans engage
referred to as Ben-Hadad II (reigned in Aram about in various strategic actions (for example, replacing the
870–842 BCE; compare 1 Kgs 15:9–24). Within this nar- city-state kings with Ben-Hadad’s own loyal command-
rative, he (along with an alliance of Aramean city-state ers) to ensure success in battle. Nevertheless, Israel
rulers) besieges the northern Israelite capital of Samaria, succeeds, and the wall of the city of Aphek is even re-
demanding plunder in exchange for his withdrawal. ported to have fallen on the Arameans that fled to the
Ahab of Israel, although a very powerful king, is willing security of this city. Ultimately, Ben-Hadad II surren-
to meet these demands. However, Ahab refuses to grant ders after some negotiation, dressed in such a way so as

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to signify submission. Ahab is lenient with Ben-Hadad, Israelite law, but it is especially tragic that the Israelite
welcomes him into the chariot as a peer, and permits Ahab does, as well. After all, it is the duty of the king
him to return home. However, certain members of the to maintain the law (2 Sam 11:1–12:25; 1 Kgs 3:9–12). In
“company of the prophets” (compare 1 Sam 19:20–24; 2 any case, regarding the land itself, either Naboth had
Kgs 2:1–18; 4:1–7; 5:22; 6:1–7; for lions doing Yahweh’s no surviving family to lay claim to it, or perhaps it was
bidding, see 1 Kgs 13:24; 2 Kgs 17:25–26) rebuke him common practice for the property of accused criminals
severely (using symbolic acts; see 1 Kgs 11:26–40) for (especially those who had wronged the state) to go to
sparing Ben Hadad. Note that a prophet pretends to the king. Regardless of the operative component, Ahab
be a soldier wounded in the battle (hence his request is able to take possession of the vineyard.
to have another prophet strike him) and uses the ruse Elijah the prophet comes to Jezreel to rebuke
of wounds and bandages to gain the king’s attention Ahab for this heinous act and pronounces that Ahab
(see 2 Sam 12:1–12 for another example of a king’s be- will die in the very place where Naboth was murdered
ing duped into pronouncing his own punishment). The and that he and his line, like those of previous guilty
reason for this rebuke is that Yahweh had determined Israelite kings (14:1–20), will die shameful and violent
that Ben-Hadad should die (verse 42; see Deut 20; Josh deaths, that is, being eaten by dogs or birds (1 Kgs
6:17; 1 Sam 15:3). The narrative concludes by noting that 22:37). The text affirms that there was no king before
Ahab will lose his life because of his decision and that Ahab who had acted more wickedly, comparing him to
he returns to Samaria a sullen man. the Amorites (a term often used as a synonym for the
21:1–29  Naboth owns an impressive vineyard term Canaanites see 2 Kgs 21:11), who had been driven
in the northern Israelite city of Jezreel, near one of from the land by Israel and were abhorred as idol wor-
Ahab’s palaces (his main palace is in Samaria). This shippers. It is noteworthy, however, that it is not idol
land is Naboth’s ancestral inheritance and, as such, worship, but rather an act of social injustice, that is the
is inalienable. That is, based on ancient Israelite legal final straw, precipitating the pronouncement of punish-
traditions, this land cannot to be sold (see Lev 25:8–17, ment against Ahab. Upon hearing Elijah’s words, Ahab
23–25; 27:16–25). Nevertheless, Ahab wishes to pos- mourns and “humbles himself,” rending his garments,
sess this land and offers to compensate Naboth for it. dressing in sackcloth, and fasting (standard acts to
For the pious Naboth, however, this is not an option, express mourning, distress, and despair; compare Gen
because it would be a violation of ancient Israelite 37:34; 2 Sam 13:31; 2 Kgs 2:12; 5:7; 6:30; 11:14; 18:37; 19:1;
custom. Jezebel notices that her husband is sullen, and 22:11; Job 1:20). This causes Yahweh to proclaim that
after learning the reason for his morose behavior, she the disaster that is to befall Ahab’s house will occur not 1 kgs
takes matters into her own hands. She forges letters during Ahab’s lifetime but rather during the lifetime of
in Ahab’s name and uses his seal to authenticate them his son (see 2 Sam 12:13–14; 2 Kgs 9:25–26; 22:11–20).
(for seals, see Avigad and Sass). The fact that she acts in 22:1–40  There is peace between Israel and Aram
the king’s name, rather than her own, seems to suggest (1 Kgs 20:31–34) at times, but Aramea retains control
that her own power was limited. The purpose of these of Ramoth-gilead (perhaps part of some treaty nego-
letters is to create a public festival where Naboth can be tiation). The king of Israel proposes to Jehoshaphat,
accused of cursing (Masoretic text has “bless,” an obvi- the king of Judah, that they form a coalition against
ous euphemism; compare Job 2:9 and 1 Sam 3:13, for the king of Aram and retake Ramoth-gilead (a seat of
the same basic phenomenon) God and country (Exod provincial government under Solomon; 1 Kgs 4:13; 2
22:28; Lev 24:14–16). Ironically, the occasion chosen Kgs 8:28–9:15). Jehoshaphat agrees, and the alliance
for accusing Naboth of grievous sins is a fast, usually is formed (compare 2 Kgs 8:18, 26).
a time to atone for sins. Based on Israelite legal custom, While the kings gather at one of Samaria’s main
it was necessary that a charge resulting in punishment threshing floors (arguably a public meeting place; see
by death be brought by two or more witnesses (com- Gen 50:10; 2 Sam 24:18), Jehoshaphat states that he
pare Num 35:30; Deut 17:6–7, 19:15; there were severe desires some sort of prophetic confirmation. Four
penalties for giving false testimony according to Exod hundred Yahwistic prophets (compare 20:13–43) are
20:16; Deut 5:20, 19:16–21); hence, multiple “witnesses” summoned, and they prophesy that “Yahweh will give
make the accusation. For the Deuteronomist, it is [Ramoth-gilead] into the hand of the king” (verse 6).
reprehensible that the Phoenician Jezebel repudiates Nevertheless, Jehoshaphat is suspicious and requests

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Shalmaneser & Ahab

According to his Monolith Inscription, that Ahab was a powerful monarch (text Qarqar (853). The Deuteronomist does not
Shalmaneser III met a coalition that in Pritchard 279). The powerful Assyrian mention the battle of Qarqar or even this
consisted of (among others) Irhuleni of king Shalmaneser III made several mili- important coalition between Aram and
Hamat, Hadad-Ezer of Damascus, and tary campaigns into Syria-Palestine Israel. In any case, at some point Ahab’s
Ahab of Israel. This Assyrian text notes (Cogan 498). During these campaigns relationship with certain Aramean states
that Ahab contributed 10,000 foot he often encountered serious resistance (perhaps Damascus) deteriorated, so the
soldiers and 2,000 chariots; these are from the local kings. One of the most Deuteronomist notes that Judah and
sizeable numbers and reflect the fact important of these resulted in the Battle of Israel form an alliance against Aram.

more prophetic confirmation. The Yahwistic prophet During the course of the battle, the Arameans
Micaiah ben Imlah is, therefore, summoned. However, focus on killing the king of Israel, perhaps knowing
Ahab states that he hates Micaiah and anticipates a that he has initiated the formation of the coalition.
negative oracle (for which the pious Jehoshaphat re- Nevertheless, Ahab is disguised (while Jehoshaphat of
bukes him). During this Judah still wears royal robes). Jehoshaphat is pursued
Divine Approval i nter vening time, for a time, but he cries out (presumably identifying him-
Often within the ancient Near Zedekiah ben Kenaa- self), and the Arameans cease pursuit of him. In spite of
East, kings desired some sort of sign nah makes some iron the ruse, a random arrow strikes Ahab, and he dies at
demonstrating that the patron deity horns and prophesies in some point as he watches the battle. With Ahab’s death
(or deities) supported them during dramatic fashion that in battle and the scattering of Israel’s troops (verse 36),
a military campaign or a time of the king of Israel will the words of Micaiah are fulfilled (verse 17). Moreover,
national distress (compare 1 Sam gore (as if with horns) the dogs lick up Ahab’s blood, thus fulfilling the words
28:3–19 with Saul’s seeking out the the Arameans (compare of Elijah (1 Kgs 21:19, but with no mention of prostitutes
witch of Endor; 2 Kgs 3:11–19; 19:1–7; 1 Kgs 20:23–43). Mica- washing; compare 1 Kgs 14:1–20), although this occurs
22:11–20). Extispicy, the ritual iah then appears and in Samaria, not Jezreel. The narrative concludes not
reading of an organ or organs of a affirms that he will only with the standard formulas (sources, successor),
slaughtered animal (see Oates 178– prophesy whatever Yah- but also with reference to Ahab’s “house of ivory” (see
80), was a traditional rite employed weh tells him. Initially, Tappy 2:443–503; Amos 3:15; 6:4). Although Ahab dies a
1 kgs for this purpose. Prophetic oracles he prophesies victory, violent death, he receives a proper burial in the capital.
and omens were also sought at times but it is a ruse, and after One final note must be made regarding this narrative:
(compare Ezek 21:21–23; Cogan and some royal prodding, it is striking that Ahab’s name is not mentioned within
Tadmor 45, n. 11; 49, n.3). he prophesies the death the narrative proper (at least not until the end). The
of the king of Israel. Deuteronomist may not have been comfortable with
Of course, Micaiah feels compelled to account for the fact that Jehoshaphat formed an alliance with the
the “false prophecy” of Zedekiah; hence, he states notorious Ahab, so he refers to him throughout the
that there was a meeting of Yahweh’s divine council majority of the narrative as the “king of Israel.”
(Job 1, 2; Smith, Origins, 41–53; Rollston, “The Rise of 22:41–53  Although the narrative has already sum-
Monotheism,” 102–10), and Yahweh himself proposed marized an event in the life of Jehoshaphat (as part of
that some member of the celestial court entice Ahab so its discussion of Ahab’s reign), it now focuses on the
that he might fall. One of the members of the celestial reign of Jehoshaphat himself (reigns 873–849 BCE),
council then proposed that he himself be a lying spirit in inaugurating the synopsis in the formulaic manner
the mouth of all the king’s prophets. Naturally, Zedekiah (for example, age, mother’s name). The text evalu-
considers this to be a frontal assault on him, and he slaps ates his religion approvingly, but notes that the high
Micaiah, still claiming to be the true prophet of Yahweh. places were not removed. The text then refers to a war
At this juncture, Micaiah is ushered out as a prisoner that is recorded in the royal archives. There may be an
(with the governor and the king’s son serving as the implication here that Jehoshaphat ruled Edom (verse
guards), but as he is being taken away, he declares that 47; compare 1 Kgs 9:26–28). Moreover, the text makes
if the king returns in peace, he has spoken falsely. a striking reference to Jehoshaphat’s building “ships of

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 1 Kings
Tarshish,” but the fleet is reportedly wrecked at Ezion- deities of other nations. Those kings who received com-
geber (1 Kgs 9:26–28), much further south than the mendation were those who abolished the high places
traditional borders of Judah. Subsequently, Ahaziah, and made extensive reforms. Fifth, prophets (as well
son of Ahab, suggests a joint shipping venture, but as priests) appear as Yahweh’s representatives, even in
Jehoshaphat rejects the offer. The text then concludes politics. Prophets, in essence, attempted to call people
with the standard formulas (death, burial, successor). (high and low) back to the covenant. Within the books
The narrative now discusses the reign of Ahaziah of Kings, numerous prophetic voices speak. Sixth, the
(850–849 BCE) of Israel in detail, provides the syn- religions of the southern neighboring states of Moab,
chronism (with Judean king Jehoshaphat), and Ammon, and Edom were “national god religions” (that
notes that Ahaziah reigns only two years in Israel. is, each nation believed it had a “patron deity”; com-
He is described as doing evil in the way of his father pare Deut 32:8–9; 1 Kgs 20:23; 2 Kgs 17:8, 29–41; 18:33;
and mother (1 Kgs 16:29–22:40) and as walking in 19:10–13; Smith, Early History). Yahweh was Israel’s God
the way of Jeroboam I, even worshiping Baal. (see, for example, Deut 32:8–9), and it was to Yahweh
that Israel was to be faithful, as Yahweh had made a
binding covenant relationship with the nation. Finally,
Theological Reflections the Deuteronomistic History was written in such as
The Old Testament is an ancient Hebrew and Aramaic way as to presuppose exile (Deut 4:27; Josh 23:13, 16;
library of documents, with a long and complicated 1 Sam 12:25; 1 Kgs 8:34, 46; 9:6–9). However, divine
textual history. The books of the Old Testament forgiveness and mercy stood over against punishment
are not “history” in the modern sense of the term. (Deut 4:25–31; 1 Kgs 8:46–53). The author intentionally
Rather, these books are ancient religious literature ended Kings with Jehoiachin’s release from prison (2
anchored in history. In addition, for ancient Israel Kgs 25:27–30), reminiscent of the lamp that is promised
and Judah, there was often no clear separation (or to remain for David in Jerusalem (2 Sam 7:1–17; 1 Kgs
delineation) of the sacred and the secular, such as is 11:34; 15:4; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 22:2; 25:25, 27–30).
often made in modern cultures. Modern interpreters For a full discussion of these various elements in 1 and
often err in biblical interpretation because of the 2 Kings, see the Theological Reflections sections in 2
sincere but misguided desire to read the biblical text Kings on page xxx.
through a modern interpretive lens. Nonetheless,
the books of 1 and 2 Kings do explore religious and
theological ideas that deserve our attention. For Further Reading 1 kgs
First, the Old Testament affirms that there was a Frank M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge:
“covenant” between Yahweh and Israel. This relationship Harvard University Press, 1971).
required Israel’s complete religious and moral fidelity John H. Hayes, An Introduction to Old Testament Study
to Yahweh, with faithfulness bringing a multitude of (Nashville: Abingdon, 1979).
blessings and faithlessness bringing divine retribu-
tion. Second, these books affirm that Yahweh controls
all historical events, whether within Israel proper or Works Cited
without. Regardless of the precise context, the books Susan Ackerman, “The Queen Mother and the Cult in Ancient
of Kings affirm the magnitude of Yahweh’s power. Israel,” Journal of Biblical Literature 112 (1993): 385–401.
Third, the setting up of cultic sites at Dan and Bethel —— , Under Every Green Tree: Popular Religion in Sixth-
by Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom Century Judah. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992).
of Israel after its separation from Judah, violated the Peter M. M. G. Akkermans and Glenn M. Schwartz, The
commandments found in Deuteronomy 12. All of the Archaeology of Syria: From Complex Hunter-Gatherers to
following kings of Israel were deemed wicked because Early Urban Societies (ca. 16,000–300 BC) (Cambridge:
of the use of cultic sites outside of Jerusalem. Fourth, Cambridge University Press, 2003).
several of the northern Israelite kings received explicit N. Avigad and Benjamin Sass, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp
criticism not only for the worship of Yahweh at a site Seals (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1997).
other than Jerusalem, but also for the worship of other Frank L. Benz, Personal Names in the Phoenician and Punic
deities and/or for cultic practices associated with the Inscriptions(Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1972).

333
 1 Kings
Avraham Biran and Joseph Naveh, “The Tel Dan Inscription: A James M. Lindenberger, Ancient Aramaic and Hebrew Letters
New Fragment.” Israel Exploration Journal 45 (1995): 2–18. (2nd ed.; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003).
Joseph Blenkinsopp, A History of Prophecy in Israel Amihai Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible: 10,000–
(Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1996). 586 BCE. (New York: Doubleday, 1992).
Oded Borowski, Daily Life in Biblical Times (Atlanta: Society William Moran, Amarna Letters (Baltimore: Johns
of Biblical Literature, 2003). Hopkins University Press, 1992).
Joachim Braun, Music in Ancient Israel/Palestine (Grand Joseph Naveh, Early History of the Alphabet (2nd ed.;
Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002). Jerusalem: Magnes, 1987).
John Bright, A History of Israel (3rd ed.; Philadelphia: —— , “Writing and Scripts in Seventh-Century BCE.
Westminster, 1981). Philistia: The New Evidence from Tell Jemmeh,” Israel
Mordechai Cogan, 1 Kings: A New Translation with Introduction Exploration Journal 35 (1985): 8–21.
and Commentary (New York: Doubleday, 2000). Joan Oates, Babylon (New York: Thames & Hudson, 1986).
Mordechai Cogan and Hayim Tadmor, 2 Kings: A New Dennis Pardee, Handbook of Ancient Hebrew Letters (Chico,
Translation with Introduction and Commentary (New Scholars Press, 1982).
York: Doubleday, 1988). Wayne Pitard, Ancient Damascus (Winona Lake, Ind.:
Dan P. Cole, Archaeology and Religion (Washington, D.C.: Eisenbrauns, 1987).
BAS, 1991). James Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts (Princeton:
Michael Coogan, Stories from Ancient Canaan (Louisville: Princeton University Press, 1969).
Christopher A. Rollston, “Ethbaal,” in Eerdmans Dictionary
Westminster, 1978).
of the Bible (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), 431.
James L. Crenshaw, Old Testament Wisdom: An Introduction
—— , “Mesha,” in Eerdmans Dictionary of the Bible (Grand
(Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1998).
Rapids: Eerdmans, Eerdmans, 2000), 887–88.
Frank M. Cross, “Epigraphic Notes on the Amman
—— , “The Rise of Monotheism in Ancient Israel: Biblical
Citadel Inscriptions,” Bulletin of the American Schools
and Epigraphic Evidence,” Stone-Campbell Journal 6
of Oriental Research 193 (1969): 13–19.
(2003): 95–115.
Israel Eph‘al and Joseph Naveh, “Hazael’s Booty Inscriptions.”
Martha T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia
Israel Exploration Journal 39 (1989): 192–200.
Minor (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995).
Nili Sacher Fox, In the Service of the King: Officialdom in
Nahum M. Sarna and Hershel Shanks, “Israel in Egypt:
Ancient Israel and Judah (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union
The Egyptian Sojourn and the Exodus,” in Ancient
College Press, 2000).
Israel (rev. ed.; ed. Hershel Shanks; Washington, D.C.:
1 kgs Volkmar Fritz, 1 and 2 Kings (trans. Anselm Hagedorn;
Biblical Archaeology Society, 1999), 33–54.
Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003).
Mark S. Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and the
Seymour Gitin, Trude Dothan, and Joseph Naveh, “A Royal
Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2nd ed.; Grand Rapids:
Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron.” Israel Exploration Eerdmans, 2002).
Journal 47 (1997): 1–16. —— , The Origins of Biblical Monotheism (New York:
Alberto R.W. Green, The Storm-God in the Ancient Near East Oxford, 2001).
(Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2003). Ronald Tappy, The Archaeology of Israelite Samaria (2 vols.;
Jonas Greenfield, “Ramman/Rimmon,” Israel Exploration Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1992 and 2001).
Journal 26 (1976): 195–98. Edwin R. Thiele, The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew
Hermann Gunkel, The Folktale in the Old Testament (trans. Kings (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1983).
Michael D. Rutter; Sheffield: Almond, 1987). Karel van der Toorn, ed., Dictionary of Deities and Demons
Baruch Halpern, David’s Secret Demons (Grand Rapids: in the Bible (rev. ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999).
Eerdmans, 2001). Andrew G. Vaughn, Theology, History, and Archaeology in
Othmar Keel, The Symbolism of the Biblical World: Ancient the Chronicler’s Account of Hezekiah (Atlanta: Scholars
Near Eastern Iconography and the Psalms (Winona Lake, Press, 1999).
Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1997). Moshe Weinfeld, Social Justice in Ancient Israel (2nd ed.;
Philip King and Lawrence Stager, Life in Biblical Israel ( Jerusalem: Magnes, 2000).
Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2001). Irene Winter, “Phoenician and North Syrian Ivory
Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature (Berkeley, Carving in Historical Context: Questions of Style and
Cal.: University of California Press, 1973). Distribution,” Iraq 38 (1976): 1–18.

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 2 Kings
C h r i s to p h e r A . R ol l s to n & He a th e r D a n a D a v i s Pa rk e r

Chapter contents actually suggest a time of composition long after

Contexts  xxx the occurrence of the actual events.
Though Kings contains a substantial amount of
Commentary  xxx
historical information, it was not intended to be
Division of the Monarchy & Narratives about
solely a recitation of data. The author(s) did not
Israel & Judah to 722 BCE · 1 Kgs 12:1–2
merely record a string of events, but commented
Kgs 17:41  xxx
on them, in light of a particular theology. For this
Narratives about Judah to Its Destruction (587
reason, Kings cannot be identified as “history”; it is
BCE) & the Assassination of Gedaliah · 2
“religious history,” or “historical theology.”
Kgs 18:1–25:30  xxx
For a more detailed discussion of the historical
Theological Reflections  xxx and literary contexts of 2 Kings, see the discussion
For Further Study  xxx of 1 Kings’ contexts on page xxx.
Works Cited  xxxx
Commentary
First and Second Kings, originally one continuous Division of the Monarchy & Narratives about
work, were derived from numerous sources, includ- Israel & Judah to 722 BCE · 1 Kgs 12:1–2Kgs 17:41
ing the “Chronicles of Solomon” (1 Kgs 11:41), “the 1:1–18  Since First and Second Kings originally
Chronicles of the Kings of Judah” (1 Kgs 14:9; 15:7), formed one book, 2 Kings 1:1 constitutes a final state-
and the “Chronicles of the Kings of Israel” (1 Kgs ment about the conclusion of Ahab’s reign (and opens
14:19; 15:31). These “chronicles,” or “annals,” were the reign of his son and successor, Ahaziah): Moab
apparently the royal records commissioned by the rebelled against Israel after the death of Ahab (see 1
king and his administration (compare Esth 6:1 for Kgs 16:15–28; 2 Kgs 3:4–27). This same basic material is
a reference to Persian royal records). contained in the Mesha
Inscription, but the Me- Baal-Zebub 2 kgs
sha Inscription states The name “Baal-Zebub” would be
Contexts that this rebellion oc- a very strange name for a deity,
The author (or perhaps authors) of 1 and 2 Kings, though curred during the reign for this would mean “lord of flies.”
not explicitly identified, is referred to by scholars as the of Omri’s son Ahab However, Baal-Zebul (“Baal the
“Deuteronomist.” This term was chosen because the (Rollston, “Mesha”). prince”) would be an acceptable
books of Kings and Deuteronomy use similar language Ahaziah of Israel name for an ancient deity, and
and reflect similar theological perspectives. In addition, falls through the lat- indeed it is attested at Ugarit.
the “Deuteronomist” is often credited with authoring tice of the palace in Moreover, the New Testament
Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel as well. For this Samaria, and he fears actually preserves this name with
reason, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings are tradition- that his injuries may the term Beelzebul (Matt 10:25;
ally referred to as the “Deuteronomistic History.” be mortal. Rather than 12:24; Mark 3:22; Luke 11:15). It is
Currently, most scholars believe that the next-to- inquiring of Yahweh also certain that, at times, names
last version of the “Deuteronomistic History” was (and thus accepting of villainous people were turned
produced during the reign of King Josiah (640–609 Yahweh’s victory at into insults. For example, detractors
BCE) and the final version during the Babylonian Carmel), he sends mes- of the cruel Antiochus IV Epiphanes
Exile, that is, during the sixth century BCE. Phrases sengers to a Philistine (“Antiochus the Divine”) some-
such as “unto this day,” “then,” and “at that time” deity said to be Baal- times referred to him as Antiochus
(2 Kgs 8:22; 14:7; 16:5–6; 17:41; 18:16; 20:12; 24:10) Zebub (1 Kgs 14:1–20). Epimenes (“Antiochus the Insane”).

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 2 Kings
Elijah intercepts Ahaziah’s messengers, rebukes a double share of the inheritance; see Deut 21:17;
them for Ahaziah’s attempt to inquire of Baal-Zebub, compare Num 11:17, 25). Elisha is told that if he
and predicts the impending death of Ahaziah. Of watches Elijah’s ascension, his request will be
course, the messengers return rapidly and inform granted. Of course, he does witness it (and cries out
Ahaziah that a “hairy man with a leather belt” had my father, my
given them this message (compare Matt 3:4). Based father, a tradi- Elijah & Enoch
on this description (of the distinctive dress), Ahaziah tional term for Elijah and Enoch (Gen 5:24) are
knows that it must have been Elijah that gave them a teacher) and the two people that the Bible
this message. Ahaziah sends out troops to find Elijah, then picks up affirms never died. Later Jewish
but they are consumed by fire, a demonstration of Elijah’s mantle and Christian traditions affirmed
God’s power and protection of Elijah. Because of (a symbol of the that Elijah might return, especially
instructions from the “angel of Yahweh” (and also transfer of spir- as a precursor to the messiah’s
because of the deference of the third commander), itual power). He coming (Mal 4:5; 1 Maccabees
Elijah receives the commander and goes with him rends his gar- 2:58; Matt 16:13–14; 17:3–4, 10–13;
to speak to the king. Elijah’s prediction of the king’s ments as a sign Mark 8:27–28; 9:4–5, 11–13; Luke
death comes true, and Jehoram (Ahaziah’s brother) of mourning 1:17; Luke 9:18–19, 30–33; see also
succeeds him as king, during the second year of (see 1 Kgs 21:27). the traditional Jewish Passover
King Jehoram son of Jehoshaphat of Judah. At this Then, he parts Seder, in which a place at the table
juncture, the narrative concludes with the standard the waters of is traditionally set for Elijah).
statements about sources. the Jordan him-
2:1–18  Yahweh is about to take Elijah into self (demonstrating that he is Elijah’s true successor,
heaven in a whirlwind of fire (compare 1 Kgs 19:11– something that the company of the prophets per-
12; 2 Kgs 6:17; 13:14). Elijah and Elisha set out from ceives as well; verses 19–22; 1 Kgs 17:1–7; 19:16). At
the site of Gilgal (see Josh 4:7–19) toward the city times, prophetic figures would simply be trans-
of Bethel. Elisha vows that he will travel with Elijah, ported to another place (1 Kgs 18:12; Bel and the
not leaving him as Elijah had instructed. Although Dragon 33–36; Acts 8:39–40), hence the prophets’
it is possible that the “prophetic company” of the desire to search for Elijah.
biblical texts are “prophetic disciples,” or “learners,” 2:19–25  Both narratives within this section
under a master prophet, this narrative suggests that testify to the power of Elijah and reveal the esteem
such groups were capable of discerning future (and even fear) in which his contemporaries held him.
2 kgs events in a prophetic fashion. In any case, Elijah and Salt was used for various purposes, but purification
Elisha meet a company of prophets who ask Elisha of a well was not one of them, which demonstrates
if he is aware of Elijah’s impending departure (com- the miraculous nature of this narrative. Salt was often
pare 1 Kgs 20:35–43). Elisha indicates that he is. associated with curses and destruction (Judg 9:45;
Elijah and Elisha travel on from Bethel to Jericho, “Sefire Treaty”A.36), but it obviously had preservative
where they encounter another company of prophets qualities, as well. This text serves to demonstrate the
(suggesting that there may have been numerous similarities between Moses and Elisha (Exod 15:23–25;
such prophetic bands throughout Israel), and they, compare verses 13–14). Moreover, Elisha’s pronounce-
too, mention that Elijah is soon to be taken away. ment of “no more death or miscarriage” constitutes a
Ultimately, Elijah, Elisha, and the company of the reversal of tradi-
prophets from Jericho arrive at the Jordan River. tional curse Bethel
Significantly, the waters part before Elijah (using t e r m i n o l o g y. Literally, Bethel means ‘house of
his rolled mantle as a “staff”), much as the waters Within the next God.” A city north of Jerusalem
of the Yam Suph (Sea of Reeds) had parted before narrative, Elisha that was the site of a famous
Moses (Exod 14:21–22) and the Jordan River had travels to Bethel. sanctuary. Genesis 28 gives a
parted before Joshua (Josh 4:7–17). After crossing, Along the way, version of the story of its found-
Elijah tells Elisha that he will be happy to “do some- he curses some ing as a holy site. Its location
thing” for him, so Elisha requests a double portion children because at a major crossroads probably
of Elijah’s spirit (analogous to the firstborn receiving they insult his enhances its importance.

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 2 Kings
baldness (see Lev 19:27; 21:5). Two female bears maul rain will occur in the immediate vicinity), and that
forty-two of them (for forty-two as a number as- a victory will occur against the Moabites. Of course,
sociated with religious problems and punishment, Elisha’s initial retort contains a caustic element:
see 2 Kgs 10:14; Rev 11:2; 13:5). This chapter con- “What have I to do with you, go to your father’s
cludes with a travelogue, noting that Elisha prophets or to your mother’s” (1 Kgs 18:19; 22:6,
journeyed from Mount Carmel, and then to the 10–12), but Jehoram’s reply reveals that he believes
capital city of Samaria to continue serving as a that Yahweh has summoned them against Moab.
Yahwistic prophetic voice, as had Elijah. Elisha concedes, but affirms that he does so simply
3:1–3  The narrative begins with the customary because of Jehoshaphat’s piety (1 Kgs 22:8).
synchronism, noting that Jehoram son of Ahab Striking, though, is the fact that Elisha requests a
began to reign (849–843/2 BCE) during the eigh- musician before he begins to convey his message
teenth year of Jehoshaphat of Judah and reigned (compare 1 Sam 10:5–6; see Braun 115, 175, 219).
for twelve years. The next morning
Synchronisms Kings evaluates the wadi (ravine) is The Mesha Stele
Like a few Babylonian chronicles him in the cus- full and there are pools Also known as the Moabite Stone,
of its time, First and Second tomary way for of water in the region this monument was found in the
Kings tries to coordinate two his response to (wadis are often dry, nineteenth century by Bedouin
historical tracks simultaneously. the cult of Baal except during periods traders who sold it to French
The biblical books switch back and Israel’s high of rain). The Moabites, scholars. The monument, written
and forth between Israel and places. He re- knowing that a con- about 835 BCE, records Mesha’s
Judah. This strategy is difficult ceives credit for federation of kings revolt against Ahab (“Israel has
to carry out, a fact that partly attempting to opposes them, assume gone to ruin, yea, to ruin forever”)
explains why 1–2 Chronicles removing his fa- that there must have and his subsequent building activi-
abandoned the practice. ther’s Baal pillar been a fracture of the ties (“I have built gates … the royal
(1 Kgs 16:32–33) coalition, resulting in palace … reservoirs”).
but criticism for not removing the high places. a battle between the
3:4–27  Mesha of Moab, who had been under partners, for as the sun shines on the water laden
the rule of Omri, rebels at some point after Omri’s with the reddish soil of the region, the wadi and
death (2 Kgs 1:1; Rollston, “Mesha”). Of course, pools appear red (as if
vassal kings were routinely forced to pay some sort filled with blood). Thus, Human Sacrifice
of tribute, and this narrative states that Mesha (as the Moabites rush the Human sacrifice was practiced 2 kgs
a sheep breeder) paid a large tribute in sheep and allied camp but are at times in the Near East. It is
wool. However, when he ceases to pay the tribute, confronted by a large often argued that human sacrifice
Jehoram decides to make a punitive campaign force that drives them was never acceptable in Israel.
against him, with Jehoshaphat of Judah and the back. The coalition However, certain biblical texts
(presumably vassal) king of Edom (see 1 Kgs makes a concerted reveal a more complicated picture,
9:26–28) assisting him. They choose to travel effor t to destroy namely, that some good Yahwists
through Judah around the southern tip of the Moabite cities, wells, offered human sacrifices (see Gen
Dead Sea, into Edom (a place name that derives trees, to fill tillable 22; Judg 11:30–31, 39; Mic 6:7),
from a word for “red”) and then into Moab (hoping fields with stones although redemption was also pos-
to flank the Moabites, no doubt). The campaign, (although wreaking sible (Exod 13:2, 11–26; 34:19–20;
though, is on the verge of collapse because of a such havoc was a Num 3:11–15, 41, 45; 8:17; 18:15;
shortage of water, so Jehoshaphat proposes that breach of Israelite law 2 Kgs 23:10). Later this practice
they inquire of Yahweh (through a prophet; see 1 according to Deut was repudiated, and those that
Kgs 22:1–40). Elisha is in the region (and he used 20:19–20). After the practiced were impugned in the
to pour water on the hands of Elijah, that is, was king of Moab deter- strongest terms (Lev 18:21; 20:2–5;
Elijah’s understudy), and when questioned, he mines that he cannot Deut 18:10; 2 Kgs 16:3; 17:17; 21:6;
affirms that Yahweh is supportive of the campaign, break through the 23:10; Jer 7:31; 19:5; 32:35; see
that the wadi will fill with water (even though no lines of the besieging Cogan and Tadmor 47, n. 27).

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 2 Kings
force of Kir Hareseth, he sacrifices his firstborn son no child (note the motif of barrenness throughout
on the city wall. After this event, the text notes that the biblical corpus: Gen 18:9–15; 30:1–24; Judg
“there was a great anger against Israel,” with the 13:2–24; 1 Sam 1:1–28), and her husband is old (and
result that Israel withdrew from the siege. Strikingly, thus she will one day be a widow who has no son to
the text does not affirm that this was Yahweh’s anger care for her in her old age). For this reason, Elisha
“against Israel.” Indeed, it seems that this text speaks with the woman and tells her that she will
(reflecting an ancient view) actually suggests that bear a son within one year.
the Moabite king’s act of sacrifice (to the Moabite The second episode reinforces a sense of
god Chemosh) resulted in Chemosh directing puni- Elisha’s (and Yahweh’s) power and benevolence.
tive anger against Israel, ending in their withdrawal The husband’s questioning of the woman’s going
(for national gods, see below). to the prophet, as he states that it is neither the
4:1–7  The miracle stories present throughout New Moon or the Sabbath, highlights the tradi-
this chapter demonstrate further that the miracu- tional days to worship or consult a religious figure.
lous power of Elijah had been perpetuated in the Perhaps he was not yet aware that the child was
person of Elisha (compare the similar miracle in 1 dead, or perhaps he doubted that the prophet
Kgs 17:8–16). This story revolves around the tragic could do anything. The wife, by contrast, trusts
death of a member of the company of the prophets Elisha’s power enough to travel to Mount Carmel.
(compare 1 Kgs 20:35–43) and the dire financial state Gehazi functions in the story as a helper of Elisha
of his widow and children. A creditor has arrived to and an illustration of the prophet’s power, since
seize the widow’s two children as debt slaves. Within no surrogate can heal the boy. Only Elisha can.
ancient Israel, it was legal for a family that was deep Sneezing here is a sign of returned breath. For
in arrears to sell a member of the family into debt the significance of the number seven, see the
slavery (Exod 21:7; Deut 15:12–18; Lev 25:39–46; Jer introduction to 1 Kings. Significantly, this narra-
34:8–16) as a means of payment. The widow appeals tive revolves primarily around the woman and the
to Elisha, and with his help (and the neighbors’ child, and it is the woman who seems to have the
pots), she is able to repay her debts and supports stronger relationship with Elisha. In this connec-
the family for a time. tion, note that the text begins with the statement
4:8–37  A wealthy Shunammite woman de- that there was a “wealthy Shunammite woman” (2
duces that Elisha is a holy man of God (note that the Kgs 4:8), rather than referring to her husband as
word “holy” is not normally used of prophets but wealthy (see 2 Kgs 8:1–6).
2 kgs rather of priests or Nazarites; Exod 19:6; Num 6:5, 4:38–44  Two final miracle stories are con-
8; 16:5) and suggests to her husband that they pre- tained in this chapter. The first revolves around
pare a room for him on Elisha’s servant’s making a pot of stew using
Roofs in Ancient Architecture the second floor of poisonous vines and gourds. After one of the
Homes in ancient Israel often had their home. Naturally, company of prophets (1 Kgs 20:35–43), who is
flat roofs used for various pur- Elisha feels indebted eating some of the stew, declares, “there is death
poses. Here, the widow proposes to this family, so he in the pot!” Elisha throws some flour in the
to wall off a segment of their roof requests that his ser- pot and all eat without harm. The second story
for Elisha (compare Judg 3:20). vant Gehazi determine revolves around a gift of first fruits (see Lev 2:14;
For home architecture, see King the sort of favor that 23:9–20) to Elisha (revealing that not only priests,
and Stager 34–35. Elisha might do for but also prophets might receive donations from
them, such as speak- the people). Within the narrative, twenty loaves
ing a word to the king or commander of the army of barley are given, but it is noted that this is not
(revealing the power and access that Elisha pos- sufficient to feed a hundred people. Nevertheless,
sessed). After talking with the woman, Gehazi at the behest of Elisha, the bread is distributed,
informs Elisha that she and her husband have no all eat, and there is still some left over (compare
pressing request (all her needs are met by her fam- Exod 16:1–17:7; Num 11; Matt 14:13–21, 15:32–38;
ily or surrounding community). When Elisha Mark 6:30–44, 8:1–10; Luke 9:10–17). Again, the
presses Gehazi, he mentions that the woman has prophet cares for the needy.

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 2 Kings
5:1–27  Naaman is the commander of the army is a epithet for the storm-god Hadad; see Greenfield
of the (unnamed) king of Aram (Damascus), and he 195–98), when the king is leaning on my arm (a term
has been very successful in battle (because Yahweh used to describe Naaman’s vocational responsibili-
has given him victory, according to the text). How- ties as a chief advisor to the king; compare 2 Kgs 7:2).
ever, this great commander is afflicted with leprosy. Elisha tells him to “go in peace,” indicating approval
A captured Isra- of both of these requests.
Leprosy elite servant girl The appendix to this story faults Gehazi for greed
Within the Hebrew Bible, lep- mentions the and again emphasizes Elisha’s power. On leprosy as
rosy is a term used for various powerful proph- a curse, see Numbers 12:10–11; 2 Kings 15:4–5.
skin diseases, not necessarily et in Samaria 6:1–7  Some component of the company of the
Hansen’s Disease, the form of lep- who can cure prophets (1 Kgs 20:35–43) states that the “place
rosy best known today. Moreover, Naaman. There- where we are residing is too small for us.” The use
Naaman’s leprosy was likely not fore, based on here of the Hebrew word translated “reside” could
Hansen’s Disease, in light of the this statement, imply that some permanent residential structure
fact that he was not excluded from Naaman re- had become too small. However, it is also possible
interaction with non-lepers (com- ceives a “letter to understand this verb to imply that some non-
pare Lev 13:46; Num 12:14–16; 2 of recommenda- residential meeting place had become too small.
Kgs 7:3; 15:5). tion” from the That is, this text may or may not imply some sort
Aramean king of communal living arrangements for the prophets.
and travels to Israel, bearing many gifts (compare In any case, Elisha concurs that it is acceptable to
1 Kgs 14:1–20). Nevertheless, the king of Israel build a larger facility, and the group cuts timber
(unnamed – perhaps Jehoram; compare 2 Kgs 3:1–3) near the Jordan River (where trees could readily
is concerned (his tearing his clothes being a sign grow because of the moisture in the soil). However,
of this; see 1 Kgs 21:27), because he feels the request a borrowed ax head falls into the water. Elisha
cannot be met. In addition, he feels that the request cuts a stick, tosses it into the water, and the axe
may be intentional diplomatic entrapment by the head floats to the top, where it is retrieved. Again,
king of Aram. Elisha learns of these events and this story constitutes another demonstration of
requests that the king of Israel send Naaman to Elisha’s miraculous power.
him. Striking is the fact that Elisha does not receive 6:8–6:23  This narrative details some espio-
this important Aramean himself, but rather sends nage by the king of Israel (unnamed – perhaps
a messenger out to instruct Naaman to dip seven Jehoram; see 2 Kgs 3:1–3) against Aram (perhaps 2 kgs
times (for the significance of the number “seven,” during the reign of Ben-Hadad II; compare 1 Kgs
see the introduction to 1 Kings) in the Jordan. 20). In essence, Elisha conveys information about
Initially, Naaman is irate (reasoning that the Aramean troop movements, with the result that
muddy waters of the Jordan River are nothing Israel avoids meeting their army. The king of Aram
compared to the great rivers of Aram), but his senses that someone is conveying strategic infor-
servants convince him to dip himself in it. Perhaps mation and discusses this with his officers. His
the author intends to poke fun at the Arameans advisors tell him that Elisha is revealing (appar-
here. This results in his healing and also in his af- ently clairvoyantly) the information to the king
firmation of the fact that Yahweh is the only God of Israel, with the dubious hyperbole that Elisha
in all the world (verse 15). knows “even the words that you speak in your
Naaman attempts to compensate Elisha gener- bedchamber.” The king sends a large contingent
ously, but Elisha refuses. Naaman’s request for of troops to Dothan to seize Elisha. After learn-
Israelite soil on which to worship reflects a belief ing that this contingent has come for him, Elisha
that the land of Israel itself is holy (Josh 22:19; 2 tells his attendant that the Aramean troops are
Kgs 16:10–12). In addition to this, Naaman makes surrounded by horses and chariots of fire (com-
another striking request: that he not be faulted pare 2 Kgs 2:11–12) in the service of Yahweh (for
for standing and kneeling next to the king in the Yahweh as a warrior, forces against Israel’s enemies,
temple of Rimmon (normally Rimmon, “thunder,” see Exod 15:3; Josh 5:13–15; Judg 5:20, and also

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note that the term “Yahweh Sebaoth” literally the “son of a murderer” (perhaps a term for an
means “Yahweh of armies”). When the Arameans executioner, but maybe just an insult; compare 1
approach Elisha’s location, he prays that Yahweh Sam 20:30) wishes to take off his head. The king,
might blind them. Elisha then leads them (under preceded by his messenger, comes to the house
false pretenses!) to Samaria (the capital of Israel), and accuses Yahweh of bringing this calamity upon
and, when there, Elisha petitions Yahweh to open Israel. Elisha responds, however, by stating that
their eyes. Addressing Elisha as father (showing within one day, the siege will be lifted and there
deference to the great prophet), the king asks if will be an abundance of food (this is to function as
he should kill the captives. Rather than permitting a sign for the king, whose faith in Yahweh, by his
the king to kill these Arameans, Elisha responds by own admission, is wavering). After hearing Elisha’s
stating that they should receive sustenance and be words, the captain (“on whose hand the king
allowed to and depart (perhaps so that the released leaned”; as in 2 Kgs 5:18) disbelieves. Elisha, there-
captives might laud Israel and its god; see Cogan fore, says that the captain will see the fulfillment of
and Tadmor 75, n. 2, for this practice in the ancient the prophecy but will not live to eat the food.
Near East), because they were not captured with The narrative now turns to the conversations and
your sword or bow (see 1 Kgs 20 for the treatment of actions of four lepers. They are residing outside the
those captured in battle and under the “ban”). The city wall (see 2 Kgs 5:1 on lepers) and determine to
narrative concludes by stating that, for a time, the travel to the Aramean camp, with the hope that the
Arameans no longer raided the land of Israel. Aramean soldiers will feed them. They find the camp
6:24–7:20  Although there is some respite abandoned, because God caused the Arameans to
for Israel for a time, the king of Aram (perhaps “hear the sound of a great army” coming, so they as-
Ben-Hadad II) besieges the city of Samaria. Sieges sumed that powerful Anatolian or Egyptian rulers (the
of cities often result in starvation and disease (2 term in Hebrew
Kgs 18:27; 25:2). During this siege, food becomes is mtsrym, which Alliances
so scarce that even a donkey’s head (with the could be Mitsray­ Small nations often paid larger
donkey being an unclean animal, Deut 14:3–8) im [Eg ypt] or nations to help them in times
and dove’s dung (for fuel; see Ezek 14:3–8) are Mutsrim, an area of war. See 2 Samuel 10:6 and
garnering substantial sums. Cannibalism is also in northern Syr- Isaiah 7:20. Kilamuwa, king of
practiced. For example, one woman comes to the ia) were coming the nation of Samal at about this
king seeking “justice” (see 1 Kgs 3:9–12, 16–28) to attack them. time, paid Assyria for just such
2 kgs against another woman; however, her “case” is After gathering an intervention.
horrific, as her complaint is that the other woman food and plun-
has reneged on her promise to kill her son so that der, the lepers decide to tell the king and his officials.
the two of them can consume him (see Lam 2:20; Naturally, the king believes that it could be a ruse, but
4:10; Ezek 5:10 on cannibalism; see also Fritz 269; he permits a small contingent of soldiers to recon-
Cogan and Tadmor 79, n. 25, for the dire situation noiter. Upon determining that the Arameans had
during Assurbanipal’s siege of Babylon in 650 BCE). indeed fled, the people of Samaria gather plunder, thus
Upon hearing this complaint, the king rends his fulfilling Elisha’s words about the abundance of food
garments in despair (exposing his sackcloth; see (for similar low prices after a siege, see the text in
1 Kgs 21:27) and vows that the Yahwistic prophet Pritchard 299). The captain who had doubted that
Elisha must be beheaded (as the king believes this deliverance would come is trampled at the gate, fulfill-
siege is of Yahweh; compare Deut 28:53–57 for a ing Elisha’s words about him (compare Deut 18:19).
siege’s resulting in cannibalism as a curse from 8:1–6  Elisha instructs the Shunammite
Yahweh; however, this text names no specific sin woman, whose son he had raised from the dead
as precipitating the siege). (2 Kgs 4:8–37), to leave the land of Israel because
Elisha, though, is aware of the king’s intent and of the coming famine (compare Gen 12:10; 26:1;
tells the elders with him to bar the door (apparently Ruth 1:1), which is to be of seven years’ duration
the elders, like the company of the prophets [see (as in Gen 41; see also Pritchard 31–32 for a seven-
1 Kgs 20:35–43], could go to Elisha for counsel), as year famine in Egypt). She flees to the land of the

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Philistines along the Mediterranean coast (with Letters), but subsequently returns to Ben-Hadad’s
important cities such as Gaza, Ashkelon, Ashdod, palace and suffocates him. Assyrian Inscriptions
Ekron, Gath, and Timnah) and then decides to refer to Hazael as a “son of nobody,” that is, a
return to her ancestral estate in Israel. However, usurper (in Pritchard 280). The story emphasizes
someone (perhaps a neighbor, caretaker, or royal Yahweh’s control of politics.
official) has laid claim to her land, so she decides 8:16–29  The text begins with a synchronism,
to appeal to the king for justice (see 1 Kgs 3:9–12, affirming that Jehoram (or Joram) of Judah
16–28; Weinfeld 45–56). At this time, the king (reigned 849–843 BCE) begins to reign during the
of Israel (unnamed – perhaps Jehoram, compare fifth year of Jehoram (or Joram) of Israel. The
2 Kgs 3:1–3) requests that Gehazi (perhaps still reason for the indictment he walked in the way of the
leprous?) recount the great deeds of Elisha. As kings of Israel is that he had married the daughter of
Gehazi is relating the miracle of Elisha’s raising Ahab (compare 1 Kgs 22:4) and Jezebel, the princess
a child from the dead, the woman appears before Athaliah (see 1 Kgs 15:13; 2 Kgs 11:1–16). However,
the king to articulate her claim. Of course, Gehazi the text also affirms that Yahweh did not destroy
recognizes the woman, and she tells her story to Judah because of the promise to “give a lamp” (1 Kgs
the king. Immediately, therefore, the king appoints 11:36) to David and his descendants. Edom revolts
an official to restore her land plus revenue derived (for it was a vassal) at this time and establishes
from the field during her absence. Significantly, a monarchy (see 1 Kgs 9:26–28), and, although
the woman is a strong character here (as in 2 Kgs Jehoram of Judah attempts to regain control, his
4:8–37), and it is she (not her husband) who appeals army loses. The prominent city of Libnah, which
to the king for her land (perhaps, however, her had been Judean at times, also revolts (Josh 21:13;
husband is now dead; see 2 Kgs 4:14). 2 Kgs 19:8; 23:31; 24:18). The traditional formulaic
8:7–15  Elijah had been commanded to anoint statements summarize Jehoram’s reign.
Hazael as king of Aram (1 Kgs 19:15–16; compare Ahaziah (843/2 BCE) son of Jehoram succeeds his
1 Kgs 1:39), but he was not able to fulfill this com- father as king of Judah, and the synchronism places
mand. This narrative, however, affirms that Hazael his reign in the twelfth year of Jehoram (Joram)
will indeed be king as the result of an assassination. of Israel (but see 2 Kgs 9:29). As is customary, his
Elisha travels to Damascus (in Aram). The king of age at ascension is given, along with the duration
Aram (probably Ben-Hadad II; see 1 Kgs 20) is very of his reign (one year). He, too, walked in the ways
ill, and because of his respect for Elisha’s reputation, of his grandfather Ahab (1 Kgs 16:29–22:40). At
he asks Hazael (one of his high officials) to inquire one point, Ahaziah accompanies Jehoram of Israel 2 kgs
about a potential recovery (compare 1 Kgs 14:1–20). to wage war against Hazael of Aram at the border
This story also reaffirms that Yahweh’s power cannot town of Ramoth-gilead (note the shortened form
be confined to the borders of Israel. The term your Ramoth of verse 29; also 1 Kgs 22:1–36). However,
son is not to be taken literally. Jehoram is wounded in the battle. During a period
Elisha instructs Hazael to lie to Ben-Hadad, of recovery in Jezreel (see 1 Kgs 18:45), Ahaziah of
saying, you will certainly recover, though Ben- Judah travels to visit him.
Hadad actually will die. The prophet Elisha, though, 9:1–13  Jehoram (Joram) of Israel is reigning,
begins to weep (after one of them stares intently but Elisha tells a member of the company of the
at the other, although it is not possible to discern prophets (see 1 Kgs 20:35–43) to prepare to travel
who is doing the staring) and then states that (carrying olive oil for anointing, as in1 Kgs 1:39) to
Hazael will become king and then pillage and kill Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22:1–36; 2 Kgs 8:28) to anoint
in Israel, engaging in a most cruel form of warfare Jehu, a commander in the army, as the new king
(compare 1 Kgs 9:15–17; 2 Kgs 10:32–33; 12:17–13:7). of Israel (and then to depart immediately, as those
Hazael rebuffs these statements at first (using the loyal to Jehoram would understand this as partici-
term dog of himself, a traditional ancient Near pation in a coup). The young prophet is able to find
Eastern term signifying inferior status; see the Jehu in the company of other commanders, and he
Amarna Letters in Moran 132–33 and Lindenberger anoints him, stating that he should annihilate every
2:125, 127–29 for a reference in one of the Lachish last male of the house of Ahab, as had happened to

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 2 Kings
the dynasties of Baasha and Jeroboam (including instruction to do so. (Compare 2 Kgs 8:25 with verse
the Phoenician princess Jezebel, in fulfillment of 29, concerning the religious irregularities of Je-
Elijah’s prediction; see 1 Kgs 14:1–20; 16:1–4, 11; horam’s and Ahaziah’s reigns.)
21:19–29; 22:37). After Jehu returns to the group 9:30–37  After eliminating Jehoram and
of commanders, they ask him what the madman Ahaziah, Jehu rides into the city of Jezreel. Jezebel,
(on the term, see Jer 29:26; Hos 9:7; compare 1 Kgs having heard of the recent events, paints her eyes
11:26–40) said, but Jehu deflects the query by char- and adorns her head (perhaps with the hope of
acterizing the actions of such prophets as strange. seducing the new king, but more likely in prepara-
They press him, though, and he then confides in tion for death and burial). Ultimately sensing that
them that the prophet has anointed him as king of Jehu comes solely with violent intent, she calls out
Israel (reigned 843/2–815 BCE). Immediately, the to him, referring to him as Zimri, perhaps now a
commanders affirm his kingship and their loyalty watchword for a disloyal royal assassin (compare 1
to him (see 1 Kgs 1:31). Kgs 16:8–14). Jehu calls out to the eunuchs attend-
9:14–29  After the anointing, Jehu travels to ing her (to ensure sexual purity, eunuchs often
Jezreel. Note his request that no one convey news attended royal women – 2 Kgs 23:11; Fritz 287), and
of the anointing in Jezreel, lest Jehoram have ad- in response to his request, they throw her down to
vanced warning of the impending coup d’etat. Both her death. This action fulfills the gruesome words
Jehoram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah are in the of prophecy of Elijah and Elisha (verses 8–29; 1 Kgs
city of Jezreel (the latter having gone there to see 14:1–20; 21:19–29; 22:37; 2 Kgs 10:1–17). Interestingly,
about the former’s recovery; see 2 Kgs 8:29). The Jehu states that, because Jezebel is a king’s daugh-
sentinels see a company of soldiers approaching, ter, her remains should be buried.
and two horsemen investigate. However, when both 10:1–17  The narrative asserts that Ahab had
men fall in behind Jehu (after Jehu implies that they seventy sons in Samaria (seventy is a round number,
are serving a bloody regime), Jehoram and Ahaziah not necessarily to be taken literally; see Judg 9:5;
go out to meet him. Immediately they deduce that 12:14). Jehu is intent on ruling as the sole king of
he has not come for peaceful purposes (and he ac- Israel. Therefore, he tells the nobles of Samaria
cuses them of following the religious practices of (and Jezreel) to select a king who will replace
Je z e b e l ; s e e E xo d Jehoram (from among Jehoram’s sons) so that he
The Tel Dan Inscription 34:16; Lev 17:7; Deut might engage the new king’s troops in battle (and
The Tel Dan Inscription was argu- 31:16; 1 Kgs 16:31–33; thus win a complete victory). However, the leaders
2 kgs ably commissioned by Hazael of 18:1–19:18; Hos 1:2), so send Jehu a letter stating that they will be loyal to
Aram (see Biran and Naveh 2–18 they attempt to flee. him. Jehu sends them a second letter requesting
and Eph‘al and Naveh 192–200). Jehu, in an act of po- that they take the heads (the Hebrew makes a pun
Within this inscription, Hazael etic justice, casts the on two meanings of the word: high official or the
arguably claims to have killed unburied body of Je- body part) of their master’s sons and bring them
Jehoram of Israel and Ahaziah of horam onto Naboth’s to Jezreel. When the nobles fulfill this request,
Judah (thought the text is partially land (see 1 Kgs 21), but Jehu affirms that the people of Samaria have no
broken). Based on this evidence, it Ahaziah manages to legal liability in this matter (verse 9). Moreover,
is possible that Jehu of Israel and flee, first to the city of he states that this is all in fulfillment of Elijah’s
Hazael of Aram had formed an Megiddo (still in the prophecy (1 Kgs 19:15–18; 21:17–24; compare 1 Kgs
alliance, the purpose of which was territory of the north- 14:1–20; 22:37; 2 Kgs 9:7–10:17). Note that the purge
to put Jehu on the throne of Israel ern kingdom; but see of Omrides (the descendants of Omri, the father of
(1 Kgs 19:17). Naturally, this would 2 Chr 22:9). Upon his Ahab) extends not only to family but also to close
have been attractive to Hazael, death, Ahaziah’s body friends who were political and religious leaders.
who was frequently at war with is transported to the Indeed, Jehu even kills 42 (compare 2 Kgs 2:24)
both Jehoram and Ahaziah. city of Jerusalem for relatives of Ahaziah of Judah as well (for the queen
burial in the royal mother, see 1 Kgs 15:13). Note that subsequent
tomb complex. Jehu kills Ahaziah in addition to prophetic critique of Jehu demonstrates that his
Jehoram, although there had been no prophetic extensive purge exceeded the prophetic directives

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 2 Kings
he had received (Hos 1:4–5). In any case, in this 11:1–21  After the death of Ahaziah of Judah,
purge, he has the support of Jehonadab, a power- Athaliah (the wife of the late King Jehoram and
ful Rechabite, whose lineage is well known for its the mother of Ahaziah; 1 Kgs 15:13; 2 Kgs 8:26)
asceticism and repudiation of everything related decides to seize the throne and kill all family mem-
to the cults of Canaan (see Jer 35). bers who might contest her queenship. She reigns
10:18–31  After sending notification through- 842–837 BCE. However, Jehosheba (the daughter of
out the kingdom to announce the event, Jehu King Jehoram, probably by a different wife) takes
gathers all of the worshipers of Baal under the pre- Jehoash (or Joash) son of Ahaziah and hides him
text of a great for some six years from Athaliah. When Jehoash is
Cultic Sites sacrifice to Baal. seven years old, the priest Jehoiada (whose wife was
Jehu wiped out Baal worship, Upon entering Jehosheba, according to 2 Chr 22:11) orchestrates a
but also continued in the sins the temple of heavily guarded coronation ceremony and proclaims
of Jeroboam I (with cult sites at Baal, they begin Jehoash king (reigned about 837–800 BCE; see 1
Dan and Bethel, rather than just to offer sacri- Kgs 1:31, 39). Note that the text mentions putting
at Jerusalem). The Bible thus fices. After the the crown on him and giving him the covenant (the
tacitly admits that Jeroboam’s sacrificial wor- Hebrew word translated covenant could be a refer-
cult sites were Yahwistic. The ship concludes, ence to the book of the law or to some sort of royal
Deuteronomist rejected them, Jehu summons adornment; see 2 Sam 1:10). For the ceremony,
because he rejected all worship 80 armed men spears and shields that had belonged to King David’s
centers other than Jerusalem, to kill all of the administration are used (perhaps because there
regardless of whether or not worshipers. In was a shortage of weaponry but perhaps as a public
Yahweh was worshiped there. addition, they display of the new king’s connection to the found-
burn the pillar ing monarch of the dynasty; 2 Sam 8:7; 1 Kgs 11:12).
(2 Kgs 3:2) of Baal (and the entire area becomes a Athaliah hears the commotion, sees the king stand-
latrine and public dump). Jehonadab is, of course, ing by a pillar (1 Kgs 7:15–22; 2 Kgs 23:3), realizes
at Jehu’s side. The text concludes with a promise the nature of the activities, tears her clothes (1 Kgs
from Yahweh to Jehu’s descendants, and then with 21:27), and shouts treason. Then, Athaliah is brought
a succeeding statement affirming that he did not out and taken to the king’s house and killed.
follow the law of Yahweh. Jehoiada the priest makes a covenant among
10:32–36  Although there was an alliance Yahweh, the king, and the people (see 1 Kgs 2:1–12).
between Hazael and Jehu at one point, there must This covenant renewal ceremony may have been 2 kgs
have been a fracturing of the relationship, as Hazael considered necessary as some sort of reaffirmation
seized portions of Israel in fulfillment of Elisha’s of Yahweh’s covenant with the people and the
prophecy (1 Kgs 19:15–17; 2 Kgs 8:7–15; 12:17–13:7). dynasty (something precipitated because of the
The text concludes in the standard formulaic fashion, unorthodox religion that is assumed to have marked
referring to sources, burial, and successor, as well Athaliah’s reign, even though her name is Yahwistic,
as to duration of reign. There is also a tantalizing meaning “Yahweh has declared his eminence”). The
reference to “all his power” (verse. 34). Significantly, people of the land is often understood to be a term for
a famous monumental Assyrian inscription referred ordinary people, but because they often appear at
to as “The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III” credits coronations, especially
the subjugation of the northern kingdom of Israel to after assassinations or Carites
Shalmaneser and actually depicts Jehu prostrating an interregnum, the It is significant that the Carites,
himself at the feet of this Assyrian king. The bibli- term could also refer to a non-Israelite group (likely of
cal text does not even refer to this event, a striking some sort of elite class Aegean origin, perhaps to be iden-
omission (Pritchard 280–81). The Black Obelisk also (2 Kgs 14:21; 21:24; tified with the Cherethites that
refers to Jehu as the son of Omri. Technically, this is 23:30). In any case, they seem to have functioned as hired
an historical error; however, it may just reflect the tear down the temple mercenaries, as in 2 Sam 20:23)
fact that, for centuries, the Assyrians considered the of Baal and destroy appear among those serving as
Omride Dynasty to be the royal family of Israel. various components of guards at the coronation of Joash.

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the cult. In addition, they kill Mattan, a priest of Baal 12:17–21  Hazael of Aram (1 Kgs 19:15–17; 2 Kgs
(2 Kgs 8:18, 26–27), and, as a security measure to 8:7–15; 10:32–33; 13:3–7) makes a successful raid
prevent retaliation, Jehoiada posts guards at the against the Philistine city of Gath, and Jehoash
temple of Yahweh. Note that the Chronicler elimi- deduces that he will soon raid Judah. Therefore,
nates all reference to these foreigners (2 Chr 23). Jehoash sends numerous precious royal commodi-
Under this heavy guard, the king takes the throne, ties to Hazael, with the result that Hazael lifts his
and all the people rejoice at the conclusion of siege of Jerusalem (1 Kgs 15:18). The narrative then
Athaliah’s reign. The text does not summarize her concludes with formulaic references to sources and
reign in the traditional formulaic manner, an indica- successor; however, because Jehoash is assassinated,
tion that it was not viewed as legitimate. various details appear about the place of the assas-
12:1–16  The reign of Jehoash is reported to have sination and the names of the assassins.
been forty years (a round number often found in the 13:1–9  The synchronism states that in the
Old Testament), and his mother’s name and city of twenty-third year of King Jehoash (or Joash) of
origin are mentioned. He is credited with doing that Judah, Jehoahaz son of Jehu (reigned 815–802 BCE)
which was right, because of the influence of the priest began to reign in Israel (in Samaria). The text notes
Jehoiada, though he failed to remove the high places. duration of his reign and his imitation of the sins of
Jehoash instructs the priests to collect required Jeroboam I. For this reason, Yahweh gives him into
monies (Exod 30:11–16; Lev 27:1–8) from those the hands of Hazael of Aram (1 Kgs 19:15–17; 2 Kgs
coming to worship and then commissions needed 8:7–15; 10:32–33; 12:17–21) and then into the hand
repairs for the temple (2 Kgs 22:4–7). However, no of Hazael’s son Ben-Hadad. However, after Jehoahaz
repairs are made, even as late as the twenty-third entreats Yah-
year of Jehoash’s reign (though money has been weh, Yahweh Ben-Hadad III
collected). Therefore, Jehoash instructs the priests raises up an un- Ben-Hadad III, referred to in the
not to collect any more money. The priests agree, but identified savior “Zakkur Inscription,” is also to be
still no repairs are made. Jehoash, therefore, makes for Israel (Judg identified with the “Mari” of the
alternate arrangements to raise funds. Namely, he 2:11–23), per- inscriptions of the Assyrian ruler
places a chest, with a hole in its lid, by the entrance mitting the Adad-Nirari III; see Pritchard
to the temple (near the altar of incense), so that Israelites to re- 281–82 and 1 Kings 15:9–24.
people can make donations. Significantly, when the turn to their
chest needs to be emptied, the king’s scribe and the homes. Nevertheless, the people continue to en-
2 kgs high priest collect and count the money together gage in the “sins of Jeroboam” (for a description
(so as to ensure that the money is indeed spent as of these sins and for the Asherah pole, see below),
intended). The same sort of practice is attested to and the military strength of Israel is depleted. The
in Mesopotamia (Cogan and Tadmor 138, n. 11). narrative contains the traditional formulaic sum-
The funds go directly to those executing the repairs mary of the reign of Jehoahaz, with reference to
(carpenters, masons, stonecutters, etc.), and these burial and successor.
artisans carry out the work without being required to 13:10–13  The narrative begins with the tra-
give a precise accounting of expenditures. Curiously, ditional synchronism, citing the reign of Jehoash
no money is allocated for the reacquisition of some (or Joash) of Israel (802–786 BCE), son of Jehoahaz,
of the cultic utensils (perhaps lost during a previous as beginning in the thirty-seventh year of Joash
reign), and none of the money can be melted down of Judah. There is reference to his perpetuating
and made into cultic utensils. The narrative con- the sins of Jeroboam. The narrative concludes with
cludes with a statement that the priests continued references to his battles with Amaziah of Judah (2
to receive money from various offerings brought Kgs 14:1–14) and to sources, burial, and successor
to the temple. Significantly, the narrative portrays (Jeroboam II; 2 Kgs 14:15, 23–29).
Jehoash positively, while some suspicion falls upon 13:14–21  With Elisha’s death imminent,
the priests. In contrast, however, Chronicles praises Jehoash (Joash) of Israel visits him, weeping and
the priests that are lauded for piety, while Jehoash referring to him as my father (showing reverence
becomes an apostate of sorts (2 Chr 24). and respect) and mentioning the chariots and horse­

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men of Israel (see 2 Kgs 2:12). Elisha instructs the Kgs 12:20–21), Amaziah first secures the throne and
king to shoot a victory arrow eastward out the then kills his father’s conspirators. The children of
window. Jehoash complies. Then Elisha tells him the conspirators, however, are not killed, in keeping
to strike the remaining arrows against the ground. with certain legal directives (Deut 24:16). In addi-
Jehoash does so, but only three times (for the tion, he kills ten thousand Edomites (a round and
number “three,” see the introduction to 1 Kings). aggrandizing but not necessarily literal number;
Elisha is disturbed, because the number of strikes see 1 Kgs 9:26–28) in the region of the Dead Sea.
is to determine the number of victories Jehoash He names the area Joktheel.
will win against Aram (1 Kgs 20:35–43). After the After his successful campaign against the
death of Elisha, during the burial of an Israelite Edomites, Amaziah sends a provocative mes-
man, a group of raiding Moabites approaches them sage to Jehoash (Joash) of Israel, attempting
(1 Kgs 16:15–28) in the spring of the year (1 Kgs to provoke him to war. King Jehoash, however,
20:22). Because the Israelites wish to avoid detec- rebuffs Amaziah, citing a proverb that implies
tion, those attending the funeral take the body and that Amaziah of Judah (the thistle) hardly has
throw it into the grave of Elisha. However, after the capacity to interact in any fashion with the
touching the bones of Elisha, the man comes to northern kingdom of Israel (a stately cedar).
life, thus demonstrating Elisha’s miraculous power, Nevertheless, Amaziah refuses to desist (per-
even after death. haps assuming that the northern kingdom has
13:22–25  The text notes that Hazael oppressed grown weak during its constant warfare with the
Israel throughout his reign, but Yahweh was gracious Arameans; see 2 Kgs 13:3–8, 22–25). Thus Judah and
to Israel and Israel engage in battle. Judah is soundly defeated,
Kings of Aram & Damascus would neither resulting in the capture of Amaziah, the breaching
The Bible and scattered texts from destroy it nor of the wall of Jerusalem from the Ephraim Gate
Assyria or Aram itself give the banish the peo- to the Corner Gate, the plundering of the temple
names of several kings of Damascus. ple. The basis for and palace in Jerusalem, and the taking of Judean
These include Hadad-ezer (10th this mercy is the hostages. The narrative then concludes with the
century), Ben-Hadad I (9th cen- promises to the formulaic summary of Jehoash of Israel’s reign,
tury), Tab-Rimmon, or Ben-Hadad patriarchs (Gen with references to sources, burial, and successor
II (9th century), Hazael (843–797 15:1–21; 26:23– (Jeroboam II; 2 Kgs 13:12–13). In addition, there is
BCE), Ben-Hadad III (or II) (797–?), 25; 28:10–22; 2 also a formulaic summary of the reign of Amaziah
Hadianu (mid-eighth century), and Sam 7:1–17). Fi- of Judah, with a notation that Amaziah continued 2 kgs
Rezin (730s). The kingdom fell to nally, the text to reign for some fifteen years after the death of
the Assyrians in the last third of concludes by Jehoash of Israel. References are given to sources,
the 8th century BCE. stating that Je- to a conspiracy against Amaziah that spread from
hoash of Israel Jerusalem to Lachish (a fortified royal city near
was successful in battles against Aram three times, Jerusalem; 2 Kgs 18:14; 19:8; 24:8; 25:22–26; Mazar
just as had been predicted (verse 19). 384–89), to his burial in Jerusalem, and to his
14:1–22  The narrative begins with the tra- successor. Note that there is also reference to the
ditional synchronism, with the rise of Amaziah restoration of the seaport city of Elat, something
(son of Jehoash) of Judah (reigned 800–783 BCE) that was made possible by Judah’s subjugation of
to the throne corresponding with the second year Edom (see verse 7; 1 Kgs 9:26–28).
of Jehoash (Joash) of Israel. Information about 14:23–29  This narrative begins with the
Amaziah’s age at the time of his ascension to the traditional synchronism for Jeroboam II (reigned
throne, the duration of his reign, and his mother’s 786–746 BCE; see 1 Kgs 12:20–24), son of Jehoash
name is also provided. He is critiqued for not remov- (Joash) of Israel. He is reported to have reigned
ing the high places, although the text notes that he some forty-one years (longer than any other
generally did what was right in the eyes of Yahweh king of Israel) and to have walked in the ways of
(essentially doing as his father Joash had done; 2 Jeroboam I. He is credited with restoring Israelite
Kgs 12). Because his father had been assassinated (2 territory (after a period of weakness, verse 26) from

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Lebohamat in the north to the Sea of the Arabah (the that Azariah’s son, Jotham, functioned in certain
Dead Sea; compare the purported extent of Israel’s royal capacities, probably as regent (verses 32–38),
territory during the reign of Solomon, 1 Kgs 8:65). and then summarizes Amaziah’s reign in the
The fact that Jeroboam II is said to have ruled as far traditional manner (sources, burial, successor).
south as the Dead Sea suggests that he ruled much Jotham’s reign (742–735 BCE) is described briefly
of the territory of Judah. Significantly, although (verses 32–38), with reference to his age at ascen-
Assyria had been powerful throughout much of sion, the duration of his reign, and his mother’s
the ninth century (1 Kgs 22; 1–20; 2 Kgs 10:32–36), name. Significantly, he is reported to have done
during the first half of the eighth century Assyria that which was right in the eyes of Yahweh, just as his
was weak, creating a power vacuum and thus an father Uzziah had done. However, he is impugned
opportunity for the south Syrian states (such as for not removing the high places. It is important
Israel) to vie for power. to note that he is credited with some public works
The text notes that this fulfilled the words of the (verse 35) in the area of the temple. Moreover,
prophet Jonah the son of Amittai, but there is no the narrative notes that Rezin of Syria (reigned
reference to this particular prophecy either in that about 740–732 BCE) and Pekah of Israel (736–732
book or in this text. The narrator feels compelled to BCE) made military campaigns into the Judean
account for the expansion of Israel’s borders and territory of Jotham. His reign is summarized in
wealth (for a critique of Israel’s social injustice in the the traditional manner, with reference to sources,
face of opulence, see Amos 3:15–4:1; 6:4, 14) during burial, and successor (his son Ahaz).
the reign of a “wicked A primary focus of this chapter is the rise and
The Megiddo Seal king.” Yahweh had not demise of various kings in the northern kingdom
Archaeologists have found a seal at said that he would of Israel. The text recounts the reign of Zechariah
Megiddo that bears the following completely blot out (reigned 746–745 BCE) the son of Jeroboam II, his
inscription: “Belonging to Shema, Israel, and also the nar- evil acts, and his assassination by Shallum. The
Servant of Jeroboam” (Avigad rator asser ts that Deuteronomist affirms that with Zechariah’s death,
and Sass 49–50). Although some Yahweh saw the dis- the dynasty of Jehu concluded, just as had been
have attempted to argue that tress of Israel (and so prophesied (2 Kgs 10:30). Shallum is reported to
this seal belonged to a servant decided to show mercy have reigned for one month, and then he was assas-
of Jeroboam I, the script demon- in spite of sin). The text sinated by Menahem, a cruel ruler who sacked the
strates that it must be associated concludes in the tradi- city of Tiphsah and ripped open the wombs of preg-
2 kgs with Jeroboam II. tional manner, with nant women (2 Kgs 8:12; compare Hos 13:16; Amos
reference to sources, 1:13) . Menahem is reported to have reigned for ten
burial, and successor. Note that there is reference to years (745–737 BCE). Significantly, Tiglath-Pileser III
Jeroboam’s “recovering” the important Aramean cit- (745–727 BCE) of Assyria (sometimes referred to as
ies of Damascus and Hamath, as well. However, the Pul) made a raid on Israel (about 738 BCE) during
Hebrew text appears to be corrupt at this point, and Menahem’s reign, mandating the payment of heavy
so the precise reading of this verse (and its reference tribute, something also recorded in the Assyrian
to Hamath and Damascus) is in dispute. inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III (in Pritchard
15:1–38  Azariah (or Uzziah; compare verses 283). Menahem died and was succeeded by his son.
13, 32; Isa 1:1; 6:1) of Judah (reigned 783–742 BCE) Pekahiah (737–736 BCE) son of Menahem reigned
is reported to have begun to reign during the two years, did evil, and then was killed in a conspir-
twenty-seventh year of Jeroboam II. The custom- acy by his general, Pekah. The Deuteronomist notes
ary references to his age, mother’s name, and that, during Pekah’s reign (736–732 BCE), Tiglath-
duration of reign are given. Notably, he is said Pileser III made another campaign into the region.
to have had leprosy and not to have lived in the This precipitated a palace coup d’etat orchestrated by
royal palace (2 Kgs 5:1). Chronicles considers his Hoshea (732–724 BCE). Significantly, Tiglath-Pileser
leprosy to have resulted from his attempt to offer III claims to have placed Hoshea (compare 2 Kgs
sacrifices (2 Chr 26:16–23; but see 1 Kgs 3:4; on 17:1) on the throne of Israel after Pekah’s assas-
leprosy as a curse, see 2 Kgs 5:27). The text notes sination (Pritchard 284) and deported a portion

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of the population (verse 29). This chapter reflects To symbolize his fidelity and gratitude, Ahaz
the social and political chaos present during the goes to Damascus and meets with Tiglath-pileser
final years of the northern kingdom, with repeated III. Following this meeting, Ahaz commissions
bloody revolutions being the norm. the Judean priest Uriah (Isa 8:2) to replicate the
16:1–20  Ahaz of Judah (reigned 735–715 BCE) (arguably Assyrian style) altar that he had seen
came to the throne during the seventeenth year of in Damascus. Ahaz goes up on the altar (compare
Pekah of Israel. He is reported to have walked in Exod 20:26), offers sacrifices (1 Kgs 3:4), and com-
the ways of the kings of Israel. The Deuteronomist mands Uriah to offer sacrifices upon this altar as
refers to the various cultic practices performed by well. The frames of the stand, laver, sea, and bronze
Ahaz, including the sacrifice of his son as a burnt oxen (1 Kgs 7:23–37) are removed “because of” (that
offering (compare 2 Kgs 3:27) and the sacrificing is, “given to”) the king of Assyria. The bronze altar
of offerings on the high places, on hills, and under is retained (but moved), with Ahaz affirming that
every green tree. It is possible that the severe he will use this altar to inquire of God. For the
critique of Ahaz was, in part, a reflection of the royal entryway of the king, see the Amman Citadel
Deuteronomist’s disappointment at his alliance Inscription (Cross, “Amman Citadel,”13–19). The
with Assyria (Isa 7). precise meaning of the “covered portal for use on
Certain aspects of the Syro-Ephraimite War the Sabbath” is unclear. This narrative concludes
(735–734 BCE) are narrated here in some detail (see in the traditional manner, referring to sources,
Isa 7:1–8:10). In essence, the setting for this war is burial, and successor.
as follows: Rezin of Syria and Pekah of Israel (2 Kgs 17:1–6  The narrative begins with the standard
15:25–37) are concerned about the growing might of synchronism and formulaic statements, formally
Assyria under Tiglath-Pileser III (745–727 BCE) and introducing Hoshea (732–724 BCE) as the new king
have formed a coalition to resist him. However, Ahaz of Israel (compare 2 Kgs 15:30). He is reported to
of Judah refuses to become part of this futile coali- have done evil, yet not like the previous kings of
tion (hence, Rezin and Pekah’s desire to replace Ahaz Israel. During his reign, Shalmaneser V (726–722
with a puppet king, namely the son of Tabeel; Isa BCE) of Assyria comes to Israel, because Hoshea had
7:6), and actually sends messengers to Tiglath- withheld tribute from Assyria and had attempted
pileser III, affirming that he is willing to be his to form a coalition
vassal (this would necessitate Tiglath-pileser’s pro- with King So of Egypt The Destruction of Israel
tection of Ahaz). Of course, Ahaz’s decision to appeal (there is no known The destruction and deporta-
to Assyria for help is an indication of Judah’s relative Egyptian ruler bearing tion of Israel are associated 2 kgs
weakness, as is also the fact that the Edomites are this exact name; for with Shalmaneser V and also
able to rebel against Judah (as in 1 Kgs 9:26–28). To discussion see Cogan with Sargon II (721–705 BCE, a
seal the relationship, Ahaz sends precious items and Tadmor 196, n. 4) fragment of whose victory monu-
from the temple treasury (as an initial payment) to as well as with various ment was found in excavations
Tiglath-pileser neighboring states. at Samaria), Shalmaneser V’s
The Iran Seal III (compare 1 Consequently, Shal- successor to the Assyrian throne
Tiglath-pileser III mentions in his Kgs 15:18). Of maneser V imprisons (Cogan and Tadmor 199–201
inscription, called the “Iran Stele,” course, Tiglath- Hoshea. After a siege and illustration 11a).
that he took tribute from “Rezin pileser is willing of some three years,
the Damascene, Menachem the to accept Judah Samaria is captured (722–721 BCE), and a substantial
Samarian,” including precious as a vassal (giv- portion of the northern kingdom’s population is
metals, elephant hides, ivory, and ing Assyria a deported to Northern Syria (Halah), Mesopotamia,
beautiful clothing. strong foothold and Persia. Note that Deuteronomy contains a
in the region). prophecy of the destruction of the northern king-
Consequently, he travels to Damascus, sacks it (in dom (Deut 29:10–29).
732 BCE), kills Rezin, and deports the residents of 17:7–23  This text recites the theological ratio-
Damascus to Kir (Pitard 187–88; Cogan and Tadmor nale for the destruction of Israel. Numerous sins
191; see 2 Kgs 17). play a role, including references to high places and

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 2 Kings
asherim, worship of Baal and the host of heaven, to the asherah poles. In essence, the text affirms that
child sacrifice, divination, and augury, and to the Hezekiah made a concerted effort to mandate the
golden calves (see Exod 32; Deut 4:19; 6:4–15; 7:1–6; standardization of worship at a single worship center,
12:2–4; 17:2–5; 18:9–14; 2 Kgs 3:27; Hos 13:2). The the Jerusalem
text also affirms that the Israelites refused to listen temple (for cul-
Hezekiah’s Reforms
to the oracles of the prophets (for example, Amos, tic practices, see
There is archaeological evidence
and Hosea). Judah is also impugned for “walking in theological im-
for the reforms of Hezekiah,
the customs that Israel had introduced” (compare 2 plications below).
including an altar that was dis-
Kgs 21:1–18). There is also reference to the original There is also a
mantled at Beersheba during his
division of the kingdom, with Jeroboam reigning reference to his
reign (Mazar 495–98).
in the north (see 1 Kgs 14:15, with a prophecy to removing the
Jeroboam that the north would fall). bronze serpent
17:24–41  In addition to deporting residents of from the Mosaic period (Num 21:4–9), referred to as
the northern kingdom, the Assyrians bring people Nehushtan (a Hebrew term, based on a root that can
from various vanquished territories and move them mean both “bronze” or “snake”).
into the cities of Samaria (here, Samaria refers to the Hezekiah rebels against the King of Assyria,
whole country, not just the city; Cogan and Tadmor refusing to pay tribute, hence, rejecting the vassal
209–210, n. 24). The text emphasizes the fact that treaty his father had accepted (2 Kgs 16:7–18).
those deported from various regions to Israel “did not There is archaeological evidence for this period that
worship Yahweh; therefore, Yahweh sent lions among reveals the sophisticated administrative apparatus
them” (verse 25; compare 1 Kgs 13:24; 20:36), argu- of Hezekiah (Vaughn). This suggests that Hezekiah
ably an indication that in Yahweh’s territory, all must had substantial power; therefore, the report that he
worship Yahweh, regardless of ethnicity. According raided Philistine territories (for the purpose of plun-
to the Deuteronomist, Yahweh’s punitive measure der or territory) is entirely plausible. Finally, this
precipitates a request that a deported Israelite priest section concludes with a statement about the fall of
be returned to the land of Israel to teach the non- the Northern Kingdom of Israel to the Assyrians and
Israelite settlers how to worship Yahweh, the God the deportation of many Israelites (2 Kgs 17).
of the land. Nevertheless, the text remarks that the 18:13–26  During the fourteenth year of
deportees continued to worship the various deities Hezekiah (701 BCE), Sennacherib of Assyria
(see van der Toorn; for national gods, see theological (704–681 BCE) attacks the cities of Judah (2 Kgs 19;
2 kgs implications below) associated with the regions from Isa 36). Hezekiah sends emissaries from Jerusalem
which they had come, alongside Yahweh, appointing to the fortress city of Lachish (2 Kgs 14:19) and
their own priests as well (Exod 30:30; Ezek 40:46). sues for peace, apparently asking forgiveness for
Sargon II reported that he vanquished Samaria and a failure to pay tribute. He pays a massive amount
the cities of Israel and exacted tribute from them of tribute, which includes gold stripped from the
after their destruction (in Pritchard 284). doors of the temple (1 Kgs 15:18). However, the
Assyrians are not satisfied and send officials from
Narratives about Judah to its Destruction Lachish to Jerusalem, meeting at the “conduit of
(587 BCE) & the Assassination of Gedaliah the upper pool,” apparently where meetings some-
·2 Kgs 18:1–25:30 times occurred (Isa 7:3). These Assyrian officials
18:1–12  Hezekiah (reigned 715–687 BCE) becomes speak to high officials in the Judean kingdom (for
king of Judah in the third year of Hoshea of Israel. The the roles of these officials, see Fox 89, 115, 118, 201).
text lists his age at ascension to the throne, the dura- The Assyrian officials presume that Hezekiah has
tion of his reign, and the name of his mother. He is been attempting to form an alliance with Egypt
credited with “doing that which was right in the sight (verse 21; perhaps Pharaoh Shebitku; see Cogan
of Yahweh,” with “no king like him before or after him” and Tadmor 221), and the Rabshakeh (a title
(see 2 Kgs 23:25). This is, of course, Deuteronomistic essentially meaning “Chief Cupbearer”) affirms
language for the removal and destruction of diverse that this would be fruitless (as Egypt was like a
cultic sites and objects, especially the high places and “broken reed,” and those who attempted to lean

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 2 Kings
on it would be injured, not helped). He tells the words of the Rabshakeh. Isaiah responds by instruct-
Judeans that he will give them 2000 horses if they ing these officials to convey to Hezekiah the fact
can find soldiers to mount them (he believes the that he should not be afraid, as Sennacherib is about
Judeans have few soldiers left). He even affirms to return to his own land (after he hears a “rumor,”
that Yahweh will not “save” the people because, likely about problems brewing back in Assyria) and
after all (1) Hezekiah has been destroying all of the would be slain there.
high places and altars devoted to Yahweh; and (2) 19:8–13  The Rabshakeh leaves Jerusalem and
it is Yahweh that has summoned the Assyrians to travels to Libnah (2 Kings 8:22), for Sennacherib
vanquish Judah. It is striking that the Assyrians has already destroyed
are privy to Hezekiah’s religious reforms and Lachish (2 Kgs 14:19; Cush
believe them to have been destructive. Their intel- 18:14). Sennacherib Typically Ethiopia or Nubia, in
ligence service has accurate information about hears that Tirhakah of this case Cush is a reference to the
Judah’s domestic affairs. It is also notable that the Cush might be setting Twenty-fifth Cushite Dynasty
Assyrians state that they have come at the behest out to fight against him of Egypt. Tirhakah was prob-
of Yahweh. Although the latter may seem problem- (summoned, Sennach- ably a general at the time of
atic, Habakkuk himself will later state that Yahweh erib believes, at the Sennacherib’s siege rather than a
summoned a foreign nation (namely, Babylon) to behest of Hezekiah), king, as he did not begin to reign
punish Judah by vanquishing them (Hab 1:6). and he sends a letter until about 690 or 688 BCE.
18:26–37  The Judean officials entreat the to Hezekiah affirming
Assyrians to speak in Aramaic (the lingua franca of that Jerusalem’s fall is inevitable, as no nation’s deity
much of the ancient Near East; Naveh, Early History, (2 Kgs 18:33–35) is capable of stopping him.
78–89) rather than Hebrew, because they do not 19:14–34  After receiving the letter, Hezekiah
want the ordinary people of Jerusalem to hear what goes to the temple (“house of Yahweh”) and prays
the Assyrians are saying (this is the earliest historic to Yahweh, enthroned above the cherubim (1 Kgs
reference to the use of Aramaic in Judah; during 6:23–28), for deliverance. Isaiah then conveys a
the Second Temple period, Aramaic would supplant response to Hezekiah, affirming that his prayer
Hebrew as the primary language). However, the has been heard. This precipitates a beautiful
Rabshakeh refuses and begins to speak directly to poetic section (verses 21–28) criticizing Assyria
the common people (Cogan and Tadmor 242), affirm- for its arrogance, noting that Assyria’s previous
ing that they should not listen to Hezekiah, because successes (including drinking the waters of Egypt,
he is “deceiving” them, and because it is they, the something that might be more readily associated 2 kgs
common people, who must suffer (2 Kgs 6:24–7:2). with Esarhaddon; Pritchard 292) were ordained by
He encourages them to surrender to him, as this will Yahweh, and also affirming that Assyria itself will
be easier for them than siege or battle, and he notes be brought low (much like a prisoner of war, led
that no god of any other nation has been able to back to a captive area, with a hook in the nose or
resist the power of Assyria (verses 34–35; 2 Kgs 17:6, a bit in the mouth). Moreover, Isaiah prophesies
24; for national gods, see below). The Judean officials that for two years the Judean people will eat the
report all of these events to the king, appearing with after-growth of grain, but in the third year, they
torn clothes as a sign of distress (1 Kgs 21:27). This will plant and reap abundant crops. That is, Isaiah
text gives a window onto the political savvy of the affirms that a remnant will survive. Jerusalem will
Assyrians as they used popular discontent in Judah not be further besieged. Yahweh himself will pro-
against Hezekiah’s regime. tect it out of loyalty to David (1 Kgs 11:32).
19:1–7  The entire court of King Hezekiah is 19:35–37  Then, on “that very night,” the angel
concerned (1 Kgs 21:27) about the Assyrian threat, of Yahweh strikes down 185,000 Assyrian soldiers,
as is also the king himself. Because it was customary and Sennacherib himself returns to Nineveh and is
to seek out divine guidance during a time of crisis subsequently assassinated by his sons while wor-
(1 Kgs 22:1–40), high Judean officials go to the shiping in the temple of Nisroch (a god that has not
prophet Isaiah (compare Isa 37), conveying King been identified with certainty). Sennacherib’s son
Hezekiah’s great concern and his ire at the arrogant Esarhaddon (680–669 BCE) succeeds him. Note that

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 2 Kings
Josephus states that a “plague” caused the deaths of Pritchard 289–90, 309). The cumulative biblical (2
the Assyrian soldiers (Josephus, “Antiquities of the Kgs 19; Isa 37), archaeological, and inscription evi-
Jews,” 10:1; Cogan and Tadmor 239, n. 35, 250–51). dence combine to provide a nuanced description of
There is an abundance of archaeological and Sennacherib’s siege, with the extrabiblical material
textual data from Assyria and Israel that converges essentially confirming the biblical material.
with the contents of 2 Kings 18–19 (compare Mazar, 20:1–11  Hezekiah becomes sick (with a boil
405, 420–22, 432–34, 483–85). First, Sennacherib being one of the symptoms). The prophet Isaiah
commissioned a detailed Assyrian (in the Akkadian comes to him (compare 1 Kgs 14:1–20), tells him
language) account of his campaigns in Syria-Pales- that this sickness will result in his death, and then
tine, including those against Hezekiah of Judah. He leaves (Isa 38). However, Hezekiah utters a petition-
states that he destroyed some 46 cities of Judah, that ary prayer, affirming his strong piety (2 Kgs 18:3–7).
he destroyed the Judean fortress of Lachish, and Before Isaiah can leave the royal court, Yahweh
that he had Hezekiah trapped in the city of Jerusa- instructs him to return and tell Hezekiah that his
lem “like a bird in a cage.” Second, Sennacherib’s prayer has been heard and that he will be granted
palace in Assyria has been excavated and magnificent fifteen additional years of life and will be delivered
reliefs (carved depictions) of his siege of Lachish from the king of Assyria, for David’s sake and for
were found, complete with depiction of the walls of Yahweh’s sake (1 Kgs 11:32). In addition, Isaiah
Lachish, Judean dead, and Sennacherib’s siege works requests that a poultice made of figs be placed on
and warriors. Third, the city of Lachish has been Hezekiah’s boil to aid in the recovery. Hezekiah
excavated, and decisive evidence has been found for solicits a sign as proof that he will be healed.
the Assyrian destruction of Lachish at the end of the Consequently, his “sundial” retreats ten intervals
eighth century (701 BCE). Fourth, because Hezekiah (see Josh 10:12–13, for a similar miracle).
knew that the Assyrians might make a punitive 20:12–19  Merodach-baladan (see Isa 39), king
campaign against Judah (2 Kgs 18:14), and because of Babylon (reigned 722–710 BCE and 703–702
he knew that the city BCE), sends gift-bearing representatives (1 Kgs 10)
The Siloam Tunnel of Jerusalem’s major to Hezekiah (perhaps because he is interested in
In 1880, an inscription came to water source was vul- forming an alliance with him against Assyria, hence
light in the Siloam Tunnel, dug nerable (as it was part of Isaiah’s resistance to this visit). Hezekiah
by Hezekiah beneath Jerusalem outside the city wall), shows the emissaries all of the royal treasures in
(see 2 Chr 32:30). The inscription he commissioned the Jerusalem. Isaiah rebukes Hezekiah for this and then
2 kgs does not mention the king. But it fortification of the prophesies that all these treasures will be taken as
does describe the process of dig- walls of Jerusalem and plunder to Babylon, as will some of Hezekiah’s own
ging: “while [they were wielding] the building of a tun- descendants (2 Kgs 21:10–15; 22:16–20; 23:26–27;
their pickaxes, each toward his nel to bring water into 24:1–25:30). Hezekiah’s response is interesting; he
co-worker, and while there were the city (2 Kgs 20:20). considers this prophecy of doom to be tolerable,
yet three cubits for the breach, The fortified city wall as it will not occur during his reign. Note that this
a voice was heard, each calling has been excavated. chapter is chronologically out of place, as (1) there
to his co-worker…” (Hallo and Fifth, Sennacherib’s is a reference to the future deliverance “from the
Younger 2:145–46). Assyrian records tes- hand of the king of Assyria” (compare 1 Kgs 19), (2)
tify to the fact that and Merodach-baladan’s reign was before, not after,
pro-Assyrian King Padi of Ekron was removed from Sennacherib’s siege of 701 BCE.
the throne by Hezekiah in Jerusalem. Subsequently, 20:20–21  The narrative concludes in the
however, the Assyrians restored him to the throne traditional way, with references to sources, death,
of Ekron. An inscription found at Tel Miqne (ancient and successor. In addition, there is reference to
Ekron) mentions King Padi (Gitin, Dothan, and Hezekiah’s constructing the pool and the water
Naveh 1–16). Sixth, King Ashurbanipal of Assyria channel (see 2 Kgs 19).
(reigned 668–627 BCE) reports that his grandfather 21:1–18  This section summarizes Hezekiah’s
Sennacherib was assassinated, an event also men- son Manasseh’s reign (687–642 BCE), beginning in
tioned in various other Mesopotamian sources (in the traditional manner with reference to age, dura-

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tion of reign, and mother’s name. However, after in Assyrian records as a vassal of Assyrian kings Esar-
these summary statements, the Deuteronomist haddon and Ashurbanipal (Pritchard 290, 291, 294).
begins to discuss the manifold sins of Manasseh 22:19–26  Amon’s age at ascension appears
(for a further discussion of these “sins,” see theo- (reigned 642–640 BCE), along with the duration
logical implications below; 2 Kgs 17:19). These of his reign and his mother’s name (strikingly, her
include the rebuilding of the high places destroyed family hails from the northern Israelite city of
by Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:4). An important strand of Jotbah; perhaps they had immigrated south after
the Deuteronomistic literature is the emphasis on the destruction of the northern kingdom, as had
“one place of worship” (namely Jerusalem); hence, so many from that region). He did that which was
Hezekiah was perceived as implementing Yahweh’s evil in the sight of Yahweh, in the same way that his
will for a single worship center, and Manasseh was father Manasseh had done (verses 1–18). He is killed
understood as undermining it in dramatic ways in his house during a palace coup d’état. The people of
(1 Kgs 9:3–9). Manasseh makes a sacred pole to the land (see 2 Kgs 11:14) kill the assassins and then
Asherah and worships Baal, as well as the host of put his son Josiah on the throne. The text concludes
heaven. Significantly, some of this worship occurs in the traditional formulaic way.
within Yahweh’s temple in Jerusalem (not just at 22:1–20  Josiah is eight years of age when he
distant sites throughout the region). Manasseh begins to reign, and he reigns thirty-one years
sacrifices his son, practices soothsaying and (640–609 BCE). The text names his mother, as is the
augury, and even consults mediums and wizards custom for Judean kings. Striking is the fact that
(2 Kgs 3:27; 17:7–23). Josiah is commended without restraint throughout
Ultimately, the narrative states that Manasseh did the narrative, as someone who did that which was
even more evil than the Canaanites (sometimes re- “right in the eyes of Yahweh, walking in the ways of
ferred to as Amorites; see 1 Kgs 21:26). Because of these his father David ” (compare 1 Kgs 11:32).
many sins, Yahweh affirms that he will “bring evil” (NIV Josiah’s reforms begin in the eighteenth year of
disaster) upon Judah and its capital city of Jerusalem his reign, when he sends high court officials to the
(2 Kgs 20:12–19; 22:16–20; 23:26–27; 24:1–25:30). This high priest Hilkiah. These officials instruct Hilkiah
destruction will be comparable to the destruction of to count the money that has been collected and
Samaria (2 Kgs 17), using the same “measuring line give it to the artisans who might repair the temple.
and plummet” (architectural tools). In addition to No accounting for expenditures is required of the
using these tools, he will wipe Jerusalem as one wipes artisans (compare 2 Kgs 12:1–16 for a similar nar-
a dish, that is, will purge Jerusalem of all its impure rative about repairs made to the Jerusalem Temple 2 kgs
contents (that is, its citizenry). Yahweh’s prophets during the reign of Jehoash).
(verse 10) convey this message about Manasseh, much During the restoration process, Hilkiah reports
as prophets (such as Elijah and Elisha; 1 Kgs 17- 2 Kgs to the scribe Shaphan that he has found the Book of
13) often condemned the northern kings for religious the Law in the temple. Arguably, this narrative sug-
error. In any case, Manasseh’s reign is summarized by gests that during the reigns of Josiah’s wicked
stating that he shed much innocent blood (see also the predecessors (2 Kgs 21), the Book of the Law had
Ascension of Isaiah of the Old Testament Pseude- fallen into disuse and been temporarily “lost.”
pigrapha), and However, modern scholarship has sometimes sug-
The Prayer fo Manasseh by the formulaic gested that the book may actually have been
Significantly, Chronicles states references to produced during Josiah’s reign to bolster the sup-
that Manasseh uttered a peniten- sources, burial port for Josiah’s sweeping reforms (Deut 12; 16:2;
tial prayer (2 Chr 33:10–17; see also (in some garden 17:2, 18–20; 18:10; 23:18 and compare the reforms
the Prayer of Manasseh in the of Uzza), and in 2 Kgs 23:4–27). More likely, the core traditions of
Old Testament Apocrypha). This successor. Ma- the book were somewhat older. In any case, Shaphan
led to God forgiving him. 2 Kings nasseh’s reign is informs the king of the find and then reads it aloud
takes a harsher view of his reign. recorded as fifty- to him. After hearing the contents of the book
five years, the (clearly a relatively small one as it was read during
longest of any king of Judah. Note that he is mentioned one sitting), the king tears his clothes (see 1 Kgs

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21:27) and then commands that the high officials by horses; therefore, the reference here in Kings to
(see also the names of the high officials in Jer 26:24; horses dedicated to the sun [Hebrew shemesh] may
29:3; 36:10–12; 2 Kgs 25:22; Fox 53–248) go and very well reflect religious syncretism (see Mazar
inquire of Yahweh (1 Kgs 22:1–40), fearing that 380 and Cole 16 for references to horses with sun
Yahweh’s wrath is about to be poured upon Judah disks found in Israel). Eunuchs were often part of
due to the people’s breaching of the covenant. the religious and political establishment (2 Kgs 9:32),
A royal delegation then takes the book to a and these horses were near the room designated for
prophetess named Huldah, the wife of Shallum (for Nathan-melech’s use. In addition, Josiah removes
prophetesses in the the altars on the roof of Ahaz’s upper chamber (2
Jerusalem Old Testament, see Kgs 16:1–20) and the altars that Manasseh had in
In Hezekiah’s time the city of Exod 15:20; Judg 4:4; the courts of the temple (2 Kgs 21:4). Cult sites of
Jerusalem, previously consisting of Isa 8:3; for prophecy Astarte, Chemosh, and Milcom are destroyed (1
a small Jebusite city (12 acres) and in the ancient Near Kgs 11:5–7) and even covered with human bones
the temple mount, expanded onto East, see Blenkinsopp to desecrate them (presumably the bones of those
the western hill of the city, where 41–64), who resides in who had worshiped these deities).
Huldah must have lived. the Second Quarter Significantly, while attempting to eradicate
of Jerusalem. Huldah unorthodox religion in all of Judah (from the
declares that disaster is at hand because of the reli- northern border of Geba to the southern extreme
gious unorthodoxy of the people (see 2 Kgs 20:12–19; of Beersheba; see Mazar 498 on the evidence for
21:10–15; 23:26–27; 24:1–25:30). However, she also Josianic reforms at Arad), Josiah also manages
states that Josiah, because of his penitence, will be to burn down the sacred pole and altar at Bethel
spared from this disaster and will “go to his grave located in the region of the old (now devastated)
in peace” (2 Kgs 28–30). This final prediction proves northern kingdom. At Bethel, he removes bones
not to be true. Huldah’s words are then brought from tombs and burns them on the altar, thus
back to the king. fulfilling the word of God (1 Kgs 13, where the old
23:1–27  King Josiah decrees that all should prophet is reported to have come from Bethel, not
gather near the Jerusalem temple, and he reads Samaria). He also enacts reforms in all the towns of
the Book of the Law (2 Kgs 22) during an event Samaria (2 Kgs 17:24–41) and slaughters all of the
best described as a covenant renewal ceremony priests of their high places and burns the priests’
(Josh 22–24). He stands near the pillar, a place bones on their altars.
2 kgs sometimes associated with important political and As part of his sweeping reforms, Josiah proclaims
religious events (2 Kgs 11:14). After reading the the observance of the Passover, something neglected
text, he commands the temple officials to remove during the reigns of all of the previous kings of Judah
all vessels made for Baal, Asherah, and the host of (a hyperbolic statement, to be sure). It is also stated
heaven (2 Kgs 21:2–9) from the temple of Yahweh. that Josiah put away mediums, wizards, teraphim
These vessels are burned in the Kidron Valley, and (household gods; Gen 31:19–55), idols, and various
their ashes are carried to Bethel (compare 1 Kgs other abominations (that is, cult paraphernalia asso-
12:25–33). In addition, Josiah deposes the foreign ciated with gods other than Yahweh). Moreover, the
priests (sometimes rendered “idolatrous priests”), Deuteronomist notes that there were no kings like
and has the Asherah images removed from the Josiah, neither before nor after him (see 2 Kgs 18:5
temple, as well. He breaks down the houses of the for a similar statement about Hezekiah).
male temple prostitutes (compare 1 Kgs 14:24), However, the text avers that even the far-
where women did weaving for Asherah. He defiles reaching reforms of Josiah could not satisfy the
the Topheth, something connected with child indignation of Yahweh, resulting from the extreme
sacrifice and well-attested from the archaeologi- sins of Manasseh (2 Kgs 20:12–19; 21:1–16; 22:16–20;
cal excavations at Carthage (see 2 Kgs 3:27; King 23:26–27; 24:1–25:30). The die had been cast.
and Stager 359–61). According to Mesopotamian 23:28–30  The Deuteronomist’s narrative
religious texts, the chariot of the Mesopotamian concludes with the standard references to sources,
(sun) god, Shamash, was drawn through the sky death, burial, and successor. However, because

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Josiah died in battle (and not in peace as Huldah had some of its power and regained control over the
predicted; 2 Kgs 22:18–20), some additional details Near East for a time. It was at this point that Je-
are provided. Josiah goes up to meet in battle the hoiakim decided that it was an opportune time to
forces of the king of Assyria (recently defeated by rebel. The narrative of Kings also notes that, during
the Babylonians and now attempting to establish a this period, bands of Chaldeans (Neo-Babylonians),
stump government in Harran, in northern Syria), Arameans, Moabites (1 Kgs 16:15–28), and Ammo-
but Pharaoh Neco II (reigned 610–594 BCE) inter- nites made raids against Judah, as the day of
cepts him at the pass near Megiddo (a site of many Yahweh’s punishment
battles in antiquity) and slays him (as Neco II was was drawing nigh. The The Sins of Manasseh
an ally of Assur-ubalit II, the Assyrian king; Cogan narrative concludes in Second Kings refers to the sins of
and Tadmor 291–302). Josiah’s body is transported the traditional formu- Manasseh as galvanizing Yahweh’s
to Jerusalem. Then the people of the land (compare 2 laic manner, referring decision to bring judgment on
Kgs 11:14) crown Josiah’s son Jehoahaz and anoint to sources, death, and Judah (compare 2 Kgs 21:1–26).
him king (see 1 Kgs 1:39). successor. Moreover,
23:31–37  The narrative introduces Jehoahaz there is a note that, with the surge of Babylonian
(reigned 609 BCE) in the traditional formulaic power, Egypt was not able to make campaigns into
manner (age at ascension, duration of reign, moth- Syria-Palestine. Significantly in this connection, an
er’s name. Note that his mother was from Libnah; Aramaic letter from this period contains a plea from
see 1 Kgs 8:22). Jehoahaz was arguably a throne a Syrian king requesting assistance from the Egyp-
name, as his given name was Shallum (Jer 22:11). tian throne against the invading Babylonians
He does “evil in the sight of Yahweh.” It is, however, (Cogan and Tadmor 308, n. 3).
difficult to envision Jehoahaz’s having had much 24:8–20  Jehoiachin (note the two alternate
opportunity to enact the sort of religious reforms spellings of his name, namely, Jeconiah in 1 Chron
acceptable to the Deuteronomist (see verses 1–30) 3:16 and Coniah in Jer 22:24) comes to the throne
during such a brief reign (three months). In any during this turbulent time at the age of eighteen,
case, Pharaoh Neco II (now overlord of Judah) and reigns for a mere three months (598/7 BCE). His
confines Jehoahaz to Riblah in the Aramean region mother’s name and his grandfather’s name are
of Hamath (2 Kgs 25:6, 20–21), not wanting him noted in the text. He does “evil in the sight of Yah-
to reign in Jerusalem; he also imposes on Judah a weh,” although it is difficult to envision his having
heavy tribute. Because Judah has become a vassal had much opportunity to enact religious reforms,
of Egypt, Neco II puts Eliakim (Josiah’s son) on the especially during a political crisis. In any case, when 2 kgs
throne and gives him the throne name Jehoiakim. Nebuchadnezzar besieges the city of Jerusalem (see
Jehoahaz is subsequently taken to Egypt as an Cogan and Tadmor 311–13, on the Babylonian
exile and dies there. Jehoiakim’s reign (609–598 Chronicle’s reference to this), Jehoiachin surrenders
BCE) is introduced in the traditional formulaic (in about 597 BCE; see
manner, with references to his age, the duration Jer 52:28), and he is Lachish Letters
of his reign, and his mother’s name. The narrative taken captive to Baby- 21 inscribed ostraca (large pieces
states that Johoiakim “did that which was evil in lon along with various of broken pottery reused for writ-
the eyes of Yahweh.” members of the royal ten documents) have been found
24:1–7  The narrative begins by noting that, family, including the containing letters and lists of
during the reign of Jehoiakim, Nebuchadnezzar queen mother (see 1 names. The letters were sent to
(reigned 605/4–562 BCE) came to Judah, and Je- Kgs 15:13), the daugh- the governor of the city of Lachish
hoiakim became a vassal of Babylon, rather than ter of Elnathan (26:22; and describe graphically life just
of Egypt (compare 2 Kgs 23:28–35). This is an ac- Jer 36:12, 25; 37:5; see before the fall of Judah to the
curate historical note, as the Neo-Babylonians Lachish Letter 3 for a Babylonians in 586 BCE.
defeated the Egyptians in the Battle of Carchemish reference to an Elna-
(605 BCE; Jer 46:2), and this defeat temporarily than; 2 Kgs 14:19, for references to Lachish) and
forced Egypt back toward its borders. Nevertheless, court, as well as many soldiers and artisans (thus
just a few years later in 601 BCE, Egypt recovered making rebuilding in Judah more difficult; 2 Kgs

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25:27–30). The numbers of those deported are listed out of its land,” a sober assessment of all these tragic
(compare the numbers in verses 14 and 16 with those events (see also 2 Kgs 20:12–19; 21:10–15; 22:16–20;
in Jer 52:28–30). Additionally, the treasures of the 23:26–27).
Jerusalem temple are plundered (as in 1 Kgs 15:18; 25:22–26  Nebuchadnezzar appoints Gedaliah,
Dan 5:1–4), even as prophesied (2 Kgs 20:12–19; son of Ahikam,
21:10–15; 22:16–20; 23:26–27; 24:1–25:30). Jehoia- grandson of Gedaliah’s Seal
chin’s uncle (a son of Josiah; see 1 Chr 3:15), with Shaphan (2 Kgs A seal impression (bulla) referring to
the given name Mattaniah, gains the throne with 22:3, 12), as gov- “Gedaliah, the Royal Steward” has
the throne name Zedekiah. ernor. Some of been found at Lachish (Cogan and
Zedekiah’s reign (597–587 BCE) is introduced in the remaining Tadmor 325, note 25; compare 2 Kgs
the traditional manner, with references to his age at Judean soldiers 14:19 for references to Lachish).
ascension, the duration of his reign, and the name travel to Mizpah
of his mother (see Jer 52 for a parallel account). (the apparent seat of government after Jerusalem’s
Note that he is the full brother of Jehoahaz (2 Kgs destruction) and speak with Gedaliah, who affirms
23:31–35). He and the people of Judah do “evil in the that Judah will survive if it shows fidelity to Babylon.
sight of Yahweh,” to such an extent that Yahweh However, Ishmael (of the Davidic line; see 1 Kgs 11:36),
expels them from his presence. The text also states one of the captains, along with ten men, assassinates
that he rebelled against the king of Babylon. His Gedaliah and his court. Then, fearing Babylonian
decision to do this was arguably galvanized by the retaliation, they flee to Egypt. Jeremiah was taken to
resurgence of Egyptian power during the reigns Egypt at this time, apparently under duress (Jer 43).
of Egypt’s Psammetichus II (reigned 594–589 BCE) 25:27–30  The book of Kings concludes with
and Apries [Hophra] (reigned 589–570 BCE) and by an affirmation that in the thirty-seventh year of
the presence of strife within the Babylonian court the exile of Jehoiachin of Judah, the Babylonian
(Cogan and Tadmor 322; compare Jer 27:3). King Evil-Merodach (reigned 562–560 BCE; his
25:1–21  During the ninth year of Zedekiah’s name means “Man of Marduk” and is better spelled
reign (587/6 BCE), Nebuchadnezzar besieges “Amel-Merodach) released Jehoiachin from prison
Jerusalem as part of a punitive campaign (compare and permitted him to enjoy the amenities of the
2 Kgs 6:24:7:2; note the extensive parallel material Babylonian palace (compare 2 Kgs 24:14–16; Jer
in the books of Jeremiah, especially Jer 39–41 and 52:31–34), something Babylonian records also men-
52 and also see the Lachish Letters translated in tion (Pritchard 308). Jehoiachin was arguably still
2 kgs Lindenberger; also 2 Kgs 14:19). Ultimately, the considered the legitimate Judean king even after his
Babylonians breach the wall, and as a result, exile, as certain biblical superscriptions (Ezek 1:2)
Zedekiah and some of his soldiers flee from the city. still cite the years of his reign. Moreover, the fact
However, the soldiers abandon Zedekiah, and he is that Kings concludes with a reference to the freedom
captured and taken to Riblah (see 2 Kgs 23:33). There of the exiled Davidic king is certainly a hopeful note,
the Babylonians gouge out his eyes, so that the last intended to encourage (see 1 Kgs 11:36).
thing he sees is the death of his sons (for similar
incidents of blinding, see 1 Sam 11:2; Pritchard 533).
Subsequently, a high Babylonian official travels to Theological Reflections
Jerusalem and supervises the destruction of the city, The Old Testament is an ancient Hebrew and
with the result that even the temple is destroyed. Aramaic library of documents, with a long and
The book of Lamentations mourns this destruction. complicated textual history. The books of the Old
The implements and utensils of the temple are taken Testament are not “history” in the modern sense
to Babylon (compare 1 Kgs 15:18; Dan 5:1–4). Some of the term. Rather, these books are ancient reli-
of the remaining nobles elites are exiled, while some gious literature anchored in history. In addition,
are taken to Riblah and executed; the remaining for ancient Israel and Judah, there was often no
population of Judah now is primarily composed of clear separation (or delineation) of the sacred
the poorest people (2 Kgs 17). The narrative con- and the secular, such as is often made in modern
cludes with a statement that “Judah went into exile, cultures. Modern interpreters often err in biblical

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interpretation because of the sincere but misguided in Deuteronomy 12. That is, although, there is no
desire to read the biblical text through a modern indication that Jeroboam built these sites in order
interpretive lens. Nonetheless, the books of 1 and to worship any deity other than Yahweh, the sites
2 Kings do explore religious and theological ideas were still deemed offensive. Significantly, it was on
that deserve our attention. the basis of these cultic sites that Jeroboam I and
First, the Old Testament affirms that there all of the subsequent kings of Israel were evaluated.
was a “covenant” between Yahweh and Israel. This All of the following kings of Israel were deemed
relationship required Israel’s complete religious wicked because of the use of cult sites outside of
and moral fidelity to Yahweh, with faithfulness Jerusalem: Nadab (1 Kgs 15:26), Baasha (15:34), Elah
bringing a multitude of blessings, but with faith- (16:13), Zimri (16:19; despite a reign of only seven
lessness bringing divine retribution. That is, a good days), Omri (16:25–26), Jehoram (2 Kgs 3:2–3; even
life, dwelling in the land given by Yahweh, would though he removed the Baal pillar of Ahab), Jehu
come to those who would obey Yahweh and his (2 Kgs 10:18–31; even though he destroyed the
commandments; however, curses and punishments Baal cult), Jehoash (13:11, 14–19; despite loyalty
were promised to those who would disobey (Deut to Elisha), Jeroboam II (14:24), Zechariah (15:9),
6:10–25; 10:12–11:32; 12:28–32; 28; 30:11–20; Josh Menahem (15:18), Pekahiah (15:24), Pekah (15:28),
23:15–16; Jud 2:11–23; 1 Sam 12:14–15; 2 Sam 7:22–24; and Hoshea (17:2, 7–23). The Deuteronomists con-
1 Kgs 8:22–53; 2 Kgs 17:7–23). This theology is most demned those who promoted sacrificial worship at
evident within the books of Kings in the author’s sites other than the Jerusalem temple. Of course,
reflections on each king’s reign and in his comments kings of Judah were also criticized (but more mildly)
on crucial historical events. Sin, the Deuteronomist for allowing (presumably Yahwistic) worship to
would affirm, consistently has consequences, as continue at the high places within Judah’s bound-
does piety. For the Deuteronomist, there is a rigid aries: Asa (15:11–15), Jehoshaphat (22:43), Jehoash
connection between deed and consequence. (2 Kgs 12:2–16), Amaziah (14:3–4), Azariah (15:3–4),
Second, Yahweh controlled all historical events, and Jotham (15:34–35). Arguably, these Judean
whether within Israel proper or without. Foreigners kings were critiqued more mildly because they also
often blessed Yahweh and acknowledged his power promoted the worship of Yahweh at the Jerusalem
(1 Kgs 10:9; 11:14, 23; 17–18; 19:15–17; 20; 2 Kgs temple. Nevertheless, for kings of both Israel and
5:17–19; 6:8–23; 8:7–15; 24:2–3; for a problem, see 2 Judah, the Deuteronomist had the same require-
Kgs 3:27). The function of prophetic oracles and their ment: sacrificial worship at the Jerusalem Temple.
fulfillment was to demonstrate such power (1 Kgs In light of this, it is interesting to note that 2 kgs
14:1–20; 15:27–29; 21:19–29; 22:37; 2 Kgs 9:7–10:17; Israelites had been offering sacrifices at various
but also see 2 Kgs 22:20; 23:29–30). Sometimes “high places” for centuries with no critique, even
Yahweh seemed to use power in a volatile manner (1 long after they had taken possession of much of the
Kgs 22:13–28; 2 Kgs 2:23–25; compare 2 Sam 6:6–11). land of Canaan (1 Sam 7:7–17; 9:11–26). Moreover,
Regardless of the precise context, the books of Kings although the ark of the covenant was in Jerusalem
affirm the magnitude of Yahweh’s power. for much of David’s reign (2 Sam 6), the Israelites
Third, Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern continued to sacrifice at sites in various Israelite
kingdom of Israel after its separation from Judah, cities, with Solomon’s sacrifices at the high place of
set up cultic sites at Dan and Bethel, complete Gibeon being a notable case (1 Kgs 3:3–9; but com-
with bovine images for the worship of Yahweh. pare 1 Kgs 11). Also, Naaman the Syrian (Aramean)
He arguably did so to encourage the northern was given a blessing when he requested permission
Israelites to remain within the borders of the to build an altar to Yahweh in his home country (2
northern kingdom to worship, because he feared Kgs 5:17–19), which invites the question: if some-
that when the Israelites went to Judah to worship, one from another nation might worship Yahweh at
the kingdom might revert to the house of David (1 an altar that was not in Jerusalem, why could not
Kgs 12:25–33). However, for the Deuteronomist, the those from the nation of Israel, especially in light
worship of Yahweh at a cult site in a location out- of the fact that it was Yahweh who had created the
side Jerusalem violated the commandments found separate nation? Accounting for this equivocal mate-

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rial is, however, not an insurmountable problem, from Babylon (2 Kgs 22:11–25:21). Again, though,
for during the early First Temple Period, sacrificial the position of the Deuteronomist seems to be that
worship of Yahweh often occurred at disparate sites, Manasseh’s sins were too great to be overcome, even
but during the late First Temple Period, there was in light of the most sweeping reforms that Judah
a concerted effort to restrict sacrificial worship of ever experienced.
Yahweh to the Jerusalem Temple. Fifth, prophets (as well as priests) appear as
Fourth, several of the northern Israelite kings Yahweh’s representatives, even in politics. They anoint
received explicit criticism not only for the wor- kings, especially when a change of a dynasty occurred
ship of Yahweh at a site other than Jerusalem, but (1 Kgs 1:39). They prophesy the fall of kings and their
also for the worship of other deities and/or for dynasties, even assisting in the replacement of one
cultic practices associated with the deities of other king with another (1 Kgs 11:26–40; 14:1–20; 19:15–17).
nations: Jeroboam I (1 Kgs 14:15), Ahab (16:30; A condemnatory prophecy is usually the result of a
along with Jezebel and the Israelites, 16:31–33; king’s disloyalty to Yahweh or the commitment of a
18:4, 13, 17–19:2, 10, 14, 18; 21:20–26), Ahaziah of cultic offense (1 Kgs 14:1–20). Kings consulted proph-
Israel (22:52–53; 2 Kgs 1:2–17), and Jehoahaz (2 Kgs ets in instances of sickness or national distress (1 Kgs
13:2; and the Israelites, 13:6). A summary of these 14:1–20; 22:1–28). At times, kings respected the proph-
offenses appears in 2 Kings 17:1–23 to account for ets and heeded their words (1 Kgs 21:17–29; 2 Kgs
the fall of the Northern Kingdom of Israel. The text 6:21–23; 8:1–6; 13:14; 20; 22:14–23:27); however, at
also warns Judah not to follow in Israel’s footsteps other times, oracles caused prophets to fall out of
(2 Kgs 17:19). Of course, Judean kings committed favor with the court or even endangered their lives (1
similar offenses: Rehoboam (14:22–24; compare Kgs 13:4; 19:1–3; 22:8–28; 2 Kgs 6:31–33). Prophets, in
Deut 23:17–18), Abijam (15:3), Jehoram of Judah essence, attempted to call people (high and low) back
(2 Kgs 8:18, son-in-law of Ahab, sinned in ways of to the covenant. Within the books of Kings, numerous
kings of Israel), Ahaziah of Judah (8:27, grandson prophetic voices speak.
of Ahab, sinned in ways of Ahab), Athaliah of Judah Sixth, the religions of the southern neighboring
(11:1–21, no specific reference to cultic sins are cited, states of Moab, Ammon, and Edom were “national
but she slaughters her family ruthlessly; 8:18, daugh- god religions.” That is, each nation believed it had a
ter of Ahab), Ahaz (16:2–4; Deut 18:10), Manasseh “patron deity” (compare Deut 32:8–9; 1 Kgs 20:23; 2
(21:1–17), and Amon (21:20–22). Kgs 17:8, 29–41;
Those kings who received commendation were 18:33; 19:10–13; The Falls of Israel & Judah
2 kgs those who abolished the high places and made Smith, Early The fall of the kingdoms of Israel
extensive reforms: Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:3–6) and History). Based and Judah was horrific. Without
Josiah (22:11–23:27). Josiah removed not only the on biblical and being tied to their own land, the
southern high places but those within the north, as inscriptional ev- people of Israel and Judah ran
well (2 Kgs 23:4, 15–20). Significantly, no northern idence, we know the risk of being swallowed up by
kings receive such praise. that Ammon af- the foreign populace in the lands
From the perspective of the Deuteronomist, firmed that its of their exile. If Yahweh was truly
the fate of Judah had been decided with certainty national god was in control, how could the kingdoms
because of the sins of the wicked Manasseh (2 Kgs “Milkom” (some- have fallen? Such an atrocity had
24:3). Even the reign of the pious Josiah could not times confused to be accounted for. The answer
prevent the inevitable fall of Judah. Jehoahaz (2 with Molek; 1 was in the breach of the covenant;
Kgs 23:32), Jehoiakim (23:37), Jehoiachin (24:9), and Kgs 11:5, 7; 2 Kgs only a sin of that magnitude could
Zedekiah (24:19; compare also Gedaliah in 2 Kgs 2 3 : 13 ) . Mo a b have brought on such great pun-
25:22–26): the die had already been cast and punish- claimed as its ishment. Indeed, the author took
ment would come. It is significant that there were national god great pains to show how almost
problems for which the Deuteronomist could not Chemosh (1 Kgs every king broke the command-
account. For example, Hezekiah’s religious reforms 11:7; 2 Kgs 3:27; ments of Yahweh.
do not prevent attack from Assyria (2 Kgs 18–19), 23:13). Edom af-
nor do Josiah’s reforms prevent his death or attack firmed that its national god was Qaus. Yahweh was

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Israel’s God (see, for example, Deut 32:8–9), and it was Joachim Braun, Music in Ancient Israel/Palestine (Grand
to Yahweh that Israel was to be faithful, as Yahweh had Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002).
made a binding covenant relationship with the nation. John Bright, A History of Israel (3rd ed.; Philadelphia:
Yahweh was to be worshiped by Israel (Deut 5:7; 6:4, Westminster, 1981).
13–14). To be sure, some Israelites affirmed that Yah- Mordechai Cogan, 1 Kings: A New Translation with Introduction
weh had a consort: Asherah. For example, stunning and Commentary (New York: Doubleday, 2000).
epigraphic evidence has demonstrated that some Mordechai Cogan and Hayim Tadmor, 2 Kings: A New
Israelites worshiped Asherah as Yahweh’s consort Translation with Introduction and Commentary (New
(Smith, Early History; Rollston, “Rise of Monotheism”). York: Doubleday, 1988).
Nevertheless, orthodox Israelite religion always had Dan P. Cole, Archaeology and Religion (Washington, D. C.:
Yahweh as its central God. BAS, 1991).
In conclusion, the Deuteronomistic History Michael Coogan, Stories from Ancient Canaan (Louisville:
was written in such as way as to presuppose exile Westminster, 1978).
(Deut 4:27; Josh 23:13, 16; 1 Sam 12:25; 1 Kgs 8:34, James L. Crenshaw, Old Testament Wisdom: An Introduction
46; 9:6–9). However, divine forgiveness and mercy (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1998).
stood over against punishment (Deut 4:25–31; 1 Kgs Frank M. Cross, “Epigraphic Notes on the Amman
8:46–53). The author intentionally ended Kings with Citadel Inscriptions,” Bulletin of the American Schools
Jehoiachin’s release from prison (2 Kgs 25:27–30), of Oriental Research 193 (1969): 13–19.
reminiscent of the lamp that is promised to remain Israel Eph‘al and Joseph Naveh, “Hazael’s Booty Inscriptions,”
for David in Jerusalem (2 Sam 7:1–17; 1 Kgs 11:34; Israel Exploration Journal 39 (1989): 192–200.
15:4; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 22:2; 25:25, 27–30). Nili Sacher Fox, In the Service of the King: Officialdom in
Ancient Israel and Judah (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union
College Press, 2000).
For Further Study Volkmar Fritz, 1 and 2 Kings (trans. Anselm Hagedorn;
Frank M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge: Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003).
Harvard University Press, 1971). Seymour Gitin, Trude Dothan, and Joseph Naveh, “A Royal
John H. Hayes, An Introduction to Old Testament Study Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron.” Israel Exploration
(Nashville: Abingdon, 1979). Journal 47 (1997): 1–16.
Alberto R.W. Green, The Storm-God in the Ancient Near East
(Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2003).
Works Cited Jonas Greenfield, “Ramman/Rimmon,” Israel Exploration 2 kgs
Susan Ackerman, “The Queen Mother and the Cult in Ancient Journal 26 (1976): 195–98.
Israel,” Journal of Biblical Literature 112 (1993): 385–401. Hermann Gunkel, The Folktale in the Old Testament (trans.
—— , Under Every Green Tree: Popular Religion in Sixth- Michael D. Rutter; Sheffield: Almond, 1987).
Century Judah. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992). Baruch Halpern, David’s Secret Demons (Grand Rapids:
Peter M. M. G. Akkermansand Glenn M. Schwartz, The Eerdmans, 2001).
Archaeology of Syria: From Complex Hunter-Gatherers to Othmar Keel, The Symbolism of the Biblical World: Ancient
Early Urban Societies (ca. 16,000–300 BC.) (Cambridge: Near Eastern Iconography and the Psalms (Winona Lake,
Cambridge University Press, 2003). Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1997).
N. Avigad, and Benjamin Sass, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp Philip King and Lawrence Stager, Life in Biblical Israel (
Seals (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1997). Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2001).
Frank L. Benz, Personal Names in the Phoenician and Punic Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature (Berkeley,
Inscriptions(Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1972). Cal.: University of California Press, 1973).
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New Fragment.” Israel Exploration Journal 45 (1995): 2–18. (2nd ed.; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003).
Joseph Blenkinsopp, A History of Prophecy in Israel Amihai Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible:
(Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1996). 10,000–586 BCE. (New York: Doubleday, 1992).
Oded Borowski, Daily Life in Biblical Times (Atlanta: Society William Moran, Amarna Letters (Baltimore: Johns
of Biblical Literature, 2003). Hopkins University Press, 1992).

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Joseph Naveh, Early History of the Alphabet (2nd ed.;
Jerusalem: Magnes, 1987).
—— , “Writing and Scripts in Seventh-Century BCE
Philistia: The New Evidence from Tell Jemmeh,” Israel
Exploration Journal 35 (1985): 8–21.
Joan Oates, Babylon (New York: Thames and Hudson,
1986).
Dennis Pardee, Handbook of Ancient Hebrew Letters (Chico,
Scholars Press, 1982).
Wayne Pitard, Ancient Damascus (Winona Lake, Ind.:
Eisenbrauns, 1987).
James Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1969).
Christopher A. Rollston, “Ethbaal,” in Eerdmans Dictionary
of the Bible (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), 431.
—— , “Mesha,” in Eerdmans Dictionary of the Bible (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, Eerdmans, 2000), 887–88.
—— , “The Rise of Monotheism in Ancient Israel: Biblical
and Epigraphic Evidence,” Stone-Campbell Journal 6
(2003): 95–115.
Martha T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia
Minor (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995).
Nahum M. Sarna and Hershel Shanks, “Israel in Egypt:
The Egyptian Sojourn and the Exodus,” in Ancient
Israel (rev. ed.; ed. Hershel Shanks; Washington, D. C.:
Biblical Archaeology Society, 1999).
Mark S. Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and the
Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2nd ed.; Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 2002).
—— , The Origins of Biblical Monotheism (New York:
2 kgs Oxford, 2001).
Ronald Tappy, The Archaeology of Israelite Samaria (2 vols.;
Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1992 and 2001).
Edwin R. Thiele, The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew
Kings (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1983).
Karel van der Toorn, ed., Dictionary of Deities and Demons
in the Bible (rev. ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999).
Andrew G. Vaughn, Theology, History, and Archaeology in
the Chronicler’s Account of Hezekiah (Atlanta: Scholars
Press, 1999).
Moshe Weinfeld, Social Justice in Ancient Israel (2nd ed.;
Jerusalem: Magnes, 2000).
Irene Winter, “Phoenician and North Syrian Ivory
Carving in Historical Context: Questions of Style and
Distribution,” Iraq 38 (1976): 1–18.

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