ROSTISLAV

ULYANOVSKY

PRESENT-DAY
PROBLEMS
IN ASIA AND AFRICA
THEORY. POLITICS . PERSONALITIES

El
PROGRESS
PUBLISHERS
MOSCOW
Translated from the Russian by Barry Costello- Jones and Angus Roxburgh
Designed by Vladimir Yurchikov

P. A. yjIbHHOBCKHH
COBPEMElIllblE nPOBjlEMW A3HH H A<PPMKM
Botipocbi TeopHM. riojiHTHKa. JTnaepbi

Ha uhiauuckom n.ihiKe

Contents

Theory. Politics

The National Liberation Struggle: Theory and Practice 9

The National Liberation Movement: Contemporary Problems ... 39
The Countries of Socialist Orientation 79
The General Laws of Social and Economic Development and the
Specific Characteristics of the Oriental Countries 92
Distinctive Features of the Past and Present Development of the Coun-
tries in Asia and Africa 124

Personalities

Mahatma Gandhi 163

Jawaharlal Nehru 197
Kwame Nkrumah 209
Amilcar Cabral 221
Frantz Fanon 232
(g) H3flarejibCTBo «HayKa», 1978 r.
English translation of the revised Russian text

(g) Progress Publishers 1980

Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

11104-249
y 'tort™™ 0803000000
014(U1)-S0
THEORY. POLITICS
 THE NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLE:
THEORY AND PRACTICE

The 20th century will go down in history as an er of

—
change change hitherto unprecedented in scale and depth. It is
an era which has seen the revolutionary process acquire truly
global proportions, an era which has witnessed tremendous vic-
tories for socialism, an era of international socialist revolution
against imperialism. It began a little over six decades ago with the
most important event of the century, the Great October Socialist
Revolution, when the heroic working class of Russia under the
leadership of the Bolshevik Party with Lenin at its head broke the
chain of imperialism and for the first time the struggle of the
working people against exploitation and social and national
oppression was crowned with a decisive victory that radically
changed the whole course of human history'.
Lenin pointed out that socialist revolution should never be
considered as a single battle on a single front: socialism versus
imperialism. ‘This revolution/ he wrote in one of the drafts for an
article entitled ‘The Revolutionary Proletariat and the Right of
Nations to Self-Determination’, ‘will be a whole epoch of acute
class struggle and social upheaval, a whole series of battles on
many fronts as the results of the most diverse economic and polit-
ical transformations which will have matured and be calling for a
radical break with the past/ 1
These transformations, which constitute an integral part of the

1
V. I. Lenin, Complete Works Fifth Russian Edition, Vol. 54, Politizdat,
,

Moscow, 1965, p. 464.

9
world social revolution, include the far-reaching changes that and particularly opposing one to the other. He advanced the idea
have taken place in the countries that were once exploited by of a world anti-imperialist front on which the strategy of the
imperialism, particularly those which lie on the continents of Asia international communist movement was to be based, particularly
and Africa, which have become one of the most important fronts in its policy towards the East. At the same time Lenin proposed
in the worldwide confrontation between socialism and imperial- and substantiated a guideline aimed at creating a united front of
ism. all anti-imperialist forces in the countries fighting for liberation
To his great credit it was Lenin who
elucidated the role
first from colonial and semi-colonial oppression. He showed that the
and place of the struggle of the oppressed peoples in the world capitalist stage of development was not obligatory for the colonial
revolutionary process and revealed their tremendous anti-impe- and semi-colonial peoples and that with the support of the
rialist potential. He predicted that the downtrodden peoples of the victorious working class and the expansion of their own political
world would one day become allies of the revolutionary proleta- activity, thesepeoples could achieve socialism without first going
riat in its struggle for social emancipation. through development.
the capitalist stage of
Lenin believed one of the most important means for drawing The victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, which
the peoples of the colonial and semi-colonial countries into a brought about a radical change in the correlation of world forces,
common front against imperialism was the slogan which declared provided the foundation for the implementation of Lenin’s great
the right of nations to self-determination 1 Lenin upheld this
. plan for struggle against imperialism. Today the influence of this
slogan firmly and consistently, from the class position of the tremendous event on the course of the liberation struggle in
international proletariat, in polemics with both right and ‘left’ Africa and Asia has been shown to be truly colossal. Let us
opportunists. Proceeding from the law of uneven economic and consider a few of its effects.
political development of countries in the epoch of imperialism, he
showed the socialist revolution would first take place in one indi-
vidual country. This revolution would be victorious under the The scale and character of the revolutionary process in the
leadership of a working class party. As a result of this victory, the Asian and African countries have changed fundamentally under
major elements of the world revolutionary movement the — the influence of the October Socialist Revolution. These changes
international working class and the peoples fighting imperialism are an integral part of the shifts that have occurred in the socio-
for their liberation —
would receive powerful support and a focus political and economic structure of the world, and which were
for their solidarity. conditioned by the objective laws of social development as
History has borne out Lenin’s predictions which w'ere based on revealed by Marx, Engels and Lenin. It must of course be stressed
an all-round analysis of the patterns of socio-economic develop- that the founders of Marxism-Leninism never treated the transi-
ment and the correlation of the main political forces. The Soviet tion of mankind to socialism as something automatic and
Union is now that focus, around which the liberation movements divorced from conscious human activity. On the contrary, by way
of the proletariat in the West and the oppressed peoples in the of their profound scientific analysis they showed that mankind is
East are concentrated. The alliance of these movements, w'hich moving towards socialism by virtue of objective historical laws,
now has the common support of the world’s first country where and for this reason they attached exceptionally great importance
the proletariat were victorious, is one of the most important to the influence of the masses on the course of their own history.
factors determining the course of the world revolutionary process. Their conviction that socialism would be the future of mankind, a
Lenin laid particular stress on the necessity to strengthen this conviction based on the conclusions of scientific socialism, has
alliance and on the impermissibility of isolating any of the made the teaching of Marx, Engels and Lenin a great source of
component parts of the international anti-imperialist movement historical optimism.
has also shown the ways to achieve the aims
Scientific socialism
of the liberation movement. Marx, Engels and Lenin believed that
’
V. 1. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 21, Moscow, 1977, p. 316. Here and
the most important condition for the effective influence of the
further the references are to the English edition of Lenin’s works brought out
by Progress Publishers unless otherwise indicated. working masses on the course of history was the realisation by the

10 ll
 proletariat of its historic mission as the vanguard
in the struggle political life, and especially in relation to the national question.
for liberation from all types of exploitation.
Lenin
showed conclu- I’he years
immediately following the October Socialist Revolu-
sively that this mission can only be achieved
when the proletariat tion in Russia saw a distinct change
in the struggle of the
is led by its most advanced
detachment, the communist party oppressed peoples of the world for liberation.
which bases itself on the theory, strategy, tactics Pressure on impe-
and organisa- rialism from its colonial and semi-colonial
fringe began to acquire
tional requirements of scientific socialism.
global proportions as hundreds of millions
Over the years that have elapsed since the
of people awoke to the
October Socialist prospect o! liberation. Looking back over those
Revolution colossal changes have taken place in the years we see the
world. The rise of the liberation movement in India,
the gaining of independ-
world socialist system has arisen and grown stronger,
and none of ence by Afghanistan, the victory of the people’s
the many attempts by the forces of internal revolution in
and external reaction Mongolia, the revolution of Kemal Atatiirk
to restore capitalism have brought its in Turkey the
enemies success. The overthrow of the Qajar dynasty in Iran,
international communist movement has numerous uprisings
become an influential among the Arabs, increasing insurgency in Indonesia culminating
political force in the
world today. With the support of the socialist in the armed uprising of
community the oppressed peoples have achieved liberation 1926-1927, and an anti-imperialist revo-
from lution in China (1925-1927), all of which took place during
colonial slavery and in place of the former the
colonies dozens of firstdecade after the October Revolution.
politically independent states have
appeared. A hard but success- As the years passed the anti-imperialist struggle
ful struggle is being waged for the grew in
elimination of the last remnants intensity but, what is particularly
of colonialism in Africa. In the industrial
important, its success became
capitalist countries the directly proportional to the successes
positions of the working class arc growing ever
of world socialism. After the
stronger and the Second World War the anti-imperialist
socialisation of production has now gone so movement literally
far that capitalism as expioded in the East and in the new situation that had arisen after
a system based on private ownership of the
means of production the defeat of the Axis powers, when the USSR together with all
has become an economic anachronism. These countries are peaceloving peoples played a decisive role
in saving the world
increasingly seeing the influence of political from
forces that advocate fascist domination, world socialism
the socialist reconstruction of society. began to exert an
In international relations increasing influence on international
politics and its support for
detente has become an important the peoples fighting for liberation
factor. Initiated by the in the colonial and scmi-colo-
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which has consistently nial countries became more
powerful.
worked to make it more extensive in scope and After the oppressed peoples of many
irreversible in countries had actively
character, detente provides conditions in participated in the war against the
which the balance of Axis powers, after the
forces in the confrontation between bourgeois-democratic countries had been
socialism and imperialism is compelled to turn to
increasingly changing in favour of the former. the colonial peoples for
support against the Axis, after the power
lle liberation movement of the and invincibility of the Soviet Union
7 oppressed peoples has acquired became clearly apparent
a fundamentally new scale and character. and its prestige and influence in international
In the first place it
has affairs rose sharply,
gained unprecedented power. The direct influence and finally after the people’s democratic
of the revolu- revolutions had been
tion in Russia has given a universal ictonous in a number of countries,
impetus to liberation. At the the national liberation
same time the appearance and strengthening of existing movement entered a new stage. Tn the preceding
social- period victory
ism-first in one country and then in ior the nanona!
a large group of liberation movement had been the
countries —has
forced imperialism to concentrate its forces
on the ather than the rule. The
exception
peoples that rose against imperialism
main thrust of its attack against the anti-imperialist n the twenties and thirties more
forces—the often than not failed to achieve
confrontation with world socialism. Help from the national independence. Today,
Soviet Union however, the greatly increased
and other socialist countries to the national influence of socialism on
liberation movements international affairs has meant that
has grown rapidly to include political, economic ne oppressed peoples of
and military aid. the East have entered an epoch of
rhe example provided by existing socialism, the lormino independent states, an
USSR above all epoch which the European
has been of enormous significance in all aspects Peoples went ihrough a century earlier.
of social and
12
13
 History has borne out Lenin’s prediction that the peoples of the themselves have become an important factor in world politics.
East would be faced with a similar struggle for the creation of The colonial and semi-colonial fringe had alw'ays been regarded
their national states as that which took place in Europe. On this by the imperialists as a suitable object for exploitation, which
issue as on others Lenin upheld the universality of the funda- could be relied upon for centuries. Individual uprisings and ‘dis-
mental propositions of scientific socialism; while pointing to the orders’ that could occasionally break out they planned to put
specificity of the East and attaching great importance to it, he, down by armed force without expecting to meet any serious resist-
nevertheless, believed that this specificity does not nullify the laws ance from the oppressed peoples, or a rebuff on the part of some
which are of a universal nature and which operate both in the powerful international political forces.
West and in the East. But circumstances changed radically and the imperialists have
The formation of independent national states in the East was an rapidly lost w'hat was once
Account now has to be taken of
theirs.
irresistible process. 1947 India declared national independ-
In the former colonial peoples and on world politics is
their influence
ence; the fires of national liberation were kindled in Southeast becoming more and more important. This has been achieved by
Asia; in China the civil war, in which the national liberation the heroic struggle of these peoples, their working class, their
armies led by the Communist Party launched an offensive against peasantry and other anti-imperialist classes and strata. And of
the Kuomintang and its imperialist allies, was still in progress. course no one can deny the great positive role played by world
Africa during this period, however, remained almost totally socialism. Without the victory of the Great October Socialist
enslaved. But by the mid-1970s all that was left of the colonial
Revolution, without the rise of the greatest socialist power, the
Soviet Union, and the socialist community, the situation in the
system of imperialism were a few 'islets’. Building up the colonial
world today, particularly in Africa and Asia, would have been
system took centuries; its collapse took no more than 25-30 years. fundamentally different: for the peoples of the East would have
It is profoundly natural that the independent states that rose in still been held under the sway of imperialism and their destinies
the lands of the last, Portuguese colonial empire were consoli- subject to its will.
dated on the basis of revolutionary-democratic power with the Before the October Revolution the national liberation struggle
direct help of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. both in Europe and on the oppressed continents could only see as
Similarly effective was socialist community help to the people of its objective the formation of bourgeois-national states with
Vietnam, who did away with the pro-American puppet regime socialist revolution in perspective, a hope, furthermore, whose ful-
in the south and formed a united socialist state. filment depended on the intensity and ‘freedom’ of capitalist
Lenin pointed out that gigantic battles with imperialism faced development, a process that is measured in decades or even
the peoples of the oppressed countries and stressed the impor- centuries. However long and far-reaching the revolutionary
tance of solidarity among these peoples, as among all anti-impe- struggle for national self-determination among oppressed peoples,
rialist forces, first country of a victorious
behind the world’s it inevitably ended in the formation of a bourgeois state, if indeed

proletariat. existence of the Soviet Union and the exten-

The very it was all. From the social point of view the move-
victorious at
sion of its political influence and that of the other socialist ment national independence was democratic, anti-feudal.
for
countries has enormously accelerated the revolutionary process in After the victory of the October Socialist Revolution Lenin’s
the East. For its part, the liberation movements among the prediction that the movement of the oppressed peoples, which
oppressed peoples have made a great contribution to the world was originally directed against imperialism, would eventually
anti-imperialist movement by striking blow after blow at the become anti-capitalist, was completely fulfilled. Once the
forces of imperialism. oppressed peoples were able to rely on aid from the victorious
Not one bourgeois politician or ideologist couldhave imagined proletariat, the anti-capitalist aspirations of the revolutionary and
at the turn of the century that within six or seven decades dozens national-democratic forces being powerfully influenced by social-
ist ideology, became realistic. In other words, there was now
of new' states would have been formed, that the industrial capi- an
talist countries would have to take account of the aspirations and alternative to capitalist development, and this was an alternative
policies of the liberated countries and that the colonial peoples that previously had not existed. How is it to be explained?

whom they had treated negligently or at best patronisingly would The possibility of avoiding or interrupting the capitalist stage of

14 15
 —

development was, it must be stressed, given thorough scientific why Western Europe has taken the capitalist path. Thus the possi-
grounding by Lenin and has nothing in common with the idea bility of non-capitalist development, i. e. socialist orientation is
that a nation may only adopt the non-capitalist path on the basis not determined by desires and aspirations, however just, or by the
of its negative attitude to capitalism. Such a conception is specific characteristics of a given nation.
characteristic of Populist ideology which holds to the belief that Populism in Russia (Narodism 1 as it was known) was theoretic-
capitalism can be by-passed by virtue of the particular qualities ally refuted by Lenin. Narodniks claimed that since
capitalism in
possessed by a certain people, the characteristics that distinguish Russia had not yet been firmly established and that the popular
it from other peoples, or the traditional strength of pre-capitalist
masses treated it as something alien to them, capitalist develop-
forms of being and consciousness. Tn the view of old and new ment could be halted. Importantly, in recognising the possibility
Populists, capitalism is bad and if the capitalist formation does
of non-capitalist development for colonial and semi-colonial
not yet exist in a given country or has not yet absorbed all the
peoples after the victory of the October Revolution Lenin
other formations, then consequently there is the possibility of
proceeded from the same principles of scientific socialism that he
‘choosing’ a pre-capitalist formation and ‘bringing’ it to social-
had used in his ideological struggle against the Narodniks.
ism (i. e., socialism as the Populists understood it). The fact that
The Marxist-Leninist idea of non-capitalist development is
capitalism is ‘alien’ to the consciousness of this or that people is,
based on the premise that capitalism can be by-passed or inter-
according to them, sufficient to guarantee the success of such a
rupted at a certain level of the development of world capitalism;
venture. This kind of thinking is as unscientific now as it was in
itproceeds from the characterisation of capitalism as a world
the last century. Marxist-Leninist acceptance of the possibility of
system (such a characterisation was given by Lenin as a result of
by-passing or interrupting the capitalist stage of development
his analysis of the imperialist stage of capitalism); it is based on
rests on premises that are totally different.
the attitude to the revolutionary process as a process of world
Populism does not take into account the fact that the specificity
significance. As a result of the uneven development of states, a
of the East in itself does not yet determine in any way the possi-
law whose operation can fully and on a global scale be seen at the
bility of a non-capitalist path of development, or socialist orienta-
imperialist stage of capitalism, the countries of the East find
tion.
themselves to be the oppressed periphery of the world capitalist
But in the West too capitalism was once only one of the modes
system, but still part of this system. TTiis same law (the intensifica-
of production, and there too it was alien to traditional being and
tion of political and economic unevenness in the development of
consciousness. The rapid development of capitalist relations there
countries during the imperialist era) creates the conditions for
also gave rise to resistance and was considered as something the
victory of socialism first in one country and then
abnormal, contradicting the national consciousness and tradi- in a group of
countries; world socialism has become a force to be reckoned
tional values. That was exactly the case in England, the country of
with; relying on its all-round support, the political organisations
classical capitalism, where the final establishment of that forma-
of the working people in the oppressed countries are enabled
tion (in the early 19th century) was received by the masses of the to
undertake such measures as the nationalisation and socialisation
people as a great misfortune, a national catastrophy and a social
of production, and the abolition of private ownership of the
tragedy. There has not been a nation in the world that welcomed basic
means of production, in fact they are able to take the socialist
capitalism with open arms, choosing it as its own path of develop-
path even before capitalism has had a chance to develop as
ment. The history of capitalism is the history of the popular a
socio-economic formation on a national level. In other words, the
masses’ struggle against a new form of exploitation, which was
Leninist theory of non-capitalist development concludes that
even harsher than what went before. And this has been the case such
development is possible when world capitalism has reached the
w'herever capitalism has become the dominant social formation.
But despite capitalism's opposition to tradition, to the previous
forms of economic, political and ideological being and to all Narodism was the ideology and political movement of the non-noble
and
which was taken as national specificity, it has ‘devoured’ and middle-class intelligentsia in the mid-19th century. Its views
were a contra-
‘digested' all the other economic structures; and this is precisely dictory mixture of utopian socialism
and the real demands of the
peasantry. Ed.
16
17
 ° «

9n9BSSslfc&

stage where socialist revolution and the creation of real socialism

socialism, which is quite different
are possible. from socialism as it exists in the
socialist countries. Failure
Attention then should be focused on the political preconditions to draw a clear distinction hi u
for the liberated countries’ entry on the path of socialist
orien-
tation. The most important international political precondition
for
this is the growth of the influence of world socialism and
the
strengthening of the power of the socialist community, above all
the Soviet Union. When the working class of Russia was carrying mitatlons are
out its socialist revolution, when it upheld its gains in fierce
combat with and external reaction, when it built
internal
imposed upon the bourgeoisie
economies belongs to the
and that
Ze sector
dm d0minan '
!

^“ .
being
thdr

socialism together with the working peasants, it created at the

same time and thereby the necessary conditions for the peoples of
the East to enter the path that ultimately leads to socialism
without going through the stage of capitalism. Russia thus became
not only the first country in the world to cast off the chains of
capitalism without going through the difficult period of the firm
establishment of capitalism as a socio-economic formation, it also
became the country that offered the peoples of the world who live
in conditions where capitalism has not yet completely matured
the opportunity of entering on the road to" socialism.
Realisation of the possibility of by-passing or interrupting capi-
talist development to a large extent depends on the nature of the
political force which governs the liberated country. If the national
bourgeoisie comes to power, then, while it remains at the helm of
the state, non-capitalist development will continue to be an
unful-
filled possibility. If, on the other hand, the
country is ruled by
revolutionary-democratic anti-capitalist forces, then there arises
the political possibility for the country to take the non-capitalist
path of development. If the communist party comes to power,
then the transition from capitalist to socialist development is
effected by way of socialist transformations. Experience has played ‘ he dominant role in
shown
he liberation struggle
and which
that economically backward which capitalism has
states, in h ch was capable of
after the achipvpm^T .
f \ ousting its rivals
already become the most influential mode of production, also can At any fate the -

enter the path of socialist orientation. But, of course, there have deveIo Pment, the forms of
never been and never will be situations arising in which the transi-
mentation and the
opment are Jar^ll h f
b f
tr
its imple-

?" SItlon squired for such a devel-

tion to socialist orientation can be effected under the leadership 5 b th e correlation of
of during the period class forces
the bourgeoisie. oZtn.'Z / .

Pen enCe And in this

connection the influence '

worth emphasising at this point that non-capitalist devel-

It is of f
C ‘ o1her fcctahst
be considered
a factor nIH
, Evolution must
opment, or what amounts to the same thing, socialist orientation, 6 S1« m ficance, for it
victory that
o on
led to the radicalism, was its
must be sharply distinguished from the building of socialism, t
of the national liberation
movement 11 h!
r rZ uLnPrTd
,
insofar as the former is only a transitional stage on the road Pe ° ples *° the Nation in its
to the anks of e ’

latter. In using the term ‘socialist orientation’ or

‘non-capitalist
path’ we wish to stress the specifics of this form of transition
rents and to the almm T CratlC and
-"ti-capitalist cur-
C °” P eX *
18
to riaUs, forces
ofm^EeXoZ— '

19
 Soon after the October Revolution the Mongolian People’s
Republic entered the path of non-capitalist development and for
able— detachment from capitalism and gradual transition to
socialism. This prospect of breaking away from capitalism opens
several decades it remained the only country in the world to do
up the possibility of social and economic progress in favour of the
so. It should be stressed that non-capitalist development could
broad popular masses, real political independence, removal of
only manifest itself in full, first, given a strong world socialist
neo-colonialist and pro-imperialist elements and the forces of
system, and secondly, in a period when the formation of indepen-
reaction and capitalism, and gradual rise in the living standards
dent states in the East was no longer a rare phenomenon, when
of the working people on this basis.
the East as a whole had immediately entered the epoch of forma-
As history shows, capitalist development in the countries of
tion of independent states. By expanding the scale and might of
Asia and Africa is unable to provide high rates of growth and
the national liberation movement and by radicalising its prog-
dooms the popular masses to further suffering and prolonged neo-
ramme demands the October Socialist Revolution thereby con- colonial dependence on imperialism.
tributed to events that took place several decades later and, in tremendous significance
The October Socialist Revolution has
particular, made it possible for a large group of countries in Asia
for the social destinies of thepeoples oppressed by imperialism
and Africa to enter the path of socialist orientation.
and now free from its domination. The October Revolution gave
The decision as to which path of social development a given tremendous expansion to the scale of the national liberation
country is to choose depends on that country, but it does not
movement and marked the beginning of its victories over the
depend on it alone. There exists the tremendous force of the
forces of imperialism and colonialism, victories which were no
world-historic struggle against imperialism, for the establishment
longer to be the exception, but the rule. It brought about a situa-
of socialism, and this force is beginning to direct and determine
tion in the world, whereby the successes of the national liberation
the destinies of those countries in which national self-determina- October
movement became permanent. Finally, the Socialist
tion, i. e., the formation of independent states, has taken place
Revolution and the achievements of world socialism opened up
several centuries later than it did in Europe.
before the peoples of the East the possibility of establishing a
The achievement of national independence and the formation
just social system without all the humiliation and suffering that
of an independent state in the era that was ushered in by the
capitalism brings with it.
October Revolution are not the end of the national liberation It would be incorrect,wc must stress, to treat the October
struggle. On the contrary, they are only the beginning of a new
were just an event of colossal immediate impor-
stage —the transition from the struggle for national self-determi-
Revolution as if it

tance. Its influence on the world revolutionary process, on the

nation to the struggle for social liberation and in the final analysis
course of history has been so great that it created a new situation
the struggle for socialism. There is now in progress a powerful and which fully meets the interests of the working people. Further-
highly attractive movement of hundreds of millions of working
people in the East towards world socialism —
something which
more, this event which happened more than sixty years ago in
Russia continues to exert a tremendous influence on the course of
before the October Socialist Revolution could not have happened. historical development. The Soviet Union and the world socialist
If capitalism were, as before, dominant in the world, the transition
community, which were born of that revolution, have become a
of one or another country to national independence would at best constant factor of colossal historical significance.
result in the establishment of a national-bourgeois system
subordinate to a handful of omnipotent imperialist powers.
The great efforts of the working class of Russia, which had The October Socialist Revolution was the most important
carried out the socialist revolution in the country under the milestone on the road to the formation of alliance between the
leadership of the party headed by Lenin, thereby opened up international working class and the national liberation movement.
before the majority of mankind that had once been held under the It was no accident that Lenin upheld in principle the right of
yoke of colonial domination new prospects for development. nations to self-determination against those who advanced the slo-
Previously only one possibility was open to them —
introduction
gan of ‘the right of the working people to self-determination’. Had
to capitalism, whereas today a second choice is avail- the party headed by him and the international communist move-

20 21
ment followed the path recommended by the advocates of this ress, the Kuomintang in China, the Sarekat Islam in Indonesia
seemingly revolutionary slogan, it would have meant that the and a number of other broad anti-imperialist organisations in the
vanguard of the world proletariat was ready to enter into allied East. Communists frequently offered to form an alliance with
relations with proletarian and peasant organisations alone, and them in the struggle against imperialism, and in a number of cases
not with organisations headed by the patriotic, anti-imperialist this was effectively concluded. Communists have insisted on

and national-bourgeois forces. Meanwhile, these latter still had a radicalising the slogans of the national liberation movement. In
rather significant anti-imperialist potential, opposed imperialism particular, they have continually shown that the slogan of full
to different degrees in different countries, and fought for the po- national independence is in the interests of their peoples as a
litical independence of their own countries. For this reason the whole and can and must be put forward by anti-imperialist non-
Leninist party and the international communist movement also proletarian parties and organisations. History' has shown that in
considered it essential to form an alliance with such circles in the this respect Communists were right and that the rallying of the
oppressed countries of the East as were not in favour of social masses around such a slogan was an essential task at a time when
change and who did not hold anti-capitalist positions, but who the bourgeois-national forces were hesitating to advance it and
were nevertheless a significant factor in the struggle against impe- limiting themselves to such aims as self-government, dominion
rialism. status, autonomy, and so on.
Thus the slogan ‘the right of nations to self-determination’ In holding to these realistic positions the international com-
which was a major means for bringing the masses of the former munist movement based itself on the fact that the masses in the
Russian Empire up to the socialist stage of the revolution is now colonial and semi-colonial countries tend, as a rule, to support, in
being used on a world scale. Whereas previously it helped the the initial stage of the anti-imperialist struggle, the forces which
formation of an alliance between the working class of Russia and are national-bourgeois in character. But the international com-
the working people in the outlying non-Russian areas of the munist movement has never regarded alliance with these latter as
country, now, after the formation of the world’s first socialist an end in itself. It is considered primarily as a means of getting
state, this slogan has drawn hundreds of millions of people in the through to the broad masses of the workers and peasants which
oppressed countries of Asia and Africa into alliance with the are still under the influence of the national bourgeoisie. On the
world proletariat and the Soviet Union. The solution of the basis of Leninist theory and its own experience the international
national question in the USSR has always been regarded communist movement in the colonial and semi-colonial countries
as a model by the peoples of the whole world. Importantly, the orientated itself on the masses of the working people and built its
very path to the victory of the October Revolution, which lay, in strategy on a scientifically grounded orientation on the transition
particular, through the effort to bring the oppressed nations of the from national liberation to social revolution, the type and length
Russian Empire over to the side of the working class, remains of which cannot be established by voluntaristic means.
an example for all peoples of the world. The thesis of Lenin’s A major motive force behind, and frequently the vanguard of,
party on its alliance with the oppressed peoples is of equal impor- the revolutionary liberation movement in the colonial and semi-
tance to the communist parties of East and West alike. colonial countries was the working class, just as it stands today for
If we look at the history of the struggle for a united front the strengthening of national and economic independence and for
between the international proletariat and the oppressed peoples of far-reaching social transformations in the new national states. The
the East we will find that Lenin’s party and the international October Socialist Revolution gave visible demonstration to Com-
communist movement have tried, on the basis of Lenin’s instruc- munists in the colonial and semi-colonial countries that it is only
tions, to achieve alliances with all the anti-imperialist forces, the working class that is genuinely socialist and that it and it alone
including those that are national-bourgeois in character, on the is capable of consistent struggle for complete liberation. Of

one condition that the independence of the working class and course, the proletariat in the oppressed countries during the
communist movement is maintained even in its most embryonic period of the struggle for national independence was still at the
form. Here mention could be made of the policy of the interna- earliest stage of its development. Historically, it was only after the

tional communist movement towards the Indian National Cong- First World War that capitalism began its mass encroachments

22 23
 into the Afro-Asian countries where hitherto pre-capitalist rela- among peasant organisations and of politically educating the
tions — feudal, semi-feudal —
and patriarchal had been dominant. peasantry; he thereby directly tied in the possibility of a transition
Consequently, the proletariat in the Afro-Asian countries had a to socialism in the East, without the intervening stage of- capital-
long way to go before it could become a leading political force ism, with the task of developing the political activity and revolu-
capable of fulfilling its historical mission of liberating the working tionary energy of the peasant masses. In this connection of
people from capitalist exploitation. Leftist attempts to get the particular importance was the organisation of the exploited mas-
international communist movement to advance the slogan of ses, and the up of non-party organisations and working
setting
immediate socialist revolution in the East, therefore, met with a people’s organisations which in the East can primarily be made
resolute rebuff by Marxists-Leninists. But already in those days up of peasants. Many of the countries of Africa and Asia are only
the international communist movement fully appreciated the today approaching the stage of economic and social development,
prospects for the proletariat in the African and Asian -countries which the most developed colonial and semi-colonial countries
playing an increasingly greater role. were at during the period immediately following the October
Marxists-Leninists believed that the communist movement in Revolution, and some are a long way from having reached even
the East could only be built around a firm proletarian nucleus and that, so that by far the largest social force in the East is the
that this nucleus would have an outstanding role to play in the peasantry. Consequently, what Lenin had to say about the need
further development of the communist movement. They paid par- for Communists in the East to work among the organisations of
ticular attention to the necessity of
upholding the independence of the working people and form such organisations where they were
the proletarian movement and opposing any attempt to ‘paint’ the lacking is of the utmost relevance. Strengthening and broadening
non-communist bourgeois-democratic movement in communist communist influence not only does not exclude but, on the
hues. Marxists-Leninists concentrated on preparing the proleta- contrary, presupposes the setting up of non-party (i. e., non-com-
riat for the coming struggles. Treating the proletariat in the coun- munist) organisations among the working people, above all the
tries of the East as potentially the most powerful liberative force peasantry, and influencing their policy with a view to switching
in these countries has been and is the only scientific approach to them to an anti-capitalist footing.
the matter. And this approach is rooted in an understanding of Communist policy aimed at turning the working peasantry of
the universal significance and general applicability of the basic the East into an ally of the proletariat of the oppressed countries
tenets of Marxist-Leninist theory both in the West and the East. and the world proletariat, with the working class in the countries
The October Socialist Revolution showed the correctness of of victorious socialism at its head, is one of the most important
Lenin’s conclusion regarding the colossal revolutionary potential strategical guidelines of Leninism.
was a strategy with which
It
of the working peasantry, the necessity for its alliance with the the communist movement armed the very beginning and
itself in
working class and the invincibility of this revolutionary alliance. it is one which Marxists-Leninists still pursue today. The
The working class of Russia won power only thanks to a correct peasantry is the most powerful force in the national liberation
and scientifically grounded policy directed at creating a stable movements that have come into being since the October Revolu-
alliance between the workers and the peasants. Lenin’s party tion and brought about the collapse
of imperialism’s colonial
made considerable efforts to rally the peasantry behind the system. Already in those days the peasantry waged the struggle
working class, while the support of the peasants, for its part, not only for national liberation but also for the
reconstruction of
ensured not only the victory of the proletariat, but the successful agrarian relations and for land, against domination by the
feudal
upholding of the gains of the socialist revolution. lords and big landowners.
When in 1919 Lenin made an address to the Communists of Today the peasant movement with its anti-feudal and, in the
the East he pointed out that they were faced with a task of lower strata, anti-capitalist aspirations is a factor which
to a great
gigantic proportions, a task which consisted in rallying the vast extent determines the agrarian-reformist positions
of the ruling
mass of the peasantry behind the victorious proletariat. He circles in the liberated countries,
though this is naturally depen-
emphasised the importance for Communists of developing and dent on the social and economic orientation of
these circles and
implementing a correct policy vis-a-vis the peasants, of working heir class character. The programmes of the revolutionary demo-
24
25
 and aspirations of the
crats largely reflect the anti-feudal interests of the young national states will be doomed to failure if it does not
peasantry. Considerable controversy surrounds the question of unite all the anti-imperialist and patriotic forces of the nation
the extent to which anti-imperialist interests among the poor under its flag. A policy of anti-imperialism and support for polit-
peasantry should be reflected in the plans and policy of the ical and economic independence and the progressive transforma-
revolutionary democrats. The larger national-bourgeois groups tions that are being carried out by the patriotic ruling classes in
that are linked up with the landowners and
therefore more inter- Asian and African countries, and a policy of anti-colonialism and
development of capitalism pursue anti-feudal ag- support for the political forces that champion it stem directly from
ested in the
rarian reform in a naturally less radical manner than is
democrats are in
the case in
power. In
what Lenin saw as a fundamental requirement the need for a —
those countries where revolutionary united anti-imperialist front, which he advanced consistently after
the final analysis, of course, these reforms lead to further stratifi- the victory of the October Socialist Revolution.
cation among the peasantry and the formation of an agricultural The unification of all anti-imperialist forces is a term with a
proletariat, on the one hand, and a capitalist farmer class, on the very broad meaning. Its content changes as the revolutionary
other. To a certain extent such stratification must also take place' process develops from stage to stage. In Asia and Africa today
in those countries that are developing along the
non-capitalist there are at least four variants of the united front: (1) the national
path; so long as capitalist relations exist the peasantry is bound to bourgeoisie that is still capable of leading the struggle against
split among itself; reliance on the lower, ooorer strata of the imperialism and feudalism and participates in a united anti-impe-
peasantry with their anti-capitalist aspirations (for it is these strata rialist front; (2) the revolutionary' democrats who are in complete

which constitute the majority of the peasantry in the East) is a control of the workers, the peasants and the petty bourgeoisie;
most important condition for genuine socialist orientation. (3) the revolutionary democrats and Communists who are the
But only the power of the working class radically reorganising main forces of a united front; (4) the Communists who lead a
the
society along socialist lines can bring genuine socialism to conglomeration of forces in the liberation movement and who
countryside, and oust ‘shoots’ of capitalism rising in conditions of then come to power. The last three variants arise in conditions
individual small- and large-scale farming. As for the reactionary where the national bourgeoisie is no longer capable of playing a
dictatorships that have been established in a number of Afro- significant role in the united front since the process of social trans-
Asian countries and which support the interests of the landowners formations runs counter to its class interests.
and the bourgeoisie, they must be regarded as an anti-peasant As has been already mentioned, Lenin stated the need for a
force. Inmany cases these classes and strata resort to military united front of all anti-imperialist forces not only in individual
dictatorship so as to suppress the revolutionary energies of the colonial or semi-colonial countries, but on an international scale,
peasantry. Working among the peasantry and developing its anti- and was that the proletariat and the national libera-
his intention
imperialist and anti-capitalist potential is of the highest impor- tion movements of the world should unite behind the world’s first
tance in achieving progressive transformations in the countries of state of theworking class.
Asia and Africa. Lenin believed one of the most important ideas in his ‘Prelim-
The question of the role of the peasantry in the revolutionary inary Draft Theses on the National and the Colonial Questions’
process that is taking place in Asia and Africa is not seen by was that within the imperialist system there were two separate and
Marxists-Leninists to consist in a choice between the proletariat —
unequal groups of nations the oppressors and the oppressed, the
and the peasantry. It is rather a question of considering the latter being subject to the merciless exploitation of imperialism.

possibilities of each of these classes, a question of their rapproche- The ‘Lefts’, taking this idea out of context, made it something
ment, cohesion and alliance. Such an alliance between the absolute and claimed that the interests of the working people of
working class and the peasantry is not only possible but in many the West were in direct opposition to those of the peoples
of the
countries already exists. This alliance in the Afro- Asian countries Hast and in this way tried to oppose the working people in the
lies atthe centre of a more general problem —
the problem of developed capitalist countries to the oppressed peoples of Asia
bringing all patriotic, anti-imperialist forces into a united and Africa. Such an approach is a crude distortion of Lenin’s
national-democratic front. The struggle for the full independence theory, for in pointing out that there w'ere two groups of nations

26 27
 historical stages of development of both the pre-capitalist forma-
within the imperialist system, Lenin frequently emphasised the and those accompanying the development of capitalism. But
tion
community of interests between the world proletariat and the
oppressed peoples of the East. Furthermore he pointed to this
—
one common characteristic united these forces anti-imperialism,
which has developed and expanded as capitalism itself developed
contradiction in order to give scientific grounding to the conclu-
sion that an end could only be put to the centuries-old oppression
into its highest and final stage —
the stage of imperialism.
The majority of the anti-imperialist forces in Asia and Africa is
in the East through the alliance of its peoples with the world pro- comprised of the petty-bourgeois strata, particularly the
letariat, by way of rallying around the victorious working class. peasantry. Although the peasantry of the East was (and to a
Tn other words, in this as in everything else, Lenin adopted a considerable extent still is) mainly at the pre-capitalist stage or at
consistently internationalist position.
a transitional stage to capitalism, Lenin was nevertheless fully
Attempts to replace internationalism by nationalism and justified in considering the peasantry in the colonial, semi-colo-
oppose the national liberation movement, one of the most impor- nial and dependent countries to be chiefly petty-bourgeois.
tant revolutionary' forces of the present-day world, to its other By the early 20th century, and especially by the end of the First
forces, was resolutely rebuffed by Lenin. Hence his reply that World War, capitalism had taken an important place in the
Manabendra Nath Roy, the Indian revolutionary, was going too economy of a number of Asian countries, and once it had
farwhen he claimed that the main role in the world revolutionary emerged, it soon extended its influence throughout the whole
process had now passed over to the East. Lenin considered it spectrum of social relations. This process took decades and in
impermissible to set the national liberation movement in the East many Oriental countries is still not complete. In certain poorly
in opposition to the interests of the proletariat in the West. Yet developed countries it has only just begun. But the overall and
attempts of this kind still continue today. The leaders of the irreversible (in the sense of the impossibility of a return to pre-
Communist Party of China are still conducting a wide campaign capitalist relations) trend had begun by the early 20th century.
of slander and misinformation insisting that the interests of the But it was not just for this reason that Lenin characterised the
oppressed peoples are in direct opposition to those of the proleta- peasantry of the East as petty-bourgeois. Another important fac-
riat in the West. Furthermore they slander the victorious working
tor was taken into consideration. Irrespective of the stage of devel-
class in the socialist countries, inflame nationalist passions and in
opment of capitalism in any particular country, all the count-
this way do serious damage to a united anti-imperialist front.
ries of the East and the whole of the oppressed world had become
The fundamental conclusions which Lenin drew on the national the periphery of world imperialism and were therefore a part of
liberation movement and the anti-imperialist struggle soon after
the international capitalist market, linked to it by millions of
the October Revolution have lost none of their relevance today. closely woven threads, but reliably fulfilling one common func-
They may by summarised as follows: the need for unity among all
anti-imperialist forces on a world scale; the policy of a united
tion —the exploitation of millions of working people in the in-
terests of international monopoly capital.
anti-imperialist front in each of the Afro-Asian countries; the
The petty-bourgeois masses were not the only anti-imperialist
decisive role to be played by the working class in the liberated factor. The whole complex and contradictory conglomeration of
countries in the international socialist revolution against imperial- forces in the East was also anti-imperialist in character. They
ism; the enormous revolutionary potential of the peasantry in comprised the national bourgeoisie, in so far as its social and
these countries; the possibility of avoiding or interrupting the
political interests were in opposition to those of imperialism.
capitalist stage of development; and the need for the all-round
Obviously the sharpness of this contradiction would not be as
strengthening and upholding of the independence of the com- great as that between the interests of the working people and
munist movement even in its most embryonic form. those of imperialism. But even so contradictions between the
national bourgeoisie in the oppressed countries and imperialism
The
revolutions against imperialism, which began at the turn of did exist and have increased, in so far as foreign monopoly capital
the century, saw the participation of diverse social and political has retarded the economic development of these countries, held
forces. They were made up of a conglomeration of classes, class back their industrialisation, prevented any kind of social progress
groups and social strata which altogether spanned a number of
29
28
and impeded the establishment of the national bourgeoisie as the effective. Since the turn of the century this system has suffered a
dominant economic and political force. In other words, imperial- crisis and during the period of 25-30 years after World War II,
ism has prevented the national bourgeoisie of the East from and after the world socialist system emerged, it collapsed.
taking the same place in their own countries as the Western bour- The desire for political independence produced an anti-impe-
geoisie have assumed in theirs. rialist front that was united to a certain extent. We say ‘to a
The national bourgeoisie and the intermediate strata attached certain extent’ because in each country it was characterised by
to it (formed from the ever growing stratum of bourgeois and deep social contradictions and each class acted in accordance
petty-bourgeois intellectuals), though not themselves subjected to with its own social and political interests. But the movement for
the same direct and merciless exploitation as the poorer strata of self-determination and national independence served to cement
society, have nevertheless felt keenly their own inequality and unity among anti-imperialist forces. How'ever, the achievement of
subordinate position. But at the same time they possessed much political independence and the collapse of the colonial system
greater possibilities for organisation than the downtrodden and changed this situation. Although a certain differentiation in the
illiterate masses. anti-imperialist front was noticeable earlier, more extensive po-
A special and increasingly influential role in the anti -imperialist larisation began to take place after the achievement of political
front has been played by the emergent working While pre-
class. independence and the collapse of the colonial empires.
capitalist relations or relations transitional to capitalismwere In certain countries, where the united anti-imperialist front was
dominant, it was naturally very small in numbers and closely led by the Communists, socialist revolutions did take place with
linked in the social and psychological terms with the archaic the local bourgeoisie adopting a conciliatory position and largely
structures, being under the influence of centuries-old ethnic, re- joining forces with reaction and imperialism. This w'as the case in
ligious and caste tradition. But now it has gathered strength, as Vietnam, Cuba and a number of other countries. In many
is particularly noticeable in the countries which have seen a con- countries the leading role in the struggle for independence was
centration of foreign capital pumped there by the monopoly played by radical national-revolutionary elements, who adopted
bourgeoisie from the metropolises. certain of the fundamental principles of scientific socialism in
But in general it has been the national bourgeoisie that has led accord with the development of the anti-imperialist and class
those Eastern countries which have risen against imperialism. struggle in their individual countries. In some countries,, partic-
Being better organised and better educated, it had a deeper un- ularly in Africa and the Arab East, such political groupings came
derstanding of its class tasks, possessed considerable ma- to power during the struggle for independence and in others, after
terial resources and held traditional positions of influence, every- the declaration of sovereignty, in the process of separating them-
thing, in fact, which has been unavailable to the working people. selves from the national-bourgeois forces. In this way a group of
This at least was the situation in many individual countries in formed under the leadership of
socialist-orientated countries w'as
the East. But it must be remembered that these countries had the national democrats, and this is a fundamentally new
already formed together with the developed capitalist countries a phenomenon. Naturally these countries receive the support of
single economic system that was governed by imperialism. By the the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries.
early 20th century the working class in the citadels of imperialism of course an anti-imperialist and, to a certain extent, a class
It is
was already a powerful, organised force with its own political The alliance of the proletariat and the national liberation
alliance.
parties and considerable experience of struggle against the bour- movement, w'hen the latter was directed chiefly to the achieve-
geoisie. After the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolu- ment of national independence, w'as also an anti-imperialist and,
tion the struggle of the oppressed peoples for political indepen- to a certain extent, a class alliance.But then it was a matter of
dence and sovereignty acquired hitherto unseen proportions. The alliance between the working class and a relatively united group
peoples gained a powerful support in their struggle for freedom of anti-imperialist class strata, that wore diverse and contra-
and independence, their achievements in that struggle became dictory in their social composition but brought together by anti-
irreversible and as real socialism expanded and strengthened, the imperialist aspirations and leading the struggle against colonial-
movement against the colonial system became more and more ism, the bulwark of world capitalism. This situation has not

30 31
 —

changed today in those countries of the East where the anti-impe- economic independence from imperialism. Many of the economic
rialist, anti-colonialist national-bourgeois forces are in power that principles that lead in the direction of socialism and have been
are capable of leading the struggle
still against economic and polit- tested by time are being put into practice by these countries.
racism and inequality in international relations.
ical colonialism, These include nationalisation of the basic industries, expansion
But the class alliance between world socialism and the and strengthening of the state sector, the introduction of agrarian
national-democratic regimes, i.e., the countries whose domestic reforms that favour the peasantry and gradual industrialisation.
and foreign policies are those of socialist orientation, is of a differ- The revolutionary-democratic wing of national democracy in a
ent kind. History has shown that national democracy, which is in
number of countries is also keen to draw closer to scientific social-
power Asia and Africa, expresses the
in nearly 15 countries in
ism. This of course has nothing in common with the attempts of
interests of the masses of non-proletarian working people, partic- the voluntarists to dress the bourgeois-democratic liberation
ularly the peasantry and the urban petty-bourgeois strata. There- movement tendency which Lenin frequently
into socialist garb, a
fore an alliance between world socialism and national democracy warned which makes its appearance from time to time
against, yet
is primarily an alliance between the victorious working class and
in a number of Afro-Asian countries under the flag of a narrow,
the masses of the working people, whose interests are represented isolated ‘national’ or ‘democratic’ socialism.
by national democracy. National democracy, a phenomenon of the 1960s and 1970s,
These interests are not identical. The petty bourgeoisie has at remains revolutionary democracy only in so far as it adopts an
all times been characterised by duality. Both in the East and the
anti-imperialist position and implements (by its own methods,
West it has functioned as both worker and owner, and even when naturally) socialist orientation. Now, after the collapse of the
the course of history has ‘eroded’ petty-bourgeois property', the colonial empires and the achievement of
political independence
petty bourgeois has for a long time remained unchanged in his by the countries of the East, Lenin's conclusion that it is impos-
duplicity for he still has the desire for the property he has lost sible to be a revolutionary' democrat without taking steps in the
or is about to lose. But there is no doubt that national direction of socialism, fully applies to the situation that exists in
democracy, particularly its left revolutionary-democratic wing the national-democratic countries of Asia and Africa, which have
and this has been shown by the experience gained in struggle chosen the path of socialist orientation. Where nationalism and
and in the far-reaching social and economic changes that have chauvinism flourish without rebuff and anti-imperialist and there-
—
been carried out represents at the present stage of historical fore also anti-capitalist tendencies are artificially restrained, the
development not only the present, but also the future of the struggle against reaction and for social progress is in the final
peoples of Asia and Africa and to a certain extent of some of analysis severely hampered. National democracy of this kind grad-
those of Latin America. ually becomes what Lenin called ‘reactionary democracy' and
The alliance between world socialism and national democracy eventually, after developing into a pro-imperialist and pro-capi-
has taken various forms. The socialist countries, and the Soviet talist force, loses all influence over the masses and even the inher-
Union in particular, have given enormous help to national ent characteristic of democracy itself. The last 10-15 years have
democracy in those cases where it has had to offer political, seen developments of this kind, as for example in the evolution
economic and military resistance to imperialism. In this connec- that has taken place in Egypt.
tion it is worth noting that national democracy cannot expect aid The fighters for freedom,’ said Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev,
of this kind from anywhere else. International social-reformism General Secretary of the CC
CPSU and Chairman of the Presi-
has spoken much in recent years of the ‘injustices’ done, for dium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, ‘have no easy way
example, to the peoples of Southern Africa. But, as usual with before them. They have to work hard to lay the foundations of the
right-wing social-democratic leaders, their words do not accord public economy required for socialism. Tough battles with the
with their deeds. Genuine help
or any other — —
political, economic, diplomatic
is coming only from the socialist community.
exploiting elements and their foreign patrons are inevitable. From
time to time these result in zigzags in the policies of the young
The countries that have chosen the path of socialist orientation stales and sometimes even lead to retreats. But the overall trend
also receive all-round aid from real socialism in their struggle for of development is incontestable. The will of millions of working

32 33
 I
people who have come to know what they are striving for and It should not be forgotten, and this is most important, that the
their place in life is independence
a sure guarantee that national future of the petty-bourgeois masses of the East does not lie in the
will be strengthened and that the social system free from exploita- stabilisation of their petty-bourgeois nature, but in the dynamic
tion and oppression will ultimately be victorious .’ 1 development and predomination of what we have termed their
Thus ‘breakdowns’ of various kinds are possible within the ‘function as a worker’ over their ‘function as an owner’. And this
framework of the national liberation revolution directed against means that national democracy and its left wing, revolutionary
imperialism, and not only from the bourgeois-democratic regim- democracy, have a broad social base and that its alliance with
es, but from the national -democrats too. Of course, they are care- real socialism on a world scale will strengthen.
fully prepared by the forces of international and internal reaction Of course, it would also be a mistake to consider a ‘breakdown’
and immediately exploited by monopoly capital. Playing on chau- in national democracy as something purely superficial and of no

vinism and national prejudices, falsely setting anti-imperialism real political significance. We repeat that such ‘breakdowns’ are

and alliance with the socialist states in opposition to a misguided conditioned by the duplicity of the non-proletarian working mas-
understanding of patriotism and exploiting state corruption, the ses and that this duplicity cannot be overcome in a short period.
imperialists do all in their power to make use of these ‘break- ‘Breakdowns’ damage the common struggle of real socialism and
downs’ in national democracy and deprive it of its revolu- national democracy against imperialism and logically draw the
tionary and democratic character. It can almost be considered a leaders of the countries that developed along the path of socialist
law of development that the departure of a given national-demo- orientation before that and subsequently turned away from it, to
cratic regime from a policy of cooperation with the Soviet Union the adoption of policies against the national interest which
and the other socialist countries is an important sign that such a arouse the indignation and anger of the genuinely revolutionary-
‘breakdown’ either has taken place or is about to take place in the democratic forces, the masses of the people and all anti-imperial-
near future. Experience shows that the worsening of relations ist circles. A ‘breakdown’ in national democracy leads, in the

with the socialist world is immediately followed by a policy of the final analysis, to conciliation with imperialism, which is tant-

gradual restoration of foreign and local capitalism accompanied amount to national betrayal. The only answer to such a move is
by pandering to reactionary elements and the bureaucratic bour- closer solidarity between the forces of world socialism and re-
geoisie and a pro-colonialist, conciliatory stand with regard to volutionary democracy.
imperialism in foreign policy. An objective historical development is moving in this direc-

But do these individual ‘breakdowns’ in national democracy tion. Real socialism has increased aid to the socialist-orientated
its

mean that its political force in the future will lose all revolutionary countries and all the anti-imperialist countries of Asia, Africa and
potential and become ‘reactionary' democracy’ and a neo-colo- Latin America. The struggle of these forces against imperialism
nialist force? By no means. In the first place practical experience and for economic emancipation, progressive social changes and
is against such a conclusion. Despite the degeneration of certain
for a new and more just economic order in the world has made a

national-democratic regimes national democracy as a whole has great contribution to the task of achieving full and complete
considerably expanded in Asia and Africa. We only have to national and social liberation for the oppressed peoples and
consider, for example, the former Portuguese colonies in Africa. consequently to the world revolutionary process.
For all the differences between them and for all the pressure
exerted on them by the West, they chose the road of progressive Lenin's idea for an alliance between the USSR and the national
social transformation. Secondly, the duplicity and instability of liberation movement is one of the unshakeable foundations of the
the non-proletarian strata of working people, which has been policy of the CPSU. The enormous importance of this principle
theoretically proved by Marxism-Leninism and shown by expe- was noted by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, when he said: ‘The socialist
rience, is not something fatal and the balance of trends within this countries, w'here social and national oppression has been done
duplicity has not been established once and for all. away with once and for all, and the new states which have
recently entered the path of national independence and progres-
L. I. Bre/.hnev. The Great October Revolution and Mankind's Progress
'
,

Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, Moscow, 1977. p. 22. sive orientation have a community of purpose in their approach to

34 35
the vital issues of present-day international affairs. are united We sions, does not seek political domination, and is not after military-
by the struggle against imperialism and akin in our devotion to bases. We act as we are bid by our revolutionary conscience, our
the ideals of social progress .’ 1 ‘We are in full agreement with the communist convictions 1 .’

countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America that the last vestiges The foreign policy of the Soviet state provides reliable sup-

of colonialism should be wiped from the face of the earth

.' 2
The port for the liberation processes in the Afro-Asian countries,
CPSU bases itself on the firm and long-term community of inter- as the experience of many countries bears witness. Take Angola,
ests between the Afro-Asian peoples and the peoples of the for example, which received all-round aid from the USSR and
socialist countries and this objective community of interests has other socialist states when the imperialists tried to prevent the
provided a reliable base for the indissoluble friendship and unity setting up of a revolutionary-democratic regime there, or the
between the two great forces of the present day the socialist — countries of the Middle East fighting against Israeli aggression
world and the countries that have been liberated from the colonial supported by US imperialism, or the countries of Indochina,
yoke and are now entering the path of independent progressive which have broken the bonds of neo-colonialism and are building
development. Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev drew attention to the great a socialist society. The fact that more and more of the liberated
importance of unity of action between world socialism and the countries are turning to the Soviet Union and the other socialist
national liberation movement, which he characterised as natural countries for help is not to the liking of the imperialists. But such
allies in the struggle for liberation and independence, for equal is the logic of history and such is the natural result of the Leni-

cooperation between all states and for peace throughout the nist policy of alliance with the national liberation movements
world. The democratic forces of Africa and Asia today arc faced of the oppressed peoples.
with the task of achieving genuine independence and the main Lenin frequendy drew attention to the variety of methods by
obstacle on this path continues to be the involvement of the which imperialist domination is exerted. He showed that impe-
former colonial countries in the world capitalist economic system rialism needs to exploit economically backward countries and
in which the exploited nations participate on vastly unequal make them peripheral to its economic system, and in this the rich
terms. Whereas once the new states were convinced of the and the compradore bureaucratic bourgeoisie, the landowning
impossibility of independent struggle for economic equality, they class and the reactionary military in the Afro-Asian countries
are now planning to change the world economic system through themselves act as its allies. Nor are they its only source of support.
joint action. This struggle for a new economic order has Social and economic backwardness and the concomitant weak-
become prominent in tackling the problem of eradicating neo- ness of the working class in the vast majority of Afro-Asian
colonialist exploitation and has the full support of the socialist countries, centuries-old traditions which divide the people by
community. Furthermore it owes its origins and present strength tribe, by religion and by caste (the vitality of which is frequently
gained by the socialist countries in economic
to the experience exaggerated, for they exist alongside social and economic dif-
cooperation among themselves .and in economic ties with the ferentiation in the industrial centres), general distrust of the
liberated states. oppressor nations, including the proletariat, in such countries as
The efforts of the CPSU to achieve detente in international the result of centuries of oppression, the existence of vast lumpen-
relations implies the total fulfilment of its internationalist duty proletarian strata in the urban centres due to appalling agrarian
to provide aid for the revolutionary movements in the form of overpopulation and the absence of experience in political
economic, political, organisational and military support. Leonid —
democracy all play into the hands of imperialism in its desire to
Ilyich Brezhnev noted: ‘Our party supports and will continue to maintain influence in these countries. This influence cannot be
support peoples fighting for their freedom. In so doing, the Soviet erased quickly, nor will it disappear automatically just because
Union does not look for advantages, does not hunt for conces- one country or another has left the imperialist orbit. Overcoming
it is one of the most important tasks for the socialist transforma-
1
L. I. Brezhnev, Following Lenin's Course, Vol. 5, Moscow, 1976. p. 35 tion of the world. But when we look at the distance the people of
(in Russian).
2 L. I. Brezhnev, On the Foreign Policy of the CPSU and the Soviet State ,
1
Documents and Resolutions. XXVth Congress of the CPSU, Novosli
Moscow, 1975, p- 9 (in Russian).
Press Agency Publishing House, Moscow, 1976, p. 16.

36 37
 October Socialist Revolution, we
the East have travelled since the THE NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT:
realise that never beforehave the regions of Africa and Asia, CONTEMPORARY PROBLEMS
whose population accounts for the greater part of the human race,
witnessed so many radical changes in such a short space of time.
These are the result of an alliance between socialism and the
national liberation movement which is in their mutual interest.
Today we can see clearer than ever before the universality of
Marxism-Leninism, which has revealed the laws of the class
struggle and social development, the growing dialectical intercon-
nection between the national and social aspects of the anti-impe-
rialist movement, the appearance in it of new forms, the establish-

ment of a community of purpose between socialism and the anti-

imperialist struggle of the oppressed nations and the fulfilment of
Lenin's idea for transition to socialism avoiding or cutting short
the capitalist stage of development.
History has shown the scientific character and justice of Lenin’s
predictions, when he said that all the national liberation move-
ments in the colonies and among other peoples oppressed by im- The Great October Socialist Revolution provided new opportu-
perialism would unite behind the Soviet Union. For indeed today nities for the development of the national liberation struggle in the
the peoples of Asia and Africa in the most recent stage of their colonial and seini-colonial countries. No other revolution in his-

struggle have found in the USSR, the entire socialist community a tory, no other country in the world has ever given so much sys-
powerful support for and guarantee of the liberation they have tematic and all-round support for the national liberation move-
won. Lenin showed the objective necessity for unity among the ment as has the Soviet Union.
anti-imperialist forces of the world and for implacable struggle From the earliest days of the October Revolution a firm friend-
with those who from narrowly nationalist positions try to destroy ship and a deep mutual understanding grew up between the

it. He stressed the need to maintain and uphold the independence

Soviet people and the oppressed peoples of the East. For more

of the communist and workers’ movement in the East even in its than 60 years the Soviet state has been building its relations with
most embryonic form and drew attention to the historical impor- the liberated peoples on the principles of peace, freedom, equal-
ity, friendship and mutual assistance. In the history of relations
tance of the broad non-communist, anti-imperialist organisa-
tions, which include the working masses. Lenin showed that the between the Soviet state and the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin
anti-imperialist movement in Asia and Africa would gradually America there has never been a single instance of the former
develop into an anti-capitalist movement. Today the countries making any attempt to gain the lands or wealth of the latter, to
enslave them. The Soviet Union has never tried to create
with a total population of over 150 million have embarked on the
road of socialist orientation. He stressed the remendous role ‘vacuums’ in the East for the setting up of its own military bases
that is to be played by the peasantry of the oppressed countries
or the organisation of an aggressive bloc.

in the subsequent phases of the world revolutionary process.

Lenin and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union have
Today it is clear that the peasantry constitute the largest parti-
always drawn the attention of the Soviet people to the need to
cipating class in the national liberation movements and the provide all-round help for the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin
armed uprising and revolutions that have taken place over the America in their struggle for liberation and in their attempts to
transform society, reconstruct their national economies and take
years, and that bringing the peasantry over to the side of the
the place they deserve in international affairs.
working class (on an international scale and on a national scale
in individual Eastern countries) is a major problem of the near
Two thirds of the territory' of the Soviet Union lies on the conti-
nent of Asia. Dozens of different peoples in the East have for
future.

39
38
centuries lived side by side with. Russia and still have the remains the most important conflict, and this is something
Soviet Union as their neighbour. The peoples who liberated which no contemporary political trend can keep aloof of or ignore
without risking serious mistakes. The Afro-Asian countries are at
1
themselves from colonialism and who are still engaged in the
fight against it, form together with the Soviet Union, the other various stages of a national liberation and social struggle, which is
socialist countries and the international working-class move- adopting different forms and moving at different rates according
ment a powerful force today which stands for independence, But despite the variety of traditions and
to the different situations.
peace, security and social progress. ethnic and social conditions, despite the existence of numerous
The most immediate historical task facing them today is the socio-economic formations and the various levels of development
complete and final destruction of the last vestiges of colonialism of capitalism, the working class and the national bourgeoisie,
and racism. The world has entered a new historical era in interna- despite the contradictions in domestic and foreign policies, all
tional political and economic relations which is marked by a deci- these countries are facing the necessity of continuing the struggle
sive change in the old, colonial principles of international politics for an end to the political influence of imperialism and economic

and the establishment of new, progressive, anti -colonialist prin- dependence on it, and for equal rights in international relations.
ciples whose implementation can lead to full political and
This is most important. All these countries have to make a break
economic equality among all the peoples of the world. (whether radical, or slow and agonising, purposeful or spon-
Many socialist-orientated Afro-Asian countries are today fol- taneous) with the old socio-economic structures under the impact
lowing the Soviet Union, the pioneer of socialism, and the entire of the economic policy pursued by the new state power, whether
socialist community on the road to the building of a progressive, it comes as a result of capitalist development or of socialist-orien-

socialist society. tated development.

And this once more affirms the tremendous importance of the Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev noted that ‘in the developing countries,
Great October Socialist Revolution and its influence on the as everywhere else, we are on the side of the forces of progress,
hundreds of peoples and ethnic groups, who have recently cast off democracy and national independence, and regard them as
friends and comrades in struggle'. This real community of inter-
2
the chains of colonial slavery.
est in the struggle against imperialism and for full national, polit-
ical and economic independence, for the eradication of back-

The majority of liberated countries have maintained staunch wardness and advancement on the road to social progress
anti-imperialist positions. Lenin’s idea for an alliance between provides a basis for coordinated efforts and mutual understanding
the victorious socialist revolution and the peoples of what are now among all the liberated countries, the socialist community and the
the former colonial and semi-colonial countries has never been international communist and working-class movement.

more relevant. But. it has now acquired new dimensions and new The anti-imperialist potential of the liberated countries can be
prospects. The historical experience of common struggle against judged on the whole from the totality- of principles that determine
imperialism that has been gained over the last 30 years has made and characterise their domestic and foreign policies. Genuine
anti-imperialism is inseparable from the struggle for social prog-
this alliance unbreakable, and the two forces of the world revolu-
ress within the former colonial societies. The strengthening of
tionary process together with the international working-class
imperialism’s alliance with the big bourgeoisie, the forces of social
movement will continue to wage the struggle against imperialism,
neo-colonialism and racism. reaction and the new bureaucratic bourgeois elite which has

An evaluation of the part played by the developing countries in taken place in recent years is an incontestable fact, despite the
international affairs must necessarily be based on an analysis of
the dialectics of their similar social structures and the diverse 1
The author does not deal here with problems facing the national libera-
and far-reaching class differentiation which is taking place within tion movement in the Latin American countries which differ greatly from
them. Even so, in all the liberated countries, taken individually or those of the Afro-Asian countries and therefore call for a special investigation.
collectively, it is the conflict with imperialism, the interna- 2 Documents and Resolutions. XXVth Congress of the CPSU,
tional monopolies and contemporary neo-colonialism which p. 16.

41
40
temporary and at times sharp conflicts between these strata and progressive possibilities of the national bourgeoisie. But to write
imperialism. Even during the recent oil crisis attempts were made them off in the present struggle with imperialism would be prema-
distinct from the
to create certain conditions for strengthening this bloc in the ture. Occasionally the assertion is made that as
future as a barrier to the progressive and democratic forces in the period between the two world wars, the national bourgeoisie
liberated countries preventing them from achieving genuine having now achieved state independence has lost all importance
national independence. The vast profits accrued from the rapid as an anti-imperialist force and consequently completely
gone
rise in oil prices have been reinvested by the oil kings of the over to imperialism. The assertion is not new, and its fallacy lies
Middle East (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Iran under the Shah’s in its simplistic nature.
regime, etc.) in real estate and monopoly shares, and this binds The point that with regard to the national bourgeoisie as a
is

them closer to the imperialists and at the same time encourages class (and not toits individual groups, particularly the big mo-

private capital in the Arab East, Northern and Central Africa and nopolists in industry and trade who have preferred a conciliatory
South and Southeast Asia. course to the anti-imperialist line they pursued at an earlier stage)
All of this serves to encourage the opponents of socialist orien- such an evaluation is unrealistic. The upper crust of the national
tation in the liberated countries to draw up new neo-colonialist bourgeoisie, including the representatives of big business, the
coalitions of the exploiters — the rich oil exporters in certain Afro- bureaucratic and the ‘military’ bourgeois elite in certain countries
Asian countries and the monopoly bourgeoisie in the developed are quite prepared to compromise with imperialism and even
capitalist The so-called oil anti -imperialism of the
countries. enter into overt or covert collusion with the imperialist powers.
feudal-bourgeois compradore elite in a number of the oil-produc- This as a rule is an expression of their class position, their political
ing countries cannot hide their anti-national and pro-imperialist limitations and their fear of the further development and
character however much they may try to assume the garb of anti- strengthening of the anti-imperialist movement. By pursuing such
imperialist fighters. conciliatory policies they are prepared to sacrifice national in-
terests (as has been the case, for example, in Egypt, Indonesia
and Thailand). But in the majority of developing countries the
The question of the national bourgeoisie, however, is more policy of the national bourgeoisie, though it is chiefly reformist in
complicated. The Marxist-Leninist evaluation of its duality, its character, is still sufficiently anti-imperialist to permit a certain
objective interest in getting rid of foreign political and economic degree of manoeuvre. Combatting conciliation on the path of
domination, its cooperate with foreign capital
inclination to certain sections of the national bourgeoisie and winning over its
and compromise with imperialism and its desire to identify the more consistent anti-imperialist and democratic elements (po-
licies which are being carried out in a number of
national liberation movement with its own egotistic class interests countries, in-
and act in the name of the whole nation has been borne out by the cluding India, Iraq, Syria and the Philippines) are today among
entire course of the anti-imperialist struggle. As the immediate the most important means for intensifying the national liberation
goals of the national liberation movement are achieved and its struggle. Such policies apply primarily, of course, to the urban
social content expanded, the correlation of progressive and con- middle and petty bourgeoisie and the intermediate strata, which
servative trends in the politics of the national bourgeoisie for the last 15-20 years have shown considerable anti-imperial-
gradually undergoes a change in favour of the latter. Its anti- ist potential and even partly ousted the higher strata
of the na-
imperialist revolutionary spirit diminishes while its conciliatory tional bourgeoisie that came to power in the 1950s and 1960s.
national-reformism increases in direct proportion to the resolute- The question ot the extent to which the national bourgeoisie in

ness and independence with which the working class and the any given country is capable oi maintaining its anti-imperialist
working peasantry make known their demands. This development potential is closely linked with another —
the extent to which it is
has been experienced by all national liberation movements in the capable, if at all, of pursuing a policy of social progress, in so far
20th century. as social progress and anti-imperialism are as inseparable as
In an era of the general crisis of capitalism and socialist revolu- imperialism and reaction.
tion history has not been generous in its assessment of the There is no doubt that the national bourgeoisie in the liberated
42 43
 effective use of
countries in which they are in power are fully aware of their class the foreign monopolies, on the other, prevent the
interests and that to defend them they are capable, if only to a national capital and the creation of a large and varied internal
certain extent, of resisting the imperialist pressure and providing market which can be exploited for the purpose of developing an
a certain economic growth. But then economic growth has also independent national economy. Hence arises the objective neces-
been achieved by openly pro-colonialist regimes. Social progress, sity for social reforms, particularly
agrarian reform, which despite
of course, does not amount only to economic growth, it is a wider their limitations nevertheless offer some hope of partially over-
and more varied concept. As a rough approximation it obviously coming the backwardness and stagnation that were engendered
includes maintaining and defence of national independence on by imperialist exploitation and the social and economic structure
the basis of an anti -imperialist foreign policy, declaration of the of the former colonial-feudal society, which the
new society has
arising
principle of social and economic equality, elimination of the inherited. Finally, the aggravation of social contradictions
vestiges of feudalism, agrarian reform, a gradual increase in living from neo-colonialist exploitation and from the introduction ot

standards, culture and education and economic growth not only compels the national bourgeoisie to im-
capitalist relations also
as the result of an expansion of production, but also from the plement social transformations and make certain concessions to
creation of a state sector which is to be given priority over the the working people.
private sector. A
policy of social progress implies national consol- At a time when the liberated peoples of Asia and Africa are
idation, the struggle against corruption as a dangerous social offered the real possibility of advancement along the
road of
class-
phenomenon, democratic principles of state government and the socialism by adopting socialist orientation, reforms that are
organisation of an effective and simple governmental apparatus. limited and implemented by national capital cannot be consid-
Not every national bourgeoisie is capable of carrying out such ered to constitute real social progress. But in certain circum-
a socially progressive policy. In certain of the developing stances, such national reforms carried out by the ruling bourgeoi-
countries which have chosen the capitalist path, the scope, sie can make a contribution to the national
struggle against reac-
tion and imperialism and clear the way for more
character and rate of social progress are limited by the class inter- consistent
ests of the national bourgeoisie and are therefore not very democratic transformations in the future. It would be unrealistic

to refuse to recognise that the national bourgeoisie, particularly

its
pronounced. But the majority of developing countries can defi-
nitely be said to be energetically upholding their political and nonmonopolist sections, stand in opposition to imperialism and
economic rights in the struggle against imperialism and trying to are trying, admittedly by capitalist methods, to find a way out of
strengthen their independence and raise the level of the social, the situation into which the international monopoly corporations
economic and development of their peoples.
cultural and their neo-colonialist exploitation have driven the liberated
Of course, not altruistic motives that lead the national
it is countries. This is even more so in those countries (like Paki-
stan, the Philippines, Bangladesh, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco
bourgeoisie to implement progressive social transformations, but and
their own interests and requirements. To maintain their position Kenya) where the working class and the working people as a
as the ruling class they are compelled to introduce anti-imperialist whole can find consistent revolutionary solutions to the problems
and anti-feudal reforms. To save their countries from economic of the struggle against feudalism and imperialism, but are
not yet
sufficiently organised to lead social emancipation
collapse and build up their own national economies they often in their

have to limit the profits of the imperialist monopolies. Thus in countries. .

certain countries like India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, The progressive forces, particularly the adherents of scientific
Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, Nigeria, Kenya, the oil-pro- socialism, build their relations with the national bourgeoisie
on
ducing Arab countries, Tran and Turkey, taxes on foreign profits the basis of a dialectical understanding of their dual nature. They
reach up to 80 per cent of gross profit. support such progressive steps as are made by the national bour-
The national-bourgeois rulers are by no means convinced that geoisie and severely criticise its limitations and inconsistency.
economic growth is guaranteed in a weakly developed economy- They cooperate with the left wing of the national bourgeoisie and
through the ‘natural evolution' of capitalism just by increasing stimulate it to greater consistency, radicalism and wage an irre-
capital investment. Traditional structures, on the one hand, and concilable struggle with all forms of its vacillation and compro-

44 45
 ’

were roughly 90 military coups or attempted coups. By

mise with neo-colonialists. This tactics has been pursued now for
1975
some fifty or more years during which solutions have been sought more than 20 of the 46 African states were under the rule of
militarv regimes. In this sort of situation we usually find
that the
to the problem of what attitude the proletarian parties should
subjected to the direct control of the class
adopt towards the national bourgeoisie and national -reformist state apparatus is rarely
anti-imperialism in the developing countries. organisations. number of African countries do not even have
A
In many of the developing countries, particularly in Africa, the such organisations at all or they are set up and controlled by the
Arab East and Southeast Asia, there is no clear social stratifica- state. In this sort of situation the ruling intermediate petty-
tion with the result that neither the bourgeoisie nor the proletariat bourgeois strata become increasingly manoeuvrable and some-
times cease to take account of even the interests of those
social
are capable of leading the anti-imperialist movement in such
countries. This, in turn, brings the middle, or the intermediate groups that stand close to them. This gives rise to new govern-
strata into prominence. There is, of course, no clearly established mental forms in which social development is carried out under the
line of demarcation between these latter and the national bour- control of the armed forces. Often these military
regimes evolve
direction, developing into a new political organi-
geoisie: they are both tightly interconnected and subject to one in a progressive
another’s influence. In certain countries, particularly in Tropical sation of society, carrying out and expanding social and
econom-
Africa and the Arab East, national capital is so weak that it ic transformations. Such was the case
of Egypt under Pres-
would be more correct to refer to bourgeois tendencies in the ident Nasser, in Algeria, Burma, Iraq, Syria, Ethiopia, Benin,
these regimes
dominant intermediate strata, rather than the power of an actual the Congo, Nigeria and other countries. In time
national bourgeoisie. By virtue of their intermediate position begin to acquire constitutional forms of government, although the
these classes can move either to the right or the left, either in the reins of power may remain for a long time in the hands of the
direction of the bourgeoisie or the working people. And military.
frequently the national interests of their countries and the social In situations of this kind state power appears to exist
autono-
contradictions push them towards radicalisation, lesser depen- mously. There is a natural process of its relative alienation from
dence on national-bourgeois elements and the proclamation of society. The army, too, seemingly plays an
independent role as
dress.
socialist ideas. Over the past decade or so such shifts have been the genuine holder of power, whether in military or civilian
observed in many countries, such as Libya, Sierra Leone, Mada- A curious phenomenon has occurred in the Afro-Asian world in
anti-
gascar, Mauritius and even earlier in Tanzania. the recent past in the form of what might be described as
imperialist bonapartism, with the military intelligentsia and
In more recent times major developments have occurred in this the
direction in the former Portuguese colonies in Africa where colo- democratic petty bourgeoisie at the head; as a result of the
nialism was destroyed after a 10-12-year national-revolutionary absence of a clearly defined class structure and of political parties
war and where victory was to a considerable extent aided by an in civil society, the’ army — the anti-imperialist progressive officer
anti-fascist social revolution in Portugal itself. Obviously the coips supported by the rank-and-file soldiers —
assumes political
socialist orientation of the intermediate strata that came to power leadership in the formation of the nation and the state. Undoubt-
in these countries has been broad and far-reaching. Of consider- edly such military leaders —
national revolutionaries brought to
able significance too have been recent developments in India, power as a result of the anti-imperialist movement who have set
where a split has occurred in the national bourgeoisie. Left and themselves the aim of ridding their countries of imperialist and
centrist elements have begun to consistently pursue the anti-impe- neo-colonialist domination, overthrowing decaying monarchies
rialist policy of national independence and take steps in the direc- and destroying the feudal system in the name of social
tion of social and economic changes in the interests of the progress —
arc considerably aided by the socialist world, which
working people. But the ruling Indian National Congress party not only serves to support them in international affairs, but is able
dictator-
did not fulfil its promises. to show them the role and importance of revolutionary
A many of the Afro-Asian countries over the
characteristic of ship during the period of transition to a society of social progress.
past 15-20 years has been the considerable increase in the inde- But at the same time it must be pointed out that the entry of
pendent role of the state superstructure. From 1960 to 1975 there such countries as Egypt (1960-71), Ghana, Mali, Guinea and
47
46
Tanzania on the path of socialist orientation was not the direct on the Asian and African peoples and this has led, at a time when
result of a military coup. It was the result of the evolution of these peoples are awakening to a sense of their own historical
the intermediate strata which began their political activity with a identity, at a time when they are achieving their national indep-

traditional national-reformist programme, but later became con- endence, to the rapid growth of national feeling. Nationalism,
vinced of its inadequacy as a guarantee for independence and whatever its particular brand, is in the final analysis bourgeois or
social progress. petty-bourgeois and this is the case with the feudal and semi-
But this is just one side of the matter. During that same 15-20 feudal nationalism that has been observed in recent decades in
year period there were also examples when the army served to such places as the Yemen, the Arab Emirates, Afghanistan up to
the republican revolution, the feudal-tribal Kurd movement
in
fulfil the reactionary function of crushing the revolutionary forces
and, unless these latter were able to gain control of the army, of Iraq and the tribal-separatist nationalism of the type that was seen
fettering them completely. The intensification of the class struggle in Biafra in Nigeria, etc.
in Indonesia, Ghana, Sudan, and Bangladesh was accompanied I'he types of nationalism are many and
varied and its political
spectrum is broad. It may be progressive at one stage and
by miscalculations on the part of the revolutionary democrats and
another. evolution is lull of
this, combined with the weakness of the progressive political conservative and reactionary at Its

leadership in the army, imperialist pressure, lack of solidarity in contradictions and enormously broad in its range of variations
the anti-imperialist and anti-reactionary front, and individual tac- from the patriarchal -tribal nationalism that led the armed struggle
tical failures by the progressive forces, resulted in the movement against the colonialists in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bis-
along the road of social progress in these countries being sau, to the conciliatory national reformism that has predominated
impeded. In some of these countries (Indonesia, for example) in Egypt since the death of Nasser as well as in
Tunisia, Senegal,
and which has lost or blunted its anti-impe-
reaction was triumphant, while in others (Ghana, Mali, Sudan Zaire and Kenya,
and Bangladesh) the unity and consistency of the anti -imperialist edge.
rialist ,

front was badly damaged. Of considerable importance for an understanding ol national-

ism in the developing countries is the uneven development of
I nations and national states. Almost all the new states that were
This objective complexity and contradictoriness in the position formed, for example, in Africa after the fall ol the British, French,
of the national bourgeoisie and the patriotic petty-bourgeois cir- Belgian and Portuguese colonial empires, gained political
cles is an important factor determining the attitude adopted by sovereignty long before they actually constituted a united nation
the forces of progress towards nationalism in the liberated or group of nations. Mostly they were nothing but a conglomera-
countries. tion of ethnic groups living at the tribal or neighbourly peasant
Anti-imperialist nationalism todayis a dominant force in the commune stage of development. Such states had seen no process
of consolidation among their peoples and bore none of the
distin-
former colonial and semi-colonial countries. It represents a
natural stage in political development in those countries that liber- guishing characteristics of a nation. But these states did have one
ated themselves from colonialism or are still fighting for national —
common and most important feature their waging of an active
independence. It would be wrong to think that nationalism can anti-imperialist struggle (peaceful or armed) against foreign
be overcome by advancing slogans and appeals to the peoples of oppression, a struggle that was supported by the socialist
the liberated countries to renounce it. It is deeply rooted among countries and the international forces of progress and that
the popular masses, particularly the peasantry and the inter- triumphed in overthrowing imperialism thereby giving promi-
mediate strata, as the result of many years of unequal struggle nence to a militant anti-imperialism such as was capable of
against foreign domination and it is interwoven with religions I creating new states before their peoples bore the economic,
(particularly Islam and Buddhism) and with moral values that culturaland territorial characteristics of a nation.
have their origins in the ancient past. Such are the underlying characteristics of nationalism in the
For decades and in many countries for centuries the European, developing countries, an indisputably powerful political force that
Japanese and North American colonisers have cynically trampled demands close attention.
49
48
 It is important to realise that under a bourgeois or petty- death). This type of nationalism is not actively anti-imperialist
and
bourgeois control of the anti-imperialist struggle national ele- out maintain and exploit the privileges of the exploiters
is only to'

ments tend to become, to their own detriment, nationalist, isola- allied’ with foreign capital. There is also the nationalism
of the
tionist, separatist, exclusive, messianic and, in the final analysis, military and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, which has grown out of
chauvinist, which consequently opposes the national to the the dominant position of the military circles and the state appa-
international. ratus. It is a mixed and highly contradictory type,
being both anti-
degree of its antagonism
The transition from the anti-colonial struggle for self-determi- imperialist and anti-communist, the
nation to the building of a national economy and the upholding of one way or the other according to circumstances. here
changing 1

economic sovereignty under conditions of political independence is nationalism which is openly

chauvinistic, anti-communist and
that was already achieved is an important milestone in the evolu- anti-Soviet.And finally there is revolutionary-democratic nation-
Once past it, nationalism gradually begins to
tion of nationalism. alism, that is more or less free from narrow-mindedness, isola-
tion, intolerance, from anti-communism and its variety,
be transformed. From an ideology of struggle for political inde- anti-

pendence bourgeois nationalism tries to become an ideology Sovietism.

Reactionary bourgeois and feudal nationalism of all types culti-
of national and social renewal and the reconstruction of the
old society on a capitalist basis. This is a natural reaction to the vates tribal, caste and clan interests and encourages religious,
new tasks facing the national liberation movement under the ethnic or racial fanaticism and intolerance. It promotes mistrust
leadership of the national bourgeoisie. It needs to be pointed of the socialist countries, spreads illusions about the changing
out, however, that the ideologists of the renewal and recoil nature of imperialism, ignores the necessity tor anti-imperialist
struction of the old society practically never, even in the bour- struggle and alliance with the socialist community, and seeks to
geois Afro-Asian countries developing along the bourgeois replace the concept of the division of the modern world into capi-
and socialist countries by arguments about the ‘rich and
path, openly hold capitalist positions. The most influential talist

and flexible variant of bourgeois nationalism is that type of poor nations’. Finally it is ideologically cut off and seeks to
nationalism which tries to use socialist slogans, thereby pre- prevent scientific class concepts from penetrating society. One of
senting a nationalist ideology that is wearing the garb of social- its worst manifestations is hostility to
the theory' of scientific
ism. socialism and the socialist community and harassment of demo-
Nationalism has many forms and guises. There is bourgeois crats and Communists.
and petty-bourgeois nationalism, and feudal and semi-feudal important characteristic of contemporary bourgeois nation-
An
nationalism as professed by those elements that are gradually alism is the fact that now it does not reduce itself to the quest for
becoming bourgeois and seeking independence. Each of these solutions to national or colonial issues since they have already
types has its own effect on the peasant, proletarian and especially been essentially solved by the achievement of state sovereignty. It
the intermediate urban strata and non -proletarian working mas- now comes out with a definite social and economic programme ol

ses. There is also an anti-imperialist nationalism, which is the itsown. Take, for instance, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore,
ideology of the patriotic sections of the national bourgeoisie Pakistan and a number of other South and Southeast Asian
primarily orientated on the exploitation of the domestic market countries. They have all introduced reforms of a bourgeois
and consequently standing opposition to the rich bourgeoisie
in character in industry, agriculture, domestic and foreign trade and
who and therefore stands in the way
are allied with foreign capital finance. Similarly the non-socialist-orientated countries of Africa
of indigenous middle and petty bourgeoisie. This has been partic- and the Arab East have also introduced bourgeois-democratic
ularly evident in India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Thailand, the Philip- reforms. The purpose of all this national-reformist activity is to
pines, Sri Lanka and a number of other countries. Then there is preserve and strengthen the bourgeois-nationalist leadership.
the compradore nationalism of the new compradore bourgeoisie, Hence the well-known concessions made to the peasantry, the
who have been nurtured on merchant’s usury capital aftei urban petty bourgeoisie and the working class and the encourage-
winning independence and have close ties with the new bureau ment given to national entrepreneurs. Should contemporary
cratic bourgeois elite (as, for example, in Egypt after Nasser’s imperialism actively hamper this, bourgeois national reformism
51
50
goes over to the offensive taking various measures, up to and
including the nationalisation of foreign property.
alliance between anti-imperialist nationalism and the socialist
world.
As for the militant nationalism of the ruling and exploiting
classes (in Saudi Arabia, the Arab Emirates, Indonesia, etc.),
Thus in the last few years there has been a noticeable
it negates the class struggle, underestimates imperialism as the
increase in the Pan-Islamic movement inspired by certain Islamic

main danger and disregards the and rights of the

interests
states. As
they have done in the past the leaders of this movement
try to reactionary Islamic circles on a generally anti-
rally
working people. It bases itself on open anti-communism and
frequently anti-Sovietism. Thus it is certain that an uncompro-
communist platform as a counterpoise to the progressive transfor-
mising struggle with the reactionary aspects of nationalism mations that have taken place in a number of the Middle East and
re-
North African countries that have Moslem populations.
mains necessary today, too. ( Pan-Islamism is not a religion but a class political doctrine. It
Although it is in principle true to say that the reactionary
does not mean the unification of the Oriental peoples against
elements in bourgeois nationalism are growing in proportion to
imperialism as the Pan-Islamists would claim. It is rather an
the intensification of social contradictions, it must not be
ideological and political current aimed at the consolidation of
forgotten that the democratic content of the nationalism held by
the politically oppressed and economically exploited strata,
reactionary, theocratic Moslem circles against the anti-feudal
movement and secular power, against social progress and
classes, ethnic groups, tribes and nations has also increased
democracy. Progressive forces in the countries with large Moslem
during the crisis of the neo-colonial system. An analysis of both
tendencies must determine specifically which is dominant at any populations are conducting a struggle against Pan-Tslamism on
two fronts. They are fighting against the reactionary, chauvinistic-
given period, in which direction it is headed, what kind of struggle
trends of monopoly-bourgeois and feudal nationalism headed by
is taking place between the two tendencies, what classes support
the oil kings of Arabia, who seek conciliation with imperialism,
which tendency and what are their future prospects.
and against their desire to control Islam and use their religious
The historical achievement of the national liberation movement
influence over their populations as a class and political weapon.
over the past 10 or 15 years as part of the world revolutionary
process has been the welding together of a radical revolutionary
Genuinely democratic, anti-imperialist and progressive circles
cannot accept this anti-social and anti-popular exploitation
democratic and left-centrist wing out of a wide variety of anti-
imperialist tendencies and the strengthening of this wing to
of Islam. Of course, the history of the national liberation struggle,

become the leading force of social progress in many of the liber- particularly the bitter armed struggle of the Moslem peoples
which has gone on for centuries first against the crusaders and
ated countries, including the nearly 15 Asian and African
the Ottoman Empire and later against the British, French,
countries that have proclaimed socialist orientation.
German and Spanish colonisers, has known whole periods when
Cooperation between this radical and left-centrist wing and the
this struggle was carried on under the banner of Islam. For Islam
Marxists- Leninists has made it possible to conduct a joint struggle
at the time was the only ideology that expressed protest and
for socialist prospect. This is precisely what Lenin predicted when
opposition to foreign invasion and reflected the desires of the
he said that the oppressed peoples, having taken up the struggle
enslaved peoples for liberty and independence.
against imperialism, w-ould eventually come to fight capitalism as
But today it is not that the conservative essence of this reli-
such, for the petty bourgeoisie, that forms the popular base of
gion has found new historical confirmation. Democrats, anti-im-
anti-imperialist nationalism, would launch an offensive against
perialists and progressives do not want to see Islam given over to
capital. The period of such an offensive has, to all intents and
reaction so that its egalitarian and anti-imperialist attributes
purposes, begun.
can be used against democracy and social progress.
In this connection recent events in Iran (1978-79) are of
particular interest. What happened essentially was that a popular
Recent years have seen increasing desire among the reactionary
movement, directed against the monarchic system, which was
bourgeoisie and landowners to use religion and religious bodies in
politically and militarily allied to US imperialism, gained rapid
their struggle against the adherents of social progress and the
momentum during this period and attempted the overthrow of the
52
53
 B

was victorious and a republic was society and overcome the disparity that was observed even within
•king of kings'. The revolution
the dominant classes themselves, the rulers banned all political
proclaimed in the country.
parties in March 1975 and decreed the formation of the Iran
For monarchists inside and outside Iran the revolution came as
National Resurgence Party which supposedly expressed the inter-
a bolt from the blue. For the previous quarter of a century the
ests of all sections of Iranian society. This party was dissolved
monarchist regime had done all in its power to clear the way for
after the first mass demonstrations in summer 1978.
the development of capitalism both in the cities and in the
countryside. Intensive development of the country’s productive
The ‘white revolution’ had involved the attraction of foreign
capital to introduce advanced technology and this led to the
forces was begun on a capitalist basis under what was termed the
formation of a new chain of contradictions. The national bour-
•white revolution’ and these transformations even affected the
geoisie and associated strata soon began to feel their subordinate
social infrastructure in the form of education and the health
position in relation to foreign capital and its neo-colonialist meth-
services.
But Iran’s development on capitalist lines under US neo-colo-
ods. In the economy, just as in the military and political spheres,
the leading role was played by the United States, which became
nialist patronage gave rise to sharp contradictions both
in the
particularly noticeable after the oil price increases in autumn
economic and in the social sphere. The rapid accumulation of
capital intensified the contradictions between it and labour.
1973. The Iranian monarchy and its US patrons were trying to
turn the country into an American military and political base
Growing large-scale capitalist production brought ruin to the arti-
against the Soviet Union, and to control the world important
sans and small entrepreneurs. Agrarian change in the villages
reserves and communications in the Persian Gulf and the
drove landless peasants to the cities to swell the numbers of
oil

unemployed. Thus the ‘white revolution’, the ‘revolution from Arabian Sea. They aim by stockpiling enor-
realised this

above’ resulted in a highly inflammable social and economic mous quantities of USand technical hardware at
military

crisis.
stupendous cost, which in its turn brought a flood of US military
Popular discontent was further increased after the coup and experts and advisers. Regional hegemonism in the Persian Gulf

the overthrow of the Mossadcq government in 1953 when the

and part of the Indian Ocean became one of the dominant
characteristics Iranian foreign policy with the Iranian
Shah ceased to be a constitutional monarch and became a virtual in

autocrat. The intelligentsia, the students, the patriotic representa-

monarchy seeing itself as the gendarme of the Gulf. One of the

tives of the national bourgeoisie and the Shiite religious leaders

first acts in this was the sending of troops into Oman to
direction

protested against the flouting of constitutional freedoms and cur-

crush the liberation struggle which the partisans were leading
against Sultan Cambyscs. The monarchy accomplished a sense-
tailment of civil rights. The demand for the upholding of constitu-
less militarisation at a rate that was out of all proportion to the
tional liberties and the democratisation of social life became the
size of the country and which, as was shown by the revolution,
slogan for increasingly larger sections of Iranian society.
Political tension grew, particularly in the towns. Official press
was carried out in the interests of US imperialism. Clear confir-
statements referred to labour conflicts and the prosecution of mation of this came with the removal of the AWACS (Air-
those who acted against the regime. But feelings of deep discon- borne Warning and Control System) which the US military had
installed on the shores of the Caspian to spy on the Soviet Union
tent continued to grow and find their unambiguous expression in
a rising mass movement of opposition.
and the transference of F-14s with the help of Israeli pilots from
But the country’s rulers paid no heed to these ever increasing Iran to bases in Saudi Arabia.

signs of discontent. They chose not to remember the great revolu- The enormous increase in oil revenues in 1974 served as the
tionary traditions of the Iranian people and their courage and catalyst for all these developments, which were intensive enough

readiness for self-sacrifice, which had been clearly shown during even before that. Tn the first place, as a result of the rapid accele-
the revolutions of 1905-12, during the Gilan revolution in 1919 ration in industrial production, certain branches of the infrastruc-

and in the struggle for the nationalisation of the foreign oil ture showed themselves to be weak points in the economy.

companies in the early fifties. Expenditures during the fifth development plan almost doubled;
In an attempt to "conceal the class antagonisms of Iranian coupled with an increase in state credit to the private sector, they

54
provided particularly favourable conditions for embezzlement, shared the social aspirations of the ordinary Iranians who

quick profit-making and shady dealing. A

new class of nouveaux dreamed of equality and justice. Their sermons expressed these
riches sprang up for whom wealth without ostentation had no moods and put them into ways that were understandable to the
importance. In a comparatively short time the already blatant masses. The repressions that were carried out against the Shiite
contrasts between the luxurious residences in the north of Teheran priesthood by the secret police only served to increase the
and the hovels in the south became even sharper. It is hardly popularity of the religious leaders, by turning them into martyrs
surprising that this ostentatious wealth and extravagance led to a who were good of the common people.
suffering for the
deepening of the gap between rich and poor and an intensifica- Thus Shah
the and his entourage were virtually unable to
tion of social contradictions. exploit Shiism and the Shiite priesthood as a weapon for strength-
During the course of the Shah’s reforms, and largely as a result ening the despotic rule. This explains why the Shah and the
of them, the consciousness of the masses began to change. For ideologists of the Shah’s regime propagandised the magnificence
more than half a year Iran witnessed a wave of demonstrations in of the pre-Tslamic monarchist structure in Iran. Tt explains why,
which the most varied strata of the city's population took part. for example, in March 1976 the Moslem calendar was replaced
The highest level of consciousness was shown among the oil by a new system of dating which ran from the year 558 B. C,
workers who called a general strike that paralysed the core of the when Cyrus', founder of the Achaemenid dynasty', became ‘king of
economy. They were joined by civil servants, and workers in the kings’ in Iran. There were also a number of administrative and
communications, transport services and the airports.Thus, by the legislative measures objectively aimed at undermining the posi-

late seventies the ‘white revolution’, that is the bourgeois revolu- tion and authority of the Shiite priesthood. But in the end they all

tion from above, had become one of the causes that brought proved futile. Furthermore, they only served to intensify the
about the collapse of the monarchist regime. struggle between the main body of the Shiite priesthood and the
The pioneers of this movement, that developed into a revolu- Shah's regime and turned Iranian Shiism into the banner of a
tion, were the religious leaders of the Shiite sect. And it was this mass anti-despotic, anti-imperialist popular movement.
which gave the whole movement the appearance of being reli- It was this appeal by the Shiite priests to the masses and their

giously inspired. But the solidarity of millions of workers was desire to express the faith of the Iranian workers in social justice,
determined by the democratic, anti-monarchist and anti-impe- that in 1978-1979 formed the political basis for the so-called
rialist slogans which these leaders put forward. The revolution populist Islam, for unity between the religious Shiite leaders, the
in Iran was thus one more demonstration of the fact that in the broad democratic sections and the forces of national democracy.
Moslem East mass democratic movements tend not only to As events showed, the sole bulwark of the monarchy was the
adopt a religious guise but to be carried out under the banner army. But over the years doubt and hesitation had begun to creep
of Islam. Similar movements have been known in many of the into its ranks so that when it was finally confronted by the people

African and Asian countries: Sudan, Indonesia, India, the Yemen, in armed revolt it fell apart.

Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Algeria and Iran. The peasantry, oppressed by debt and lacking sufficient land,
In the specific situation obtaining in Iran, where all progressive also gave their full support to the revolutionaries.

political parties and public organisations had cither been broken Being essentially a national liberation movement, the revolu-
up by the SAVAK secret police or forced to go underground, tion in" Iran was aimed at the social, political and economic
Shiism became the only political anti-imperialist and anti-des- renewal of Iranian society. In the social and political sphere it did
potic force capable of expressing the opposition of the broad away with the Shah’s dictatorship and its apparatus of coercion
popular masses to the Shah's regime. that had discredited itself in the eyes of the people through its
Dozens of thousands of Shiite priests, who preached their anti-national policies, and established a republic in the country.
sermons in the mosques, came largely from the people, being the Economically the revolution aimed to free the country from neo-
sons of artisans, small shopkeepers, peasants, clerks and teachers, colonialism and conduct a genuinely sovereign foreign and
who had received the traditional religious education. They lived domestic policy —
all these aims received wide support from all

among the people and knew their hardships and suffering. They over Iranian society.

57
56
 ITie motive force of the revolution in its early stages was tation, establish democratic freedoms and raise the workers’ stan-
—
provided by the urban middle classes the petty bourgeoisie (the dard of living. In foreign policy they want to see the cancelling of
artisans, traders), office workers and students. A great role was all the military and political agreements that have been foisted
played by the impoverished townspeople deprived of work, the upon the Iranian people, as well as the safeguarding of territorial
roof over the head and any means of subsistence. Among the integrity, a strengthening of national independence and equal
demonstrators there were many women and, of course, the Shiite rights for all the nationalities.
religious leaders took an active part in the processions and ‘'The attitude of the CPSU and the Soviet Government towards
demonstrations. the revolution in Iran was expressed by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev
The brutal suppression of these demonstrations by the army, far when he said that the events in Iran were the affair of the Iranian
from weakening the movement, led to more violent and bitter people alone and no one should intervene in them. The borders of
response. In answer to the shooting of the demonstrators a Iran and the USSR ought to be the borders of peace, good-neigh-
general political strike was called. In the first plaec the oil workers bour relations, friendship and cooperation.
halted the production and export of oil, which deprived the state Communists, of course, have never tried to hide the fact that
of revenues in currency, threatened the country with a severe they are atheists, but together with revolutionary democrats, edu-
shortage of petroleum products and paralysed the state’s eco- cationalists and other progressive peoples in the East, they have
nomic mainstay. The general political strike, which is a specif- always observed great tact in their relations with Islam and never
ically proletarian class method of struggle, united the whole of the advocated the abolition of religion. Even so reactionary Pan-
people against the monarchy, the army, the Shah’s guards and the Islamists and imperialist politicians and ideologists have done all
security services. in their power to turn the faithful against Communists and demo-
And it was this combination of mass demonstrations by the crats and convince the religious masses that socialism and Islam
urban middle classes with strikes by workers in many different are age-old enemies. Progressive and democratic organisations in
industries as a result of clear understanding by the working class the Islamic countries have never opposed scientific socialism in
of the aims of the revolution that made it the most dynamic force their ideological and political activity to Tslam. On the contrary,
in the revolution and guaranteed it success. they stress that the traditional moral, social, and egalitarian
During the last five years the autocratic regimes in three characteristics of Islam do not contradict the struggle for social
Oriental countries —Ethiopia, Afghanistan and Iran —have been progress or the principles of scientific socialism in economic,
overthrown, showing clearly the strength of the revolutionary social and cultural development, and that those circles and classes
movement in the East. The first two of these states have chosen that are most frenzied in their attacks on socialism, constantly and
socialist orientation, and now the third country, the former flagrantly violate the social and ethical principles of Islam. This
kingdom of the Shah, which for many decades has gone along the was most convincingly shown in recent years in the People's
road of capitalism, has entered a new stage of its development. Democratic Republic of Yemen, Algeria, Iraq and a number of
Judging by the programme of its revolutionary leaders, Iran other socialist-orientated Islamic countries, where the revolu-
now intends to pursue a policy of decisive struggle with imperial- tionary democrats had frequently to expose the counter-revolu-
ism, oppose its intervention in the internal affairs of other tionary agitation and subversive activity of the Pan-Islamic fanat-
countries, defend the interests of the oppressed masses and stand ics in the people’s courts and at the same time draw attention to
up against the nouveaux riches and the extremes of the Western the fact that the basic canons of Islam forbid the exploitation of
way of life. Iran has left CENTO. man by man, usury and corruption.
The Iranian people expect their new Islamic Republic to The of communist, revolutionary-democratic and
critical thrust
successfully complete the anti-monarchist, anti-imperialist educationalist thought is directed not against nationalism and
people’s revolution, do away with militarisation and establish a Islam in general, but against reactionary nationalism and the
peaceful policy of non-alignment. Progressive forces in the fanatic exploitation of religion to justify the exploitation of the
country which supported the creation of the Islamic Republic be- people and its poverty and misery.
lieve that it ought to guarantee full independence, abolish exploi- In the democratic and progressive struggle against reactionary

ts 59
 nationalism and Pan-Islainism a stable alliance is possible be- If we take the experience of non-capitalist development from
tween those religious believers, whose political positions are anti- the days of the Mongolian revolution right up to present-day
first

imperialist and patriotic. And these are in the majority. Under- developments in Africa and Asia, we can establish at least three
standing of the necessity for such an alliance has in a number of main dangers which face any attempt to avoid or curtail the capi-
Afro- Asian countries led to cooperation between adherents of talist stage of development.

scientific socialism and the left and centrist democratic wings of

the nationalists. Such cooperation can only be to the benefit of the First: underestimating the reactionary role of the feudal-land-
people and strengthen the positions of all democratic forces. owning system and patriarchal-feudal and tribal relations that
hold back the revolutionary activity of the peasantry, and prevent
the country from advancing, especially in its agrarian-peasant
There is a tendency among certain writers and political structure, which leads to the revolutionary leadership becoming
commentators to idealise non-capitalist development in the Afiro- divorced from the peasantry, i.e., the mass of the population.
Asian countries that have adopted socialist orientation in domes- Second underestimating the many and varied elements of capi-
:

tic and foreign policy. This is because the developments that have talism that are spread at various levels throughout an economic
taken place in Mongolia and in the Soviet Central Asian Repub- System which is trying to prevent capitalism from becoming the
lics have been identified with those of recent years that have taken inevitable and dominant force in its development. The essence of
place in the East. But such an identification forgets the fact that this danger consists in the fact that it may lead —and in the
in the socialist-orientated countries it is not Marxist- Leninist, but absence of the right policies actually does lead to —the strength-
left-democratic and nationalist forces that are in power and ening of capitalist relations, the class stratification of the
implement non-capitalist development and that there is no social- peasantry and the growth of the strata of the rich peasants
ist dictatorship of the working class there. This is what farming in a capitalist way. And this in turn leads to the consoli-
distingui-
shes the experience of these countries in principle from that of the dation of bourgcois-landowner-rich peasant reaction, allied with
Soviet Central Asian Republics. Kazakhstan, the Ear North and imperialism and capable of opposing the revolutionary-demo-
the Soviet Far East. cratic state and even overthrowing it if this bloc is not given the
But though the two forms of development are not identical, necessary rebuff from the state and the people.
they have certain things in common. There is a definite kinship Third: ignoring the ethnic, national, cultural, historical and
between the historical struggle of Mongolia and certain of the
psychological characteristics of a people that has been gradually
Eastern countries, particularly in relation to the transition from moving away from the capitalist path of development and is
pre-capitalism (or the early phase of capitalist development) to striving to build a progressive socialist-orientated society. This
socialism. danger is considerable particularly if there is any mechanical
Not only Mongolia, but also the Soviet Republics of Central copying of the transition to socialism in the highly developed or
Asia, Kazakhstan, the North Caucasus, the Far North, Siberia, medium developed capitalist countries and consequently disre-
the Soviet Far East and many Afro- Asian socialist-orientated gard of the fact that the general laws of any transitional period
countries provide excellent confirmation of Marx’s and Lenin’s manifest themselves both in time (the stages and rates of transi-
theories about the possibility of avoiding or curtailing the capi- tion) and space (local and regional peculiarities).
talist stage of development among the backward nations. But no In all three cases there is the potential, constantly existing
matter how much this
basis, political leadership, the
experience differs — as regards the class danger that the reactionary classes and strata that stand in oppo-
sition to social progress will set themselves against the strength-
forms and methods of implement-

tially akin
and internal and external conditions it is essen-
ing their policies
so far as it makes it more or less possible to
in
— ening of the revolutionary -democratic state, its internal policies
for change and its anti-imperialist foreign policy in the hopes of
completely avoid, interrupt or substantially curtail the capitalist impairing relations with the Soviet Union and other socialist
stage of development. And it is this which Marx, Engels and countries. The events of the last decade in Egypt, Sudan and
Lenin had in mind. Indonesia are examples of this.

60 61
 But the recent proclamation of scientific socialism as the offi- socialism’ in Africa and Asia with the ‘democratic socialism’ of
cial ideology in a number of national-democratic movements (the the European social-democrats, so as to check the spread of
People’s Republic of the Congo, the Democratic Republic of The conference of African nationalist parties
scientific socialism.

Madagascar, the People’s Republic of Benin, the People’s Repub- in 975) which was held under the patronage of
Tunisia (February 1

lic of Angola, the People’s Republic of Mozambique, Socialist Senghor and Habib Bourguiba in cooperation with right-wing
Ethiopia and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen) European social-democrats, is a clear example of this.
leads to the conclusion that the peoples of the liberated coun- That revolutionary democrats have adopted and put into prac-
tries are intensifying their struggle for socialist-orientated de- tice certain aspects of scientific socialism, especially those relating
velopment. to economics, is obvious proof of the existence of certain political

This acceptance by revolutionary democrats of certain of the trends in their midst. But when the socialist consciousness among
principles of scientific socialism is taking place in conditions of the masses is weak and the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois strata
the discrediting of nationalism, particularly in its most tenacious are exerting continuous pressure, such political trends arc, more
conservative aspects, i.e., the discrediting of political slogans, often than not, evidence of belief in the magical effect of words
concepts and terminology which have been adopted by the differ- and the need to introduce new slogans in place of the old ones
ent types of nationalism. This process takes place gradually, by that have to some extent lost their effectiveness.
stages. First of all some of the leaders of the national liberation Declarations by the revolutionary democrats on their allegiance
movement began to adopt the word socialism and decided sound sincere enough. But
to the principles of scientific socialism
that it was not as dangerous as they used to believe in the itshould not be forgotten that the ideology which revolutionary
fifties and that it could externally be compatible with national democrats identify with scientific socialism often has no real
reformism. Hence the slogan ‘national socialism' which social or party base. It can frequently amount to mere phrase-
was adopted in Indonesia (under Sukarno), partially in Egypt ology which has found no real response among the people, the
(until the sixties), Tunisia, Singapore, Sri Lanka (under S. Ban- workers or even the leadership itself. But as always in such
daranaike), Iraq (under Kassem and Arcf) and a number of other matters, it is practice that counts. Practice, that is, real politics, is

countries. It was later recognised in many Asian and African the only criterion of adherence to scientific socialism and is the
countries that ‘scientific socialism' was a more effective and decisive test for all who claim to have adopted it.
acceptable term since both in form and content it was more
suitable as a means for actively influencing the masses.
The use of this term by a number of revolutionary-democratic Contemporary revolutionary democracy continues to base itself
parties (the Baath Party, the Front of the National Liberation of on what is for the liberated countries the main irreconcilable
Algeria, the Congolese Party of Labour, the Arab Socialist Union antagonistic contradiction with imperialism, rieo-colonialism and
of Egypt under Nasser, etc.) in the sixties and seventies was racism. It is this which gives rise to the imperative necessity for a
already connected with serious class changes in favour of the consistent progressive foreign and domestic policy accompanied
working people and with foreign and domestic policy shifts in by the structural transformation of society in the interests of the
some countries towards social progress. On a number of impor- nation as a whole and the working people in particular.
tant questions of Marxist-Leninist theory (particularly its eco- In their struggle to achieve these aims the revolutionary demo-
nomic and social aspects) these parties drew closer to the position crats have come a considerable way. In Syria, the People’s De-
of the CPSU and the other communist parties. At the same time mocratic Republic of Yemen, Libya, Algeria, Egypt (until
bourgeois nationalist leaders like Leopold Sedar Senghor 1971), Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, the People’s Republic of the Con-
announced that ’national socialism* is genuinely scientific and go, Angola, Mozambique, Tanzania, Madagascar, Burma and
‘democratic’ as distinct from communist ideology. Senghor and others, serious limitations have been imposed on foreign capital
his party joined the Socialist International and this has given rise and national private capital (with occasional concessions to
to the increasing desire, supported by European social-democrats the latter). In some cases the foreign corporations have been
and the Socialist International, to identify the concept of ‘national completely taken over, while feudalism has been seriously under-

62 63
mined and its vestiges all but done away with in agrarian relations. assume the complex task of deepening the revolutionary process
All large industrial enterprises and a considerable proportion of towards a transition to socialism, has only just begun.
medium ones have been nationalised with the result that the According to the programme documents of the revolutionary-
newly-created state sector controls between 30 and 80 per democrats (the Congolese Party of Labour, the Democratic Party
cent of gross industrial product and accounts for 60 to 80 per of Guinea, the Charter of the Socialist Revolution of the FNL in
cent of capital investments. The state sector in all the socialist- Algeria, the Arusha Declaration in Tanzania, the programmes of
orientated countries has become a powerful economic force. the MPLA in Angola and FRELIMO in Mozambique, the
But private capital still has a wide sphere of activity and Programme of the National Democratic Revolution in Ethiopia
continues to spring up spontaneously. The peasantry, the artisans and the Documents of the Burma Socialist Programme Party),
and the small traders and producers form a considerable part of they see their major aims in socialist-orientated countries to lie in
the population in the liberated countries. They are socially differ- strengthening their political and social positions, in repelling reac-
entiated from the rest of the population and are a fertile source of tion and imperialism and in preparing, on the basis of the
bourgeois tendencies in economics, ideology and politics. Differ- successes already achieved, the gradual and systematic transition
entiation between the small-scale producers in the towns and in to a new stage of progressive social development. They expect
the countryside, market relations, hired labour, machinery and that within a period of20-25 years, with the help of the socialist
growing property and class inequality serve to generate capital- community, a reliable economic foundation will be built by the
ism. Thus the fate of socialist orientation as an approach to people which will make it possible to overcome social, economic
socialism is decided, from the point of view of the internal corre- and technical backwardness.
lation of forces, in close connection with the transformation of Though they have experienced temporary setbacks due to the
agrarian relations and of the numerous artisan, semi-industrial intensification of the social struggle, the resistance of imperialism
and trade enterprises in the towns. It is a question of whom the and internal reaction, the revolutionary democrats in the socialist-
peasantry, the artisans and millions of small shopkeepers will orientated countries have built, so to speak, a working model of
follow and which orientation they will choose: will they join the non-capitalist development in the national economies and are try-
working class, the progressive socialist intelligentsia, or will they ing to introduce socialist orientation into all spheres of social life.

align themselves with the national bourgeoisie? The struggle for This requires economic and political stability and guaranteed pro-
the transformation of peasant agriculture and artisan production gressive social and economic development, which though perhaps
on cooperative, non-capitalist lines is in its beginnings. Only in a slower than the revolutionary leadership would like is nevertheless
few of the socialist-orientated countries like Algeria, Iraq, the constant. It is this which the best representatives of revolutionary
People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen, Burma and Tanzania democracy see as their prime objective and it is this which consti-
has this question gone beyond the bounds of pure discussion and most important international task for the socialist-orien-
tutes the
become of practical importance. tated countries.
The non-capitalist path of development as the basis for socialist There is good reason to believe that in the coming 20-25 years
orientation manifests itself today in democratic transformations the correlation of class forces in the liberated countries will see a
and clears the way, as it were, for a possible future transition to growth in the active role of the working people and the working
the direct struggle for introducing socialist relations in society. class in a left anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist bloc. The potential of
This is quite natural and should not be regarded as evidence of such a bloc is far from being exhausted. And there is every possi-
lag. The implementation of elementary democratic transforma- bility that such a bloc will become a reality in the foreseeable
tions is only the beginning and in these conditions a compara- future.
tively large amount of work has to be done so that subsequent In a number of countries a gradual rapprochement is taking
acceleration in the onward movement can be achieved. place between the national-democratic and Marxist -Leninist par-
The socialist-orientated countries are becoming the vanguard ties on the basis of scientific socialism. Favourable conditions

of the national liberation movement. But within these countries have arisen for joint activity and for effective and honest mutual
the formation of relatively mass vanguard parties which could cooperation in the interests of the people and progressive national

64 65
fronts which include both parties have been formed. All of this The history of the Arab world, particularly during the period of
goes to show that the tactics of forming a left bloc of forces struggle for national liberation and state independence, has pro-
opposed to imperialism and reaction is effective. But at the same vided innumerable examples of unity and solidarity of action
time active anti-communist groupings continue to function by the Arab peoples. And yet during the last 10-15 years the
amongst the revolutionary democrats and nationalist revolution- national -democratic parties of such countries as Iraq and Syria,
aries. They aim at disrupting the unity and impairing the coop- which have similar class roots and hold similar views on funda-
eration between the forces of the left bloc and setting the revo- mental issues, have frequently waged war upon each other. Rela-
lutionary democrats and anti-imperialist national reformists at tively unimportant differences were artificially blown up and sub-
variance with the working class and the Communists. jective contradictions given paramount importance with the result
In a number of national-democratic countries (Algeria, for that political consolidation on a broad anti-imperialist and social
example) the communist parties are not recognised although base could not be achieved. In other words, these contradictions
Communists actively support the progressive measures of the have become a stumbling block in the way of a united anti-impe-
government and together with the left wing of the national libera- rialist front of all democratic and progressive forces. Extensive
tion front oppose reaction and imperialism. In other countries alienation which at times developed into internecine struggle be-
where Communists have entered the national progressive fronts, tween progressive forces was the characteristic feature of certain
attempts have been made to limit their activities and international stages in the national liberation movement in a number of Arab
connections,- even though successful cooperation between revolu- countries.
tionary democrats and Communists is an important condition for The coming to power of one progressive national-democratic
the advancement of such a country to social progress. party was usually accompanied by an attempt to exclude all the
It would not be out of place at this point to consider the forma- other progressive parties and organisations from social and polit-
tion of progressive fronts in certain of the Arab countries, where ical life so as to win for itself undisputed monopoly. The party or
this process has gained some ground. The most natural question its most powerful faction heading the regime aimed at crushing all

that arises in this connection is why the Arab countries have, even the other progressive organisations, which were looked upon as
those with progressive regimes which are more or less the same rivals, though they did not lay claim to power and were only
politically and socially, been unable to achieve an optimum effec- seeking together with the other anti-imperialist forces to honestly
tive unity of action indispensable in the current international serve the people and cooperate with the ruling party. Such a situa-
situation and particularly in the struggle against Israeli aggres- tion, of course, did nothing to help the fulfilment of the working
sion, imperialism and reaction. people’s aspirations and only served to prevent them from being
The main reason for this seems to be rooted in the fact that the drawn into socio-political and state activity. Political struggle
anti-imperialist, progressive and democratic forces have long finally manifested itself an intensification of contradictions
in
been disunited in the various Arab countries and have not only within the ruling party, in the imposition of limitations or even a
opposed, but have even been engaged in fighting against each formal ban on the other national-democratic and progressive par-
other. This situation has remained unchanged in many Arab ties and in the harassment of the adherents of scientific socialism.

countries and today the anti-imperialist and progressive forces are The result of this was that a potentially anti-imperialist political
riven with internecine strife. regime ended up, as it were, hanging in the air, for it had no stable
Clearly firm unity between anti-imperialist, national-demo- social base and was increasingly forced to seek support in the
cratic and progressive forces can only be achieved in the Arab army, which itself contained a considerable number of right
world on the basis of an alliance between all these forces in each oppositionist and openly reactionary elements that were out to
individual country. Calls for all-out anti-imperialist unity are, of reverse the direction of the country’s development.
course, important and necessary, but if they are not realised even But in recent years a markedly positive shift has taken place in
in the political life of individual countries they frequently remain relations between the progressive parties and organisations,
no more than abstract, ineffectual hopes in relations between including the Marxist parties, in a number of Arab countries.
Arab countries, too. Dialogue constantly going on between those forces that hold

66 67
 is aimed at achieving
the anti-imperialist progressive positions people, whose vital interests lie in the victorious outcome of the
closer cooperation between them. But cooperation between
revolution. The national-democratic character of political power
national-democratic and Marxist forces and their joint efforts after the formation of a front of progressive forces does not
in the interests of the working people are visibly
more effective
undergo any fundamental change. It remains in the hands of a
when definite political and organisational forms are found. In
bloc of social forces which stand together on a platform of anti-
a number of Arab countries this is being achieved with the
imperialism and social progress. But the formation of such a front
formation of a united national front of progressive forces, as a allows a regime to consolidate its position and repose on a broad
political
result of which the masses are rallied behind the various social base which includes the working class, the peasantry, the
parties on a common platform of persistent struggle against impe- working intelligentsia, the petty bourgeoisie and in certain cir-
rialism and reaction and for social progress and cooperation cumstances part of the middle bourgeoisie, if the latter do not
between all progressive forces. oppose revolutionary transformations in property relations (i.e.,
In a number of socialist-orientated Arab countries there is an in land, industry and other types of property) or the state’s
obvious desire, which assumes its own specific form in each domestic and foreign policy. By widening its social base in this
country, for closer relations and cooperation between national way, the regime can help to bring about positive changes in the
democrats, Marxists-Leninists and other progressive elements activities and structure of the executive bodies of power, develop
within the framework of a national anti-imperialist front or coali- closer relations between them and the people, and promote the
tion of progressive forces. But though this is a process which
can
democratisation of the army, the people’s militia, the police and
has
only serve to benefit the national-democratic revolution, it the security services.
been preceded by long years of vacillation and indecisiveness
and widening the social base of
At the same time strengthening
nurtured by mutual distrust. Many leaders of the democratic, the national-democratic regime by the formation of a united front
progressive wing of the national liberation movement are coming of progressive parties and organisations allows the working
to realise more and more that all those, who oppose
imperialism
people to conduct a more effective and resolute struggle against
and reaction and stand for social progress, i.e., for the elimination
the capitalists and landowners and all kinds of national and
of the exploitation of man by man irrespective of party member-
foreign exploiters. This is especially important in those Arab
ship, nationality, religion or world-outlook, can find a common countries which have taken the road to social progress, for there
platform on which to actively promote social and economic internal reaction which has exploited the difficulties that arose
progress and strengthen political independence. after the June 1967 defeat, are particularly active, and often
The objective historical necessity for the formation of a broad successfully so, in their attempts to prevent the implementation of
anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist front of progressive forces social and economic transformations and retain their lost posi-
comes primarily from recognition of the fact that no single class be pulled off the path
tions, so that ultimately their countries will
force or single political party in a liberated country that has of progressive social development and be run along Western,
entered the stage of national-democratic revolution, can cope capitalist lines. This is also the intention of reactionary attempts
with the tasks presented by such a revolution even with the to sow the seeds of distrust in relations with the USSR and turn
support of the army and the state apparatus. patriotic circles against it.

The national-democratic rulers have usually come to power as It is justsuch a united front of progressive forces, guaranteeing
the result of military and political coups. To implement
their
as it does a mass social base for the national-democratic regime,
constructive programmes for progressive change they are forced that is capable not only of delivering a rebuff to external and
to widen their social base and turn the military-political dictator- internal reaction, but of inflicting upon it a resounding defeat.
ship of the army which brought about the coup into a national-
democratic dictatorship of the people without which the construc-
—
Such an ultimate aim the elimination of imperialist and reac-
tionary influence in internal and external affairs and the imple-
tion of a new state and a new society would be impossible. mentation of social, economic and political transformations in the
Solving the radical problems of reconstruction inevitably
demands the active, conscious participation of the working
interests of the people — can motivate the advanced parties and
organisations to unite their efforts in a voluntary alliance although

68 69
their differences are sometimes quite substantial over matters of undesirable friction. They can also provoke certain of the revolu-
ideology and world-outlook and they maintain their own organ- tionary-democratic party leaders to limit the contacts between
isational and political independence. their own Marxists-Leninists and communist parties in other
The guarantee of success for such a front is the mutual trust, countries or between them and different social strata and groups
sincere cooperation and militant unity of all participants, partic- in their own countries, such as the youth, students, women and
ularly its nucleus, the national-democratic ruling circles and the civil servants, etc. Phenomena of this kind reflect the extent to

Communists who work closely together with them in the imple- which society has stratified in conditions of national democracy.
mentation of their progressive programme for the radical trans- The process of social and class stratification in national-demo-
formation of the social system. cratic states expressed principally in the growth of new sections
is
The internal and external enemies of the national-democratic of the bourgeoisie, which have adapted themselves to new social
regimes deliberately try to cause conflict among the participants conditions. It has been more or less the rule over the last 15-20
of progressive coalitions. Of course, they conceal intentions by years (as can be seen from the example of such countries as
calling for the creation of a united front without the participation Egypt, Syria, Guinea, Tanzania and Burma) for a fairly influen-
of the Communists, or with the participation of some Commu- tial group of compradore bourgeoisie to make its appearance in
nists, but only on condition that the Communist and other left- the civil service, the army and the state sector. This new group’s
wing parties would be dissolved. The aim of these manoeuvres activity is centred either in the domestic commodity-money ex-
and intriguesis clear: to split the natural unity of all forces that change between state enterprises, suppliers and private merch-
are in favour of non-capitalist development and thereby to ant’s capital engaged in wholesale, mixed and retail exchange in
damage the radical interests of the peoples who have chosen just the country or between stale trade and industrial enterprises and
this path of development. the foreign importers and exporters. Such activity is now fairly
The common struggle of the revolutionary democrats and the widespread and has assumed a large scale.
communist parties for social progress, the joint efforts to over- Another cause for the growth and development of the new
come difficulties in the way of building a new society and honest sections of the bourgeoisie is the fact that a considerable share of
service to the people who are struggling against imperialism and building, transport and contract work as well as the public
reaction can promote the gradual drawing together of all progres- services are in the hands of private capital. Furthermore, after
sive forces and the removal of the vestiges of the past. liberation from feudal domination rapid stratification takes place
Cooperation between the communist and revolutionary-demo- in the countryside between the better-off and the less well-to-do
cratic parties has emerged from the joint anti-imperialist and anti- farmers, with the former accounting for some 20-25 per cent of
feudal struggle of the oppressed peoples in the colonial and semi- the peasant population. Together with the landowners that are
colonial countries, the international working class and the social- becoming bourgeois they control agricultural production in a
ist states, from the rapprochement between non-Marxist socialism number of socialist-orientated countries. In the villages, as dis-
and scientific socialism and from the new correlation of class tinct from the towns, the state has no developed state sector and
forces in the world favourable for the victory of the working its control there is very weak. Land speculation in both
still

people, and it is therefore in line with the objective requirements towns and villages, the tremendous increases in the cost of ground
of the development of those countries and peoples, which have rent in the towns and in hired labour in the villages, the buying
established such cooperation. It is an important achievement for and selling of real estate in inflationary conditions and the control
the working-class party, the revolutionary-democratic party, of trade between town and village have given rise to intensive
which is composed chiefly of peasants, and all patriotic forces, private capital accumulation. Another important and socially dan-
and, as history has shown, plays a great role in the implementa- gerous source of wealth is the widespread corruption prevalent
tion of progressive social and economic changes. in the civil service, the state sector and the military bureaucracy.
Obviously, in the course of cooperation differences of opinion This new, largely small and middle industrial, commercial and
on immediate tasks and tactics are bound to arise. Sometimes compradore bourgeoisie has a negative influence on the state
these differences can become long-term disagreements and cause apparatus and the ruling party. It mobilises the right forces to

70
limit the role and influence ofthe left, democratic elements, the But not to say that the movement is without internal
this is

working unions and radical peasant organisations.

class, the trade political The conservative wing of the move-
differentiation.
Once it has arisen, this new bourgeois stratum tries to entrench ment would like to pursue a policy of isolation from the socialist
itself, form links with the expropriated bourgeoisie and landown- world and organise the movement as an independent political
ers, and extend its own economic base, doing everything in its force which is ‘equally distant’ from both imperialism and so-
power to push the country towards capitalist economic develop- cialism.
ment. The natural consequence of this is an intensification of the Among certain circles of the non-alignment movement the con-
struggle between the and the non-capitalist paths.
capitalist cept is widespread of the confrontation between the ‘rich’
fairly
Foreign policy orientated either towards the capitalist or the and ‘poor’ nations irrespective of their social and political nature.
socialist world also becomes an important issue in the class This concept is used by opponents of the Soviet Union in an
struggle.Then again there is the possibility of political instability attempt to camouflage their true colours by claiming that they
bringing the threat of reactionary coups, economic difficulties, a champion the interests of the developing countries against the
worsening of living standards and growing discontent among the ‘two superpowers’.
working population. In some former progressively orientated Some politicians in the liberated countries try to represent the
countries (Ghana, Mali, Sudan and Indonesia) political instability non-alignment movement not as being anti-imperialist, anti-colo-
has led to political crisis. The new sections of the bourgeoisie with nialist and anti-racist, but as essentially a means to limit the

the support of internal reaction and imperialism exploit national- dependence of the smaller and medium-sized countries on the
ist and chauvinist slogans to
resist social progress and particularly great powers and the military blocs. Such views can hardly be
non-capitalist development.But it is not only slogans that change. ascribed to lack of political experience alone. The disregard for
Most important is the change in foreign and domestic policy and the fundamental social and class differences between the socialist
the serious economic and political concessions made to the local and the capitalist systems and the dangerous inclination to
bourgeoisie and foreign capital. Recent developments in Egypt identify their foreign policies are all too clear.By exploiting
have shown this most clearly. unstable elements in the non-alignment movement, the reaction-
aries in the developing countries try to inculcate views which
are damaging to the movement and exploit them to weaken the
The movement of non-aligned countries which was formed liberation forces, which are conducting an anti-imperialist
after the Bandung Conference in 1955 holds an important place struggle and making common cause with the socialist commu-
in the national liberation struggle today. On the whole it plays a nity.

progressive role, its strength lying in anti-imperialism, anti-colo- In the final analysis these conservative elements aim to weaken
nialism and anti-racism. Though the non-alignment movement is the anti-imperialist orientation of the non-alignment movement
not part of the world socialist system, it arose and developed in and prevent the adoption of decisions that are against the interests
close connection with it. Furthermore, its successes may be largely of the Western imperialist countries.
attributed to its alliance with world socialism and its impor- Economic problems are of considerable importance in the non-
tant role in the anti-imperialist struggle, a fact which is fully alignment movement. Most important among them is the demand
realised by prominent representatives of the non-alignment move- for a new international economic order based on the principles of
ment. ‘collective self-sufficiency’ and ‘all-round interdependence’.
In recent years the non-aligned countries have come to play a Obviously, since the movement is not homogeneous, these prin-
more noticeable role in world than in the past. The number
affairs ciples are subject to various interpretations, particularly the prin-
of countries participating in the movement in Africa, Asia, Latin ciple of interdependence. Conservative members of the movement
America and Europe has risen more than three times. see it as meaning that the young national states should be
Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev noted that the non-alignment move- concerned to maintain their neo-colonialist links with the West.
ment was an important link in the struggle of the peoples of the But the decisions of the non-aligned countries on economic
world against imperialism, colonialism and aggression. matters still have fundamental importance in so far as they

72 73
 oppose imperialist monopoly exploitation and proclaim the right For more than 20 years now the Soviet Union and the socialist
of the developing countries to control and regulate the activities of community have provided disinterested aid to the developing
countries. That the asistance is genuinely disinterested can be
the imperialist monopolies and nationalise them in the interests of
the nation. seen from the fact that state credit is made available at the rate of
Responsibility for economic backwardness in the liberated 2-2.5 per cent a year, while national capital investments in
countries is justly attributed by the non-alignment movement to the USSR, especially in the consumer industries, bring in between
imperialism and colonialism, which continue to exploit develop- 12 and 20 per cent annually. Furthermore, the socialist coun-
ing countries through an unequal economic system imposed on tries now rendering disinterested assistance to the developing

them. The main characteristics of this system are non-equivalent countries, have never acted in the role of colonisers, and therefore
exchange and international monopoly profits, which accrue as a bear no historical responsibility for the plunder of these countries
I
result of the high prices of industrial goods and the low prices of and their natural riches that has gone on for centuries or for their
raw materials. At the same time should be pointed out that the
it deprivation and low standard of living. Consequently, the disinter-
request for 0.7 per cent gross national product to be allocated in ested aid of the socialist community is an expression of the new,
aid to the developing countries, which is addressed to all devel- socialist nature of international economic relations and the high

oped ones, both capitalist and socialist, shows an inclination to sense of international duty and solidarity which is possessed only
accept the unfounded thesis that both the capitalist and socialist by the socialist world. There is one more important political and
countries alike are equally responsible for the difficult economic economic aspect of this aid: it is provided not as a result of the
situation in the liberated countries. need to export capital that has not found profitable domestic
It should also be noted that the economic resolutions adopted application through overaccumulation. The growth of national
by the non-aligned countries contain no reference to the impor- wealth in the USSR and the entire socialist community has a
tance of the role of socio-economic transformations in the devel- source fundamentally different from that in the industrially
oping countries. Improvement in the economic situation in the developed capitalist world.
liberated countries is to a significant extent dependent on ex- The pseudo-scientific concept of the ‘rich North’ and the ‘poor
tending the process of detente in international relations, on South’ will not stand up to criticism.
achieving general disarmament and on strengthening peace and The source of Soviet aid does not lie in the superprofits of the
security. international capitalist monopolies that grow rich on neo-colo-
The non-alignment movement continues to retain its anti-impe- nialist plunder, nor in any superexploitation of its own working

rialist potential and actively participates in the anti-imperialist class, its own working people. It lies in the wealth created by the

struggle.The differences that exist between its members are only labour of the working people, the peasantry and the intelligentsia
to be expected, inasmuch as the dissimilarity between them has in a socialist country, whose people deny themselves resources

grown markedly. There can be no doubt that imperialist forces they could well use so as to aid the peoples that are fighting for
willtake active steps to split the movement and bring considerable political and economic independence from imperialism.

pressure to bear upon some of its members. All of which, of The socialist community’s disinterested policy of economic aid
course, imposes upon progressive forces in the movement, as the to the former colonial and semi-colonial countries that have won

natural allies of the socialist countries in their common struggle political independence, state sovereignty and international recog-

important tasks of maintaining, nition has played a major, and for some countries (India, Egypt,
against imperialism, the
movement Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Algeria) a decisive role in the
strengthening and consolidating the non-alignment
building up of their state economies, in the organisation of
on consistent anti-imperialist lines.
economic planning, in the development of natural resources and
in the training of qualified workers, technicians, engineers and

The foreign economic policy of the Soviet Union and the scientists.'

socialist community is designed to cooperate on an intensive scale Such economically effective forms of aid as technical coopera-
with the economies of the liberated countries. tion under favourable long-term state credits, which are usually

74 75
 by its connections not only with the world capitalist market, of
paid for in the goods that are traditionally exported by the which it still remains a part, but also with the world socialist
country that is in receipt of the credit, have shown themselves to market, of which it is not yet a member, but with which it has
be fully justified. In so far as the socialist countries only provide connections that are increasingly growing.
credit for state-owned projects in the developing countries, the Whereas in the past appeal for technical aid and state credits to
state naturally undertakes all construction work and subsequently the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries has to a
large
operates the enterprise using advanced, effective methods. As a extent helped the developing countries avoid slavish dependence
result the state sector of the national economy grows and on the imperialist international monopolies, today the most
strengthens from year to year and plays an increasingly greater important question is with which world socio-economic system
role in the national economy as a whole, particularly in such and which world market are to cooperate the new projects, new
basic industries as metallurgy, engineering, energy, oil extraction productive capacities, new lines of production, and the two thou-
and oil refining, irrigation, etc. sand or more industrial, energy, mining, processing, transport and
It is difficult work done
to overestimate the significance of the agricultural enterprises that have already been built with the aid
jointlyby the and developing countries over the last
socialist of the socialist countries and the approximately similar number
25 years. The fact that the Soviet Union and other socialist that are in the process of design or construction. The answer to
countries, despite limitations on their own resources and the this will have enormous influence on future economic develop-
need to repair the enormous damage inflicted by the war and ment in the liberated countries.
undertake the technical reconstruction of their own economies, Tt is a matter of whether the new industrial production capa-
have come to the aid of the peoples in the liberated countries in cities, which have been built with the help of the socialist
their long struggle against centuries of backwardness, is some- countries, are henceforth to become part of the system of the
thing that only history will fully appreciate. Furthermore, this aid international capitalist division of labour with all that this entails,
was given under conditions of the bitter political and economic or whether when they come fully into operation they are to enter
cold war which was waged by the imperialist powers and which into exchange and cooperation with the world socialist system of
drained considerable resources from the socialist countries’ social division of labour and thereby be guaranteed greater stabil-
economies to maintain their defence capabilities. ity, independence and planned development.
We repeat, the
The political, economic, diplomatic and military aid of the answer to this is of vital importance.
Soviet Union and the whole socialist community to the devel- We can say that aid to the developing countries in the tradi-
oping countries has played a decisive role in helping to form and tional forms of mutually advantageous cooperation on the basis
strengthen the international position of that large group of inde- of state credits has proved itself to be indisputably viable. But
pendent young national states which have shed neo-colonial experience shows the need to improve forms of economic cooper-
bondage and have upheld their integrity and independence. ation so that projects built in the developing countries under the
Today it can be said that the majority of developing countries system of productive ties with corresponding industries in the
in Asia and Africa, which have achieved independence after the socialist countries should cooperate on voluntary and
mutually
defeat of German fascism and Japanese militarism and as a result advantageous terms with the economic system of the socialist

of the collapse of the colonial system which followed it, have world. Such cooperation would strengthen and increase mutual
successfully passed the first and most difficult stage of establish- economic ties, develop production technology, promote more
ing their own statehood. effective economic management and set the whole system of
For each of these countries the future development of its credit relations on a sounder footing. Repaying credits in goods
national economy, the formation of its own industrial and tech- that are the traditional exports of a given developing country will
nical base, and which is particularly important, its increasing long remain the most important form of compensation. But when
degree of economic independence from the world capitalist mar- a particular project, which has been built in a developing country,
ket with its prolonged destructive crises arc now directly linked, to or is still on the drawing-board, is linked up with the economy of
a hitherto unprecedented extent, with the position it occupies in the socialist world, repayment for equipment, building and ser-
the international social division of labour. And this is determined
77
76
 vices can be partially made the goods produced by that
in THE COUNTRIES
particular enterprise. And would enhance coordination be-
this OF SOCIALIST ORIENTATION
tween enterprises and industries in the developing countries and
the economies of the socialist countries.

All the evidence goes to show that the last quarter of the 20th
century will see an intensive struggle by the developing countries
to reduce their economic and technical dependence on the devel-
oped and thereby attain complete national
capitalist countries
independence. It is possible that this struggle will even continue
on into the first decade of the 21st century. It will be characterised
by the desire of the liberated peoples to achieve decisive results in
doing away with backwardness and catching up economically and
technically first with the moderately developed agrarian-indus-
trial countries and then with the industrial-agrarian countries.
We can predict that such a complex issue, which is one of the
most vital questions of our time, will give rise to bitter struggle
between the liberated countries and the forces of imperialism and The part played by those countries that liberated themselves
will be accompanied by intense international conflicts. There can from colonial dependence continues to be of increasing impor-
be no doubt as to the anti-imperialist and progressive nature of tance in the modem world. Now that they have gained political
this struggle, nor as to the fact that the liberated countries with the independence, they have real possibilities for choosing a path of
help of the socialist world will achieve their goals. And it is quite social and political development and bringing their influence to
clear that the final solution to the question of how to get rid of bear on the solution of international problems.
centuries of economic, technical and cultural backwardness But the mere proclamation of national state sovereignty does
among the former colonial peoples that account for more than not, as Marxists-Leninists have always maintained, automatically
half of the world’s population and bring them up to the level of lead to the solution of the complex socio-economic problems that
the sufficientlyand highly developed countries, will be found only have been left by the past era of colonialism and neo-colonialism.
by means of transition to socialism and, in the final analysis, The burden of backwardness still lies heavy on many countries in
together with the victory of socialism on a world scale. Asia and Africa.
Only socialism can bring the former colonial peoples complete More than ever before the Afro-Asian world today is separated
national and social liberation. on than national, principles. The countries of these
class, rather
The peoples of the Soviet Union and the socialist community continents are divided into the forces of social progress, peace and
are well aware of the tremendous difficulties which face the liber- freedom, on the one hand, and those of imperialism, reaction,
ated countries on their long and hard path to overcome centuries racism and war, on the other. This complex process of division of
of backwardness. The Soviet Union has consistently striven to do the class forces and the growth of the class struggle in the lib-
away with all forms of national oppression, political diktat, erated countries appears differently in different parts of the world.
economic discrimination and rapacious exploitation that have New and progressiveshifts have taken place in the economic and
dominated international relations foisted on the developing political of those Arab, African and Asian countries that have
life
countries by the imperialists. Important successes have been chosen the path of socialist orientation. On the other hand, there
achieved, but the struggle continues. are countries where development has continued along capitalist
lines. The distinction is making itself increasingly felt in both
Asiatic and African countries. Furthermore, this rapid differentia-

79
 tion and regrouping of class, political forces is taking place both against imperialism, but as promoters of the social progress akin
within the various countries themselves and between them. But
to socialism.
the problems still remain the same: combatting imperialism, over-
coming exploitation by the international monopolies and securing
peace, genuine national independence and social progress. And Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev noted that there is a large group of
these problems are inseparably linked with the internal politics,
Arab, African and Asian countries today that are following the
with the choice of social orientation, with the domestic and
foreign policies and with the development of the whole social
path of socialist orientation —
countries which, though not yet
socialist, have rejected capitalism as a system and in which
system of these countries. radical transformations have taken place that are capable of
In certain countries there has been an increasing tendency to
facilitating and accelerating a possible transition to socialism. The
strengthen ties with their former metropolises. Internally they are
countries implement an anti-imperialist policy of peace and secu-
supported by local neo-colonialist and bourgeois elements, who rity, democracy and social progress and form the vanguard of the
appear under the flag of national reformism and conceal them- national liberation movement today.
selves behind slogans of national, and in recent times ‘democratic
Over the years since the idea w'as advanced by the international
socialism’. Essentially they support domination by the bour- communist movement of a national-democratic state as a form of
geoisie and the pro-bourgeoisclasses and strata, who exploit the non-capitalist development for the Afro-Asian countries (during
national liberation struggle for their own interests. They try to
the early sixties) socialist orientation, or, what amounts to the
achieve progress by means of capitalist modernisation and in this same thing, the non-capitalist path of development, has unques-
way tie themselves fully to world capitalist economy which facili- tionably ceased to be merely a theoretical hypothesis. It already
tates the penetration of the international monopolies and But the degree of advance-
has a twenty-year history behind it.
increases their own economic dependence. Capitalist corruption socialist-oriented countries along the road of
ment among the
and the parasitic use of foreign ‘aid’ are important levers in their social progress has been varied. The countries which have long
power. Furthermore, this rapprochement with the developed capi- deep transformations include the Democratic
undergone social
talist countries has been accompanied by a propaganda campaign
and Popular Republic of Algeria, the Syrian Arab Republic, the
of distrust in world socialism which has had the effect of
Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma, the Republic of
weakening the Afro-Asian peoples in their struggle against the
Guinea, the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen, and the
giants of world capitalist economy that continue to exploit their
United Republic of Tanzania. The countries which have adopted
labour and raw material resources.
a path of socialist orientation comparatively recently include the
—
But other developing countries and their number is contin- People’s Republic of Angola, the People’s Republic of Mozam-
ually increasing —
have adopted a policy for continuing a reso- bique, Socialist Ethiopia, the Democratic Republic of Mada-
lute and uncompromising struggle against imperialism, the
mo- gascar.
nopolies and neo-colonialism while at the same time supporting
This new form of progressive social development has tre-
genuine national, including economic, independence. This policy
mendous appeal. The number of developing countries that have
naturally has led, on the one hand, to a closer rapprochement
chosen socialist orientation is growing, and recently they were
with the socialist countries, and, on the other, to the curtailing
joined by Afghanistan. In these countries the political regimes are
and weakening of the forces of internal reaction and exploitation
stabilising, important successes are being achieved in the sphere
that support imperialism. In other w'ords, has led to socialist
it
of economics and education, anti-feudal, democratic agrarian
orientation.
reforms are being carried out and progressive labour legislation
World socialism
consistently strives to strengthen and develop J introduced.
itsrelations with all the developing countries, while at the same
If we take the totality of economic, social and political factors
time encouraging and supporting their anti-imperialist potential.
as the criterion of the effectiveness of socialist orientation, then its
But primarily it deepens and widens its ties with the socialist-
positive results are plainly apparent. Socialist orientation in
orientated countries, seeing them not only as allies in the struggle 20 years has become an historically objective reality, an integral
80 81
part of the world revolutionary process and the vanguard of the today deeply involved with the international capitalist market
national liberation movement. and, in circumstances where a monoculture is predominant,
On the other hand, during this same period a number of extremely dependent on it.
countries —Egypt, for —
example have been interrupted in their As distinct from the earlier examples of nations that avoided
non-capitalist development as a result of betrayal by the ruling the intervening stage of developed capitalism by completing this
circles of the anti-imperialist struggle and the people’s interest. process within the framework of the proletarian state of the USSR
These setbacks and partial losses have been greatly relished by the (during the twenties and thirties) and under the guidance of a
opponents of socialist orientation who try to show that it is not a Marxist-Leninist party, socialist orientation today in the nearly 15
feasible policy. But doubts can only be entertained by those countries of Asia and Africa is carried out under the guidance of
whose understanding of recent events and the concept advanced revolutionary national-democratic parties, which are variously
by the international communist movement is oversimplified and placed in their approximation to scientific socialism. These parties
one-sided, who are inclined to identify- socialist orientation with reflect the interests of broad sections of the working people and
socialist revolution or with the well-known historical experience the exploited masses, but also to a certain extent those of the
of Soviet Central Asia and the Mongolian People’s Republic intermediate strata. But new developments have recently been
where the intervening stage of developed capitalism was by- observed in countries like Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, the
passed in conditions that were more favourable for the establish- People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen, Afghanistan, etc.,
ment of socialism. where the leading role of the working class has been officially
The transition to socialism without the intervening stage proclaimed and the ruling parties of these countries have
of developed capitalism was most reliably achieved within the So- announced their adherence to the ideology of scientific socialism.
viet socialist state in Central Asia, Kazakhstan and the Euro- Official statements of this kind are deeply significant politically,
pean and Asian North of the RSFSR and within the people’s because there is as yet no fully formed working class in these
democratic states (the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, the Korean countries, and indicate the early possibility of these countries
People’s Democratic Republic and the Republic of Cuba joining the international working-class movement and their grow-
during the early years of their existence, and the Lao People’s ing closer to the international communist movement.
Democratic Republic). In their aspirations revolutionary national democrats are con-
Socialist orientation today is implemented within the national- vinced socialists, but in many cases their consciousness is affected
democratic state. A similar phenomenon was observed in the by the contradictions, weak differentiation in the social structure,
Mongolian People’s Republic 1940, where after a lengthy
until the predominance of petty- bourgeois, peasant elements, the com-
period of internal differentiation national democracy acquired a parative independence of the middle strata (the background from
consistently Marxist-Leninist character and received all-round which most of the political leaders and administration in the
support and material aid from the USSR where the socialist revo- developing countries come) and the influence of nationalist
lution had been victorious and therefore could be protected from ideology.
the influence of world capitalist economy. Arc realistic steps towards socialism feasible under such com-
But conditions similar to these have.so far not occurred in their plex and contradictory conditions? The answer to this must, of
totality in any of the socialist-orientated Afro-Asian countries. course, be in the affirmative. But having said this, it must at the
For a variety of radically important reasons these countries have same time be clearly understood that although capitalism as a
not yet been able to rid themselves of their dependence on the symbol of foreign domination has been discredited in the over-
world capitalist economic system, in which their own economies whelming majority of former colonial countries the conditions
have in many cases been an integral though peripheral part for for an immediate achievement of a socialist revolution do not yet
centuries. Though strengthening their economic ties with the exist and that therefore we can only speak of a totality of meas-
socialist states and using them as an important lever in their ures orientated towards socialism, of the preparations of condi-
struggle to review their dependent relations with the capitalist tions for socialism, of a pre-socialist, so to speak, stage of histor-
world, the socialist-orientated countries nevertheless remain ical development. The mere achievement of state sovereignty is

82 83
insufficient for the broad tasks of democratising society to be socialist orientation to the equally erroneous
have sometimes led
fulfilled, forthey can only be achieved at first within the frame- view that denies revolutionary potential of national
the
work of a consistent anti-imperialist, national-democratic state. democracy and the possibility of preparing for socialism under its
As for the creation of a genuinely socialist state, this is at present leadership.
out of the question. Contemporary conditions require initiative on Behind both these views lies a lack of understanding of the
the part of revolution ary forces and their resolute support for specific nature of socialist orientation as a distinctive transitional
anti-imperialist, anti-feudal, anti-monopolistic and to a certain pre-socialist stage of development in those countries that have
extent anti-capitalist policies. But at present there are still no embarked upon a path of socialist orientation.
guarantees that the revolutionary processes that have taken place
within the socialist-orientated countries are irreversible. The
strong influence of petty-bourgeois ideology on the leadership of Today, with the benefit not only of theory, but of historical
the non-proletarian intermediate strata, the weakness of the polit- experience we can set out, with a fair degree of completeness, the
ical and economic system and at times even the absence of a characteristics of a socialist-orientated state. Such a state will
working class, the power of feudal, semi-feudal, tribal and have:
patriarchal traditions, the enormous cultural backwardness and — undergone change in the class composition of its political
the predominance of the economic influence of the world capi- leadership whereby the national bourgeoisie (containing national-
talist market, which at times makes it necessary to adopt policies bourgeois and feudal elements) will have lost their monopoly of
that are in line with the interests of the multinational monopolies, political power to the more progressive forces, who act in the in-
constitute the real political, economic, social and ideological basis terests of the broad masses of the people, and will have crea-
of the changes occurring in the domestic and foreign policies of ted a new revolutionary-democratic state with a new state appa-
these countries. All this has been considered in developing the ratus;
concept of socialist orientation as the non-capitalist path of devel-
opment. Nor can setback be ruled out as individual countries are
— abolished the political and weakened the economic domina-
tion of imperialismand the monopolies;
forced into retreat instead of advancing along the path of social-
ism, or get bogged down at a general democratic stage of devel-
— set up state and cooperative sectors in the economy and
promoted their priority development over the private capitalist
opment, or even succumb to neo-colonialist intrigues. sector;
The laws of social development and the internal and external
conditions affecting the developing countries lead to the inevitable
— instituted state regulation and, at a certain stage, limited the
private capitalist sector to the extent of nationalising foreign
conclusion that where there is lack of political consistency on the capital or subjecting it to rigorous state control;
part of the leadership of a given socialist-orientated country,
where it shows nationalist tendencies or undervalues the prin-
— established and developed all-round cooperation with the
socialist countries;
ciples and experience of scientific socialism there can be no —waged an unremitting war on corruption;
guarantees of preparation for the transition to a socialist society.
On the contrary, movement may even be retrograde. This
— carried out social transformations in the interests of the
people, including such measures as agrarian reforms, the aboli-
approach to the question combines historical optimism, on the tion of social privilege, the liquidation of illiteracy, the establish-
one hand, with common sense and critical realism, on the other. ment of equal rights for women and the passing of progressive
Sometimes socialist orientation is treated as if it were identical labour and social legislation, etc.;
with socialism. Such a viewpoint is erroneous and leads to an
incorrect evaluation of the national-democratic stage of develop-
— fought against the ideology of imperialism, neo-colonialism
and racism and for the establishment of revolutionary-democratic
ment, a disregard for its natural limits and internal contradiction, ideology which is historically linked with the world liberation
an uncritical attitude to socialist phraseology and a failure to movement and the experience of scientific socialism.
draw a distinction between subjective socialism and scientific Thus socialist orientation is determined by the domestic and
socialism. On the other hand, setbacks on the difficult path of foreign policies of a given state being directed towards anti-impe-

84 85
rialist,anti-feudal and, to a certain extent, anti-capitalist transfor- new economic policy. This implies obligatory consideration of a
mations, the purpose of which is to create the state-political, number of interconnected factors:
social, economic, scientific and technical conditions for a gradual — political leadership by the vanguard party or
effective
transition to socialism in the future. These transformations are not alliance of progressive national parties of the state and the
socialist in character, but they are deeply democratic. Their domestic and foreign policies.
successful implementation is possible under the leadership of a Many revolutionary democrats support the creation of van-
revolutionary-democratic party that functions on the principles of guard parties that are close to the parties of scientific socialism.
scientific socialism and the historical experience it has acquired Adopting the position of scientific socialism at the national-
and that stands in the vanguard of political power. Apro- democratic stage of development promotes solidarity among the
gramme of political, social and economic change which is being proletarian and semi-proletarian strata, among all advanced ele-
consistently and thoughtfully implemented can offer the peoples ments of the working people, and among the most consistent anti-
of the socialist-orientated countries the prospect of developing imperialist and patriotic forces. But sometimes such a position is
the national-democratic stage of the revolution into the so- officiallyproclaimed even though there is no social, political or
cialist stage. ideological basis forit. It then degenerates into a type of national-

Recent years have not only provided practical experience in ist, would-be socialist orientation (Somalia, for example). The

socialist orientation on the examples of a number of countries, but creation of a genuinely vanguard party, orientated towards scien-
have taught a number of definite lessons. tific socialism, in a post-colonial society which is still suffering
The incorrectness of a hurried, unprepared ‘transition to social- from extreme social and economic backwardness is a highly
ism’ through the artificial speeding up of the political and complex task. It is of course not just a matter of approving and
economic processes is now quite apparent. Politics of this kind are proclaiming a programme of scientific socialism. It is far more
not scientifically grounded. They bear the marks of voluntarism difficult to have a correct understanding of the theory and prac-
and undermine faith in socialism and the possibility of successful tice of scientific socialism at all party levels, to be guided by it in
socialist orientation, which might pave the way for a gradual tran- its day-to-day activity and build up the social, ideological, polit-

sition to socialism. ical and organisational structure of the vanguard party in

Simplistic ideas on the socialism must be

transition to conformity with the tasks of leading the majority of the people
dispensed with. National democrats must adopt a more correct towards socialism.
approach which takes into consideration the comparative length — artificially speeding up the transformation of the national-
and complexity of the pre-socialist stage with a number of transi- democratic state into a socialist state is futile, for such accelera-
tional periods. tion shows precisely that the conditions for this transformation
These conclusions are contained in such documents as the have not yet matured. But at the same time it is essential
Algiers Charter (1976), the Programme of the Congolese Party of to strengthen the revolutionary-democratic state consistently,
Labour (1972), the Programme of the MPLA—
the Workers’ gradually break down the old system and create a new state ap-
Party (1977), the FRELIMO Programme (1976), the Programme paratus that is reliable from a class point of view, reorga-
of the National Democratic Revolution of Ethiopia (1976) as well nise the army and the security bodies, particularly the officer
as in the constitutions adopted in some of the socialist-orientated corps, and firmly secure socialist orientation from encroach-
countries (e.g. Madagascar in 1975, Algeria in 1976). As a result ments by reaction at home and abroad, and from counterrevolu-
the countries that have taken the path of socialist orientation in tion;
recent years —
Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Benin, Madagas- — the political system of the socialist-orientated state must be
car and others —
have been able to avoid the setbacks suffered by provided with an adequate social base, i.e., the role of the masses,
the pioneers of this movement in Ghana, Mali and other and particularly of the working class, proletarian and semi-prole-
countries. tarian elements in the towns and the countryside should be
Socialist orientation objectively demands the all-round increased. This implies the growth of political self-awareness
strengthening of the new state, its popular institutions and its among the working people as well as a rise in political conscious-
86 87
I

ness and activity, an expansion of political initiative and the of Marxists-Leninists which results in depriving them of the
formation and strengthening of class organisations among the opportunity of openly expressing their views or working among
workers and peasants. Socialist orientation suffered defeats as a the masses casts doubt on the socialist slogans of certain national-
result of political coups or betrayal among the rulers, which democratic parties, undermines the alliance of progressive forces
would be impossible if the working masses really did play a deci- and opens the way to conciliation with reaction and imperialism.
sive role in political life, as it is claimed they do in the programme Witch-hunts of Communists, adherents of scientific socialism
and constitutional documents of the national-democratic parties. —
mean one thing that socialist orientation has been sacrificed to
Turning a national-democratic state from a power, which declares a narrow and potentially dangerous nationalism. History,
its aim to be promoting the interests of the working people, into a unfortunately, knows several such examples, and they deserve the
real working people’s power relying on their class, political organ- strongest moral condemnation.
isations would to a certain extent guarantee the irreversibility Socialist orientation can only develop successfully given a real-
of the social progress achieved on the basis of socialist orienta- istic economic policy. The basis for this is unquestionably the

tion; priority development of the state and the cooperative sectors. No

— those political forces and parties that are genuinely anti-
all one today doubts the possibility of using foreign investments
imperialist and convinced of the necessity for a socialist orienta- within certain limits or private national capital in the form of
tion, particularly Marxists-Lcninists and revolutionary national medium and small-scale business. Socialist-orientated economics
democrats, must unite in a single front. A long and stable does not rule out foreign or local private investments. But
community of interests has sprung up between these groups in the these must come under strict control from the national-demo-
course of the world revolutionary process which has been cratic state. The difficulty of such economic policy consists in
expressed in the struggle for national independence, progress and finding the correct combination of economic expediency and
the rejection of capitalist in favour of socialist perspectives. Indi- effect, material interest of the working people and a principled
vidual differences should not be permitted to interfere with the socialist perspective which would rule out any return to a
establishment of an alliance between these groups on the basis of bourgeois system.
mutual respect for one another’s views, ideological and organisa- An important aspect of economic policy is the gradual raising
tional independence at the present time and later on a merger on of workers’ living standards. Without this the ideas of socialism
the basis of a common acceptance of scientific socialism. risk losing their appeal for the masses.
Marxists-Leninists in Asia and Africa are fully in favour of such The essential condition for the success of socialist orientation is
a prospect. They extend the hand of friendship and cooperation to the implementation of democratic national policies involving the
all the progressive forces in their countries. And it is becoming elimination of tribalism and the establishment of equal rights and
clear that the national democrats, who include in their ranks some regional autonomy for the peoples and ethnic groups within the
of the best progressive leaders, ardent supporters of socialist framework of a single centralised state.
orientation, are gradually coming round to the conviction of the Socialist orientation in foreign policy is strengthened by
desirability and even inevitability of such an alliance, in so far as expanding political, economic, scientific, technical and cultural
both allies are seriously fighting for socialism. Sometimes they do cooperation with the socialist countries. Distrust of, and partic-
not understand or are unwilling to accept everything in scientific ularly enmity towards the socialist world, any inclination towards
socialism, but at the given stage of the revolutionary process this conciliation with the imperialist powers or insufficiently resolute
should not be an insurmountable obstacle to progressive politics. rebuffs to the intrigues of the neo-colonialists, those latter-day
Later on, at the higher stages of the social liberation revolution a Greeks bearing gifts, are usually the first signs of a retreat from
complete acceptance of scientific socialism becomes an impera- socialist orientation.
tive requirement essential to the success of socialist orientation
and the victory of the chosen course the aim of which is to avoid,
by-pass or simply interrupt capitalist development and begin the Even the negative examples provide useful lessons for under-
building of socialism. But distrust and at times even harassment standing the reasons for deviations from this path. An analysis of

88 89
those countries where socialist orientation was inter- It results in the adoption of programme ideas of a Marxist
rupted —Ghana, Egypt, Sudan, Somalia — shows that the ‘reasons and near-Marxist complexion containg the definition of a na-
fall, generally speaking, into three groups: tional-democratic state as a state of revolutionary-democratic
Fir#, there are powerful dependence on the world capitalist dictatorship, the concept of a vanguard Marxist-Leninist par-
economy and its markets and credit, centuries-old backwardness, ty such as that on the basis of which FRELIMO, the MPLA
low level of productive forces, monoculture type of economy and and the Yemeni Socialist Party are organised as working-class
the subversive activity of foreign and home reaction that had not parties, and recognition of the alliance between the workers and
been dealt a timely rebuff. peasants. Then there is the formation of a bloc of all progressive
Secondly, there is the specific contradictoriness of the non- classesand strata of the population as the social basis of state
capitalist path of development in contemporary conditions which power, which has been reflected in the programme documents of
is connected with the class instability of petty-bourgeois Angola, Mozambique, Madagascar, and Benin, and the thesis of
democracy and the pressures exerted on it by the big business and the new and anti-capitalist social essence of the
anti-imperialist
neo-colonialist strata, private enterprise, foreign capital, wide- state sector and leading role in the economy, as included in the
its
spread corruption and the formation of an active neo-compradore constitutions of Algeria, Benin and Mozambique.
bureaucratic bourgeoisie. Rapprochement with the socialist world can also be seen in the
Thirdly, we have the absence of a strong vanguard party, the strengthening of all-round ties with the socialist community, in
subjective mistakes of the leadership, the setting of development the close interaction with it in international affairs and in the
targets without consideration of the economic and personnel mutual understanding and mutual support between the socialist
situation, chauvinist nationalism accompanied by fear of the countries and the socialist-orientated countries over such vital
masses and the inability and unwillingness to cooperate with the issues as the struggle for peace, security, detente and disarma-
other anti-imperialist and progressive forces. ment, and against colonialism and racism, and the desire to
Summing up the experience of a large group of socialist-orien- establish a new world economic order.
tated Afro-Asian countries, it is noticeable that the popularity of
socialist orientation continues to grow as is shown by the fact that
new Asian and African countries are more and more adopting As we look back over the past and compare the situation in the
this course. The socialist tendencies in a number of the countries developing countries today with what it was in the early 1960s
that have chosen socialist orientation are gradually strengthening when the theoretical work on the present concept of the non -capi-
and deepening. And behind the process stand the broad masses of talist path of development was first undertaken, a concept which
the people, the proletariat and semi-proletariat, the advanced sec- reflects the new progressive correlation of classes and political
tions of the intelligentsia and the left wing of the national-demo- forces in African and Asian countries, we can draw the conclu-
cratic parties, which is on a path of rapprochement with scientific sion that socialist orientation has become a noticeable and
socialism, taking it as the basis of its ideology. influential factor in the development of these countries, and a real
The ways of by-passing capitalism are many and varied as is and feasible path of advancement to socialism for peoples of two
shown not only in historical retrospect, but also in the present and continents that for centuries have been oppressed by colonialism.
will be still more varied in the future. Each country has its own
which determine the socialist orienta-
distinctive characteristics
tion of domestic and foreign policy. The countries that entered
its

this path more recently have the experience of their predecessors

to draw upon. These latter have shown great consistency in imple-
menting generally progressive policies, and particularly in their
rapprochement with scientific socialism. And strengthening this
rapprochement is the fairly general characteristic of present-day
revolutionary national democracy in the Afro-Asian countries.

90
 THE GENERAL LAWS OF SOCIAL Furthermore, excessive concentration on the specific character-
istics of the Oriental countries can lead to a situation in which a
AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT given phenomenon which has no direct analogy in the contem-
AND THE SPECIFIC CHARACTERISTICS porary capitalist West is for that reason alone considered as
OF THE ORIENTAL COUNTRIES something ‘specific to the East’. In so far as it is not included in
the ‘general law’ (which is established by comparison with the
present situation in, say, Europe), such a ‘specific Oriental
characteristic’ takes on the appearance of a special Oriental law
(it is unimportant whether the actual term ‘specific’ is used or not)

and as such provides a basis for a subsequent theoretical con-

struction.
Thus one argument runs as follows. The socio-economic base
of the developing countries in Africa and Asia is characterised by.
the presence of numerous transitional forms, social fragmentation
and general complexity in the socio-economic structure. Hence it
is possible to speak of qualitatively different (i.e. different from
The laws of social development which were formulated by the West) types of social evolution and a specific multi -structural
Marx, Engels and Lenin have universal application. Obviously, at economy, the latter being largely the result of the distorting
different times and under different conditions they appear in influence of foreign capital. Thus the main characteristic of
different forms. The way in which these general laws apply specif- society and the economy in the developing countries is the fact
ically to the countries of the East is an important subject for social that their economy is multi-structural, that is to say, that they
and political research. Disregard for, or underestimation of, the have several different types of economy, each with its own rela-
specific characteristics of the Orient has sometimes led to the tions of production and specific objective economic laws.
social, economic and political processes in the countries of Asia Here it should be pointed out thatthe existence of various
if

and Africa being identified with those that have taken place in structures seen as the main characteristic of the essence and at
is

the developed capitalist world. But vulgarisation of this kind is the same time as its (the essence’s) specificity, such an approach
not only a scientific falsification; it can also have negative prac- makes the specificity the essence and establishes the exclusiveness
tical consequences, as reality has shown. of the East as compared with the West.
No serious student of the subject can dispute that failure to A
number of works devoted to a study of the peculiarities of
consider the specific characteristics of the Oriental countries is socio-economic development in the East note that structures are
impermissible. But it is equally and no less dangerously erroneous not separate independent types of economy: they interact and
to identify the specific characteristics of a given law with the law constitute an object in the struggle between the two world social
itself. Substituting the particular characteristic for the general law systems. Since over the course of their long evolution not a single
amounts to a negation of that law. Alternatively, there is also the structure in the developing countries has reached the formational
distinct possibility of an occurrence of what Lenin meant when he stage, the inter-form ational stage has been prolonged and the
said: ‘The surest way of discrediting and damaging a new political multi-structural economy has in certain places gained a specific,
(and not only political) idea is to reduce it to absurdity on the relatively stable character.
plea of defending it. For any truth, if “overdone”..., if exaggerat- The multi-structural economy with its numerous transitional
ed, or if carried beyond the limits of its actual applicability, can be forms, social fragmentation and their relatively stable and compli-
reduced to an absurdity, and is even bound to become an cated character actually exist. But these phenomena have existed
absurdity under these conditions .’ 1 everywhere. By themselves they certainly cannot be regarded as
the ‘exclusive peculiarities of the East’. On the contrary they are
1
V. I. Lenin,
‘
“Left-Wing” Communism — an Infantile Disorder’,
a general law of social development. During the rise of capitalism
Collected Works, Vol. 31, Moscow, 1966, p. 62.
93
92
in Europe, which did not prevail until the 19th century, a number States) arc increasing numerically, has ever accorded with the
of countries, where victorious bourgeois-democratic revolutions actual situation.
had not taken place, had multi-structural societies and social The multi-structural society was done away with in Russia only
fragmentation as a fairly stable phenomenon. Some after the Great October Socialist Revolution, and then not all at
of these countries, like the German states, Austria-Hungary, once. In those countries of Western Europe where the multi -struc-
Italy, Spain, Portugal, Romania and Russia, displayed almost tural society collapsed —and this occurred by no means every-
the whole spectrum of structures that can be seen today in the where (it still persists in Southern Italy, Portugal, Spain and
East. —
Greece) the process also took centuries. Even today a ‘chem-
Of course, the subsistence economy in these countries was ically pure’ form of all-embracing capitalism is not to be found
spread less widely than in the present-day East. But, in the first anywhere in the world. Metayage and peonage continues to
place, even in the East its share is not the same in different flourish in the North American cotton belt.
countries; secondly, an economy which does not sell its own Even in those European countries where the bourgeois revolu-
produce is not always a subsistence economy (if it serves as an tion was victorious, the multi-structural society remained for a
additional source of existence for a semi -proletariat —
the hired fairly long period. Take France, the country that underwent the
labour, then its most important element, the work force of the most decisive bourgeois revolution. Here small-commodity, small
‘owner’ serves as the object of trade); thirdly, though the subsist- capitalist, capitalist proper and state-capitalist structures went to
ence-patriarchal structure has maintained stability in the villages form the state-monopoly capitalist system.
in the East, it is usually noted that it is rather a matter of minute So far we have only considered the period when capitalism was
peasant holdings functioning under conditions of the gradual first and then the dominant one. If we turn to
the leading structure
break-up of feudal relations and not of subsistence economies in earlier periods in European history we see that the capitalist
the full sense of the word. As for foreign capital, though it structure in, for example, the Italian states, existed for centuries
functioned in the above-mentioned European countries during alongside small-commodity and patriarchal structures. A similar
the 19th century, it never formed a special structure in any one of situation obtained in many other European countries. In other
them. The ‘exclusive peculiarities’ of the East do not lie in the words, the absence of many structures was the exception rather
presence of this structure, but in the variety and relative stability than the rule even in Europe. Europe developed passing from one
of structures in general and pre-capitalist (patriarchal-subsistence socio-economic formation to the next and therein gave rise to new
and patriarchal-feudal) structures in particular. structures which existed alongside the old for a fairly long time,
Let us note that it was just this stability of the multi-structural forming that same ‘mosaic’ pattern which is sometimes called
society that made for the complexity of problems facing the prole- today a specific characteristic of the East.
tariat inEurope developing along the capitalist road. Thus if it The history of the East shows that this ‘mosaic’ pattern,
were not for the multi-structural society, the proletariat would not however long the combination of various social and economic
have had to lead the struggle for bourgeois-democratic transfor- structures has been in existence, is itself the result of tremendously
mations. If it were not for the multi-structural society of the pre- accelerated development, particularly that of capitalism.
capitalist or transitional (to capitalism) type, Marxists would not A definite feature of social and economic development in the
have had to win over the peasantry to the side of the workers such East has been the accelerating and at the same time distorting role
as it was then in the West and as it is now in the East —i.e. of the world capitalist economy, of which Oriental society became
living in a multi-structural society. If it were not for the multi- an integral part when capitalism entered its imperialist stage. But
structural society, the whole of Marxist strategy would amount to again, this is not a specific characteristic of the East; it is a
the simple formula of ‘class against class’, the workers against the specific characteristic of the present stage of world development.
capitalists. But the whole point is that such a simplistic formula as The specific characteristics of Oriental society in our view lie

this, neither in the past (some 45 or 50 years ago) nor in the in the particularly stagnant character of its feudalism and the
present, when the intermediate strata of the population are not occasionally relatively progressive and occasionally reac-
only stable, but in a number of countries (e.g. in the United tionary influence of its various religions —Confucianism, Buddh-

94 95
ism, Islam and many others. But here we are not treating what
does constitute the specific characteristics of the East, but what
cance for Lenin — the leading structure was the socialist structure.
Once the proletarian revolution had been completed there began
does not. a period of transition from capitalism to socialism and this was
Strictly speaking, the whole world capitalist system including the result of the working-class party’s scientific application of the
the developing countries (but not only these latter) should be seen objective historical trend of changing socio-economic formations.
as a set of economic ‘structures’ in a complex process of interac- Consequently Lenin was treating the theme of socio-economic
tion. In relation to such a country as Italy, for example, this set structures not so as to disregard the question offormations, but to
will be large and will include various structures. On the other determine which was the leading structure that had the potential
hand, even a highly-developed capitalist country like the FRG of developing into a socio-economic formation.
has within its state-monopoly capitalist system structures that are Right from the outset of his theoretical and practical w'ork on
private monopoly, private capitalist, small capitalist and even this question Lenin rejected any approach to the problem which
small commodity, although it has no pre-bourgeois structures. disregarded this matter. His main conclusion, which was made on
Compiling such ‘sets’, of course, adds nothing to our understand- the basis of the concrete situation obtaining in Russia at the time,
ing of the real specific characteristics of a given region or country, consisted in the following: Marx was right to maintain that it was
for the existence of a particular combination of structures (what- impossible to stop the development of capitalism once it had
ever it may consist of) is, in the first place, an obvious fact, and, started (let us remember that the world socialist system was not
secondly, requires explanation itself. Bourgeois sociological and \et in existence), while the Narodniks were wrong in believing
economic literature, from before Marx to Galbraith, states the that the specific characteristics of Russia made it possible to
existence of numerous ‘economic orders’ and describes their inter- 'check capitalism’ and that non-capitalist structures had a future.
action. As was noted above, Marxists have always considered The Narodniks limited themselves to stating the presence of many
the existence of various structures in their analysis of develop- economic structures using only formal characteristics as their cri-
ments taking place within a given country or region, although the teria.
bourgeois vulgarisers of Marxism ascribe to them the claim that There existed in Russia not one but several economic struc-
the population of the world consists only of the bourgeoisie and tures. Evaluating their potential, Lenin reasoned thus: to say that
the proletariat and is a purely antagonistic society (existing on the ‘Russian capitalism is confined to one and a half million workers'
‘class against class’ principle) which the scheme of the class is ‘childish’. 1 What the Norodniks call ‘small-scale people’s indust-

struggle fits perfectly. ry’ cannot be opposed to capitalist industry for it works for the
This brings us to the question of how to apply Lenin’s approach market and is a form of enslaving labour to capital. Large-scale
to the problem of structures in Russia to the situation in the East. capitalism grows out of*people’s industry’ and is its direct conti-
In his work entitled The Tax in Kind’ (1921) Lenin considered nuation. ‘As a matter of fact,’ Lenin emphasised, ‘the important
‘
it necessary to quote a large extract from his article, “Left- thing here is not the absolute figures, but the relations they dis-
Wing” Childishness and the Petty-bourgeois Mentality’ which close, relations which arc bourgeois in essence and which do not
was published in May 1918. Now, after the victory in the civil war cease to be such whether their bourgeois character is strongly or
the practical question again arose of how to accomplish the tran- weakly marked.’ 2 The accumulation of capital by one producer
sition to socialism. It was in this connection that Lenin quoted and the ruin of another might be insignificant, but it leads to
this extract where the existence in Russia of various socio- harsher and more cruel forms of exploitation, while the character
economic structures is noted. 1 This is not just mentioning the of production relations 3 remains the same. The Russian peasant
fact; it was necessary to establish the optimal way of transition to
socialism and to assert that the leading economic structure was
1
V. I. I.cnin, ‘What the “Friends of the People” Are and How They Fight
the dominant one and could displace all others. And it was
the Social- Democrats’, Collected Works Vol.
1, Moscow, 1963, p. 195.’
precisely this answer to the question that
,

was of decisive signifi- 2

Ibid., pp. 214-15.
3 Production
relations are ihe totality of economic relations which arise
‘ See V. I. Lenin, Collected Wdrks, Vol. 32, Moscow, 1965, p. 330. between people in the process of production, exchange, distribution and

96 97
 — —

and the Russian artisan live in a commodity economy which in- yet reached the formational stage and so it was possible for
evitably produces a capitalist economy. Market fragmentation Russia to remain at the pre-capitalist, ‘people’s’ stage. (We should
and backwardness of the countryside make ‘bourgeois differen- note in passing that on the basis of an analysis of the laws of
tiation’ 1 particularly pronounced. world capitalism and world socialism Lenin had established that
In 1894, then, the existence of various structures was an it was possible for the backward countries to choose the non-capi-
obvious fact both for Lenin and the Narodniks. But the Narod- talist path of development, but this has nothing in common with
niks limited themselves to merely pointing this out, while Lenin the utopian ideas of the Narodniks that capitalism could be
was concerned to determine which was the leading structure and arrested by ‘the people’s economy’, by which a small-commodity
which particular structure was ‘favoured’ by the main socio-eco- economy was meant.) By omitting Lenin’s main conclusion on
nomic tendency. His conclusion was that the capitalist structure the leading structure which he arrived at in his analysis of the
was the leading one, though it was not dominant as regards its multi-structural society in Russia, and attempting to apply the
share in the social product or the number of producers engaged in distorted theory to the East one must inevitably draw the false
it. By this Lenin had put forward the Marxist thesis of the leading conclusion that none of the structures there is formational, that
structure within a multi -structural socio-economic framework. not one of them is leading and may transform society on its basis.
And without that thesis, the mere assertion of the existence of a The fact that Lenin considered capitalism to be the leading
multi-structural society is nothing more than a statement of the structure in Russia was of tremendous significance in the forma-
obvious. After the Revolution Lenin used exactly the same tion of his theory and strategy. Tt was from the fact that ‘the
approach. Accepting that Russia was a multi-structural country exploitation of the working people in Russia is everywhere capi-
and that small-scale production was still predominant, Lenin saw talist in nature, if we leave out of account the moribund remnants
that now the socialist structure was the leading one and the polit- of serf economy’ (and these remnants were so many that their
1

ical power of the proletariat ought henceforth to determine the elimination required a socialist revolution! R.U.) that Lenin
optimal strategy for making it prevail. drew the remarkable conclusion that the Russian worker was the
In their studies of the East some writers are often inclined to natural representative of the working people and the whole
limit themselves to listing the various structures in existence there, exploited population of Russia. And it was this conclusion that
pointing out their close interconnection and noting that their led him to appeal to the Russian worker to arise and lead all the
variety is in all probability even greater than it was in Russia, that forces of democracy to overthrow absolutism and bring about a
they are combined differently in the East and that a certain corre- revolution. Later it was on the conclusion that capitalism was the
lation between certain of them constitutes the essence of a given leading structure and that in this sense Russian society was
transitional period. This kind of interpretation is usually already bourgeois, that Lenin determined the relationship be-
employed to support the thesis that in the course of their long tween revolutionary social-democracy and the mass of the peas-
evolution not a single structure has achieved the formational ants who were both landowners and workers at the same lime
stage, i.e. prevailed over the other structures, with the result that and constituted the overwhelming majority of the population of
the ‘inter-formational stage’ of social development in the young Russia. Lenin reasoned thus: in whatever structure the commod-
states has been unduly prolonged. But this is just the same type of ity producer functions —whether he brings his goods to the
argument that Lenin’s opponents were putting forward with refer- market, whether he is directly dependent on a small-scale capi-
ence to Russia: capitalism had not yed dominated the other struc- talist buyer (and is thus part of the small capitalist structure) or

tures, they existed and accounted for a greater share of the whether he sells his labour to a factory-owner while retaining his
Russian economy than capitalism, with the result that it had not own small economy (and consequently being part of the capitalist
structure) — if he works for the market, he is essentially a member
of bourgeois society and all these small -commodity producers
consumption of material goods irrespective of their conscious will. The
character of production relations is determined by who owns the means of
production and how they arc connected with the producers. Ed. 1
V. T. Lenin, ‘What the “Friends of the People” Arc and flow Thev Fight
1
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works Vol.
, 1, p. 235. the Social- Democrats’, Collected Works, Vol. 1, p. 299.

98 99
together constitute a class of bourgeois society. For this reason true of the upper strata of the petty bourgeoisie which gradually
Lenin defined them —
both peasant and artisan —
as petty bour- becoming the bourgeois exploiter and which is shackled by the
is

geoisie, as owners and workers at the same time, as a class with a vestiges of feudalism); 2) however much the Russian peasantry
dual social nature. were tied up with the vestiges of feudalism, they still remained the
The fact that capital ruins small-scale production and stratifies most powerful force of the petty-bourgeois class in bourgeois
the small owners into capitalists and hired labourers was already society; 3) the interests of the workers and the peasants coincide
well known to Marxists. Lenin was not trying to reveal this in so far as the peasantry (and also the petty bourgeoisie as a
phenomenon anew. In just the same way, when he characterised whole) have an interest in overthrowing absolutism and doing
the Russian small-commodity producer as a petty bourgeois, he away with the remnants of feudalism and also in so far as it is the
had not yet begun to consider the question of which side was the exploited (in a bourgeois way), the overwhelming, the working
—
dominant one the worker-socialist or the bourgeois. This was mass of the peasantry and not the exploiting (in a bourgeois way)
left for a later analysis. This is natural, because the predominance section of them that are objectively interested in the collapse of
of one or the other side depends on many circumstances on the— the bourgeois system. These conclusions form the basis for an
degree of departure from peasant ideology, the force of tradition, effective working-class party policy that is aimed at winning over
the locality, the power of the working class, and the degree of the peasantry as an ally in the bourgeois revolution, and its
poverty (which could be sharply intensified through, for example, poorest strata, which represent by far its overwhelming majority
a war). In 1917-1918 the Russian petty bourgeoisie repeatedly not yet turned into proletarians, as an ally in the socialist revolu-
showed the prevalence of one side and then the other in turn. The tion. There is a direct link between Lenin’s thesis on the impor-
essence of Lenin’s new' understanding of the problem, which he tance of the leading structure and the strategy for turning the
arrived at in the late 19th century, consisted in the following: if bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist revolution.
capitalism is the leading structure in society even though it is not Those who see the specific characteristics of the East as of
yet dominant, then the mass of small-commodity producers, paramount importance argue thus: the small-commodity produc-
which remains as it has always been, can only act in conformity
er, the petty bourgeois operates within the commodity economy
with the general laws of capitalism. It is not necessary that capi- and whereas this means that the mass of the population in the
talism should have become the dominant structure, much less East are petty-bourgeois, it does not follow that in this society
dominant everywhere. This conclusion was something entirely capitalism is the leading structure and therefore the society is
new and required the analysis of a society in which capitalism was bourgeois.
only in the process of development. (Marx, of course, did not Let us return once more to Lenin’s polemic with the Narodniks.
carry out an analysis on such a scale as this in his Capital , having The whole point was that the latter could not see the relevance to
a totally different object in mind. But Lenin’s conclusion has the situation in Russia of the fact that a commodity economy and
direct relevance for the present situation in the multi-structural a money economy are a capitalist economy. This idea Lenin had
East.i) occasion to repeat many times. He drew attention to the fact that
How did this conclusion affect Lenin’s later work? If, under the ‘the “people’s system” consists of the very same capitalist produc-
conditions when the capitalist structure is the leading, though not tion relations, although in an undeveloped, embryonic state’, 1
yet prevailing one, the mass of small-commodity producers is to a that under the given economic system the independent economy
greater or lesser degree the eroding class of bourgeois society, of the peasant and the artisan is petty-bourgeois, and that only in
then it follows that 1) on the whole their interests lie in elimi- capitalist production the commodity form of labour becomes
nating all means of exploitation other than bourgeois and in doing general and not exclusive, not single, not fortuitous. Ixnin also
away with the remnants of feudalism (this in the final analysis is pointed out the ‘second feature of capitalism’ —
the fact that
' Wc have dealt here in some detail with material that relates to Russia, not
‘human labour-power... assumes the form of a commodity’ on —
in order to identify Russian conditions of development with those in the Orient,
but in order to show Lenin's approach and methods in the study of these 1
V. I. Lenin, ‘What the “Friends of the People" Are and How They Fight
sociological problems. the Social-Democrats’, p. 214.

100
101
the assumption that the first feature inevitably leads to the glomerate, however broad, varied and backward it might be, can
second; and also the fact that retaining a ‘peasant semi-natural be taken as evidence of the gradual, rapid or delayed develop-
economy’ ‘neither in the West nor Russia does ... away with ment of capitalism into the leading social structure. And this in no
either the predominance of commodity production, or the subor- way tallies with the idea that in the East no single structure has
dination of the overwhelming majority of the producers to capi- yet achieved the formational stage.
tal: before this subordination reaches the highest, peak level of To complete our analysis of the question we refer to Lenin's
development, it passes through many stages that are usually conclusion that in the backward countries ‘any national movement
ignored by the Narodniks despite the very precise explanation can only be a bourgeois-democratic movement, since the over-
given by Marx’. 1 whelming mass of the population in the backward countries con-
of peasants who represent bourgeois-capitalist relationships’
1
How then are we words in this context
to understand Lenin’s sists .

when he said: ‘A small producer, operating under a system of This docs not of course mean that Lenin considered the peasants
commodity economy—these are the two features of the concept in the East as ‘bourgeois-capitalists’. But it does show quite

“petty-bourgeois”, Kleinbiirger, or what is the same thing, the clearly which social relations Lenin considered to be the leading
Russian meshchanin'. Lenin, of course, includes here both the ones in the East. And it also shows that Lenin approached
peasant and the handicraftsman, explaining that to a certain Oriental society (after the formation of the world capitalist
extent Narodism was a ‘well-knit doctrine in a period when capi- economy which had taken control of the colonial countries) as a
talism was still very feebly developed in Russia, when nothing of society formed on a bourgeois basis in the same sense in which he
the petty-bourgeois character of peasant economy had yet been applied the word ‘bourgeois’ to Russian society in the late
revealed’ 2 It is quite clear that according to Lenin the peasant,
.
19th century (for all the backwardness of the East). Lenin’s
who is the worker in feudal society, gradually becomes a petty formulation is particularly important because it relates directly to
bourgeois as capitalism develops and becomes the leading struc- the East, to the ‘backward countries’, the countries with ‘pre-capi-
ture and as the peasantry becomes a class in the new bourgeois talist relations’. Moreover it was arrived at in 1920 when

society'. Lenin’s main idea is that a commodity-money economy bourgeois-capitalist relations had penetrated the peasantry of the
gives rise to capitalism. To suggest anything else is sheer utopia. East to a far less extent than they have today.
That the peasant, while remaining a worker, becomes a petty In relation to the petty bourgeoisie in the Oriental countries it
bourgeois and part of the bourgeois system is explained by the would seem possible to say that the big, medium and small entre-
fact that a small-commodity economy inevitably gives rise to preneurial bourgeoisie, on the one hand, and the petty bour-
capitalism. In other words, the very existence of a commodity- geoisie, on the other, do not constitute a single class, and that
money economy is sufficient for the peasant and the artisan, while only the most privileged, higher section of the petty bourgeoisie
remaining workers, to become petty-bourgeois, for it is this type (the owners of small workshops and farms, etc. that employ hired
of economy which brings about bourgeois society. The above for- labour) could be considered as part of the bourgeois class and
mulation shows that the petty bourgeoisie is a distinct class in called ‘petty bourgeoisie’ in the actual sense of the word, while the
bourgeois society, that becomes such during the development of huge mass of small producers (artisans, small landholders, etc.)
capitalism as the leading structure, and is not a social group that can only be considered petty bourgeoisie in the widest sense of the
is linked with a simple commodity economy. word. Such an argument does not stand up to criticism.
According to Lenin, the petty bourgeoisie is formed of various In the Marxist understanding of the term the petty bourgeoisie
social groups which originate from various structures, but in is a class in bourgeois society, where capitalism functions as the

bourgeois society forms a distinct class. The whole of Lenin’s leading structure. The fact that the bourgeoisie proper (i.e. the
analysis shows that the appearance of this petty-bourgeois con- class that exploits hired labour) and the small producers that
operate in the system of a commodity economy do not form a
1
V. I. Lenin, ‘The Economic Criticism of Narodism and the Criticism of
It in Mr. Struve’s Book’, Collected Works. Vol. 1, pp. 437, 438. 1 V. I. Lenin, ‘The Second Congress of the Communist International’,
2 Ibid., p. 396. Collected Works Vol. 31, p. 241.
,

102 103
single class, cannot be considered as a specific characteristic of that was the base of the Junkers’ power). Thus once we establish
Oriental society. The same could be said of Russia, England, the difference between coming to power and coming to power
France, Germany and in fact of any other country, where the alone, we see that in the East the bourgeoisie in fact came to
capitalist structure from the very beginning was not dominant, power in quite a few' countries. In the majority of Eastern states it
where capitalism grew out of feudalism, where the classes of was the national bourgeoisie (usually in some combination with
bourgeois society were formed as a result of a transformation of the other classes) that came to power as a result of the victory of
the classes of feudal society— i.e. everywhere in the world, except a national liberation revolution. But there were also many
North America, where capitalist relations were at first trans- Eastern countries where the bourgeoisie came to power without
planted from abroad and later developed on their own base. any national liberation revolution. Tn different combinations with
Of course, if we compare this or that stage of social develop- other classes the bourgeoisie is in power in India, Pakistan,
ment with its final result, the difference will be considerable. But Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines and many African
such a method of comparison which does not take into account countries, and elsewhere.
the stage of development can hardly be called scientific. The petty In the West it took a fairly lengthy period of struggle before me
bourgeoisie in the East can and should be considered with regard bourgeoisie could gain control of the state. But the bourgeoisie
to their ambiguous nature as a class that gravitates towards the was not strong enough for this by its very nature alone, it had to
bourgeoisie, even if the vast majority of them do not consist of become strong enough. In bourgeois England the struggle be-
small capitalists— for after all they are the product of bourgeois tween the bourgeoisie and the landed gentry w'ent on for many
society (let us remember that in Russia the small-commodity decades, until the former had ‘absorbed’ the latter. In Germany
producer became a petty bourgeois as a result of the transforma- monopoly capital had for a long time to share its power with the
tion of Russian society into a bourgeois society). It is only big landowners. In Austria-Hungary the bourgeoisie never suc-
possible not to consider the vast mass of small owners of the ceeded in gaming complete control of the state, since the landed
means of production in the East as belonging to the petty bour- aristocracy were too strong. As for the state providing support for
geoisie, if instead of being considered as the product of bourgeois the bourgeoisie, this too is not a specific characteristic of the
social development whth capitalism as the leading structure, they Afro-Asian countries. The specific characteristics are something
are thought of as coming from various social structures, none of different —they are the forms and methods in which the state aids
which is strong enough to be formational. the bourgeoisie and bourgeois development and, of course, the
This logic of the ‘exclusive specifics’ of the East leads to one- role played by foreign capital.
sided conclusions in regard to the national bourgeoisie in the The history of the West European countries gives no grounds
countries of Asia and Africa. It is claimed, for example, that in for the conclusion that the bourgeoisie in the West arose as a
those countries where the national bourgeoisie have come to powerful class, so powerful that it did not require the support of
— —
power and there are supposedly few of them they are unable the state. Without the Tudor legislation, the English bourgeoisie
to fully determine national policies and have not yet gained could never have begun the process of primitive accumulation of
complete control of the state, unlike in the West. Furthermore, the capital so early and so effectively. The absolutist state played a
weak bourgeoisie in the East itself needs the support of the state tremendous role in the development of the French bourgeoisie. As
as well as that of foreign capital. And this too is supposed to be a for the German bourgeoisie, it could never have made such a
specific characteristic of the East. gigantic leap forward in the late 19th century from a weak social
It is worth noting in this connection that neither in the vast grouping to a monopolistic leviathan, had it not had the support
majority of the Western, nor in the Eastern countries did the of the state w'hich at first was not even a bourgeois state.
bourgeoisie come to power alone. Marx, Engels and Lenin wrote, To continue our analysis of the question (in relation to the role
for example, about the power of the bourgeoisie in Germany and prospects for the national bourgeoisie) as to what constitutes
which they characterised as a bourgeois-Junkers state (we will the specific characteristics of the Asian and African countries, we
leave aside the question of just how many structures there were in should consider first of all the very real possibilities that exist for
the German village that developed along the Prussian road and preventing the grow th of the bourgeoisie at a comparatively early

104 105
 — —

stage of its development, a stage which was long past in the West. constituted a revolutionary-democratic party, finally ended up
This possibility has come about as the result of the existence defending the landowning bourgeoisie, which had been over-
today of an anti-capitalist alternative. But, strictly speaking, such thrown in 1917. It remains to be seen how far the ‘non-Marxist
an alternative is far from being a distinctive characteristic of the socialist systems’ of today differ from the Populists of the past.
East conditioned by its specific nature. It is rather a specific Populism in Russia (Narodism) was a combination of bour-
characteristic of the present stage of world development, which geois-democratic aspirations and anti-capitalist demands. Of
happens to have made its appearance largely in the East. It is also course, the main demands of the Narodniks —
the creation in Rus-
a specific characteristic of the manifestation of the law of uneven sia of a kind of socialism that did not require a capitalist base
development under imperialism in conditions of the struggle be- were anti-capitalist, but they were at the same time highly unreal-
tween two world systems. istic. Objectively the content of Narodnik demands amounted to
In turning to the problems of non-capitalist development, atten- a eall for radical bourgeois-democratic transformations and, as
tion must be drawn Marx and Engels showed the
to the following. Lenin pointed out, contained not a grain of socialism. The anti-
possibility of non-capitalist development, and Lenin developed capitalist elements in their ideology were only a cover for
this idea in relation to the new era. Their conclusions have bourgeois-democratic orientation and nothing more. They
tremendous methodological value and practical relevance, for we acquired a socialist content only when they were implemented
can now say that non-capitalist development has become a real under the leadership of the proletariat and its party.
possibility and that a qualitatively new stage in the development Of course, Narodnik-peasant anti-capitalism was a natural
of revolutionary democracy has begun. The world situation has phenomenon, but the millions that took up the struggle exagger-
changed radically and this has not only brought about circum- ated the significance of possible victory. Tn an article entitled
stances in which non-proletarian, non-Marxist revolutionary- ‘Two Utopias’, Lenin contrasted the utopia of the liberals with
democratic aspirations and ideology incline, in the final analysis, that of the Narodniks and the Labour Group, who stood for a
1

to favour socialist transformations to a much greater extent than ‘just division of the land’. He emphasised that the Narodnik
was possible in the late 19th or early 20th century. It has also led utopia amounted to ‘a highly consistent and thoroughgoing capi-
to significant changes in the revolutionary-democratic ideologies talist measure with regard to the agrarian question in Russia’
and
themselves, which now borrow many of the theses of scientific that ‘when the issue of economic emancipation becomes as close,
socialism. The peculiarities of the Afro-Asian continent and par- immediate and burning for Russia as the issue of political emanci-
ticularly the fact that as a result of the historical conditions, i.e. pation is today, the utopia of the Narodniks will prove no less
colonial exploitation, this region held a subsidiary peripheral harmful than that of the liberals’. 2 Lenin claimed that the utopia
position in the colonial system have largely served to hinder the of the Narodniks corrupted the democratic consciousness of the
spread of Marxist-Leninist ideology there. But a definite rap- masses. But its most important element —
the bourgeois-dem-
prochement with scientific socialism has taken place and this is ocratic desire to share the land and the peasants’ desire to
the result not so much of developments in the East as of those —
farm the land freely helped the Bolsheviks to form a united
throughout the whole world. front of the revolutionary forces, lead them to victory in the
Turning now to the question of Populist ideology in contem- October Revolution and defend its gains against the counter-revo-
porary conditions, we would note that if it had remained as it was lution organised by the bourgeoisie and landowners. But at the
formerly, i.e. without borrowing some of the principles of scien- same time this important element was opposed to socialist co-
tific socialism, it would long have been absorbed by bourgeois operation in the villages. As Lenin predicted, the Narodnik utopia
ideology. Whole layers of Populist ideology have in fact under- turned out to be ‘harmful’. But the ideology and politics of the
gone such a negative evolution now, and before the October working class was able to overcome this utopia, which was
Revolution this tended to be the general rule. The ‘Friends of the
People’, about whom Lenin wrote, at the end of the 19th century
1
The Labour Group ( trudoviki ) were a petty-bourgeois political faction in
the Russian State Duma. Formed in 1906, they broke up soon after the 1917
became liberals, in so far as they abandoned their revolutionary October Revolution. Ed.
principles, while the socialist-revolutionaries, who had once I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 18. pp- 355, 356, 357.
2 V.

106 107
 social relations, since capitalist production relations
have already
against the interests of the working peasants, and overcame it with
the help of their mass active support. The working class in Russia become or are in the process of becoming the leading ones.
In 1923 Lenin was perfectly justified in saying that
develop-
showed how to achieve liberation (for which it had
the peasantry
ment the East had shifted on to general European capitalist
to renounce Narodnik aspirations) and led it in the struggle for
its in
socialist goals, while the Narodnik utopia of the Russian lines. The events of the present epoch prove the correctness of
Lenin’s theory which, we would stress once more, by no
means
peasantry, essentially bourgeois-democratic in content, was an
excludes the possibility of non-capitalist development or an inter-
obstacle in the way of that struggle.
There is no need to make a thorough analysis of Russian ruption of the development of capitalism. To understand the word
‘definitely’ in Lenin’s analysis as meaning the
exclusion of non-
Populism of the past in order to estimate the opportunities of the
capitalist development is just as erroneous as to see in it grounds
Populism of the present day. But when tackling this question one
must take into consideration the elements of socialist orientation for the renunciation of the socialist revolution.
The transition to
are
that characterise the evolution
of present-day Populism in non-capitalist development and the socialist revolution
alliance with world socialismand the international working-class various forms of interrupting capitalist development, which na-
movement and the influence which the world-wide alliance of turally assumes rather than excludes such development.

Marxism-Leninism and the liberation movement exerts upon it. For Lenin one of the most important indicators of the direction
Lenin’s theories on non -capitalist development were worked of economic development was the percentage of hired labour. Let
out in 1920. But already previously he had formulated his us consider this all-important criterion (see Table 1).
concept of the possibility for backward, dependent peasant We can see that the percentage of hired labour among the
countries to avoid the capitalist stage. He stressed that ‘as a result working population all over the East is very high and undoubt-
of the (last) imperialist war ... the East, India, China, etc. have edly exceeds the corresponding indicator for Europe during the
ca-
been (completely) jolted out of the rut ... their development has early period of manufactories and primitive accumulation of
pital. The percentage of hired labour in industry in the develop-
definitely shifted to general European capitalist lines’. 1
Thus Lenin clearly and unambiguously stated that capitalism ing countries can be as much as 2-4 times higher than the per-
was already the leading socio-economic structure in the East. Not centage of hired labour in the working population as a whole.
that this meant he considered such development would inevitably The conclusion is obvious: the huge growth of hired labour,
result in the capitalist system becoming dominant there. On the particularly after the two world wars, meant that essentially capi-
talist productive relations had made deep penetration into
all the
contrary he showed that departure from the path of capitalist
development was possible, and possible precisely because this pre-capitalist structures. And it is the development of capitalism

development on a world scale had created the objective condi- as the leading structure and not some ‘inter-formational stage’
tions for the victory of the proletarian revolution in a large Eura- that gives rise to the conditions and social forces for new breaks in
sian country, a country which stood at the crossroads of two the imperialist chain. The change of formations in the backward
continents. When in the above quotation Lenin used the word Oriental countries, for all their variety, occurred and will occur in
‘definitely’, he was using it in the sense that capitalist orientation the future not by ‘putting a brake on capitalism’ using pre-capi-
in the late 19th-century Russia was ‘definite’. ‘Definite’ in the talist structures, but through the development of capitalism which

sense that the countries of the East had been drawn into a process brings about the struggle between imperialism and socialism.
If the data in the following table, covering 22
developing
that could only lead to the crisis of capitalism on a world scale.
We see the same fundamental principles in Lenin’s approach to countries in Asia and Africa, are considered to be sufficiently
the problem of capitalist development in the backward countries convincing and relatively typical and if we then extrapolate them
during the socialist transformation of the world: such develop- to cover all the developing countries on the two continents (Latin
America calls for a different approach), then it follows that:
ment will aid the process of doing away with capitalism on a
world or local scale, but it cannot be stopped by pre-capitalist — the majority of developing countries in Asia and Africa can
hardly be expected to avoid capitalism completely, i.e. advance
’ V. I. Lenin, ’Better Fewer, But Better’, Collected Works, Vol. 33,
Moscow, 1966, p. 499.
along the classical (Mongolian) path of non-capitalist develop-
109
108
 .

Table 1
merit with the transition to socialism being effected without the
Indicators showing the percentage of hired labour among the working capitalist stage. Capitalism in these countries exists and is devel-
population and in the main industries in the capitalist countries and
in oping, being implanted by national and foreign capital with the
the developing countries (second half of the 1960s)
aid of the state;it is growing out of small-commodity production;

— capitalism having made comparatively deep penetration into

Percentage of hired labour among those employed these countries, an alternative can only be found through an
Country in the working interruption of its development with subsequent socialist orienta-
population as in agriculture in industry tion in the economy and society so as to cut short or avoid the
a whole
development and domination of the higher forms of capitalism;
Developed capitalist — some 15 countries with a total population of 150 million
countries have started on the non-capitalist path of development. Some,
Britain like Ghana, Mali, Egypt and Somalia have deviated, but there arc
90 56 95
United States 89
now greater opportunities for breaking or curtailing capitalist
. .
36 96
FRG .... development and it is very likely that many new countries in Asia
81 13 93
and Africa will choose this path. National-democratic revolutions
France 72 22 91 that proclaim socialist orientation are now an objective possibility
Japan 60 53 87 for many peoples and countries that are fighting for independence
Developing countries and social progress;

Mauritius .... 86 90 87
— at thesame time the further growth of capitalism in the Afro-
Asian countries that have chosen non-socialist orientation, the
Kuwait 82 75 83 ever deeper class differentiation in society, the rapid expansion of
Singapore .... 73 33
'
82 capitalist industry, the growth of the bourgeoisie and rich farmers,
Reunion .... 72 59 87 the landowners becoming bourgeois, the vast increase in small
Lebanon .... 63 43 86 and medium-scale capitalist enterprise, the great power of the
Sri Lanka .... 60 55 79 which promotes the development of private
state-capitalist sector
Jordan 55 27 71 capitalism and the local monopolies
first —
all combine to put

Tunisia 53 33 80 numerous difficulties in the path of those countries which

Malaysia '
50 45 70 are trying to break out of the capitalist orbit. Nevertheless
Iran 43 the objective laws of the struggle between the two world social
25 72
Morocco .... 35 systems over whom the liberated countries are to follow, and
20 64
The Philippines 32 their hopeless age-long backwardness maintained by the neo-co-
.
14 66
India lonialist policies of the imperialist powers, will help more and
30 25 44
Indonesia .... more countries Asia and Africa to break away from capitalism.
in
28 20 46
Turkey Overestimation of the importance of the multi-structural system
22 7 64
Ghana and the specific features of Oriental society leads to ‘confirming’
20 10 50 the exclusiveness of the East. In factif the petty bourgeoisie in the
Burma 20 15 33 developing countries that have chosen the capitalist path are not
Gabon 20 95 the class from which bourgeois society with capitalism as the
. . ,
7
Nepal 16 14 54 leading structure is formed (leaving aside the fact that this process
Zaire 15 can be interrupted by choosing the non-capitalist path), then it
. . .
5 70
Thailand .... 12 3 58 follows that the peasantry in the East cannot play essentially the
Senegal 10 4 50 same role that was played by the peasantry in the West when
bourgeois society was established there. ‘The central question of
110
ill
 the revolutionary process in Asia and Africa today,’ declared
were won by the masses are being gradually implemented, while
Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, 'is that of the attitude of the peasantry, in the rest, promises of such reforms have been made. But the fact
which make up a majority of the population.'* remains that the peasantry in the East have received only a small
Sometimes the peasantry of the East are presented as being fraction of that for which they fought and continue to fight.
inert, by which is meant that they hardly take any part in the
Therefore so long as remnants of feudalism are alive in the East,
contemporary socio-political struggle. This seems justified only at the peasantry will continue to be a class possessing tremendous
first sight. While not doubting that the Oriental peasantry
have in revolutionary potential. Of course, it is the peasant revolutionary
general been downtrodden and long-suffering, let us not forget spirit, accompanied by its impulsiveness, passivity and many set-
such important historical events in the 19th century as the libera- backs that are only to be expected in the social and political
tionwar in India and the Taiping rebellion in China, the revolu- hundreds of millions of people.
activity of
tion of Kemal Attatiirk in Turkey, the Mongolian revolution in
Today the revolutionary activity of the peasantry in a number
1921, the 1925-1927 revolution in China, the Soviet move- of countries is expressed in day-to-day mass struggle which is
ment in China and lengthy peasant revolts and national-revolu- giving tangible results and in the progressive policies of the
tionary wars in Vietnam —
all of which were great peasant move-
revolutionary democrats who objectively, and often consciously,
ments. In the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaya, Burma and the express their interests. Far-reaching and rapid stratification is tak-
Arab countries the peasantry showed considerable revolutionary ing place in the countryside. In many Asian and African countries
activity, particularly after the
Second World War and the defeat ,
the peasantry has long ceased to be united, its unity destroyed by
of fascist Germany and Japan.
Gandhism, which played an
'

capitalism. In general the overall social and political influence of

important role in India’s struggle for liberation, relied on the the working peasantry on the course of the world revolutionary
powerful peasant movement, while the Communists in China and
process in Asia and Africa has grown immensely to reach its
Vietnam who were victorious after the Second World War led present scale. To take one example: if it were not for this
great peasant wars. The peasantry made an enormous contribu-
tendency, socialist orientation would still be something exception-
tion to the victory of the Angolan and Mozambique peoples.
al. The forces of reaction are afraid of the growth of peasant
True, they were led by other classes, but so were the French
activity; therefore one of the most important objectives of those
peasants who overthrew feudalism in the French Revolution of who led the right-wing coup in Indonesia and the reactionaries in
1789-1793, and no one would possibly say that they were polit- Egypt has been to suppress and "hold down’ the peasantry, which
ically inert or played a minor role in the French Revolution.
in these countries can only satisfy their need for land by radical
Clearly the peasantry in the East from the earliest days of the means. The land reforms in Java that offer the peasantry a little
liberation struggle after the October Revolution in Russia and land and the curtailed reforms in Egypt that were blocked by the
particularly after the Second World War showed themselves bureaucratic bourgeoisie could not provide land for the tens of
to be a powerful revolutionary force. After the achievement
of millions of peasants, for this would require an agrarian revolution
national independence, the direct revolutionary activity of the
led by a genuinely revolutionary-democratic regime.
peasants in many Asian and African countries, particularly in the The revolutionary movement of the Asian and African
form of armed struggle, markedly subsided. We no longer see the peasantry has still to develop its full potential. And this is a matter
peasant wars and major uprisings of the past. But this cannot be of historical development and conscious guidance by Commun-
explained by inertness as a specific characteristic of the Oriental ists and revolutionary democrats. It is a task of great proportions
peasantry. Certain aspirations of the peasantry have been real- which requires many years, and possibly, many decades.
ised, the governments of the national bourgeoisie and
the The forms of peasant struggle have changed. At the present
landowners that have become bourgeois have means at their I stage it is the peaceful forms of class struggle which predominate.
disposal to hold the peasants in check that were not available
to But then the forms of revolutionary struggle of the working class
the colonisers, and in a number of countries, the reforms that have changed too, but no one would try to claim that the West
1
L. T. Brezhnev, The CPSU in the Struggle for Unity of All Revolutionary European proletariat is inert simply because there are no upris-
and Peace Forces, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1975, p. 73. ings in Europe. Unquestionably the Maoist principle stating that
112 113
the peasantry are the most revolutionary class is fallacious. We have discussed certain aspects of the so-called exclusiveness
Maoism even today remains the main opponent of the thesis that of the East as compared to the laws of development of the West
the leading role with respect to the peasantry in liberated
and drawn the conclusion that the countries of the East, for all
countries belongs to the international working class and world have developed largely in the same way as the
their specificity,
socialism. But the peasantry cannot be considered ‘inert’ just at a corresponding historical stage, and that
West
countries of the
because it is not the most revolutionary class. As we have already the specific characteristics of the development of the East fully
said the logic of the proposition about the Oriental peasant’s
accord with the general socio-economic laws established by
inertness may have been determined by the logic of the analysis Marxism-Leninism.
which takes as its starting point the thesis that the peasantry in the Let us consider what are often termed the specific characteris-
where the existence of many socio-economic struc-
‘specific’ East,
tics of the East. These are very far-reaching and all-embracing.
tures supposedly prevents the appearance of a formational struc-
But it would be erroneous to look for a single ‘key’ to them and
ture, cannot play essentially the same role that it did during the
naturally a simplistic scheme of the ‘socio-economic struc-
rise of the bourgeois societies in the West. Of course, the ture — —
class party’ or the ‘coalition of socio-economic struc-
peasantry in the East today should not be represented as if they
resembled the peasantry in France, after the latter had already
tures — coalition of classes — coalition of parties’ type is totally
unsatisfactory. For that matter neither in the East nor in the West
achieved their bourgeois goals. had the situation been so simple and clear-cut. We will not there-
Revolutionary democracy in the East obviously has a very fore try to give a detailed analysis either of the specific character-
important role to play. It can be characterised as an overt and istic of the East or of the structure of Oriental society but restrict
direct bearer of the revolutionary spirit, chiefly of the peasantry,
ourselves to treating just a few of their important aspects.
but also of the urban petty bourgeoisie that has been moved to the It is beyond dispute that economically speaking the countries of
foreground. But the revolutionary spirit of the urban petty bour- the East have lagged behind Europe, japan and North America
geoisie can hardly be considered one of the basic characteristics
by a whole historical epoch. The brunt of the blame for this must
that distinguish the Asian and African countries from the Western
fall upon the shoulders of foreign oppressors who for centuries
developed capitalist countries at a similar stage of development. It have saddled these lands with the yoke of colonialism and bled
is hardly true to say that the petty bourgeoisie there played an
them dry of their vast material resources. But economic back-
insignificant or reactionary role. The most radical bourgeois revo- wardness, which is so important that at times it even obscures
lution at an analogous period of European history was the French those particular spheres in which the East has by no means lagged
Revolution in the 18th century in which the petty bourgeoisie was behind the West, is not entirely the result of foreign intervention.
a powerful revolutionary force at its culmination; its representa- This backwardness, the scale and character of which have excer-
tives, the Jacobins, took ruthless steps to do away with the ‘old cised a significant influence on the social structure of the Eastern
order’ and its leaders were giants of revolutionary action. In countries, has to a certain extent been the result of other factors.
Holland and England, too, the petty bourgeoisie played an First of all there is the question of traditionalism. The great
important role. In Italy the similar period terminated at the end of conservative force of traditions that exist in the social conscious-
the Risorgimento and the petty bourgeoisie fought fierce revolu- ness and economic life of the peoples of Asia and Africa, has
tionary battles in the 1850s and 1860s. As for Germany, when in become a wall blocking progress and a vast obstacle in the way of
1850 Marx and Engels still thought that the revolutionary move- advancement. Traditions have penetrated deeply into the whole
ment was on the upsurge, they were of the opinion that the petty of the spiritual and social life of the Orient and into the conscious-
bourgeoisie would betray the proletariat in the struggle for social- ness of each individual there. It is no exaggeration to say that the
ism. They wrote that in the course of the further development of force of conservative, reactionary traditions is evident every-
the revolution the petty-bourgeois democracy in Germany would where. Of course, in modern times it has been partially broken by
come to exert a dominant influence for a certain period of time. the development of capitalism and the national and class
They outlined the limits of a temporary alliance between it and struggles. But traditions, added one upon the other like rock
the proletariat, when the latter was already sufficiently strong. layers, have covered every aspect of Eastern society with a hard

114
115
crust. Hence
the exceptionally strong resistance to anything new that the Asian and African peasantry, which comprise 80-90 per
in the consciousness of society in general and of the individual in cent of the population and which as a rule have stood aside from
particular. It is this far-reaching and all-embracing traditionalism politics and historical progress, have been continually exploited.
that conceals the class basis not only of the feudal but of the State-imposed taxes, feudal rent, bondage to their lords and
national-bourgeois and occasionally petty-bourgeois reaction and masters, and permanent debt have reduced them to a condition in
it is this again that is the reason for the low level
of the people’s which they accepted passively almost any invasion in the hope
consciousness both in the villages and in the towns. that it will bring a change for the better. Many examples of this
In many of the countries that liberated themselves
from colo- could be cited, but let us consider just one. Until the present
nialism but are still backward economically a curious phenome- century power in the East had always been the power of the
non is Both among the general public and in the intellec-
evident. despot. In this connection we should digress for a moment to say
tual community there is unusual sincerity in their excessive praise a few words about the specific characteristics of the non-
of the past. This is characteristic of many countries in Asia and to economic method of acquiring wealth. The appropriation of an-
a lesser degree of the countries in central and southern Africa. It other’s surplus products 1 takes place in the course of the direct
is also the case in the Arab world. In these countries there
is an exploitation of labour. But the distinctive characteristic of the
excessive fixation on the past, which is perpetually brought before East consists in the fact that from ancient times on, over the
the public in an attempt to conceal historical backwardness by middle ages and right up to the colonial period the possession of
references to a bygone ‘golden age’. This is, of course, the mani-
unlimited power (tyranny) has made it possible through renting,
festation of conservative traditions, in so far as praise of the past
taxation and the state-feudal system, to appropriate not only the
is used as a counterbalance to
the necessity tor social progress entire surplus product but also the essential part of the necessary
and all-round modernisation. But at the same time it must be product. The possession of despotic power in the East has meant
realised that the East has known numerous examples of absorp-
the acquisition of wealth in the form of both the surplus and the
tion and assimilation which have gone on for decades and even
necessary product of the peasantry on a scale as a rule unknown
centuries.
and individual
Many still continue to this day. This is

and consciousness in these countries shows so

life
why the social in the West — and this all without possessing real property,
without running a large economy and without organising produc-
many transitional, intermediary, amalgamated and synthesised tion. Colonisers of all type have made skilful use of this major
iorms while the forms of classical purity are extremely rare.
lever of non-economic appropriation over the centuries until the
At the basis of these traditions lie a rigid morality and a
collapse of the colonial system itself in our own times. The living
similarly rigid code of social conduct. In a number of countries,
standards of the actual producers of wealth have for thousands of
India for example, a caste system prevails despite its formal aboli-
years been at the very lowest, with millions dying of hunger. The
tion and the gradual assimilation of the castes in the process
of colossal wealth, which so astounded the first Europeans who set
capitalist development, while in Africa it is the tribal system foot in the East, had been amassed in the hands of rulers, who
which is of no less importance. But these caste and tribal systems, usually had no economy of their own. This is true not only of the
which have been in existence for centuries, and their survivals in Oriental despots themselves and later the colonisers, but of all
our days, are of great importance for an understanding of the their vassals of whom there were so many in the East and who
historical process of development of the economic life and comprised the vast network of rent collectors that covered the
consciousness of the peoples of the East. lands. The parasitic nature of rent-collecting from the producers
There can be little doubt that the high level of religious by forced non-economic appropriation on the principle of author-
consciousness among the Oriental peoples, which lies at the basis
of traditionalism, is characterised by stagnation and intolerance. 1
The surplus product is the amount produced in material production
They cling to the old ways only because they are old, and at the sphere over and above that required for the reproduction of labour power (the
same time extremely convenient for the ruling groups and old necessary product).
dominant classes.
The surplus product is appropriated by the exploiting classes who own the
means of production without compensation and is used for their personal
Ithas often been said that the peoples of Asia and Africa were requirements or for the expansion of production.— Ed.
easy prey to an invader, and there is truth in this. One reason is
117
116
ity isphenomenon the consequences of which are still in
a activity of society and the individual as has European Christianity
evidence today. The specific characteristics of the East today still in its time, particularly Protestantism that gave a great impetus to
are forced non-economic appropriation from the peasantry, the capitalism and brought the European peasantry and townspeople
direct producers, and unequitable exchange, the means by which into the forefront of the class struggle to establish the bourgeois
the newly-liberated countries are robbed of their wealth. system. The religious factor, and this cannot be stressed too
Obviously the indigent, illiterate peasant, shackled to his land heavily in analysing society in the East, must not on any account
and living in a constant state of appalling poverty and hunger, is be underestimated. Religion in the East, and for that matter in the
in no condition to fight for his master when threatened by an West, too, besides its purely spiritual content, represents a rigid
invader. Such a peasant —
potential soldier —
has not much to way of and thinking both for society and the individual. But
life

nothing in European Christianity to compare with the all-

defend. For this reason the lands of the East from the Atlantic to there is

the Pacific have always been an easy prey to invaders and some of embracing force of such social and religious canons as the Rig-
these invasions have indeed been remarkable. To illustrate. veda, the laws of Manu, the Dhammapada, or the moral and
Over 25 years in the seventh century the Arabs conquered the ethical canons of Confucius or the laws of the Shari'a. Undoubt-
peoples of North Africa, Persia, Syria, Armenia, Egypt, Central edly the social structure of the East would be quite different if
Asia and Asia Minor almost without resistance and ruled an the ideological shell of its material existence had been differently
empire which stretched from the African shores of the Atlantic to composed. This is not to say that Christianity is more advanced

the Indian Ocean. They were helped by the fact the green banner than the religions of the East. Such an approach would be quite
of Islam which they bore before them was at that time a symbol unscientific. It is impossible to compare such complex phenom-

of the equality and brotherhood of all Moslems. This, of course, ena from one aspect alone. The culture of the Moslems, Buddh-
had tremendous appeal for the downtrodden peasantry. Wherever ists and the peoples professing other Oriental religions is in no

the Arabs went the oppressed peoples not only offered them no way inferior to that of the West. But it is different; it is different in

resistance, but even went over to them. But early Islam, like all its impact and consequences. Religion in the West,
different in its

other religions, brought no social revolution in its wake. Exploita- particularly beginning with the early 14th and 15th centuries,
tion, far from being abolished, became even harsher as Islam promoted the social and economic development of society there
degenerated into the religion of new Oriental tyrannies. to a much greater extent than it did in the East. It is no accident
For thousands of years the East has thirsted for social revolu- that it was the Christian countries of the West, the lands of mode-
tion. But the peasantry and artisans were unable to bring it about. rate climate and not the Islamic and Buddhist countries of the
When theEuropean colonisers arrived in the 14th century, a
first tropics which were the birthplace of capitalism.
new stage of history began. The peoples of the East had to endure The considerably belated economic development of the East

first the burden of colonial and feudal oppression and then the meant the states of the capitalist type,
that national states, i. e.

long years of imperialist rule before, after unbelievable sufferings, began to form much later, in many cases many centuries later
approaching national, anti-imperialist revolution, and in present than in the West, where the appearance of national states gave a
time, social revolution, which leads the way to socialism. powerful impetus to capitalist development. This ‘tardy’ appear-
What have been the consequences of this historical process? ance of the national states in the East is, of course, explained to
What are the specific characteristics of the East today which a large extent by foreign intervention and domination, but not by
insistently demand dialectical analysis? these alone. Of extreme importance was the insufficient scope of
For all —
Hinduism, Buddh-
the variety of religions in the East the entrepreneurial economic base and particularly the slow devel-
opment of the social division of labour and commodity-money
ism, Brahmanism,Confucianism, Islam and innumerable
religious sects —
they have one thing in common: not one of these relations. The inadequacy of the economic base for the emergence
of a national state was to a large degree the result of stagnation in
religions that play such important part in the lives of all in the
East has ever undergone a reformation comparable with that in all aspects of the life of society. Recall one of the important char-

European Christianity, and not one of them has provided such a which is inherent in the imperialist stage.
acteristic of the East,
powerful spiritual basis for the political, social and economic Whereas the growth of national self-awareness in the West was

118 119
connected with the rapid development of capitalism, the growth countries and the international working-class and communist
of national self-awareness in the East was primarily a reaction to movement, fell upon their oppressors. During the 15 to 20 years
aggression, occupation, violence and the system of oppression, in after the Second World War a veritable tornado of national-
fact to everything that foreign invaders, and later imperialism, revolutionary wars and uprisings was unleashed, breaking their
brought in their wake. hold in all countries and forcing them on to the defensive.
In our days we have seen that many of the peoples liberated Thus it is not only a matter of economic superiority, which is
from colonialism have not yet formed as a nation, even though important in itself and under certain circumstances might have
they have achieved state sovereignty. There are many external guaranteed success to its possessor. In this case it was the correla-
and internal reasons for this, not the least important of which is tion of world forces which led to the liberation of the East after
the speeding up of the historical process by the creation of new many centuries of subjection to the capitalist West. For this to
national states following the formation first of socialist Russia, happen in such a relatively short historical span is a clear
then of the USSR, and then of the world socialist system. This, of demonstration of the great role which the October Revolution in
course, is to the credit of world socialism and the alliance of Russia and the increase in the strength of the world socialist
socialism with the international working-class and national lib- system that emerged after the Second World War played in
eration movement. These have accelerated history to such an speeding up all forms of the liberation process.
extent that almost one hundred new' states in Asia and Africa There are many stagnant social forms that have never made
have achieved self-determination in the space of some 1 5 to 25 appearance in the West but have existed for ages in the East.
years. In the West this process took two to three centuries. Furthermore, when it is realised that the population of the East
There is still another aspect of the problem. Tt is claimed that comprises at least half that of the globe, almost two-thirds of that
European and American superiority over their colonies in Asia of the capitalist world, and many times that of the West, it
and Africa for two to three hundred years is the result of the becomes clear that there are many special factors in the East that
higher level of production. This is of course true, but it should not continue to exert an extremely retarding influence on its social
be regarded in absolute terms, for the situation is in fact relative. and economic development. Take the conditions pertaining to the
It cannot be understood without consideration of international economic basis and superstructure 1 which had been in existence
political and economic factors which in the final analysis show in the East before the first colonial enslavement. They have made
themselves in the superiority of organisation, consolidation, social an indelible impression on the subsequent economic and social
cohesion, ideology, national spirit, in a word, all those things development of the former colonies and semi-colonies. On the
w'hieh have been absent or lacking in strength in the East. But the one hand the intervention of foreign capital has resulted in the
fact remains that one hundred economically backward Oriental undermining of traditional economic modes and to a certain
countries with predominantly peasant populations and pre-capi- extent promoted the development of the social division of labour
talist economic systems which industrially, scientifically and tech- and accelerated commodity-money relations. On the other hand
nically were centuries behind the Western countries, have colonialism has frequently preserved and extended the pre-capi-
nevertheless achieved liberation from the political domination of talist relations, thereby turning Eastern countries into the
European, US and Japanese colonialism and cast off the yoke of periphery of the gradually emerging world capitalist market, the
oppression. How did this come about? What advantages did the situation that lasted for two centuries. And this has meant that
backward peoples possess over their oppressors? Certainly they capitalism in the East was bound to acquire a distorted form for
did not lie in methods of production, in the system of productive it is primarily there to satisfy not its own, national requirements,

forces or in economic and technical organisation. It was rather but those of t he better developed capitalist countries. Behind this
anti-imperialist and democratic nationalism which awakened the 1
the basis and superstructure are concepts that reveal the interaction
peoples of Asia and Africa and led them in their oppressed between economic and all other social relations. The basis is the economic
structure of society, the totality of relations of production. It includes all
millions to the struggle. Tt was this anti-imperialist nationalism
economic relations of people arising from production. The superstructure
that established close contacts with world socialism, formed a comprises political, legal, moral, ethical, philosophical and religious institu-
united front with it and, aided by the USSR, the other socialist tions and attitudes. Ed.

120 121
 lie the circumstances that led to the survival in the East of long considered the distinctive characteristic of the Western
relations of production which West have long disappeared.
in the world, is now gaining increasing ground in the East. Thus the
Let us consider another aspect of the problem. The fact that the most dangerous element for historical development in the East is
East has for a long period lagged economically behind the West national capitalism, for the ruling classes, parties and leaders are
does not mean thatit will continue to develop slowly or that stag- highly prone to conciliation with Western capitalism even though
nation a permanent characteristic. This conclusion can only be
is
at the same they obviously stand up for the state independence
drawn if we compare the results of economic development in the and frequently oppose imperialism and colonialism to which they
East today with analogous results in the West. But a scientific have no desire whatsoever to return.
approach requires in the first place a comparison of development Many of the characteristics of the political and economic struc-
rates, for which consideration must be given to the time taken ture of the liberated countries arc far more complex than a
by
the West to achieve its present level of economic development. simplistic scheme of the interaction of social formations. Many
Capitalism in Western Europe has a history of five centuries, have a completely independent existence and cannot be under-
whereas in the East it is a comparatively recent phenomenon. In stood without consideration of many varied and diverse fac-
India, for instance, which is a classical example and the
developed of all the former colonies, capitalism is no more than
most tors— such as specific features of the superstructure and its insti-
tutions, the interaction between the social superstructure and the
—
one hundred years old at the very most industrial enterprises
and railways were only set up in the middle of the last century.
economic basis, with each exerting influence upon the other, the
influence of capitalism and imperialism on the developing
But only the last thirty years of this period have seen independent bourgeois society and the combination of developed capitalist
political development in India and this has been under forms transplanted from the West and the preservation or
conditions
of continuing neo-colonialist exploitation by the imperialist extremely prolonged existence of pre-capitalist relations which in
powers. Obviously, of course, due consideration must be given to a number of countries and regions still prevail. Analysis of the
the aid from the socialist countries. But neo-colonialism social structure of these countries should include study of the
still
remains a powerful, it may be said, the main force retarding social dependent, subordinate and peripheral place which imperialism
progress and retaining the liberated countries within the has assigned to them in the world capitalist economy.
frame-
work of the capitalist system. Yet even under these conditions, Finally these specific characteristics cannot be understood
when powerful conservative influences continue to be felt both at without consideration of the help accorded to the developing
home and abroad, India still ranks among the top ten industrial countries by the socialist community to promote the achievement
nations. Furthermore it should be remembered that w'e are
talking there of economic independence and social progress.
about a country with a population of 600 million, i. e. three Today we are witnessing a powerful trend to socialist orienta-
to
four times as large as the population in Western Europe during tion in the foreign and domestic policies of a large group of lib-
the industrial revolution in the late 18th-early 19th centuries
erated countries which, aided by the socialist countries, are basing
and twice as large as the population of Western Europe today. their development on some of the fundamental principles of scien-
The tendency for accelerated capitalist development which is dis- tific socialism and creating national-democratic, anti-imperialist
torted, but nevertheless still promotes the interests
of monopoly economic structure, thereby offering to the East a fundamentally
capitalism, can be seen in many of the countries of
Asia and new socialist prospect of development.
Africa, that have taken the capitalist path, e. and
g. Malaysia, Thai- The factor which determines the contemporary situation
land, Singapore, the Philippines, Indonesia, Iran, Turkey, the future prospects for the developing countries is not the inter-
Saudi
Arabia, Tunisia, Nigeria, Senegal, Cameroon, Zaire, Kenya, etc. action of the various economic structures. This struggle is now
Thus we can establish a complex and highly paradoxical dwarfed by the opportunity of making a choice between two
phenomenon: economic development East today is char-
in the different paths of development, capitalist and non-capitalist, a
acterised by an elaborate interweaving of traditional elements of choice which never confronted the West that had only the ca-
conservatism and dynamism, and of profound backwardness and pitalist path of development to embark on. In this sense the
social progress. Furthermore bourgeois dynamism, which East stands in a completely new and privileged position.
was
122
 DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE PAST control and did everything in its power to deform. British
capital

AND PRESENT DEVELOPMENT undermined the commune, that basic unit of the feudal system
OF THE COUNTRIES IN ASIA AND AFRICA and introduced comparatively developed commodity-money rela-
tions in the Indian economy. In some places it
expropriated the
feudal lords while in others it compromised with them out of polit-
ical considerations. It either left the peasant masses under the
direct control of the landowners, or itself exacted taxes and rent
from them as the biggest landowner.
In the second half of the 19th century after a number of
uprisings and agrarian disturbances, British rule in India had to
make number of concessions to the peasantry, creating various
a
forms of annuity, hereditary and temporary leases. It gained
control of the old merchant's capital apparatus selecting from it a
loyal group of compradorc bourgeoisie, who in the course of time
themselves gained control of Indian industrial capital. British
capital built railways for military and foreign trade purposes,
ruined the local artisans and flooded the country with cheap
For almost two centuries India was under British rule. Its devel- imported goods, thereby dooming millions of artisans to slow
opment to a certain extent reflects the fundamental laws of evolu- extinction. Adopting the traditional status of the Oriental despots
tion of the colonial world as a whole. It was influenced by all itbecame the biggest landowner, turning land into a commodity
and expropriating the peasants on a vast scale. It imposed a heavy
three stages of British capitalism
tion, industrial capitalism
—
and finance
primitive capital accumula-
capital. A
capitalist struc- burden of taxes upon them, utilised various agricultural regions
ture arose in India itself through the symbiosis of foreign and for growing industrial crops that it required and developed the

national capitalism. It was highly contradictory in so far as it production of certain types of industrial raw materials and semi-
consisted of two opposing parts — the capitalism of the oppressor finished goods. It aided the growth of the big landowners while its
agrarian policies allowed excessive fragmentation of the land and
and that of the oppressed nation.
Like the other colonial countries, India was never a passive gave rise to an immense flood of pauperised peasants, who were
victim to the foreign invader meekly abandoning itself without ready to work under the most barbaric conditions of metayage
resistance. In opposition to external oppression there were the and to till the land by way of paying their debts. British rule left
laws and tendencies of the class struggle within the country the Indian princes, who were its loyal vassals, one third of the
behind which stood the forces of the Indian economy itself. As territory of the country and allotted to them a quarter of the
capitalism began to develop in India (or in any other colonial population, allowing them thereby to exercise feudal and semi-
country for that matter) it gave rise to the class contradictions that feudal dominion on a vast scale.
still exist. During the period of colonial struggle right up to the
During the last quarter of the 19th century the British colonis-
end of the Second World War, these internal class contradictions ers began to introduce capital from the metropolis to finance

were covered with a veneer of national unity. But gradually, banking, insurance, trade and transport enterprises and partic-
distinct class forces that were to a greater or lesser degree loyal to ularly the administrative bodies. Vast amounts of credit were
foreign rule split from this united anti-imperialist front already at given in the form of government loans, which added up to form
the initial stage of the class political struggle under the direct India’s multi-billion national debt. Capitalist factories were
impact of its scale, nature and the degree of mass participation. ‘transplanted’ on to Indian colonial soil, thereby accelerating
With the establishment of British rule, the colonial monopoly of capitalist development and creating the first detachments of the
British capitalism became the main pivot of the country’s modem proletariat. Farming, however, was left at its primitive
economic and political development, which it placed under its level, the colonialists being content to mercilessly exploit the

125
124
peasantry without going to the expense of introducing mechanised — the stratification of the peasantry as a result of the deep
methods. India was given over to famine and disease which penetration of commodity-money relations, but accompanied by
claimed the lives of millions and millions. the weak development of capitalist farming. Hence the excessive
For all their cruelty and excesses in the early years of British rise in usury and merchant’s capital linked with pre-capitalist or
rule in India, British colonialists awakened India from its slum- transitional (to capitalism) metayage;
bers to the extent that they broke up the archaic Indian society, — the domination of the big landowners with only the very
i. e. commune, highly-centralised Asiatic feudal despotism or poorest terms of land-tenure available to the peasants;
independent formations of despotic feudal states, and Britain may — the domination of the usurer and the mediator in market
be credited with this progressive though historically limited role relations within the village and between it and the town, the vast
despite all the destructive consequences of its policies. accumulation of usury and merchant’s capital and the lack of any
But after the economic laws of peculiarly Indian development significant means for converting it into industrial capital.
had brought about the emergence of a local machine industry, The result of all this was the formation of a colonial-feudal
national bourgeoisie and a proletariat, in other words, after economy, which had been permeated by commodity-money rela-
conditions had been created for independent capitalist develop- tions (though huge enclaves of the natural-patriarchal economy
ment, British rule, although it built railways, ports and mines, remained). Tt was an economy in which the lower forms of capi-
became an undisputedly regressive and reactionary factor. The talism predominated and which represented an extremely delayed
point was that British policy was now directed towards checking transition to colonial capitalism.
free industrial development in India so as to retain its own colo- The Indian village was under the control of the landowner, the
nial monopoly of power and its economic, scientific and technical merchant and the usurer, while the impoverished peasantry clung
superiority. This attempt to put the brake on Indian capitalism tightly to their diminutive plots. It was this that made it possible
became even more intolerable when the new class, the proletariat, to exploit the peasants using pre-capitalist methods for the
entered the political arena. This was the only class to express peasant sold only the product of his labour and not the labour
consistent protest against the colonial economic policy which fet- power. The usual process of capitalist development, of course, is
tered productive forces and against obsolete social relations. Thus that as soon as ruination in the villages has reached a high level,
decades passed in which independent industrial development was a considerable proportion of the peasantry are forced to quit their
severely impeded and this resulted in the stagnation of productive land and sell no longer the product of their labour but their labour
forces. power. In this way they become a proletariat. At the same time
On the eve of national independence the main contradictions in the merchants, usurers and landowners begin to run their land on
the Indian economy consisted of the following: a capitalist basis, thereby moving from the sphere of the
— the objective trends of development of national productive commodity or money market to the sphere of agricultural produc-
forces and the economically and politically stifling effect of the tion, which is now run on industrial -capitalist lines with the
presence of imperialism’s colonial monopoly. Hence the main employment of hired labour. But in the Indian village this did not
task was to do away with the political power of imperialism; take place on anything like the scale on which it occurred in
— the gradual capitalist transformation of archaic economic Europe.
relations and the pre-capitalist methods that were in use in the The peasantry suffered ruination from three sources: British
villages, in the crafts and in small industry; imperialism, national industrial, merchant’s and usury capital,
— the import of finance capital from the metropolis and the and landowners, but there was no market for their labour power.
insignificant progressive social results of ‘transplanting’ capitalism The ruination of the peasantry and artisans went on on a much
to the colony; greater scale than did the development of industrial capital from
— the mass expropriation of the peasantry and artisans and the merchant’s and usury capital or the development of the landown-
exceptionally slow process of their proletarianisation. Hence ers into capitalist agricultural producers. The reason for this lay
pauperisation, or non -proletarian impoverishment, became the in the subordinate position of the country, its people and its
scourge of Indian society; economy and the colonial domination of imperialism.
126 127
 Thus the conversion of money into capital in agriculture took independent capitalist countries of Europe. In the latter the
place largely without the organisation of capitalist mechanised formation of an industrial bourgeoisie consisted in the merchant
farming based on hired labour. And this was an important getting direct control of production or the producer becoming
characteristic of colonial domination, which distorted the normal both merchant and capitalist. This was the radical, the usual way
evolution of capitalism in the village. of transition to capitalism.
Metropolitan capital, which controlled agricultural production But in India the formation of a national bourgeoisie under the
through a set of links, appropriated the surplus product of the influence of the economic and political domination of foreign
peasantry through the merchants, usurers and landowners and the capitalism became seriously deformed. Here the industrial bour-
taxation system, without mechanising agriculture but using it to geoisie was formed in the following way:
develop the productive forces in the metropolis. This had the — the merchant capitalist-compradore became an industrial
inevitable effect of dooming the colony to economic stagnation. capitalist without, as a rule, ceasing to fulfil his compradorc
It meant that metropolitan capital introduced commodity-money functions;
relations and the capitalist path of development into the op- — the trader, mediator or usurer acquired shares in the British
pressed country, but allowed that country to go only so far along or local industrial companies;
that path as suited the oppressor country. And the distance it — the landowner participated in the industrial enterprises with-
progressed depended upon the changing political conditions out at the same time ceasing to conduct the feudal or semi -feudal
(world wars, the growth of liberation and revolutionary move- exploitation of the peasantry.
ments, etc.). The oppressor country did everything in its power to The conclusions are obvious. Political and economic depend-
maintain its parasitic exploitation while holding back for decades ence creates colonial capitalism. This is a special form of capital-
development in the oppressed country at the early stage of capi- ism. It is governed by the same laws as ‘normal’ capitalism, but its
talism in which pre-capitalist vestiges were predominant. forms of manifestation are quite different. These forms consist in
Hence follows that the level of industrial development in the
it the fact that, first, the direct producer does not as a rule become
colony is determined, first, by the real possibilities for the bour- an industrial or agricultural capitalist and secondly, the class of
geoisie in the oppressor country to extract rapidly, cheaply and industrial bourgeoisie, which comes largely from the cornpra-
conveniently the surplus product of the oppressed nation while dores, traders and landowners, does not lose its ties with the land,
providing with railways, ports and light-industry and mining
it which remains a source of considerable profit. In India, the
enterprises; secondly, by the force of national resistance to the merchant, the compradore, the usurer, the clerk and the
colonialist policies of economic stagnation and by the pressure of bourgeois intellectual became landowners, while part of the lan-
internal capitalist trends; and thirdly, by the character and forms downers became shareholders in the industrial and banking com-
of struggle with the other imperialist powers that dispute control panies. Of course, this did not exclude the industrial bourgeoisie
of a given colony. from forming subsequent connections with the land. But this
It must be stressed that while the economy of colonial India as —
phenomenon was concomitant to the main one the fact that the
that of many other colonial and semi-colonial countries like Indo- compradores, merchants, usurers and industrial bourgeoisie
china, Indonesia, the Philippines, Egypt, Iran, Turkey and retained firm links w'ilh the land.
Algeria should not be considered as feudal after the First World Thus, whereas in the West the industrial bourgeoisie arose from
War, for this would damage scientific analysis, it is at the same among the direct producers, owners, craftsmen, apprentices of the
time hardly possible to agree that in colonial India and similar capitalist manufactories, from among those at the head of artis-
countries a bourgeois society had been formed, for such a point of an and merchant guilds in the early days of industrial develop-
view produces no less erroneous results. ment and only later settled on the land, in India it always retain-
Let us look at one more aspect of evolution in India as a class- ed its ties with the land where the backward feudal and semi-
ical colony. The means by which the industrial bourgeoisie was feudal vestiges still obtained. Therefore, strictly speaking, it is in-
created there and in the other dependent countries were quite correct to speak of the ‘territorialisation’ of the Indian bour-
different from the analogous processes which took place in the geoisie in the sense of its settling on the land, for this slurs over

128 1 20
 the characteristics which distinguish the Indian bourgeoisie as whole set of problems to be solved consistently and at the
same
a
class from the European. with regard for their interaction. There was the need to
time
Hence the important political conclusion that the colonial make sovereignty a political reality, the reorganisation and con-
bourgeoisie, unlike the bourgeoisie in France during the French solidation of the state apparatus on a national foundation, the
Revolution and in other European countries has never taken, and setting up of a new administrative system, the formation
of a new
never could have taken an active positive stand as regards a economic policy and the creation of an economic control and
genuine radical solution to the agrarian question which would be planning mechanism. On the horizon there was still the agrarian
to the benefit of the people. Hence the colonial
bourgeoisie’s fear question and the need to industrialise the country. Most acute
of peasant revolution and its repeated attempts to get the were the enormous unemployment and the need for the technical
peasantry to adopt non-violent methods and retain them in this reconstruction of the national economy. The purpose of all this
state. was to overcome the country’s centuries-old backwardness and
This feature in the historical
development of the Indian bour- this required setting up a new' national apparatus capable
of the
geoisie explains timidity over the agrarian question, which is
its radical transformation and modernisation of the socio-economic
the pivot of the anti-imperialist national liberation revolution. structure of the country
But .

it is also necessary to explain its relation to British

imperialist rule
in India, and this requires account to be taken both
of the origins
ol the bourgeoisie in India and its close cooperation
with British In recent years progressive thought in India has formulated a
finance capital. The Indian merchants, usurers, landowners of urgent tasks facing society and it is now a matter of
1

and number
compradores became agents of British capital and shareholders in how they can best be implemented in while only
practice
British industrial, trading, banking, railway and insurance
com- recently their general purpose was discussed. Under such cir-
panies. ITiey were the minions of their foreign masters. And this cumstances it is necessary to undertake a scientifically objective
also determined their strong connections with British industrial and generalising analysis of the social and economic structures in
and finance capital and their desire to maintain their class privi- India at the various stages of its development over the last two
leges under the aegis of the foreign colonisers. centuries. Such an analysis will give a clearer idea of both the
Substantial sections of the industrial and trading bourgeoisie conservative and stagnant spheres as well as the progressive and
and the upper crust of the intelligentsia were closely connected to developing aspects of the contemporary socio-economic system
the colonial regime and its apparatus; they took advantage of and this means having a real understanding of the scope and
state loans, enjoyed all kinds of privileges and were
continually direction of the efforts and resources that are necessary for the
open to bribery and corruption. But the connections between transformation of social being and the consciousness of the
British finance capital and the Indian bourgeoisie did not people. This also applies to many other colonial peoples which
preclude contradictions and conflicts between them, or imply that are now trying to renew their way of life.
their interests were identical. Such conflicts were
usually an Sometimes the setting up of a state and economic apparatus,
expression of the Indian bourgeoisie’s claim for a greater share in which is essential for bringing about genuine historic change, is
exploiting the internal market and rarely amounted to anything understood as making general conclusions as to the concrete tasks
more than a form of bourgeois opposition. that face society and establishing their order of priority. But his-
But the and sharp division of class
critical political situation torical experience continually reminds us that among this list of
forces in India combined with
the general crisis of British impe- tasks there are certain determinants, the most important of which
rialism and the threat of revolution and a violent overthrow of the is, of course, a correct analysis of the
correlation of the class and
British rule by the people forced the British colonisers in 1947 to political forces and account of the aspirations of the people. It is
hand over power in the country to a bloc composed of the bour- upon this in the final analysis that the viability of the socio-
geoisie and the middle strata. economic system depends once it has begun to form, and on the
The new national government, in which from its very inception outcome of the class struggle depends society’s transition either to
a leading role was played by Jawaharlal Nehru, was faced with social progress or social reaction.
a
13o 131
 The traditional pre-colonial society that existed in the liberated
countries for many centuries had its own comparatively stable The most dangerous illusion in Afro- Asian societies is that the
mechanism for the reproduction
of conservative social forces consciousness of an ordinary worker or any downtrodden person
ranging from the village commune and the feudal landowners to is a blank sheet on which the revolutionary propagandist can put

the centralised military-administrative apparatus of the Oriental any idea he likes. In fact the consciousness of the ordinary worker
despots or other state formations of a similar type. As we have in a traditional society is fettered by an unusually stable system of
already shown, this mechanism was dealt a damaging blow, but simple yet very tenacious ideas about the purpose and standards
though it was
it was not yet destroyed but to a certain
distorted, of his existence. To draw' him into the struggle for radical social
extent preserved. The
preservation of backwardness and archaic transformations, he must be put in a situation of daily struggle for
vestiges was an important organic function of colonialism. aims and ideals he already understands. This, incidentally, is
The mechanism by W'hich the conservative elements of society something to be learned from Gandhi who had a deep under-
are reproduced is one of the most complex sociological problems standing of the ideals that were accessible and understandable to
of post-colonial society. An analysis of its structure reveals the the commonpeople.
causes for the tenacity of the social base of conservatism and Of course, right- and left-wing extremist politicians and dema-
shows the fruitlessness of leftist tactics which promise no con- gogues can arouse and even unite for a short time certain
structive alternative to this structure and, furthermore, to a cer- sections of the downtrodden masses behind loud, unrealistically
on its declasse elements. Those who assumed that
tain extent rely utopian slogans of justice, brotherhood and happiness for all. But
under conditions of national sovereignty there would be a rapid in realistic class-political terms this amounts to nothing more than
collapse of community links and the patriarchal patronage sys- an emotional outburst on a fideistic platform alien to genuine
tems which account for the relatively high level of stagnation in revolutionary activity though adequate for the pre-revolutionary
society, particularly in the countryside, are now' forced, through movements of the type that Lenin called ‘old Chinese uprisings’.
experience, to reappraise and take a more accurate assessment of Unfortunately this kind of purposeless, programmeless people’s
the social changes that have taken place in the liberated countries. uprisings has been a fairly common occurrence in a number of
Only an objective analysis of the real situation of the people, countries where the bandwaggon of popular protest has been
particularly the pre-proletarian, peasant, artisan and petty- jumped on by educated (in the Western fashion) but politically
bourgeois masses, the vast mass of the urban poor, the declasse immature and wrongly orientated petty-bourgeois youth. This
lumpen-proletariat makes it possible to find an approach to their process has to a large extent been furthered by Maoism.
consciousness, rouse it and direct it to social transformation. A comparative analysis of life-styles and the resulting ‘practical
Lenin wrote about the backward sections of the Russian proleta- conclusions’ frequently amount to a comparison of living stan-
riat: ‘We must learn to approach the most backward,
the most
dards, social and individual standards of behaviour, cultural, art
undeveloped members of this class, those who are least influenced and educational achievements and other criteria that have been
by our science and the science of life, so as to be able to speak to the result of long historical development. The usefulness of such a
them, to draw closer to them, to raise them steadily and patiently comparison is evident, but it can be reduced to fruitless specula-
to the level of Social-Democratic consciousness, without making tion if thought is not given to the means by which a given society
a dry dogma out of our doctrine —
to teach them not only from
books, but through participation in the daily struggle for existence
reached its present level of development and the costs of so doing.
Explanation of this set of problems will obviously not lead
of these backward and undeveloped strata of the proletariat .’ 1 automatically to a mechanism by which the historically backward
And conclusion is even more relevant to the non -proletarian
this countries could catch up with the more advanced countries. In the
working masses which constitute the overwhelming majority in final analysis a new social and economic mechanism, especially in
the liberated countries. its structural and institutional part, is only created as a result of

the victory of the forces of social progress over the forces of reac-
1 tion, imperialism and conservatism, i.e. in the course of the class
V. I. Lenin,‘On Confounding Polities with Pedagogics’, Collected
Works , Vol. 8, Moscow, 1965, p. 454. struggle.
But study of the experience of those societies which have
132
133
 reached a higher stage of historical development makes it possible stable prices, labour legislation and trade unions (i.e. from
to shorten the time of transformations and therefore the social equality before the law), from secularism which they frequently
costs of their implementation. In 1867, Marx already drew atten- find intolerable and all the other attributes of bourgeois
tion to the way in which the dominant classes in continental democracy during the period of backwardness and belated capi-
Europe and the United States of America needed to study English talism, and from "concrete struggle against foreign monopolies
or
factory legislation, and generalised that ‘one nation can "and big national industrial and merchant's capital.
should learn from others. And even when a society has got upon The limitations in the constructive historical activity (even
the right track for the discovery of the natural laws of its move- within bourgeois society) of these strata of the bourgeoisie who
—
ment and it is the ultimate aim of this work to lay bare the fallunder the dominating influence of the local conservatives are
economic law of motion of modern society it can neither clear — shown in actions which ultimately serve to weaken their own
by bold leaps, nor remove by legal enactments, the obstacles development as a class. These include in the first place the incite-
offered by the successive phases of its normal development. But ment of communalist, nationalist, sectarian and separatist disor-
't can shorten and lessen the birth-pangs.’ 1 ders instead of the strengthening of law and order in the state,
In the light of this idea the seemingly unusual phenomenon of secondly, speculation in consumer goods, gold and currency,
the mass generation of the lower forms of capitalist production in together with corruption and nepotism, which can achieve
industry, agricultureand the services in the liberated countries socially dangerous levels, instead of capital investment in produc-
becomes more understandable. The similar economic stage in the tion, and last but by no means least, the encouragement of
developed countries of Western Europe and North America, religious fanaticism, Hinduism, Pan-Islamism, mysticism (in
which took the form of small manufactories and non-mechanised Indonesia) and the ignorance and obscurantism which
family farms, was completed in the early or at least the mid- accompany them instead of the development of bourgeois ration-
19lh century, in sovereign India and many other Afro- Asian alist By trying to repeat stages long past in the
individualism.
countries the development of the small-scale enterprise originated development of Western capitalism, these sections of the bour-
from the gradual introduction of industrialisation and under the geoisie show no active desire to ‘shorten and lessen the birth-
influence of the ‘green revolution’ and agrarian reform. The pangs’ of bourgeois society.
insufficient development of the social division of labour, of so- Let us consider this question from another angle. No religion in
cialisation in production, and of cooperative forms of enterprise the East (Islam, Buddhism and particularly Hinduism) has
and exchange, arid, therefore, the weak position of the state undergone a radical bourgeois reformation. This means that in a
sector in this sphere have made it possible for private industrial new historical situation when the most intense social conflicts are
and merchant’s capital to gain fairly strict control over it. engendered by the incursion of industrial and monopoly capital,
In the liberated countries that
have chosen the capitalist path of the traditional pre-capitalist, communalist consciousness of the
development, the petty urban and rural entrepreneurs, closely link- religious fanatic functions, as it were, as the natural petty-
ed with traditional spheres of production, are at present unable, bourgeois reaction to these new phenomena. Moreover, in a
unlike their distant historical ancestors of the Third Estate in number of Afro-Asian countries a purely secular ideology,
Europe, to put forward a consistent programme of revolutionary including anti-imperialist nationalism, is not usually capable of
transformations, although admittedly they are being more and ousting with sufficient historical rapidity the traditional commu-
more drawn into the political struggle and in recent years have nalist, clan, caste, estate, tribal, semi-feudal and religious-extrem-
supported both right- and left-wing radicalism in turn. They most- ist ideology to become the world-outlook of tens of millions of
ly fall under the influence of religious, national -separatist and small owners that are trying to improve their positions in the
other types of movement which, the political leaders of the world and join the entrepreneurs. Hence their stubborn adherence
petty bourgeoisie feel, will protect them from state control, to the standards of tribe, caste and religion.
Furthermore, the intense hostility felt by the small owner
1
K. Marx, ‘Preface to the First German Edition of “Capital” Capital,
towards the usurer and trader in the village, the capitalist in
Vol. 1,Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1974. p. 20. general, and the foreign and local big businessman in particular,

134 135
 gives rise lo feelings of anti-capitalism. Anti-capitalism ture, form and accepted limits. The ancient world is satisfying
of this
kind was known in pre-revolutionary Russia, where from a narrow point of view, whereas the modern world leaves us
‘enraged'
small owners more often than not were ready to accept an unsatisfied, or, where it appears to be satisfied with itself, it is
anar-
chistic negation of all law and order, including vulgar'.' Marx writes here of a society transitional to capitalism.
the bourgeois
system, and after the revolution sometimes became the breeding Marx, Engels and Lenin frequently noted that the great
ground for the anti-Soviet uprisings of the socialist-revolution- philosophers, revolutionaries, scholars and artists who created the
aries and anarchists. ideological superstructure of bourgeois society and its culture,
Itof interest to note that in the colonial countries, partic-
is were themselves far from being affected by the cult of profit and,
ularly in India, the rise of capitalism did not engender moreover, were intensely hostile to the vulgarity, complacency
sharp
ideological conflicts between the internal forces of reaction and narrow-mindedness of the bourgeoisie. But even so, for
and
progress as was the case in Europe. In a purely logical analysis, European capitalism to acquire its spontaneity and irreversibility,
the positions of such Indian moderate reformers for it to gain control of an immense feudal periphery', radical
as Dadabhai
Naoroji or Motilal Nehru might seem at first glance considerably changes w'ere needed in the cultural life of society and its moral
more progressive than, say, the teachings of Bal Gangadhar Tilak and ethical norms; not only an extensive transformation of the
or even Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. But the ideas of means of production and exchange but also the creation of values
the first
two amounted to those of the
educated national-bourgeois elite in in all areas of cultural life was needed, these values themselves
India, while the eclectic philosophy of Tilak and particularly going far beyond the bounds of the limited, purely bourgeois
the
utopian ideas of Gandhi embraced tire aspirations of world order and eventually becoming part of the consciousness
millions.
ITie formation of an integral class and and spiritual world of socialism.
national ideology of the
bourgeoisie in an oppressed country had been hindered Such changes included: the beginnings of a new spiritual
by the
of even its most educated and talented representatives to
inability' awareness, which was most fully expressed in the artistic visions
develop the system of scientific knowledge and abstract of the Renaissance artists; religious reformation consisting in the
concep-
tions necessary for the study of the life of their tailoring of a religion to suit the needs of a society of commodity
peoples in the new
situation. producers, of which Marx wrote that ‘for such a society, Chris-
Let us take a major political figure like Jawaharlal tianity with its cultus of abstract man, more especially in its
Nehru.
More than ten years have passed since his death, but even today' bourgeois developments, Protestantism, Deism, etc., is the most
in looking through his writings and speeches fitting form of religion’; 1 the formation of a totality of anti-
we realise how great
was the burden that he had taken upon his shoulders trying dogmatic abstractions associated with cosmological, geographical
to
—
combine the incompatible the centuries-old fideism of India
with the scientific-rationalist thought of
and anatomic discoveries and the discoveries of natural and exact
Europe, while stressing sciences; the predominance of rationalism and a materialist direc-
the world-historical significance of theory and tion in the philosophy of the Enlightenment; the beginnings of
practice of Marx^
ism-Leninism. An appreciation of the way in which classical bourgeois political economy; the recognition by the his-
Nehru’s
thinking coincided with Marx’s ideas can be torical science of class contradictions and conflicts; the establish-
gained from the
following quotation from Marx in which he clearly ment of the applied sciences and their subsequent specialisation to
formulates
demands made on the optimal man in a transitional society who meet the needs of production, exchange and transport, the
‘does not seek to remain something already formed, military needs and the consumer and representation requirements
" but is'in the
absolute movement of becoming’. 1 of the propertied classes and the Church; the construction and
The appearance of such an individual during the formational development of machines and their technology and the discovery
period of the new society is essential because ‘it [the world of new sources of energy for production and expanded reproduc-
of
ancients] is superior, wherever one looks for tion of relative surplus value; the formation of a world bour-
self-contained struc-

1
Marx, F.ngels, Pre-Capitalist Socio-Economic Formations, A Collection,
1
Ibid.
Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1979, p. 101.
2
Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. 83.
1, p.

136 137
geoisie, an international working class and a stratum of engineers and culture of the West’. A similar desire for religious reform
1

and technicians who mastered the industrial technology and were can be seen in the intellectual search of Tilak and Gandhi who
capable of producing relative surplus value. both insistently strove for a way through to the mass conscious-
These complex changes are given here in approximately the ness of their fellow-countrymen at the time of their political
same historical and genetic order in which they took place awakening to the struggle against colonial domination.
throughout Europe though in England, for example, this sequence The question arises: can we consider the religious reformist as a
was more than once broken or remained incomplete. But in Ja- revolutionary in the period since the Reformation, or more partic-
pan, China, India and some of the Arab countries (not to men- ularly in recent times? Marxism-Leninism has never given a
tion the rest of the Afro-Asian world), where from the middle and simple, abstract negative answer to this. The Reformation in
late 19th century foreign technology and mechanised transport Western Europe gave rise to the ‘heretical’, ‘revolutionary-
were fairly well established, these historical changes, particularly religious views’ of Thomas Miinzer and other leaders of the
in the sphere of ideology, have been delayed, and even where peasant and plebeian masses. But religious ideas could become
some of the above-mentioned changes have come about, they revolutionary only under two conditions: first, that they served as
have followed a different sequence and, as a rule, lacked integra- ideological armament for genuinely revolutionary forces in a
tion and therefore been ineffectual. For this reason bourgeois given society, and second, that these forces could have no oppor-
ideology as a system of concepts and standards was never devel- tunity to adopt secular class ideology capable of winning the
oped in any complete form in any Afro-Asian country, including consciousness of the masses for the simple reason that such class
Japan. ideology had not yet been developed.
For a long time even the most enlightened of the Afro-Asian If we apply these criteria to Gandhism, one of the most influen-
intellectual elitehad little knowledge of the complex process that tial ideological currents in India and a number of other Eastern
Europe underwent from the 16th to the 19th centuries whereby countries, then we are forced to recognise that apart from genuine
scientific progress interacted with the economic, cultural and anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism and anti-racism, many of the
ideological life of society. They rightly held the achievements of characteristics of social radicalism, which were so evident among
European science and technology as constituting first and fore- the plebeian masses and the Third Estate in Europe, arc almost
most the military and economic superiority of their foreign completely absent in this, the most popular reformist trend in
oppressors. European domination in intellectual life could only be recent times.
opposed by the cultural and ethical values of the so-called ‘golden Let us consider the personality and views of Gandhi as seen by
age’ of the East, i.e. the already effete, unproductive and irrevo- Nehru:
cable past, which had no dynamism, relevance or prospects. — ‘Gandhi has been compared to the medieval Christian
It is noteworthy that the greatest mind that India produced at saints, and much that he says seems to fit in with this’;
the turn of the 18th and 19th century, Ram Mohan Roy, was, — ‘the appearance of vagueness and avoidance of clarity’;
according to Nehru, primarily a religious reformer. ‘Influenced in — ‘he is not out to change society or the social structure, he
his early days by Islam and later, to some extent, by Christianity, devotes himself to the eradication of sin from individuals’;
he stuck nevertheless to the foundations of his own faith. But he — ‘he more or less of a philosophical anarchist’;
tried to reform that faith and rid it of abuses and the evil practices — is

‘he suspects also socialism, and more particularly Marxism,

that had become associated with it.’ 1 And this religious because of their association with violence. The very words “class
reformism was served by his vast erudition —
a knowledge of war” breathe conflict and violence and are thus repugnant to
Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic, Greek, Latin and Ancient Hebrew him’;
together with English. But this colossal intellectual power was — his ‘outlook is as far removed from the socialistic, or for the
concentrated on one thing, ‘to discover the sources of the religion matter of that the capitalistic, as anything can be’;

1
Jawaharlal Nehru, The Discovery of India, Meridian Books Ltd.,
London, 1951, p. 293. 1
Ibid.

138 139
 — wants to go back to the narrowest autarchy, not only a
‘he ordinary (and not the elite!) man of the 20th century to ‘the abso-
almost a self-sufficient village’. 1
self-sufficient nation, but lute movement of becoming’ of a new individual of now already
If we recall the wariness with which Gandhi approached the socialist society, have brought upon themselves the hatred of all

achievements of industry, technology, science and art, then we are forces of the entire bourgeois, conservative establishment. The cry
forced to concede that his philosophical position did little and “Communists, forward!” has raised thousands upon thousands
then only indirectly to promote the formation of an integral advancing to death and immortality who by their conscious sac-
bourgeois individual. But at the same time the historical impor- rifice in the name and at the behest of their class and party have

tance of Gandhism for India is immense, for it was his philoso- surpassed the canonised martyrs of all religious faiths of all times.
phical, ethical and political views on which generations of And what have the various religious fanatics of different kinds
thinking Indians were raised, while an individual was being and countries to offer against the hundreds of thousands of Com-
moulded who, to repeat the words of Marx, ‘does not seek to munists, anti-imperialists and democrats that have been killed
remain something already formed, but in the last decade alone for their belief in freedom and social
is in the absolute move-
ment of becoming’. We
consider that, basically speaking, in his progress, by religious, racist, caste and class reactionaries backed
undoubtedly sincere reverence for Gandhi as a man and in the up by foreign monopolies in Indonesia, Thailand, Sudan, Angola,
fact that he repeatedly stresses the dynamism of Gandhi’s Ethiopia, Zaire, Chile and Vietnam or by the Maoist nationalist
approach to Indian reality, Nehru has pointed out precisely this Thermidorians in China? Not for nothing do waiters of many
function of Gandhism. countries seek inspiration from such fearless and irreproachable
The Afro- Asian, having awakened ‘in the absolute movement Communists as Ernesto Che Guevara. Whatever sins Commu-
of becoming’ and having overcome the first stage of the dynamic nists have been accused of by their enemies, no one has ever

process of the anti-imperialist struggle, finds himself in a labyrinth doubted their courage and readiness for great sacrifice.
of complex, highly contradictory, historically concrete, class, But devotion to a philosophy is not identical with the ability to
national and political assessments and problems. And in this put it into practice. This has been indirectly shown by the losses
situation the magic Oriental ethics breaks down, and its indiffer- and setbacks suffered by the forces of progress in India and
ence to social and class distinctions which results in rich and other liberated countries. Still the gradual accumulation of
poor being treated alike, degenerates into a form of moralising revolutionary experience in work among the masses and in
that is completely bankrupt in the new conditions of a sovereign guiding the masses in the struggle continues. Thus already today
state. in many liberated countries there are increasingly strong trends to
Mahatma Gandhi himself, more than any of his followers, was assimilate the theory and practice of non-capitalist and sub-
deeply aware of the fallacies in the socio-economic aspects of his sequent socialist development.
philosophy under conditions of a sovereign bourgeois state Apart from anything else this experience shows that in the
in which all the contradictions of society were openly revealed. socialist world the law of priority development for the backward
His end was the fatal atonement for a great, though unsuc- countries functions so as to bring them up to the level of the
cessful attempt to offer an ideological transition from a state advanced countries. This is what has happened in Soviet Central
in which the bourgeois individuality had been insufficiently de- Asia, Trans-Caucasia, Far North and Far East. The same process
veloped to ‘the absolute movement of becoming’ of bourgeois so- also look place in .Mongolia, the Korean Democratic People’s
ciety. Republic, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, People’s Republic
of China (until 1958) as well as Bulgaria, Romania and, part-
ly, Yugoslavia; Cuba is undergoing the same process. Further-

The cult of sacrifice is alien to Marxist- Leninist morality. But it more, the new correlation of class and political forces in the
has so happened that the Communists, in laying a path for the world, the mutual cooperation and solidarity between the socialist
states and their cooperation with the developing countries, the sci-
1
Jawaharlal Nehru, An Autobiography The Bodley Head, London, 1953,
ence-based system of planning, which takes account of past mis-
,

pp. 509, 510, 511, 515, 516, 517, 522. takes as well as the optimum variants of economic integration

140 141
 ©

that have already justified themselves, have made it possible to villages amounted which was ready
to an agricultural proletariat

shorten and ease the birth-pangs of the new socialist society for a socialist revolution. He
then went on to suggest that ‘the
and the independent, progressive national-democratic state. destinies of the revolutionary movement in Europe depend en-
Marxists have never thought it advisable to export concrete tirely on the course of the revolution in the East. Without a tri-

recipes for the reorganisation of national socio-economic systems umphant revolution in Eastern countries the communist move-
from one country to another. Such practice is not in the nature of ment in Europe may wither away.... Therefore, the emphasis
scientific socialism historical and
and runs counter to the tenets of should be shifted to the development and raising of the revolu-
dialectical materialism as well as themethods generally accepted tionary movement in the East, with the main thesis adopted that
in socialist society. But this does not mean that they go to the the destiny of the world communist movement depends on a
other extreme and ignore the attempts of international and triumph of communism in the East'. Thus simply and emotionally
national forces to find optimum solutions to the complex prob- before Lenin and the Areopagus of world communism that had
lems facing the developing countries. That is why Soviet political gathered in Moscow did Manabendra Nath Roy, at that time a
leaders and experts have always been ready to share their expe- 28-year-old revolutionary, an enthusiastic Marxist carried away
rience in socialist construction, an experience which has not been by the international and national revolutionary liberation move-
easily acquired, but for that reason is the more valuable; and that ment and the Socialist Revolution in Russia, decide the destinies
is also why they point to their successes in general and in of the movement.
particular spheres and are not afraid to reveal their mistakes. In answering Lenin gave a reply that was extremely tactful in
Furthermore, the approach of a person to the problems of a form, and deeply significant m content. ‘The Indian Com mu
foreign society almost always contains something original and a nists,’ he said, ‘have to support the bourgeois-democratic
new way of looking at things. From the earliest days of the so- movement, but not merge with it. Comrade Roy is going too
cialistrevolution in Russia Lenin requested the continued publi- far in asserting that the destinies of the West depend exclusive-

cation of books by Western observers, such as John Reed, Albert ly on the level of development and power of the revolutionary

Rhys Williams and H. G. Wells, who according to their back- movement in Eastern countries. Despite the fact that there
ground and objectivity gave rather differing portrayals of the are five million of proletarians and 37 million of landless
years of the October Revolution, but whose interpretations at
first peasants in India, the Indian Communists have not suc-
times contained very useful, though uneven, grains of rationality. ceeded in creating a communist party in the country, and this
Soviet experts on Asia and Africa, guided by Marxist-Leninist alone proves that Comrade Roy’s views have not been sufficiently
methodology, have always sought to achieve the greatest scientific substantiated.’ Lenin’s words, of course, reflected the social and
understanding of events and developments in these continents. political reality of the time (the size of the working class, the

This difficult task is being carried out with varying degrees of suc- absence of a communist party or any Marxist groups) but they are
cess depending on such factors as the amount of available infor- still highly relevant today.
mation, its quality and the reliability of the source (in so far as it is In its historical perspective Lenin’s thought contains three pos-
bourgeois information which tends to predominate) and their own tulates: first, the necessity for a reliable and flexible alliance
understanding of the world revolutionary process at a given stage. with the widest (at any given moment) democratic move-
Even before the Second Congress of the Communist Interna- ment; secondly, the groundlessness of Orient-centred ideas;
tional in 1920 certain Asian revolutionaries tried to identify the thirdly, and of particular importance for our theme, the er-
national liberation struggle in Asia at the time with the interna- roneousness of identifying offhand the landless, poverty-stricken
tional working-class movement, particularly the October Socialist peasantry with the proletariat.
Revolution. Things would certainly be easy, if it were all so Thus, Lenin categorically rejected the suggestion expressed by
simple! Furthermore, none other than Manabendra Nath Roy, the Manabendra Nath Roy that the landless peasantry could be
man who pioneered the communist movement in India and who regarded as part of the proletariat and confined the latter term to
knew better than anyone the political situation of the time, claim- the industrial working class proper. For those acquainted with
ed that a hundred odd million landless population of the Indian Lenin’s studies on the class structure in Russia, such an approach
is quite natural, for Lenin always singled out among the Russian
142
143
working people the non -proletarian or, at any semi- or
rate, the the main classes and strata. Only such an approach can provide a
pre-proletarian strata. Contemporary Marxists in Africa and Asia science-based programme of transformations in the foreseeable
essentially proceed from these criteria in their analysis of the class future and counteract the demagogical, voluntaristic platforms of
composition of society, particularly in the villages. reactionaries and leftist quasi-revolutionaries.
More than half a century has gone by since Lenin's polemic Socio-economic analysis makes it possible to reveal the essence
with Manabendra Nath Roy. Major changes have taken place in of those phenomena w'hich are now the concern of public opinion
the social structure of liberated countries, particularly under con- in the liberated countries and form the crux of the political
ditions of state sovereignty. It is now not only a question of struggle. Take, for example, the problem of prices and, in the East
changes in the size and proportion of class forces, but in the where the food situation has been sharply exacerbated, the
quality of the new social groups that have kept their former problem of the price of grain. Price control in the first place
sociological names. This side of the question is exceptionally depends on the suppression of speculation and the establishment
important and should always be taken into account whatever of fixed wholesale and retail prices. This is an absolutely just
aspects of contemporary life are being treated. The thoughtful requirement meeting with the wholehearted approval of the
reader will have no difficulty in finding concrete examples for people. Its implementation has rapid and noticeable effect and
these socio-economic reflections. makes life easier for tens of millions of working people. Neverthe-
less even the strictest forms of price control cannot solve the food
situation, because they cannot guarantee increased grain produc-
The experience of the Afro-Asian countries is one more confir- tion (some landowners will even curtail production) or a lowering
mation of Lenin’s thesis that the proletariat and all the working of production costs. The whole issue turns on a radical social
people must pass through the hard school of struggle for and technical transformation of agriculture and, consequently,
democracy as the essential condition of a successful struggle for on a change in relations of ownership, an increase in agri-
the socialist transformation of society. Of course, the struggle for cultural productive forces and the introduction of advanced pro-
state sovereignty contained many of the elements of such a duction methods.
school, but these often became obscured by the general national Speculative pressure on price formation can only be success-
aims of the movement and by the harsh demands of underground, fully relieved by bringing democratic forces into action. Further

and even more so, armed resistance against the colonialists. Only steps towards the integral reconstructions of agriculture as regards
freedom, democracy, state sovereignty and independence make it landownership, land-tenure, cooperative farming, and develop-
possible to fully and clearly reveal the genuine interests of individ- ment of advanced agricultural methods (i.e., a real ‘green revolu-
ual classes and strata, and foster the awareness of their interests tion’), its links with industry and the system of education, as well

among the working people. This process is neither simple nor as the establishment of new institutions in place of the old ones,
straightforward if only for the reason that class consciousness, are thereby made more convincing to the masses. It is this that
constitutes, as it were, the second long-term objective of the
once awakened, undergoes the agonising process of refraction
through the prism of traditional world-outlook with all its preju- present struggle for price control, which in many of the liberated
dices, narrow aspirations, superstition and mystique. Overcoming countries has been far from achieving its goal because of the
these vestiges of inertia that have lasted for thousands of years at superficial nature of the measures introduced which have no
the first stages of class awakening is a necessary condition for the
7
democratic, popular support.
formation of democratic consciousness and the progressive The experience of many of the developing countries has shown
organisation that accompanies it. that the long-term progressive potential of even the most resolute
A study of the socio-economic structure and its apparatus at economic measures can remain unrealised, and can even be
various stages of social development and in its various sections compromised, if they are carried out in a bureaucratic fashion
(from the family up to the entire nation) makes it possible to without the active participation of and control by democratic
single out from a variegated conglomeration of slogans, demands organisations both locally and at the centre. Therefore, when the
and claims the long-term issues that reflect the radical interests of democratic state penetrates into the very heart of the private
145
144
 sector,it must do so with clean and honest hands, the hands of the
Only these forces can decide the land and the peasant question in
people. If not, the extension of radical transformations will be
favour of the people without making deals with big landowners.
accompanied by a corresponding extension of corruption. In
Only these forces can achieve a real increase in the living stan-
other words, what will happen is that ordinary capitalist enter-
dards of the industrial and office workers, the artisans and the
prise will be replaced by still more parasitic bureaucratic capital-
whole downtrodden mass without making deals with the local
ism. Dangers of this kind faced the Soviet Union in its early days
bourgeoisie. Since their interests lie in a just social system, these
when a mixed economy was maintained, and forced the forces, despite their class diversity are capable, under favourable
Communist Party and the Soviet Government to take extraor- conditions and with the help of the world socialist system
dinary measures to eliminate them. restraining as it does imperialist counter-revolution, of leaving the
capitalist path of socio-economic development and progressing
via socialist orientation in domestic and foreign policy along a
The main characteristic feature of the present historical era is non -capitalist path of development.
the transition from capitalism to socialism. This is a transition The full maturity of the subjective and objective conditions for
which is going on not only in countries where power belongs to transition to the path of non-capitalist development, for progress
the working class. The offensive against capitalism is increasing along that path and for gaining initial and subsequent success, or
and the front of that offensive is expanding as the anti-imperialist the full economic and political development of the conditions
struggle of the liberated countries becomes directly anti-capitalist.
necessary for this transition is not an absolute necessity. Such
Lenin, who developed and enriched scientific socialism and conditions are relative. Objective conditions must be seen in rela-
formulated an all-embracing theory of the world revolutionary tion to subjective conditions, and, conversely, subjective condi-
process, showed that the world-wide transition from capitalism to
tions must be considered with regard to the objective situation.
socialism would be a highly complex, long, varied and difficult They are not fixed and it is not necessary that they should coin-
process. History has fully borne out Lenin’s prediction. No single, cide perfectly or be precisely balanced. They are in dialectical
universal explosion has occurred to destroy the world capitalist interaction and unity, sometimes differing in their development
and colonial system as many revolutionaries before Lenin sug- and sometimes in their readiness for the country’s transition to a
gested. And therefore we have to think in ternis of a whole his- new, non-capitalist path. The objective conditions for the transi-
torical era of transition from capitalism and pre-capitalism to tion to the non-capitalist path of socio-economic development
socialism. are determined both by the fact that feudal and semi-capitalist
The have been driven out and they are no longer
colonialists development is leading or has led to a crisis in, or the isola-
more than one hundred countries that have
the arbitrary rulers in tion of, the present regime and by the whole totality of cir-
won political independence. But the former colonialists still retain cumstances including the international situation in a given
serious economic and ideological positions in the one-time colo- area.
nial and semi-colonial countries. Just as in the contemporary We have frequently had occasion to mention that together with
world there are two social systems, two trends of development, so the working people the national bourgeoisie has also participated
in the national liberation movement there are two streams in the national liberation movement. In a number of countries it
struggling against imperialism. In the majority of countries these has led the struggle against colonialism. But the fundamental
streams are not completely isolated from one another, and on a motive force of all national liberation movements without excep-
number of vital issues (economic independence, anti-imperialist
foreign policy, etc.) they form a general national front.
tion —
have been the popular masses the peasantry, the workers,
the artisans and the intellectuals. Even when they were under the
But only one of these streams unites the forces of social ideological and political influence of the bourgeoisie they brought
progress, which are capable of going further than the goal of their own aspirations, usually anti-feudal, anti-imperialist and
national liberation. As the history of all liberated countries shows, spontaneously anti-capitalist incharacter, to the national libera-
only these forces can consistently fight imperialism for economic tion struggle. In rising against the colonial yoke they frequently
independence without making compromises with foreign capital. resorted to such specifically proletarian methods of struggle as the

146 147
 general strike, armed uprising and war against reaction and
the intellectuals in the liberated countries. The overwhelming
civil
counter-revolution.
majority of this stratum are part of the army of hired labour and
Whereas the national bourgeoisie opposed colonial exploitation
a significant proportion are employed in the civil service, the
and this aim has been achieved, the popular masses oppose any
army, and the state and private sectors of the economy. Of
kind of exploitation in general. This subjectively socialist trend in
course, the upper crust of the intelligentsia merges with the bour-
the contemporary national liberation movement arose and grew
geoisie,but its working sections suffer from mass unemployment
strong after the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. It
and the pressure of big capital, monopolies, etc. By its very nature
has also continually appeared in the views and activity of the the intelligentsia feels keenly the infringements of national
radical representatives of the national liberation movement, sovereignty and the attempts of the foreign monopolies to control
chiefly its wing, which has been considerably influenced by
left
in their countries. It is in the interests of
economic development
the ideas of Marxism-Leninism. Such radical statesmen include
the democratic intelligentsia to complete the anti-feudal and anti-
Sun Yat-sen, Nehru, Sukarno, Nasser, Boumedienne, Ne Win,
capitalist revolution by means of radical social transforma-
Nyerere, Nkrumah, Neto, Machel and others.
tions.
It must always be borne in mind that the national
liberation The working intellectuals in a number of liberated countries are
movements, nominal aim being to clear the path for
their
ablemore quickly than the peasants or the artisans to support
bourgeois development, have now for half a century practically
radical anti-capitalist transformations, for in the economically
developed in conditions of the present general crisis of capitalism
weak countries they are less affected by proprietory psychology.
and simultaneously with the formation of the world’s first socialist
During the years of independence the democratic intelligentsia
state, its victories over its enemies and the establishment
of has grown politically, consolidated its ranks and many of its strata
socialism as a world system of states. This has meant that social-
are now actively influenced by the successes of world socialism.
ism, which means abolition of all forms of the exploitation of man
Their growing social and political maturity gives the intellectuals
by man, is now a distinct possibility for national liberation
the objective opportunity not only to participate in the revolu-
movements all over the world. Even those liberated countries tionary-democratic and anti-capitalist transformations, but to
which are today governed by the national bourgeoisie, cannot
play a leading role in them.
avoid the issue of socialism as an alternative for their develop-
There are^far-reaching internal objective conditions for the
ment in the near future. And even the national bourgeoisie is growth of move-
socialist tendencies in the national liberation
adapting socialist slogans to suit its own needs. becoming increasingly clear that the present stage of
ment. It is
During the period in which the colonial countries were winning social development is no longer limited to a transition from a co-
political independence there was a considerable increase in left-
lonial-feudal economy to a national-bourgeois economy. Of
wing radical elements in the national liberation movement, re- course, this tendency is present to a greater or lesser extent in all
flecting not only the national but also the social aspirations of the
national liberation movements, but it is only one tendency and it
people. The spread of the ideas of scientific socialism found fertile
has still not prevailed among the liberated countries. The people
soil in the spontaneous, pro-socialist popular aspirations.
Not have not yet had their word. In a number of countries this ten-
only communist parties or separate communist groups but left- dency has been paralysed and gone into recession, being surpass-
wing revolutionary anti-imperialist nationalist factions began to ed by the tendency for socialism. It is significant that today even
advance socialism as the ideal social system. in the countries where the tendency for transition to a national-
The anti-capitalist trend, which has chiefly borne a petty- bourgeois state prevails, it requires the implementation of such
bourgeois character, grew and strengthened with the ideology of
democratic socio-economic transformations, which though not
the democratic national liberation movement. In a number of
socialist of themselves create the conditions for a transition to
countries it became the leading trend, mobilising the people for
socialism. Without this the nation cannot develop economically,
social reconstruction and increasingly reflecting the spontaneous
socially or politically.
gravitation of the masses towards socialism.
A few examples. The development of the state sector of the
Consideration must also be given to the special role played by economy and control over private enterprise, while not being
148
149
 themselves socialist measures, undoubtedly tend in the direction old relations of production which fetter the country’s develop-
of the socialisation of production and, under certain circum- ment.
stances, to socialism. Extirpation of foreign monopoly ownership This contradiction between productive forces and production
is usually carried out by means of nationalisation which strength-
relations becomes more acute in proportion to the speed with
ens the state and weakens the private sector. In other words it which the new government is formed and its strength as the state
furthers the tendency to transition to a socialist-orientated econo- system that is historically called upon to solve that contradiction.
my. A rise in agricultural production under the conditions of
A new political line has to be found which under state direc-
enormous agrarian overpopulation and limited land and irriga- tion would guarantee a more progressive form for, and higher
tion resources demands not only the eradication of the vestiges of
development rates in, the productive forces and which
feudalism and landownership by foreign interests and local
would ultimately lead to greater economic independence and
gentry, but the implementation, alongside agrarian reform and
the improvement of living standards. All this should result in a
the handing over of the land to the peasants, of cooperative
sharp contrast between the new political orientation and the
farming, particularly of the landless peasants and those who have
colonial past and put the country on the path to social prog-
only minute plots, i.e. the implementation of socialist measures.
ress.
In these conditions the question arises as to whether the public
The new Tuling class must inevitably come up against urgent
sector and the whole system of state control of the economy will
problems which require solution. First and foremost is the ques-
be subject to the tendency for transition to capitalism and tion of whether to pursue a foreign policy that is in opposition to
consequently be in the interests of the exploiting classes, or
imperialism or to seek a compromise with it and thereby run the
whether these economic and material resources will be put to the danger of neo-colonialism in exchange for all the doubtful bene-
service of the people and correspondingly promote socialist orien-
fits that it promises the liberated countries. To the credit of the
tation in the country. And this is a question which has not yet
national liberation movement the overwhelming majority of lib-
been decided even in those countries where the bourgeoisie is in
erated countries have adopted an anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist
power (India,
Pakistan, Turkey, the Philippines, etc.), peace-loving position and joined the non-alignment movement. It
though in the countries with revolutionary-democratic govern- is hardly surprising that officials in Washington have considered
ments the decision is coming down in favour of the second the non-alignment movement immoral, since it has never been of
alternative.
any benefit to the United States, which never ceases to try to split
the movement and blunt its anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist
edge.
All the liberated countries, and particularly the big ones with
Next on the agenda for the ruling classes in the liberated
large populations, are now facing the complex problems of
countries are questions of economic policy: industrial develop-
economic development during the transition to a free, indepen- ment, the formation of the state sector, restraining feudalism,
dent existence.
agrarian reform, cooperation with the socialist w'orld, attitudes to
One of thefirst characteristics that appears almost immediately
foreign aid, foreign capital, private capital and private enterprise,
after the achievement of state independence is the fact that the and social policy. The solution to these problems has in the past
new forces that have come to power, whether they be composed sometimes taken the form of compromise with imperialism and
of the national bourgeoisie or its elements, in so far as it does not
feudalism and an offensive against the interests of the people. This
yet constitute an independent class, or whether they be petty
reactionary solution cannot, naturally, bring about national unity.
bourgeoisie, i.e. the middle classes, cannot live as they used to
It only serves to aggravate the internal struggle and put the state
and what’s more do not want to follow the old paths. They search on the slippery slope to neo-colonialism with all the consequences
for new ways of their own and new' directions for their policy in
that this entails.
all spheres. And though the productive forces of society
continue But in the majority of liberated countries the radical contradic-
to develop in basically the same way as before, they— the class tions between the bourgeoisie as a whole or its separate ruling
bearers of productive forces — increasingly protest against the
strata, not to mention national democracy, on the one hand and
150
151
 imperialism on the other still continue and not a single section of something inert, it always acts and acts very energetically, it is
the national bourgeoisie or the petty bourgeoisie has gone always active and never passive.’ 1
over to
imperialism. This is characteristic of the present-day situation It is legitimate to ask in this connection whether the active state
and
remains valid even for such a country as India. At the same intervention in the economies of the liberated countries, even the
time
there are liberated countries where power is in the hands bourgeois countries (like India) before monopoly capital has
of these
same bourgeois strata or coalitions of bourgeois and feudals who gained domination is in any way principally different from state
are inclined to compromise with imperialism at the economy of the capitalist states in 19th century
expense of the intervention in the
people. These include Saudi Arabia, Thailand, Indonesia, Europe. Has the state in the liberated countries become a means
Egypt,
Kenya, the Ivory Coast and some others. of enriching big business at the expense of the people? Has it
What usually characterises the first stage of development in the become a means for strengthening class and national oppression,
liberated countries? The answer to this is a great
deal of state a source of aggressive wars and political reaction? Has it become
intervention in the economy, the announcement of the the tool of the foreign monopolies?
principles
of industrial and agrarian policy, intervention in the distribution It is common knowledge that the majority of liberated countries
of the national income and a budget that is designed
to meet the in Africa and Asia pursue an anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist,
needs of national economic reconstruction. All this is anti-racistand peace-loving policy. Therefore their identification
perfectly
natural. with the monopoly capitalist states has no foundation.
Considerable state intervention in the economy in the 19th As for the local and foreign monopolies, the petty and middle
century characterised young, still immature capitalism. After the bourgeoisie in the liberated Afro-Asian countries stands for their
Meiji Revolution (1867-1868) the Japanese state built nationalisation and, as a minimum, a strict state control over
a railway
system, instituted the ship-building and metallurgical industries them, believing that this will open the path to free competition on
and started ocean-going shipping. In Germany during the
second the market. At the same time it is a well-known fact that no state
half of the 19th century the state introduced tax reforms, can touch private property of the capitalist. But it should
redistri- control
buting via the budget the national income to finance the railways, be borne in mind that state control accelerates the centralisation
and the metallurgical and armaments factories. These were meas- of capital and the separation of capital as property from capital as
ures designed to strengthen and preserve the dominant
position of a function. Furthermore if we take Tndia or other countries
the capitalist classand particularly support big business with the approaching medium-level capitalist development (Iran, Turkey,
aim of exploiting the masses. the Philippines, etc.) there the separation of capital as property
Big business needs the state to help it expand and intensify
the from capital as used in production has achieved a fairly high
exploitation of the working class, i.e. help raise the
rate of level.
relative surplus value and give it levers to
control the middle state control over the economy in a developed bourgeois
While
and petty bourgeoisie. In these circumstances state
subsidies state an expression of the subordination of the state apparatus
is
to big business, guaranteed orders, special rewards
for export, to the interests of monopolies, of their merger and fusion, state
the introduction of anti-labour legislation, the
imposition of control over the economy in the majority of liberated states is
tariffs on foreign goods, capitalist nationalisation of the mining more or less adequate to the common national interests. Ob-
and subsidiary industries and finally the launching of
aggressive viously the degree of consideration given to general national in-
colonial wars (in respect of the European countries,
the United terests and their correlation with the class interests of the ruling
States and Japan) are all means by which the state furthers different in each country.
the circles is
interests of big capital. definite monopolist tendencies
But at the same time there are
Meanwhile the petty and middle entrepreneur suffers ruin. exerting their influence on the state in a number of liberated
Lenin summed up the situation when he said: Ts the state really countries. In almost all of them that are passing through the stage
something inert? the small producer asks when he sees
in despair,
that as regards his interests itremarkably inert.
really is
'

1
V. I. Lenin, “The Economic Content of Narodism and the Criticism of It
‘No, we might answer him, the state can on no account be
in Mr. Struve’s Book’, Collected Works, Vol. 1, p. 355.
152
153
 —

of transition to bourgeois society, consisting in primitive accumu- high level when it is accompanied by an ‘open doors’ policy as is
lation of capital 1 the functioning of merchant’s and usury capital,
, the case today in Egypt.
industrial capitalismand the development of local monopolies in The accumulation of merchant’s and usury capital in the hands
trade and industry, entrepreneurial confederations, corporations of numerous landlords who receive rent for their land is still a
and chambers of commerce are formed which have considerable significant phenomenon in the liberated countries. Here too the
economic and political influence. well-to-do farmers are growing in numbers. These strata together
Their task is to influence the authorities. And this can be seen with the local bourgeoisie use their income for investment in state
primarily in the unusual growth of corruption in the administra- securities, trying to turn part of the state budget into a source of
tive and economic apparatus. Corruption on this scale becomes a profit.They use their capital in discounting commercial bills for
national danger. The corrupted apparatus, particularly in its high- purchased, pawned and re-pawned securities, bonds issued by
er echelons, becomes a projection of the bourgeois class in the joint-stock companies and the government. They receive direct
state apparatus and one of the strata of the bureaucratic bour- and indirect state subsidies, which are an important means for the
I
geoisie, which has fully merged with this class and participates in growth of the private sector of the economy.
capitalist accumulation. This is one of the most dangerous reac- Big business in the liberated countries where it has already
tionary forces opposed to both socialism and progress and the emerged or is emerging does everything it can to extract
general national interests of the state. Then the influence of these maximum profit at the cost of the tax-payers. For this purpose it
entrepreneurial organisations (the chambers of commerce and takes advantage of state taxation policies, government expendi-
industry in India) affects policy on such matters as wages, prices, ture on goods and services at increased prices, the system of
profits, income and other taxes as well as the centralisation of contracts and subcontracts, its priority positions in material and
capital, the implementation of credit policy, the setting of technical supplies and in the receipt of convertible currency and
discount rates, the receipt of convertible currency and licences, guaranteed internal and export prices, and a monopoly on state
etc. orders by a small number of firms.
The entrepreneurial organisations set up chambers of com- Extensive road and rail construction programmes are being
merce, confederations and associations and show a tendency to implemented in the liberated countries at state expense. In the
centralise their influence on the economy and on state economic capitalist-orientated countries this has given a powerful boost to
policy in the interests of big business. Being back-stage centres of the development of capitalism, creating a huge market for equip-
economic influence they try to participate in the preparation and ment, construction materials and labour, bringing the food and
implementation of state legislative measures in the interests, of light industries closer to the countryside and the sources of raw
course, of their own class and frequently from reactionary posi- materials, promoting the growth of commerce and specialisation
tions. in agriculture, increasing purchases of raw materials and food-
The main tactic of the entrepreneurial organisations is subver- stuffs, speeding up the commodity turnover and making the links
sive activity, including covert sabotage, against the state sector, between the domestic and the foreign markets more stable.
and penetration into the state sector with the aim of either under- These are roughly the kind of economic problems that face the
mining it or turning the state enterprises to their own personal new national states in their early years. They are of course tackled
profit. The parasitic role of private capital in this sphere reaches a by each state according to the character of its government, its
social and class composition and its social purpose.
The developing countries arc a heterogeneous category and
1
Primitive accumulation of capital— an historical process preceding the
formation of large-scale capitalist production by separation of the their goals are diverse. Their political typology can be determined
producer
from the means of production. Primitive accumulation of capital is accompa-
nied by: 1) ruination of the mass of commodity producers (chiefly peasants)
by the only real criterion — class. According to this they are
national-democratic, bourgeois-democratic, bourgeois-
socialist,
and their conversion into peonailess, but legally free individuals deprived of
the means of existence and therefore forced to sell their labour to the capital-
landowner or feudal (semi-feudal).
ists; 2) the accumulation by certain individuals of wealth that is
necessary
Each of the developing countries approaches the major eco-
for the creation of capitalist enterprises. Ed. nomic issues outlined above in its own way according to its poten-
154 155
 tial, internal orientation, foreign policy, traditions and other fac- An important characteristic of the state enterprises in the
tors. But the two last types of developing countries are frequently developing countries is the fact that they are organised as public
prone to neo-colonialism. joint-stock companies. Their shares as a rule are not quoted on
The most important progressive, anti-imperialist characteristic the stock-exchanges and they are not in the hands of private
of all types is the trend to state control of all or at least the funda- capitalists. Therefore the enterprises cannot be made private again
mental spheres of economic life. This trend is against foreign either as a whole or in part. Thus, whereas in the developed
capital and, partly, against big national capital where it exists. capitalist countries nationalisation takes place via a merger be-
The establishment of the state sector and the implementation of tween state and private capital, resulting in the formation of mix-
the principles of economic control is accompanied by an internal ed companies, in the developing countries this is comparatively
struggle between the bourgeoisie and the state. The bourgeoisie is rare.
vitally concerned as to who has control of the production of the State control of the economydeveloped countries shows
in the
most important commodities, which industries are state-owned, that the productive forces are broad, but the forms of ownership
which industries are open for private capital and to what extent. narrow and therefore in a certain historical period the bourgeois
In a number of countries —
India, Pakistan, Egypt (under Nas- state has come to offer the broadest national form of ownership
ser), —
Bangladesh (under Mujibur Rahman) this struggle has
been dramatic. Many developing countries have taken measures
for the productive form best suited for the present
forces, a
ownership in the economically
society. The transition to state
to check a small number of capitalists (usually those in big backward countries objectively amounts to the intentional crea-
business) who have not shown sufficient patriotism. tion of the most suitable form for the development of productive
State control of part of the economy in the developed industrial forces and does away with the historical necessity for a poorly
countries is proof that a transition to socialism has become a defi- developed economy to pass through all the various preceding
nite historical necessity and that their productive forces
have long types of production relations and forms of ownership which are
outgrown the framework of private enterprise and monopoly part of
private commodity capitalism, private capitalist
capital. The
increasing size and importance of state ownership in enterprise and monopoly capitalism.
these countries is an expression of the intensive process of capi- The colonialist states set up capitalist monopolies in the
talist socialisation of production and the development
of private- colonies which usually controlled entire branches of the economy
monopoly capitalism into state-monopoly capitalism and trans- (tea, coffee, rubber and cotton plantations, railways, the primary
national corporate capitalism. processing of agricultural produce, the extractive industries, etc.).
different in the developing countries. The backwardness of
It is They were the continuation of the economic domination of state-
productive forces, particularly of industry and the infrastructure, monopoly capitalism in the metropolises. Their nationalisation by
makes necessary to speed up development towards state control
it the new sovereign states removes the colonialist and monopolist
of the commanding
heights of the economy and the building up of featuresfrom these enterprises and from whole branches of the
its foundations within the framework of the state sector, while economy, and irrespective of the type and character of the state
also drawing into the economy under state control private capit- turns them into the commanding heights of the new economy
al, both local and foreign. which the developing countries arein the process of building. This
In the countries of mature capitalism nationalisation is carried is why
anti-imperialism in the widest sense of the word, including
out by the bourgeois state in the interests of the monopolies, and economic anti-imperialism, is an important criterion for deter-
only rarely is democratic nationalisation carried out under popu- mining the character of the foreign and domestic policy of the
lar pressure in the interests of the nation. In the economically new state.
backward countries nationalisation of industry and the infrastruc- It would be
a simplification to assume that the developing
ture and the concentration of new capital investment in the state stateswhich have taken the capitalist path (non-socialist or non-
sector are primarily forms of protection against foreign
capital national-democratic) are, economically speaking, a special type
and the transnational monopolies and barriers against the plun- of national entrepreneur, opposed to private capital and acting
dering of natural resources. not in the interests of the national bourgeoisie, but exclusively in
the interests of the nation as a whole. In exploiting the most
156
157
extensive forms of collective bourgeois ownership and its nation- preparedness, make the productive forces continue to develop
alised state form and thereby overstepping the phases of histor- on a capitalist basis by means of exploitation of the workers.
ical continuity in the development of private and monopoly- If the social system and character of the state determine the role
capitalist ownership, the new bourgeois-democratic, bourgeois- and aims of state capitalism in the developing countries and the —
landowner and other states are accelerating the process of capi- latter indisputably strengthens capitalism in the developing
talist industrialisation. In this sense they are able to create the illu- countries at the present stage of their development —
then with a
sion that they are building a common
national economy of change of power and a change in the character of the state it is
‘democratic socialism' that has none of the ‘excesses of the class possible that the state sector which it inherits will provide a
struggle’. They present the class interests of the bourgeoisie as consistently socialist or revolutionary-democratic support for the
those of the whole nation, taking advantage of their temporary economic life of the country. This, of course, does not preclude
coincidence in the struggle against imperialism and colonialism. the possibility that the new state with the support of the old state
It would be wrong to suggest that the bourgeois developing sector will begin to set up new types of state capitalism in the form
states control, regulate, guide or plan their economies in the of mixed state and private enterprises which will employ private
interests of society as a whole, irrespective of the class interests capital under the control of the revolutionary-democratic, anti-
of the bourgeoisie, and that they are therefore supra-class enti- capitalist state so as to transform what remains of capitalist
ties.Yet at the same time we should not draw the conclusion that ownership and abolish the bourgeoisie as a class.
all types of state intervention in the economic affairs of the Thus it follows that each new form of state capitalism or stage
bourgeois developing countries are merely self-interested utilis- in its development and the proportions of state and private capital

ation of the bourgeois state and its economic policies. Extreme in a mixed economy when power is in the hands of the working
viewpoints on this question, in so far as we are dealing with anti- people reflect a definite level of development in production rela-
imperialist bourgeois states, will not produce the correct conclu- tions, the degree to which they are ‘socialist’, and thus the
sions. change in the nature of state capitalism reflects the change in the
In presenting anti-imperialist state capitalism as ‘democratic nature of production relations. The experience of Soviet Russia
socialism’ certain leaders of the developing countries turn to the during the NEP 1 period fully affirms this.
theory of a mixed economy, which in their opinion is character- The history of the last few decades has seen the evolution of the
ised by the simultaneous existence of socialist and capitalist state sector in various socio-economic directions. Thus, as a result
structures within the bourgeois state and the bourgeois economy. of national-democratic revolutions in Burma, Syria, South
Thus capitalism is supposed to merge with socialism, planning Yemen, Algeria and a number of other countries, the state-
with competition, and private and state ownership with coopera- capitalist sector has been transformed into a state national-demo-

tive ownership so as to form ‘nests of socialism’ in bourgeois cratic sector of Socialist orientation. This is a progressive evolu-
society. Such are the usual arguments of those who propound this tion. But there have also been a small number of examples of
‘theory’ and vainly try to prove that this kind of economic policy regressive evolution (Egypt, Sudan and Indonesia). But one way
will lead to ‘true’ socialism. or another they all go to confirm the thesis that the social nature
The progressive role of the national bourgeoisie in the devel- of the state sector is derived from the social nature of state power,
oping countries, if we can call it such in a limited sense, consists from the class basis of the state, and from its domestic and foreign
in the fact that it is trying to organise, under conditions of the vast policy. In other words, it derives from who, what class or what
predominance of a small-commodity peasant economy, larger coalition of class forces possesses state power in a given country.
socialised production forms through state and private capitalism It must be noted that big business and its ideologists in the

on a national, anti-colonial basis. The negative aspect of this developing countries and elsewhere on the one hand try to conceal
process consists in the fact that it is taking place at a time when all
developing countries are historically ready for socialist-orientated
1
— —
NEP the New Economic Policy was adopted by the Communist Party
and the Soviet Government in 1921. It was called new to distinguish it from the
development of their productive forces along the non-capitalist economic policy pursued during the Civil War. The NEP was designed to over-
path. Only the weakness of the working class and the insuffi- come the destruction wrought by that war and to create the foundations for a
cient organisation of the working people, i. e. subjective un- socialist economy.— Ed.

158 159
 I
the mixed economy with socialist slogans, while on the other,
should the state capitalist sector be transformed and a social
PERSONALITIES
change take place in the nature of the state so that it changes its
orientation and adopts the non-capitalist path of development,
they vilify it, launching a bitter campaign to discredit socialism
and praising private capital as the basis of democracy, political
freedom and economic development.
Private capital in the bourgeois developing countries is very
active (India, Indonesia, Pakistan, the Philippines, Malaysia,
Tunisia, Morocco, Kenya, etc.). Colonialist pressure having been
removed, for the last 20 or 30 years there has been a drive for
profit and accumulation and this is now the motive force behind
the economy and the source of the capitalist development of
productive forces. The growth of the productive forces of national
capitalism has taken place on an antagonistic class basis and
frequently amid bitter manifestations of the class struggle.
Nevertheless, it has gone on 3-4 times as fast as it did in the colo-
nial period.
It is natural that the development of productive forces on this
basis from the point of view of the need to rapidly overcome age-
old backwardness has, in the final analysis, a limited character.
This is due to:
— the general crisis of capitalism, the shortage of time for the !

whole world capitalistsystem which no longer has any historical

perspective for reconstructing the developing world in its own
image and likeness;
— the huge enclaves of feudalism, semi-feudalism and tribalism
which require radical social transformations the national bour-
geoisie is not as a rule prepared to implement, being content to
limit itself to half-way reforms;
— the anti-capitalist trends among the proletarian and non-pro-
letarian working people, which intensify the struggle for socialist
orientation;
— the historical necessity for close economic cooperation with
the socialist world, which has a growing influence on the course of
development;
— the continued pressure by and penetration of new forms of
neo-colonialism and the transnational monopolies which con-
tinue to plunder the developing countries economically.
Thus from above we can draw the following main conclu-
the
ownership has how become the
sion: transition to socialist public
objective necessity and imperative demand of the struggle for
independence and social progress by the liberated nations.
 MAHATMA GANDHI

$5

More than three decades have passed since the assassination of

the leader of the anti-imperialist movement in India, Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi, and the years of intense struggle for the
liberation of this great and ancient country from the colonial yoke
recede further and further into the past. There has been a certain
abatement in the passions which once raged in any attempt to
assess the contradictory and, in European eyes, unusual life of
this ‘rebellious fakir', as Winston Churchill, that arch-opponent of
decolonisation, once called Gandhi. But this important, and for —
all his enforced deviations from his ideal —
remarkably integrated
personality continues to be of enormous interest as regards his
ideological and political legacy, his role in the history of India,
and his links with the country’s past and future. The arguments
about Gandhi, though not so vehement as during his lifetime, will
go on for a long time, for he personifies a whole epoch in Indian
history, a relatively recent epoch at that, and one which saw the
formation of modem India and of the people who to this day
determine the country’s image. This is why all the political forces
and all the socio-political trends in India today have ex-
pressed some attitude towards Gandhi. The interpretation of his
legacy is an important reference-point of any political platform.
It ^ well-established that history is created by the popular
masses. But it becomes symbolised by individuals. One such
symbol was Gandhi, as was Jawaharlal Nehru after him, and
these symbols have become part of the political consciousness and
political life of India. They have even overstepped the borders of

163
 — — —

the country, since the lives and thoughts of Gandhi and Nehru
The Gandhian doctrine of universal welfare sarvodaya — is

above all the longing of the peasant and village artisan, of the
embody much that is characteristic of the struggle of many other
peoples to free themselves from colonial dependence and oppres- urban pauper and lower officials, crushed by foreign rulers and
their own feudal lords, merchants and usurers, for that
society,
sion.
Gandhism — the sum of all the political, moral and philoso- full of supposedly just human relations, which is described so
beautifully, alluringly, profoundly and pcnetratingly in the sacred
phical ideas put forward by Gandhi in the course of the Indian
people’s struggle for national independence is not only some-— books of Hinduism. The description of this society is sought in the
cultural and historical monuments and in the vestiges of tribal
thing bound up in the national consciousness of the Indians with
the years of struggle against British imperialist rule. It is also a and patriarchal traditions of various Indian peoples. These tradi-
and is re- tions are part and parcel of the way of thinking, based on
factor in the present-day political and class struggle,
sorted to by almost all political parties as a means of influencing Hinduism, which to this day lies at the root of the social
the masses. psychology of tens of millions of Indian peasants, tradesmen and
both important ancf topical to analyse Gandhism petty townspeople.
Hence it is

and to distinguish its real content and historical role from the But same time sarvodaya is a quite natural, open and
at the
sincere protest against capitalism, the protest ot social strata not
symbols used in the political struggle.
yet aware of founded ways of transforming
real, scientifically
society, stratawhich seek, but have not yet found, a way out of
Gandhi began to develop as a thinker and public figure at the the intolerable social and material conditions in which they live.

turn of the century, when, while maintaining close links with his
This protest reflects the enormous suffering of tens of millions of
own country, he led the tenacious and courageous struggle of the people oppressed by an inhuman caste system and by tyranny ot
landlords and usurers, people who have not understood their
Indians in Southern Africa against racial discrimination. It was at
position and who therefore still do not realise that the solution lies
this time that the national liberation movement was bom in India,
in the establishment of a firm union with the revolutionary
under the seemingly indestructible British colonial rule. Even then
there were two main trends within the movement the liberal — working
they
class bom of the ‘European’, capitalist civilisation
hate. The inevitability and —compared to all societies
faction, linked mainly with the top crust of the propertied classes,
supported a bourgeois line of development, while the democratic hitherto —
progressiveness of this civilisation are denied in Gan-
dhism, which dooms the Indian peasant and artisan to sad
radical-nationalist trend reflected the protest against national
enslavement which had developed in the Indian people, including memories of forms of society gone forever and deliberately ideal-
wide sections of the then emerging national bourgeoisie. ised.

Gandhism is deeply rooted ancient popular traditions of

in the But despite its utopian and archaic character, the
clearly
India, and its social ideals are to a large extent peasant, petty- Gandhian sarvodaya has played a positive role in the
ideal of
bourgeois in nature. The most important features of Gandhism, Indian national liberation movement. It inspired broad sections of
tor
resulting from its close link with the chiefly peasant traditions of the rural and urban population with the belief that the struggle
Indian society, are its social ideal sarvodaya, or the welfare of independence from British rule was of vital importance, for it was
—
all and the method of achieving this ideal satyagraha, or non- at the same time the struggle for social justice, for a new society

violent struggle. based on principles which they longed to see realised. Of course,
Gandhi’s social ideal is a petty-bourgeois, peasant utopia, the Gandhi in no way wished to deceive the people, but honestly and
realisation of God’s kingdom on Earth. The establishment of sincerely linked the struggle against the colonialists with the

social justice was seen by Gandhi as a return to the ‘golden age’ achievement of sarvodaya.
of self-contained peasant communities, and as the non-accept- The gaining of independence and elimination of imperialist rule
ance of the European machine civilisation he hated and of the was a great achievement of the Indian people, and it is linked with
market economy which was harmful to the patriarchal village and the name of Gandhi, who rightly commands enormous respect..
doomed the peasant-artisan community to destruction. But the independence gained in 1947 did not lead to sarvodaya or
164 165
 give the working people of India the chance to establish a society off settling the land question until after independence was gained,
of social justice.
and thanks to his exceptional influence on the popular masses
The method of non-violent resistance to colonial oppression rendered enormous assistance to the bourgeois leadership of the
was founded on the oldest tradition of India, on the psychology of national liberation movement in achieving this. In practice, this
the Indian peasantry. Like Gandhi’s social ideal, it is'marked by
end was also served by the dream of sarvodaya and the prin-
a combination of enormous patience and protest, of conservatism ciple of non-violence.
—
and spontaneous revolutionary feeling features characteristic of
the Indian peasant, brought up for centuries on a fatalistic
An analysis of the liberation struggle of the Indian people in the
period 1918-48, when Gandhism exerted almost undivided polit-
religious view of the world.
ical and organisational influence, reveals one extremely impor-
These features of Gandhism found their expression in the tant and curious feature of the revolutionary process in India.
Swadeshi doctrine. Three aspects of Swadeshi the religious, — Throughout the thirty-year period, the Indian bourgeoisie
political —
and economic are permeated with the idea of retaining
the institutions and customs inherited from the past, while
managed to divide and isolate the national independence move-
ment and the peasants’ struggle for a land reform. Such a division
gradually and non-violently transforming them, by giving them would have seemed impossible, even unnatural, for the colonial-
new meaning. In this we see a deep dissatisfaction with the feudal system and exploitation were based on a long-standing
present and a belief in the stability of the past, the rejection of all political union between the powerful foreign occupants and big
capitalists on the one hand, and the major Indian feudal and
possibilities other than a return to the past and at the same time a
fear ot radical change. All these are classic features of mass semi-feudal landowners on the other, and it is precisely this
peasant psychology in the face of the still powerful survivals of symbiosis of ruling forces —
foreign rulers and their internal reac-
traditional society, not so much, it is true, in real economic life as
in the consciousness of the average Indian.
tionary support —
that should be swept away by the national lib-
eration, peasant, bourgeois-democratic revolution.
As an ideology and practical policy, Gandhism is strongly This, however, did not happen. The agrarian revolution did not
marked by its fidelity to national, cultural, historical and religious become an axis of the anti-imperialist revolution. The two revolu-
traditions, by its ability to find in them a message which is close tions did not merge together, never reaching the state of unity and
to the peasant and artisan, and to link their spiritual lives directly interpenetration where the necessary premise is created for the
and persuasively with the need for independent national develop- national liberation revolution to be at the same time a peasant
ment and the transformation of society. In this fidelity to popular revolution, for two streams gradually to combine. Why did the
traditions and concepts of justice lies the secret of the enormous
Indian bourgeoisie strive to prevent such development in the
influence exerted by Gandhi’s ideas and personality on the Indian revolutionary process?
people.
A considerable part of the Indian bourgeoisie, including the
For the reasons outlined above, Gandhism can be seen as a petty bourgeoisie, was ‘territorialised’. As a result of constant
deeply national and principally petty-bourgeois ideology. slowing-down of India’s independent industrial development by
This, perhaps controversial, understanding of Gandhism by no
British capital, the emergent Indian bourgeoisie settled to a
means minimises the achievements of Marxist students of the greater or lesser degree on the land, making land its property.
problem, who point to the close link between Gandhism and the land as property, rather than in modern large-scale
Investment in
interests of the Indian national bourgeoisie, and to the effective proved more profitable, and certainly secure,
agriculture, often
use made by the latter, for its own class purposes, of the theory throughout the period of British rule.
and practice of Gandhism. What should be stressed, however, is This does not mean, of course, that the diverse bourgeoisie of
that the link between the national bourgeoisie and Gandhism was
India restricted itself only to this kind of capital investment. With
more complex than is usually claimed, or at any rate less direct. the development of national capital, investments were directed
The great paradox of Gandhism lies in the fact that while more and more towards industry, trade, the banks, various
sharing patriarchal peasant’s dream of a ‘golden age', Gandhi not spheres of the infra-structure, and large plantations. But abso-
only did nothing to bring it about, but insisted on the need to put lutely all forms of India’s national capital, from that involved in

166 167
commerce and money-lending (which were in many ways dhi and the Indian National Congress were able to direct the
medieval, primary forms of capital) to industrial, banking and ‘awakening’ of the peasantry and use its revolutionary potential in
even monopoly capital, were (and still are) linked to landowner- such a way as to achieve national independence without allowing
ship and to the exploitation of the poor, enslaved the anti-imperialist struggle to develop into an agrarian social
—
peasantry exploitation supported and guaranteed by the state revolution.
power of the colonialists, by their mighty apparatus of coercion And yet this was a country in which 80 per cent of the popula-
and by the de facto military occupation of the country. tion lived in rural areas. The bourgeoisie wished to see a change
This peculiarity of the Indian national bourgeoisie as a class in the semi-medieval social system only when it came to power
brought forth a particular tactical line given the preponderance of itself and could do it in its own way, and mainly in its own
feudal vestiges in the countryside. The specific political develop- interests, rather than the interests of the majority of the peas-
in
ment of the oppressed nation, and above all the role of bourgeois ants. It realised that only then could it start gradually restructu-
nationalism, which obscured the contradictions both between ring the village to suit itself, by means of embourgeoisement of
classes and within the propertied classes themselves, had an effect the landowners and by quickly developing the entrepreneurial
on the alignment of political forces in the struggle against impe- minority of the peasantry at the expense of its toiling majority.
rialism, leaving the bourgeoisie plenty of room to manoeuvre vis- How and what extent it succeeded in this after independence
to
a-vis the peasantry. It made use of this in the anti-imperialist is another matter, and one which has already been widely writ-
struggle for national liberation, not allowing itself to be bound by ten about. Let us say merely that although capitalism has
the necessity to simultaneously develop the anti-feudal peasant considerably developed in Indian agriculture, bourgeois reform
movement. has not resolved the agrarian question entirely. The poor peas-
All this allowed it to abdicate from active struggle against the ant — —
whether he owns or rents his property is still the chief
feudal landowners who were ruining the Indian countryside, and figure of the Indian countryside, but the agricultural proletariat
forced it to compromise with the landlord class and to adopt the has also considerably grown, changing the character of village
reformist course —even after it had come to power — of gradually life.
and, for the peasantry, painfully getting rid of the vestiges of The example of India confirmed the Marxist-Leninist thesis of
feudalism. And how could the Indian bourgeoisie revolt against the existence of two trends in any national liberation move-
the feudal landowning system, when, even before the First World —
ment one revolutionary and democratic, the other bourgeois-
War, but more so after it, it saw the rise of the Indian proletariat, nationalist and reformist —
and of the dual political role of the
and with time came face to face with the working class, who, led national bourgeoisie itself. Both trends aim to get rid of a foreign
by class-conscious and organised party, were beginning to chal- rule, and in this sense there is a natural union between them. A
lenge the bourgeoisie (albeit from a great distance, as yet) for united anti-imperialist front has always been an important prem-
hegemony in the liberation movement? ise for the achievement and consolidation of national independ-
Who then was the leader who, having the necessary political ence. But whereas the revolutionary-democratic trend aims to
influence and a mass political organisation, could take upon accomplish an agrarian revolution in the course of the struggle for
himself the leadership of the peasantry and lead them into an national liberation, and then also to put through other social
anti-imperialist, but not anti-feudal, struggle? changes for the good of the people, the bourgeois-nationalist,
This was Gandhi. There was no leader who was closer to the reformist trend postpones these measures, and tries to separate
peasantry or who was better acquainted with the life in 500, 000 the question of power from agrarian and social problems.
Indian villages. The peasants called him Mahatma —the great The Indian bourgeoisie would not have armed itself with the
ideology of Gandhism if this ideology had not corresponded to its
soul, or, simply, the saint. But, while expressing in his own way
both the maturing social protest and social hopes of the basic class, political interests, which were to get rid of British
peasantry, and what Lenin called the ‘flabbiness of the patriarchal political rule and establish itself in power by peaceful means,
countryside’, Gandhi remained the leader of a liberation move- supported by the mass movement led by Gandhi and using this
ment which was national-bourgeois in its class orientation. Gan- movement for general national, and above all its class aims.
Gandhism and the national bourgeoisie had much in corn-
168
169
mon —not onlythe anti-colonialist struggle for Indian independ- leading position and important role in the Indian National Con-
ence, but also the class and ideological unity which in the final gress. The following words of Lenin may shed more light on
analysis determines the objectively bourgeois character of a uto- Gandhi’s role and on the nature of his relationship with the
pian ‘peasant socialism’ in a country developing along capitalist national bourgeoisie and the peasantry: ‘The chief representative,
lines. or the chief social bulwark, of this Asian bourgeoisie that is still
Of course, the Gandhian ideal of non-violence, firmly linked capable of supporting a historically progressive cause, is the
with the religious views of the peasantry, encouraged the develop- peasant .’ 1 Gandhi’s ideology was a strong link between the
ment of the mass liberation struggle and helped draw the national bourgeoisie and the broad peasant masses.
peasantry and petty urban bourgeoisie to the side of the national Research published before the war sometimes showed a lack of
bourgeoisie, which found in the principle of non-violence a means understanding of the difference between national and historical
of using the popular masses against the colonialists forcing them forms of mass struggle, and of the link between them, and in
to leave India, while maintaining its class control over the people. many cases a single method of struggle was proclaimed and
Nor should one forget that the petty-bourgeois features of absolutised. Sectarians and dogmatists in the national liberation
Gandhi’s ideology and politics were to a large extent obscured by movement today absolutise the method of armed struggle against
his political union with the bourgeois Indian National Congress imperialism, colonialism and racialism, rejecting all other, includ-
and by his long term as its accepted leader. ing peaceful, non-violent forms of struggle.
The combination of the utopian thinker, rooted in the Indian A one-sided approach in evaluating and using tactical methods
village, with the sober, far-sighted politician, acting in the inter- of the masses’ struggle and an attraction to the more radical of
ests of the national bourgeoisie (which naturally had general them, led people to forget the dialectical nature of this important
national aspirations) prevented the peasant aspects of Gandhi’s question. Gandhi also held a one-sided approach: he proclaimed
ideology from fully asserting themselves. This combination often non-violent resistance to the colonialists and racialists as the only
led Gandhi to make compromises, behind which could be seen universal form of struggle. Many of his opponents at various
the contradictions characteristic of the various classes and social stages of the liberation movement in India were inclined to deny,
groups taking part in the national anti-imperialist struggle. For and just as vehemently and one-sidedly, the positive aspects of
this reason it would be wrong to see Gandhism merely as the non-violent struggle. Non-violence was frequently seen by them
objective expression of the interests of the Indian bourgeoisie in as passivity, bordering on reconciliation with reaction and colo-
the liberation movement. It is broader than this, and includes nialism. Such criticism was built on the denial in principle of
many elements which contradict such an interpretation. Gandh- Gandhi’s philosophical credo of mass non-violent resistance, and
ism has its roots in the complex interplay of social phenomena this was both understandable and correct, but his opponents also
and forces in the Indian national liberation movement. It reflects applied this criticism indiscriminately to the method of political
both their common interests and and contradic-
their differences struggle against imperialism —
and this was clearly wrong.
tions. Gandhism came about in an agrarian country and there- Scientific socialism in no way absolutises any one form of
once more, could not fail to express, in a distinc-
fore, let us stress struggle, be it peaceful or violent. On the contrary, it recognises
tive form, the natural aspiration of the Indian working people for the necessity of the comprehensive use, combination and dialec-
social justice —
an aspiration which went beyond the class inter- tical interpenetration of various forms of struggle, and the expe-
ests of the bourgeoisie. diency of constantly renewing and enriching the arsenal of revolu-
Only if this feature of Gandhism
taken into account can one
is tionary methods, of testing, checking and selecting new effective
fully understand Gandhi’s historical role, which was conditioned forms of struggle. Marxist-Leninist revolutionary tactics do not
by his deep affinity with the Indian people. It is in this affinity that require blind adherence to established forms and methods of
the secret of his influence lies. Even when collaborating closely struggle. They are not bound to any single form of mass struggle,
with the bourgeoisie in ideological and political terms, Gandhi
always strove sincerely to maintain his affinity with the popular '
V. I. Lenin, ‘Democracy and Narodism in China’, Collected Works, Vol.
masses. Moreover, it was this affinity which determined his 18, Moscow, 1968, p. 165.

170 171
 even though it may be effective, but constantly strive to maintain country. While noting
of millions of simple people all over the
a correspondence between the selected forms and methods of
Gandhi’s qualities as leader and organiser of the specifically
struggle and the nature, stage and aims of that struggle. Finally,
Indian form of the liberation movement, it should also be pointed
they demand the readiness and ability of the leading political
out that no one in India knew better when the mass non-violent
party to change the forms and methods of struggle quickly and
movement should be stopped, in order to prevent it from
decisively to suit the concrete historical conditions.
becoming its opposite, and, ultimately, from becoming a social
Communists have always made use of all the methods of
revolution against the ruling classes and foreign conquerors. It
struggle available, including, of course, non-violent methods. But
follows that Gandhi never exhausted, and did not wish to exhaust,
Marxists certainly have a negative attitude to the Gandhian prin- For quite
all the possibilities of mass non-violent resistance.
ciple of ahimsa — non-violence —
if it is made absolute. It is understandable reasons, these possibilities were hushed up by
impossible not to see that in relation to the colonialists and racial-
Gandhi and the Indian National Congress; they might have
ists, the Gandhian principle of non-violence is very contradicto-
prepared the ground for the movement’s transition to a higher
ry, combining active protest with tolerance of the enemy. It was in
level of decisive, uncompromising and unrestrained struggle
this combination that Gandhi saw non-violence as the only working
against the colonialists, to the struggle of rural and urban
acceptable and possible form of resistance to the colonial-racialist exploitation. was pre-
people against foreign and national It
oppression. There is a purely metaphysical side to Gandhi’s non- avoid by advo-
cisely this that Gandhi and the Congress strove to
violence, connected to his religious dogmatism and to his ascetic
national
approach to life. But it also undoubtedly includes the perfectly cating ‘p ure anti-imperialist struggle on the basis of
’

with
realistic idea of tactical use of peaceful forms of mass and individ-
unity and by always holding the door open for negotiations
Britain.
ual anti-imperialist, anti-racialist and in principle even anti-
feudal and anti-capitalist struggle, although Gandhi never called Consequently, the left-wing criticism of Gandhi’s great ten-
for this. dency to compromise was correct, but it would have been more

Tt is quite clear that in Gandhi’s specific interpretation

convincing if it had been based not on a denial of the opportu-
of it
nities of non-violent anti-imperialist resistance, as was often the
during the years of struggle against British colonial rule in India
and racialism in Southern Africa, the idea of ahimsa possessed case in the twenties, thirties and forties, but on the inadmissibility
of absolutising it with the help of religious dogmas
and abstract
considerable revolutionary potential. Gandhi undoubtedly did
moral categories, unrelated to the social and class nature of the
much to work out and put into practice his distinctive methods
and forms of peaceful struggle against the colonialists. He lifted forces taking part in the movement.

ahimsa out of the sphere of mere individual actions and made it a Let us look briefly at the application of Gandhi’s principle of
means of prolonged and purposeful mass struggle, linking it to the non-violence in international life. Because of the specific nature
of international relations, this principle proves to be more
realistic
anti-imperialist and social demands of the people. He elaborated
in relations between states than in the sphere
of class relations. In
methods of mass non-violent action of the whole people against
the order and legality enforced by the colonialists, against the the international sphere, ahimsa — its metaphysical essence

constitution imposed by them on the oppressed people, and aside —

means none other than the refusal to use force or to
against the tyranny and despotism of the foreign rulers. The mass declare war outside of the law, i. e., it affirms the principle of
non-violent campaigns against British imperialism held in the peaceful interstate relations. Gandhi’s religious, utopian concep-
prevent
twenties, thirties and forties under Gandhi’s leadership demanded tion of refusal to apply force, as an absolute duty, did not
his arriving at fruitful conclusions about the need
to strengthen
great courage of their participants and put the colonialists in an
friendship between nations, and to establish just interstate rela-
extremely embarrassing position. These campaigns quickly revo-
lutionised the situation tions based on mutual respect, non-interference and the resolu-
all over India. respect
It must be said that Gandhi was a brilliant leader of the mass tion of all contradictions by means of negotiation. In this

non-violent movement, expertly aware of when the movement Gandhi’s ideas had a considerable influence on the foreign policy
should be started, and when it would have the real support of tens of the government of the Republic of India, created by Jawaharlal
Nehru.
172
173
 At the same time the Indians themselves rightly renounce the criticismand of the experience (limited by Gandhi’s own views)
extremes of ahimsa which often led Gandhi to adopt a defeatist
, of an organised mass liberation struggle; he considered the all-
attitude in international affairs to support the idea of self-sacrifice Russia political strike in October 1905 a great lesson for the
and to neglect the interests of the nation in the face of enemy Indian patriots, and called on them to show the same power as
aggression in the name An ab-
of the principle of non-violence. the Russians.
stract, unhistorical interpretation of the problem of ensuring As far as Gandhi’s attitude to the national bourgeoisie is
peace, regardless of the enemy’s aggressive plans or actions, concerned, one should bear in mind the peculiarities of that
does not hold water. historical period, when they worked in close collaboration, when
Gandhi became ideological leader of the Indian National Cong-
The leaders of the national movement called for a decisive ress and the Congress acted as organiser and executor of
struggle against the colonial power, and expressed the mounting Gandhi’s plans, especially the mass non-violent campaigns under
indignation of the popular masses at the medieval social oppres- his leadership. Itwas a time when the objective need existed for a
sion, landlord despotism and barbarous exploitation resulting bloc comprising all anti -imperialist forces, including the national
from the capitalist industry which was springing up. But their bourgeoisie. The period was characterised by the existence of a
democratism tended to go no further than the basically bourgeois national anti-imperialist front which not only affected the rela-
nationalism of an oppressed nation, which inevitably obscured tions between different — including opposite —
classes, bringing

class differences or, at best, gave rise to the desire for social them together on the common ground of the struggle against
compromise. colonial rule, but also to a certain extent determined the political
Certain social processes, however —
the awakening of national line adopted by these classes over a fairly long period.
Gandhi was closely linked to the national bourgeoisie, which
self-awareness and intensification of social contradictions in the
course of the development of bourgeois relations, the break-up of stood at the head of the national liberation movement. The Indian
the patriarchal order of life and the ruin of the peasantry under National Congress’s idea of achieving complete political inde-
the pressure of foreign capital and the ubiquitous penetration of pendence, and its call for a relentless struggle against the colo-
‘local’ capitalism, popular discontent with national and medieval nialists, brought the bourgeoisie closer to the whole nation. It

social oppression, and finally the fact that many Indian intellec- was this common aspiration of various classes for political inde-
tuals were now aware not only of liberal-bourgeois social thought pendence that led to the thirty-year political union between the
but also of the criticism of bourgeois society —
determined the essentially petty-bourgeois democrat and utopian Gandhi and
the bourgeois representatives of the National Congress, whose
democratic nature of the national leaders’ ideological search, and
gave birth to the dream of a society free of exploitation and aim was to get rid of foreign rule in order to concentrate state
oppression, although their conceptions of tnis were still purely power in their own hands.
utopian. Their social views had something in common with —
Both sides Gandhi and the National Congress —
were aware
Russian Narodism and with the ideas of Lev Tolstoy. Our socio- of the temporary (though it lasted for a long time) nature of their
historical interpretation of the ideological affinity between Tol- concurrence of interests, and each side, of course, needed the
stoy and Gandhi is based on Lenin’s analysis of the great Russian other. In Gandhi, the Congress found a popular national leader,
writers philosophy, and allows one to appreciate the serious a brilliant tactician, and a determined politician capable of
difference between the basically bourgeois nationalist political rallying round himself an active, vigorous, young generation of
views of Gandhi and the world-outlook of Tolstoy. fighters, and with their help of stirring and winning the support of

Gandhi’s aspirations for national liberation and democracy tens of millions of oppressed people. In the Congress, Gandhi
conditioned the important fact that his development as leader of found a powerful and experienced political organisation, unri-
India's anti-imperialist movement was substantially influenced by valled in India. Without going into the history of the relationship
the first Russian revolution, which roused the whole of Asia, between Gandhi and the National Congress in detail, let us
including India. Among the most important ways in which this merely note that in the final period of the struggle against British
revolution affected India was Gandhi’s perception of Tolstoy’s imperialism, when the goal of political independence was in sight,

175
174
 the conflicts between Gandhi and the bourgeois leadership of the landowners order to act as fathers to the peasants, while
Congress — conflicts which, covertly, —
had always existed began capitalists
exist in
endowed with the gift of business
are exclusively
to intensify dramatically.
management, so that the workers, intended by nature for physical
Having attained power, many of the Congressmen forgot the labour, cannot, of course, have any claim to the running of a busi-
democratic, humanistic ideals of Gandhi. He had fulfilled his ness.
mission by successfully concluding the long independence On the question of the Untouchables, Gandhi was more consis-
struggle he had led.
tent. He rightly considered the institution of untouchability to be
Gandhi had in mind a new phase in the struggle, involving a slur on India, and devoted much effort to the struggle to achieve
campaigns of non-violent action with the aim of realising his equality before law' for almost a third of the population. Gandhi’s
broader social ideals. He was deeply disappointed with the results
noble, democratic views on this question had an appreciable
of decades of effort: the partition of India and the flaring up of
effect on Indian public opinion, and led both to legislation
Hindu-Muslim strife, accompanied by a horrible bloodbath. He granting the Untouchables civic rights and to increased efforts
was sickened by the almost universal flourishing of bourgeois aimed at improving their intolerable conditions of life.
money-grubbing, careerism and egoism. Once political independ- However petty-bourgeois, peasant and therefore inconsistent
ence was gained, Gandhi consistently advocated the struggle
for the idea of a society of the ‘welfare of all’ might have been, an
economic, social and moral independence, i. e., for the establish- open, all-out struggle for it after political independence was
ment of social justice, for the triumph of sarvodaya.
gained, even using specifically Gandhian methods, would have
Gandhi's attitude to the caste system, whose influence is still been a great step forward. But this was prevented by the
very substantial today, deserves some attention here. His views on
bourgeois-capitalist elite, whose egoism Gandhi condemned, but
the caste system and on the question of the Untouchables against whom he did not, and w'ould hardly have been able to,
were
influenced, on the one hand, by his natural peasant democratism, raise a mass movement.
by his sympathy for the common people and by the need,
of
which he was deeply aware, to rally as wide strata of the popula-
tion as possible to the anti-imperialist cause. On the other hand, India’s gaining of political independence brought considerable
these views were affected by a certain conservatism in in the alignment of forces in the country and qualitative
Gandhi’S changes
views, by his attachment to religious traditions and his reformist progress in national unity. Gandhism gradually ceased to function
theory of social evolution. as the only ideological and political means for unifying different
Gandhi repudiated the spirit of inequality and superiority classes. This happened both as a result of objective condi-
which permeated caste customs, he could not accept the exist- tions —
the country’s transition to independent bourgeois develop-
ence of castes, their rigid isolation and the prohibition of inter-
caste association. But the bad aspects of the caste system
ment, with all the consequences resulting from this —
and as a
were result of the fact that this turning-point in the recent history of
regarded by Gandhi not as the essence of the system, but merely India almost coincided chronologically 1 with the death of the
as a perversion of it. Gandhi criticised these customs, considering man whose personal qualities no less, perhaps, than his philoso-
the ideal form of social organisation to be the ancient system phical and political doctrine and activities helped to consolidate
of
the four varnas Brahmins (priests), Kshatriyas (nobles the national forces of the country. In the thirty odd years since the
:
and war-
riors), Vaisyas (traders and artisans) and Sudras
(servants and declaration of India’s independence, there has been much prog-
land-tillers). He was
convinced that a man’s place in society was ress in the ideological isolation and independent political organi-
to a large extent predetermined by his hereditary abilities.
And his sation of opposing class forces. These tendencies have gone so far
basic sociological views were a reflection of this unhistorical that there is now- neither the former basis nor the former stability
and
unscientific concept of the varnas. Tn this concept, the analysis of the united national front, although the historical inertia of
of its
the social relations of a given class society gives way to
abstract
arguments about heredity, which lies at the root of Gandhi’s 1
independence was declared on 15 August 1947, and Gandhi was
India’s
theory of guardianship and paternalism. According to this theory, killed on 30 January 1948.

176 177
 influence still tells on many classes and social strata in modem was seen in the way the right-wing forces within the National
Indian society.
Congress, and also the reactionary Jana Sangh and Swatantra
It should be borne in mind that since even
today India is often parties, tried to use the social and economic concepts of Gandhi
the object of imperialist pressure, national unity continues to
play as a basis for criticism of the at times inconsistent, but historically
a historically positive role in resisting this pressure, and in this
progressive, socio-economic changes brought about by the Con-
respect the interests of all anti-imperialist, national-revolutionary,
gress, and for opposing state planning, the state sector, the
national-reformist and proletarian forces continue to coincide. As
industrialisation policy, the partial restrictions on the monopolies,
things stand today, the initiative for such resistance comes
more and even the essentially bourgeois, limited, land reform.
and more often from left democratic and progressive circles,
The reactionary circles misuse Gandhi’s name for the sake of
which, though uncoordinated, are strengthening and pose a
still
undermining any feeling of trust between the peoples of India,
serious obstacle to the powerful monopolies and the reactionary
and even for the' sake of justifying the essentially harmful centri-
forces of feudalism and Hinduism. by irresponsible
fugal forces cultivated in individual states ele-
The above-mentioned realignment of class forces in India did ments, interested in weakening and destroying the unified, mul-
not, of course, result in the disappearance of
Gandhism from the tinational India, and not in strengthening its unity and power. The
political arena.
Gandhi’s authority was too great, and his reactionaries strive to undermine the friendly relations between
influence, especially among the peasantry and petty urban bour- and the socialist countries, and to whip up
the Republic of India
geoisie, too powerful for his ideas to stop
being used in the polit- antagonism towards Indian democrats, progressive forces, the
ical struggle, far less in political
vocabulary. The concepts of working class and the Communist Party.
Gandhism are widely used in the propaganda of all shades of
The centrist circles in the Indian National Congress resorted to
bourgeois and petty- bourgeois political parties. To a certain
the Gandhian idea of non-violence to justify its inconsistency and
extent Gandhism has suffered the same fate as the former
national sluggishness in working out and realising democratic reforms, as a
anti-imperialist union formed in the course of the struggle
for
independence. Just as that union disintegrated and revealed more
result of which Gandhi’s idea — which during the struggle against
imperialism was marked by its vigour, mass appeal and mobil-
and more class contradictions, so there has been an ideological
weakening of Gandhism. This process has been furthered by par-
—
ity was transformed into an unjustifiably prolonged acceptance
of neglected and quite overt social evil.
ties both to the right and to the left of
the Indian National Con- In the thirty odd years of Indian independence, Gandhism has
gress and the latter also contributed to it. Bourgeois
and petty- been a constant factor of political life. But after the defeat in the
bourgeois movements, many of them vying with one another,
use Indian National Congress elections which led to the fall of Indi-
only certain of Gandhi’s ideas, according to their own
interests, ra Gandhi’s government and the advent to power of the Janata
giving them as a rule a tendentious, dogmatic interpretation,
so Party, led by Morarji Desai, Gandhism, as the Indian press noted,
that Gandhi s moral, political, economic and
social doctrines are became particularly fashionable. Circles close to the ruling party
now distorted.
noticed a deviation of the Indian National Congress away from
With eternal, abstract, utopian categories, devoid of dialec-
its
Gandhism, and basic differences in the approaches of Gandhi
tical logic, Gandhism always tended to proclaim religious and and Nehru to social and political problems. The slogan ‘Back to
moral postulates as the universal truths of political struggle.
Now Gandhi’ was sounded, contrasting Gandhism with a number of
it has become a kind of holy scripture,
and has suffered the same progressive aspects of the Indian National Congress policy.
sad late of all holy scriptures, in that people look to it for We are speaking here of a peculiar, selective approach to
confir-
mation of the most diverse and mutually exclusive ideas,
some- Gandhism. The supporters of a return to Gandhism call for
times having nothing in common with the spirit of the accelerated development of domestic production and agriculture.
original
source or with the historical activities of its creator.
In themselves these are correct proposals, suited to the needs of
If we look at the literary sources ol the
period of Indian inde- the national economy and drawn, indeed, from Gandhi’s arsenal.
pendence, it becomes apparent that the Indian reactionaries But sometimes they are interpreted rather one-sidedly, contrasted
tried
to make maximum use of Gandhi’s authority and popularity. This with the policy of industrialisation, and linked to calls for
178 179
 —

decentralisation of the economy and for priority to be given to of mankind was united in its movement towards progress.
agriculture at the expense of the state sector and major projects in India will not choose between Gandhi and Nehru, but synthe-
heavy industry. The attention paid to domestic crafts and agricul- sise them. The question is what to take, and what to
reject, from
ture, which provide millions of Indians with work and a means of their legacies. This will be determined by the country’s class-po-
subsistence, are perfectly justified. But how could this be held litical situation.
up
against the development of heavy industry, without which Nowadays Gandhism is used in criticising various aspects of
the
country’s sovereignty could not be guaranteed either in the the Indian National Congress’s economic policy, especially the
economic or in the military sphere? Could the leading role of the correlation of industry and agriculture, the role of the state sector,
state sector in creating a modern industrial base
really be domestic crafts and centralisation. As far as Gandhi’s social ideal
doubted? What developing country today is conceivable without isconcerned, his condemnation of capitalism as such, in industry
a strong state sector? and agriculture, and his aspiration for a society without classes
The ‘Back to Gandhi’ call is often used to contrast the posi- and exploitation, these ideas remain outside of the interests of
tions of Gandhi and Nehru. That the views of the two greatest those who call for a return to Gandhi. The same can be said of
leaders ol the Indian liberation movement were strongly
at
Gandhi’s methods of social transformation and pressure
variance, is self-evident, and both Gandhi and Nehru spoke saiyagraha and guardianship. Guardianship meant more than
a
great deal of this, but they both also saw the common just good will for Gandhi; he did not exclude legislative
foundation
which made them comrades-in-arms in the struggle for independ- settlement, nor government intervention, nor resorting to the
ence. Moreover, after the war Nehru grew closer to
Gandhism tested weapon of satyagraha.
(which, from our point of view', was not always for the better),
as
Unfortunately the slogan of ‘Back to Gandhi’ does not imply
Gandhi himself had foreseen when, in 1942, lie named Nehru as actual efforts to realise the principles of sarvodaya and guardian-
his political successor. If the Indian National Congress
publica- ship, or to revive Gandhi's utopian socialism.
tions tended to exaggerate the affinities between"
Gandhi and As before, all shades of bourgeois politicians use Gandhi’s
Nehru, then the political opponents of the modem Indian ideas of guardianship and .sarvodaya, which were to some extent
National Congress strive to absolutise their differences. The ‘re- understandable in a colonial society fighting against a foreign
turn to Gandhi' thereby presupposes the rejection of
Nehru. Both power, only to dull the working people’s class consciousness in
approaches are one-sided: a comparative study of their views the new historical conditions of today, when the working class
shows the mutual influence of the two leaders. All his life Nehru and peasantry are opposed above by big monopoly capital, by
all

found himself under the influence of Gandhi’s principles and the national bourgeoisie, with its pockets well-lined and heels dug
personality. Gandhi also accepted some of his younger in politically, and by the capitalist landowners.
friend’s
ideas, and acknowledged that they enriched’ the
Congress's The sincere and honest people, and there are many of them,
ideological platform, as is seen, for example, in his approval who have remained faithful to Gandhi’s anti-imperialist, anti-
of the resolution on basic rights and an economic
programme colonialist and democratic ideals, have severely criticised the
introduced by Nehru at the Congress session in Karachi hypocritical attempts of the bourgeoisie to use his authority as a
in 1931. cover for their own selfish class aims. Even the most faithful of
To compare two names is hardly justifiable. But
these Gandhi’s disciples, however, for example Vinobha Bhove, are
something elseimportant: it appears that neither Gandhi nor
is now revising Gandhi’s ideas. On the one hand, they tend to
Nehru could provide a solution to many of the problems of narrow down the social aspects of Gandhism, and on the other,
contemporary India. And yet it would be impossible to solve they cannot bring themselves to use the well-tried method of non-
these problems without taking the legacy and influence
of Gandhi violent resistance against the present-day propertied exploiting
and Nehru into account. Both have become part of the national classes, so that they constantly slide from the principle of non-
consciousness, culture and life, although in Gandhi, perhaps, tra- violent resistance to any social evil to calls for non-resistance in
ditions and national sources prevailed, while in Nehru
it was the
general. The active social character of Gandhi's ideas, his inter-
orientation towards the future and the conviction that the
whole vention in social and political affairs on the side of the

iso 181
 masses —
even in the specific forms used by him —
are forgotten by perfectly true that Gandhi, functioning in the
‘...It is
of
nationalist
classes, and tries
Indian bourgeois politicians and ideologists. The epigones of plane, does not think in terms of the conflict
Gandhism tend to represent it purely as a road to personal moral differences. But the action he has indulged in
to compose their
consciousness
perfection and as a categorical demand for conciliation between and taught the people has inevitably raised mass
all classes. tremendously and made social issues vital. And his insistence on
It should be remembered that not masses at the cost, wherever necessary, of vested
all that masquerades under the raising of the
thename of Gandhism these days is in fact Gandhism. There are interests has given a strong orientation to the
national movement
now widespread attempts in India to use Gandhi for ends which in favour of the masses
.’ 1

run entirely counter to the very essence of his doctrine. the interests of progressive circles in India to undermine
It is in
A
one-sided view of Gandhism as the ideology of the Indian attempts to emasculate the democratic content of
Gandhi’s doc-
national bourgeoisie cannot serve as a reliable basis with which to trine. Gandhi’s name and ideas should not be used by the Indian
oppose these trends, since it does not expose the true meaning of bourgeois and landowner reactionaries, who, counter to the
these trends that aim to take control of popular ideology and put interests of the masses, ignore his anti-imperialism
and demo-
it at the service of capitalism and reaction. humanism.
cratic
Consistent Indian revolutionaries and supporters of
The time which has elapsed scientilic
since the Indian people gained
socialism have always had basic ideological and tactical
independence allows us to take a more objective look at Gandh- diffc-

ism. It is now clear that as an ideological and political doctrine rences of opinion with Gandhism. But they do treat Gandhi s

created and practised by Gandhi himself, despite his tendency to work and noble aims with sincere respect. Tn their struggle for a
democratic
compromise with the British government, Gandhism was better future for the Indian people, they use Gandhi s
nonetheless the sworn enemy of colonialism, bent on achieving and social ideal, making it more realistic and scientific. And they
the ultimate goal —
national independence. Gandhi’s compro- employ his methods of struggle, his mass movement tactics,
realising that the Gandhian type of movement is
mises caused temporary recessions in the mass movement, but a constituent
each time, under his leadership, the liberation movement was part of the universal forms of mass national liberation and class
reborn on a higher level, putting forward more precise demands. struggle, elaborated by the world revolutionary movement.
Gandhi’s life and work show beyond any shadow of doubt that he imperative that all the democratic left forces in India be
It is
always remained faithful to the anti-colonial, anti-imperialist, united. There should also be room in this unity for
those who
anti-racialist struggle and to a humanistic, though not always the ideals of that great fighter for Indian inde-
remain faithful to
realistic, ideal of social justice which was close to the people, pendence and to all the best aspects of his contribution to the
especially the peasants. national liberation movement.
In many ways, the words of Nehru about Gandhi’s social
significance are very true.
Soviet researchers have often investigated Gandhism.
‘It should be remembered,’ wrote Nehru, In the
‘that the nationalist
movement made mistakes, due to a certain one-sided-
in India, like all nationalist movements, was essentially past, they sometimes
a bourgeois movement. It represented the natural historical stage ness in their approach, but this has been justly
and firmly
of development, and to consider it or criticize it as a working- exposed. These mistakes were due to various reasons, including
class movement is wrong. Gandhi represented that movement the long isolation of India from the Soviet Union and the interna-
and the Indian masses in relation to that movement to a supreme tional workers' movement, insufficient knowledge of India and ot
degree, and he became the voice of the Indian people to that its conditions and highly original national traditions,
specific
extent. He
functioned inevitably within the orbit of nationalist which were reflected very strongly in Gandhism. Soviet research
ideology, but the dominating passion that consumed him was a on India during the thirties and forties was also considerably
desire to raise the masses. In this respect he was always ahead of
the nationalist movement, and he gradually made within the & Unwin Ltd.,
Jawaharlal Nehru, India and the World, George Allen
it, 1

limits of its own ideology, turn in this direction.

London, 1936, pp. 172-73. 174-75.

182 183
 influenced by a sectarian interpretation of various
important contradicting each other and the basic concepts of Gandhism
matters at the general democratic stage
of the Indian national itself, which take only certain of Gandhi’s ideas and adapt them
liberation revolution, including the
underestimation of the anti-
imperialist role of the Indian national
bourgeoisie. The evalua-
to suit their distinct class interests. In the first interpretation —
as
an offshoot of the Indian people's struggle for national libera-
ion of Gandhism in Soviet Marxist
be affected by the disparateness
literature was bound also to
of the Indian national
tion — Gandhism contains certain substantial elements of a
liberation general democratic nature. And because of this, one can speak of
movement itself, which occasionally led to political
forces, which its affinity with any truly democratic, progressive movement. It is
objectively should have been fighting
together against imperial- not difficult here to envisage the possibility in the future of a joint
,Sm w m * an uncoordinated struggle, or
’
i« '

even fighting against anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist, anti-racialist, anti-war, anti-feu-

each other. Finally, one should not forget
the objective difficulties dal and anti-monopoly struggle, waged by all democratic and
mu ol studying such a complex and
contradictory subject as Gandh- progressive forces in India and defending the interests of the
lsm. In the heat of the anti-imperialist
struggle and ideological broad popular masses. Together, the supporters of scientific so-
debate between Marxists and national
reformists, it was not cialism and Gandhism could form a powerful united national-
always possibte to grasp the subject in
all its complexity democratic front in the struggle for peace, for the consolidation
AH the attempts of Marxists to evaluate Gandhi’s
'ideological of national independence, and for democracy and social prog-
p atlorm and historical role are basically attempts
to establish the ress in the interests of the Indian people. At the present time,
place of scientific socialism and
Gandhism in the conditions of all democratic and progressive social movements, including
he national liberation movement and the
existence of a compara- those in India, are united by certain common goals. One of
tively young national state,
recently rid of colonial dependence
It these goals, proposed by Indian Marxists, is to limit, and then
is not a question oi comparing
the two ideologies, if only because
liquidate, foreign and national monopoly capitalism and to prep-
they are incompatible and as different
as science and utopia It is are the way for the gradual departure of the country from the
0n ° f trCnds ° f devclo ment in
P country’s ideology and road of capitalist development. This wonderful prospect
poTtics'
Although the ideas of Gandhism have always
demands joint
efforts and calls for further differentiation amongst
held sway over Gandhians and the consolidation of all honest supporters of
those of scientific socialism, it is
between these two ideological social progress.
trends that the mam struggle for
influence over the masses" has As regards the other interpretation of Gandhism, whereby it is
always been waged. This was well understood
by the Indian bour- used for the narrow class interests of the Indian big bourgeoisie
geoisie, who in the years of the
struggle for independence rated and the reactionary forces which try to use Gandhi's social ideals
Gandhism highly as an ideology which could
be used against against the democratic movement, in order to emasculate their
scientific socialism, which was
India, especially m educated urban
quickly gaining a foothold in
revolutionary circles, among
anti-capitalist content —
any attempt to find common ground with
scientific socialism is simply pointless; the two are poles apart.
eft-wing democratic young people.
The bourgeoisie and its par- Even in the proper, politically untampered with, interpretation
y, the Indian National Congress, strove to
find in Gandhism a of Gandhism, however, there are elements which allowed the
kind of guarantee against the spread
of scientific socialism among Indian bourgeoisie and reactionaries to turn it to their own
the workers, while at the same time
expressing through Gandhism advantage. Otherwise the bourgeoisie could never have taken it
national anti-impenalist interests.
into their arsenal.
Today, too Gandhism and scientific
socialism represent the An analysis of Gandhism from the point of view of scientific
two main ideological trends in Indian society.
socialism show's not only a certain kinship between it and
What, then, is the attitude to Gandhism
in modern India? bourgeois interests and ideas —something quite natural and in-
There are two main attitudes: on the one
L ” 00d as the syst em of
hand, Gandhism is
Gandhi’s views on anti-imperialism
evitable in any national reformism —
and utopian socialism but also
“"J
and peasant
ft t
a certain acceptability of Gandhism from the point of view of the
socialism, and on the other, there
is the interpretation bourgeoisie’s class interests. The point is that the combination in
of Gandhism by the numerous bourgeois schools of thought,
often Gandhism of ruthless exposure of capitalist society from moral
184
185
 and religious positions with the putting forward of methods of of criticism not as bourgeois civilisation, but as ‘European’,
changing this society that are anti-revolutionary in essence won machine was not,’ wrote Gandhi, ‘that we did not
civilisation. ‘It
the sympathy of the Indian bourgeoisie, in spite of Gandhi's know how to invent machinery, but our forefathers knew that, il

critical attitude to bourgeois morality and the bourgeois way of

we set our hearts after such things, we would become slaves and
lose our moral fibre. They, therefore, after due deliberation
life.

Gandhism has with scientific socialism not only in the

affinities decided that we should only do what we could with our hands
stru ggl e for national independence. The utopian and archaic ideal and feet .’ 1 Hence, it is not the capitalist mode of production
of sarvodaya reflects a sincere concern for the welfare of the which lies at the centre of Gandhi’s criticism, but machine
masses and the desire to improve the working people’s position production in general which, it appears, was vetoed by the fore-
and bring about a society of social justice. Like all versions of fathers of today's Indians. It is in machinery that Gandhi
saw the
utopian or national socialism, it reflects
principles
advanced more than a century' ago by scientific socialism: labour
many source of social evils —
unemployment, exploitation, the concen-
He does
tration of wealth and power in the hands of the few', etc.
as a must for all, the abolition of exploitation of man by man and not say that all these results of the development of big business
ol the division of society into classes, public ownership of the transient and class-determined; it is not the exploiting classes
are
basic means of production, and the distribution of material wealth that are seen as the enemy, but the machinery.
according to one’s work. That would appear to account for most As far as the relations between classes in the process of
of the similarities in the approaches of Gandhism and scientific machine production are concerned. Gandhi did not perceive them
socialism to the most important problems facing the Indian as the objective basis for the appearance of those vices w'hich he
people. In all other respects they disagree. The differences arc castigated. He was aware of the existence of class contradictions,
everywhere: in their criticism of capitalist society, in the ideal of but did not attach vital importance to them, seeing them as a
socialism, in the methods for achieving it, and in "their concepts of superstructure built on essentially healthy human relations. ‘Class
classes and class struggle, of the future state, and of those social 2
war is foreign to the essential genius of India,' he said Contra- .

and party political forces which are historically destined to bring dictions emerged and intensified as a result of greed, egoism,
about, and w'hich are really capable of bringing about, social moral degradation and delusion. The normal state of relations
justice on Earth. In all these basic questions of the theory' and between zamindars (landowners) and ryots (peasants), and be-
practice of changing modern society, scientific socialism and tween capitalists and workers, ought to have been peaceful col-
Gandhism are in opposition, like science and utopia, or mate- laboration. Gandhi ignored the class and economic laws of social
rialism and idealism, or dialectics and metaphysics. development. His philosophy of history was idealist, based on
Sometimes Gandhi gave vivid exposures of capitalist and lack of knowledge of the and economic laws governing
political
feudal oppression. Here is one example. the historical process. Therefore, his ideas about the very best and
Asked how, in his opinion, the Indian princes, landlords, mill- most just social transformations were marked by subjectivism and
owners, money-lenders and other profiteers were enriched Gan- voluntarism. According to Gandhi, people had to imbue their
dhi replied: ‘At the present moment by exploiting the masses.’ He minds with high morality and then, with time, social justice would
stressed that these classes had no social justification for living in inevitably come about. The class peace, and the paternalism of
greater comfort than the common workers and peasants, whose the propertied classes over the propcrtyless, were part and parcel
labour created the wealth 1 But these motives were not crucial in
.
of Gandhism. And if a class w'ar were to break out, then only
Gandhi's criticism of modern exploiting society. His condemna- because the capitalists and landowners grew insensitive to their
tion of ‘European’ civilisation was characterised" by the absence responsibility, forgetting that they were supposed to be fathers of
of
a clear social orientation and by ignorance of the real ways and
methods to overcome the vices in society he was aware of. These ’ The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi Vol. X, The Publications
,

qualities were apparent in the fact that "he determined the object Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India,
Delhi, 1963, p. 37.
'
M G ?" dh ’ Iowards Non-Violent Socialism, Navajivan Publishes
i 2
M. K. Gandhi, Sarvodaya (The Welfare of All),
..
Navajivan Publishing
.

House, 'au‘
Ahmcdabad, 1957, p. 161.
.
6
House, Ahmedabad, 1954, p. 89.

186 187
 the ‘family’, a part of it. Gandhi wrote: ‘In the West an eternal
capitalism, including the British subjugation of India, with all the
conflict has set up between capital and labour. Each party
horrors committed there by the bearers of European civilisation.
considers the other as its natural enemy. That spirit seems to have
Marx revealed the class nature of bourgeois civilisation and of the
entered India also, and if it finds a permanent lodgement, it would
utilisation of machinery.
be the end of our industry and of our peace. If both the parties
It was the scientific nature of Marx's critique of capitalist
were to realize that each is dependent upon the other, there will be
society that led him to such a well-founded and convincing defini-
little cause for quarrel .’ 1
tion of socialism as the society which would resolve all the contra-
Gandhi did not take into account the fact that the social and
dictions of the capitalist system. But nonetheless, this society
economic conditions of people’s social and personal lives, and the
arises on the material basis of capitalism and makes use of all its
bourgeois or feudal mode of production of material and cultural
valuable technological progress, particularly its heavy industry
commodities, are an insurmountable obstacle to the universal
and machine production. Gandhi’s emotional, romantic approach
spread of high moral principles. Gandhi's non-violent method of
to bourgeois civilisation, on the other hand, naturally led to his
changing the world is an old, honest and sincere (but, as has been
illusory,utopian conceptions of socialism.
shown over the centuries, and in Indian history in particular fruit- the tradition of the first Utopians who saw
Gandhi continued
less) call on the exploited not to use violence against the exploit-
the triumph of their abstract ideals of justice in the form of a
ers, a call on the exploiters to be kind towards those they exploit.
return to the ‘golden’ age. Sarvodaya, or the welfare of all, as
Nehru’s approach to the problem, during the years of the inde-
described by Gandhi, is an idealised image of the Indian peasant
pendence struggle, was much closer to reality. In his Autobiog- community with its economy, the unifica-
closed, self-contained
raphy, he wrote: ‘If there is one thing that history shows it is this: and extremely primitive implements.
tion of trade and agriculture
that economic interests shape the political views of groups and
This was a community which never protected its members from
classes.... It [non-violence] can, I think, carry us a long way, but
oppression by Asiatic despots, conquerors or tribal lords, turning
I doubt if it can take us to the final goal.... The present conflicts
feudal, which was always based on the cruel laws ot the caste
in society, national as well as class conflicts, can never be resolved
system and which, for centuries, isolated the country and its
except by coercion .' 2
people from the outside world. This idyllic community ceased to
We have outlined Gandhi’s criticism of ‘European’ civilisation, exist long ago, first under the influence of the commodity
and the concepts developed by him almost a century after the
economy, which undermined the ancient community principles,
appearance of the Communist Manifesto and Marx’s Capital.
then under capitalism, led by the British colonialists, and now
After the rise of the first socialist country in the world, in an age
under the national bourgeoisie, landowners, capitalists and the
when the machine civilisation which Gandhi hated, i.e., capital-
growing class of wealthy peasants.
ism, was being overthrown by revolution, such doctrines seemed
Gandhi’s sarvodaya is not so much a reflection of Indian real-
utopian, and against the background of the scientific theories of
ity, in which there are, of course, no elements of sarvodaya, as the
Marxism Gandhi’s criticism of capitalism was simply helpless.
result of yearning for the past. Only Gandhi’s indistinct concep-
Ill'll

—
Marx was also a passionate and profound exposer of the — tion of the onward march of history, and of the irreversible evolu-
vices of ‘European’ civilisation. But he spoke not of European,
tion of mankind from a lower to a higher stage, could allow the
but of capitalist civilisation. With scientific irrefutability, Marx
archaic picture of sarvodaya to appear as an ideal for the future.
demonstrated the catastrophe which befell the working masses
For Gandhi, since the movement forward and modern machine
because of the introduction of machine production, but for him
civilisation entail social evils and moral suffering for the people,
the trouble lay not in the machinery but in the capitalist methods
there was no alternative but to return by force of will to patriar-
of industrialisation. Disclosing these methods, he also showed the
chal moral simplicity. Gandhi appealed not to the future but to
historical inevitability of the colonialist annexations made by
the past, looking for the basis of the new society not in the
elements of social progress which capitalism, despite itself, brings
1
M. K. Gandhi, Towards Non-Violent Socialism, p. 42.
about, but in the surviving remnants of doomed forms of produc-
2
J. Nahru, An Autobiography, pp. 544, 551.
tion and social life.

1X8 txy
 Even the impossible were to be done, and the artificial crea-
if
than peaceful, unarmed methods of struggle. Gandhi did not
tion of a sarvodaya type of society succeeded, then this certainly discover them, though it is quite clear that he was outstandingly
would not lead to the implementation of socialist principles. On successful in elaborating and applying these methods against the
the one hand, the extreme technological backwardness of this power of the British colonialists and South African racialists, and
society would obstruct economic, cultural and moral progress and in lending them a true mass character and thus
making them
deprive the calls for universal plenty and cultural growth of real effective. Long before Gandhi appeared on the Indian political
meaning. On the other hand, even in this artificially recreated stage, all or almost all of the means included in the arsenal of
and isolated cell of society, due to the inexorable inner laws satyagraha —
hunger-strikes, demonstrations, local and general
of social development, there would be a resurgence of those strikes, non-payment of taxes, and the boycotting of colonial and
elements of decay and decadence which in the course of long racialist powers —
had been widely used by the international
historical change had already once led to the degeneration of the workers’ and national liberation movements. The peasant move-
Indian community into an archaic institution, sanctifying feudal ment in Western Europe, Russia, Latin America and many
and capitalist exploitation (and usually a mixture of the two) with countries of Asia, which developed from the seventeenth
ancient customs of a pseudo-democratic character. through the nineteenth centuries, and the workers’ movement
In analysing Gandhism from the point of view of scientific since the eighteenth century, are all well acquainted with these
socialism, particular attention is usually paid —
and rightly so to — forms and methods of mass struggle. The innovation of Gand-
the problem of the means and methods of social change. hism was not the invention and use of these methods, but above
Gandhism made its banner non-resistance to evil, i.e., non-vio- all their application against the British colonialists, and also
the
lence, and Gandhi is ascribed having discovered and applied this upholding of them as the only moral methods, sanctified by
method. Marxism, on the other hand, is portrayed by many of its religious traditions.
critics (including some of Gandhi’s followers), whose knowledge The history of the national liberation struggle in India has seen
of Marxism stems from secondary, and often distorted, sources, huge anti-colonialist demonstrations, general workers’ strikes,
as the unconditional denial of the principle of non-violence, as a mass peasant movements and a wide student and youth move-
synonym for bloody armed struggle and an armed violent move- ment. It has seen armed uprisings by workers, peasants, seamen of
ment. Of course, such an interpretation of the relationship the Indian fleet and soldiers of the Anglo-Indian army. The
between Gandhism and scientific socialism on the question of movement knows many examples of courage and self-sacrifice.
violence and non-violence suits the ideological opponents of Specifically proletarian, revolutionary methods of struggle played
scientific socialism down to the ground. But such ideas have an important part in the movement, sometimes exerting a decisive
nothing in common with reality, or with the real attitude of scien- influence on it, though the backbone of the movement, of course,
tific socialism towards the ways and means of struggle for was the peasantry and petty urban bourgeoisie, who followed
national and social liberation. Gandhi.
It would be difficult to convince anyone today that the support- Gandhism proclaimed non-violence as the sole and universal
ers of scientific socialism — true revolutionaries, not dogmatists method of struggle, capable of resolving all the national and
or adventurers —always
stand for armed violent struggle if only it social contradictions in a class society or oppressed country by
is revolutionary. Such views run entirely counter to historical the most painless means. Life has shown this not to be true. Scien-
facts, to the theory and revolutionary practice of Marxism. tific socialism justly, in full accordance with life, with the age-old
Marxists-Leninists have always been ready to use even the smal- experience of mankind and above all with the experience of the
lest possibilities of peaceful development of the national liberation struggle waged by the working class and peasantry in all
movement and social revolution, and have always considered that countries, refuses to absolutise or dogmatise any single method of
from the point of view of the workers’ and all the working struggle and force it uncritically on the people, without considera-
people’s real interests, peaceful means are preferable to armed tion of the current political situation, and the historical and
struggle. Gandhi’s non-violent methods, if one ignores their national conditions.
metaphysical and religious basis, represent in practice none other When peaceful methods prove ineffective because of the fierce
190 191
mil

resistance of foreign colonisers or the indigenous bourgeoisie and reliableand only possible political organisation capable of pre-
Scientific
landowners, when they unleash an armed struggle, i.e., a civil paring and carrying through revolutionary changes.
war, against the people, Marxists —
in view of the actual situa- socialism poses the working people with a complex task
to

tion —
propose a transition to more decisive methods of struggle, organise themselves politically, basing themselves on the party, to

including the highest form of class struggle

civil
armed uprising and
war. When Gandhians are forced to admit the impossibility
— solve, under
power
its guidance and
—
in their own interests, the question

the cardinal question of all revolutions and —

of state
of satisfying their demands and ideals by non-violent means thus to take possession of this mighty lever of influence on their

because of the violence of the colonisers, they emphasise the livesand on the transformation of society for the benefit of the
moral unpreparedness of the people for victory in view of their working and exploited people.
state as
not observing the religious and ethical principles of the non- Gandhism proceeds from anarchistic conceptions of the
violent movement and in view of the masses’ justly replying to the unconditional and even when Gandhi was forced to admit
evil,
colonialists’ violence with violence, and call ori the masses to that the independent national state could and should
be used in
forget the final aims of the movement, demanding that they the interests of progress, his position was still to have nothing to
reconcile themselves with the impracticability of the goals of their do with power, for in his opinion all power corrupts. Some of
struggle and take comfort in the awareness that they had Gandhi’s contemporary followers appeal to the workers Irom the
performed their moral and religious duty. This is where the real same position, suggesting they should reconcile with the fact that
difference between Gandhism and socialism on the question of the representatives of the privileged classes are in power. Gandhism
methods of mass struggle lies. does not propose that the workers create their own political
parties, but it is not against their having lower forms
of organisa-
Nehru's attitude to the question was interesting. With the great-
est respect for Gandhi, he declared: ‘For us and for the National tion. Thus the political arena is placed at the disposal ol rep-
Congress as a whole the non-violent method was not, and could resentatives of the educated class, the bourgeois intelligentsia and
being
not be, a religion or an unchallengeable creed or dogma. It could the bourgeoisie itself. This leads to the working people
only be a policy and a method promising certain results, and by defenceless in face of the class enemy, who is in full possession of

those results it would have to be finally judged. Individuals might statepower and party organisation.
make of it a religion or incontrovertible creed. But no political Gandhi’s greatest service was that he always called lor the
organisation as long as it remained political, could do so .’ 1 masses to be drawn into the social movement. It can be said
This is fairly exhaustive and clear. Methods of mass struggle arc without exaggeration that Gandhi s name, his anti-imperialist
root of
not given once and for all, they depend on the political climate, policy and tactics and bold appeal to the people, are at the
movement transition from the bourgeois
on the aims and results of the struggle, and, we would add, on the the Indian liberation
loyalty towards the colonialists and respectful attitude
towards
behaviour of the enemy. If the enemy docs not yield, and ,
oppresses the people, then it must be forced to yield, with arms E the British authorities which characterised the National Congress
being used, if political organisation is of immense importance for prior to Gandhi, from the petty-bourgeois terrorism
of the
national extremists, to a truly mass, popular movement for
inde-
the forces of democracy and progress. Therefore the question of
the leading political party and of the socialist state and of the rela- pendence. And yet the role of the masses is understood differently

tion to them of the fighters for national liberation and social by Gandhism and scientific socialism. The adherents of scientific
justice is central. And
question Gandhism cannot serve as
in this socialism aim to awaken, develop and exploit the revolutionary
a reliable guide for the working people, although Gandhi often potential of the classes, to spark off their initiative, and to
working
rightly criticised the bourgeois state, bourgeois democracy and give their revolutionary energy an outlet in diverse and purposeful
particularly the colonial and racialist state. Q forms of struggle. They believe in the masses, in their revolu-
old
Scientific socialism sees in the socialist state the main weapon tionary creativity, and in their ability not only to destroy the
and do away with its vestiges which hold up progress, but
for the reorg anisation of society, and in the party it sees the most society
also to build a new, better society. The Gandhians, on the
other
1
Jawaharlal Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi Asia Publishing House. Bombay
hand, always hold the masses within the limits of non-violence.
,

Calcutta, 1966, pp. 49-50.

192 193
They need the masses as executors of the leadership’s will, and the attitude of these classes to scientific socialism
is irreconci-
The
masses must act within the strictly defined limits of peaceful
lable. They have always
seen it as an uncompromising enemy of
resistance. Gandhism always contained an element of deep mis- The ideologists of the ruling classes
the very base of capitalism.
trust towards the independent revolutionary creativity of extreme sympathy. Many
the mas- have always related to Gandhism with
ses in the liberation movement. Hence, one can understand why ideologists try to establish it as the national
Indian bourgeois
the attitude of Gandhism to the popular masses is defined by
the formula of guardianship.
world-view —in spite of the sincere,
Why
subjective
should
anti-capitalism of
this be? The tact is
Gandhi and his true followers.
Gandhi, like no other, could raise the Indian people against the Gandhism proved practically harm-
that for all its anti-capitalism,
colonialists, but at the same time he could, like no other, hold the of India, precisely because of
less to the capitalist development
masses back from open revolution, ensuring for himself the possi-
the basic features discussed above. It has become, as it were a
bility of holding talks with the colonial powers. It is self-evident contemporary India,
constituent part of the bourgeois order in
that these tactics of Gandhi’s made him the most outstanding economy has reached the stage of
which in many spheres of the
leader of the liberation movement under the guidance of the bour- to find a
monopoly capitalism. Bourgeois ideologists are trying
geoisie.
Gandhism— the defence of the present social
new application for
This
is also the starting point of two approaches to the working classes.
system from infringements by the exploited
class.For Marxism-Leninism, this is the leading class, destined in methods were effective enough in the
Gandhi’s non-violent
the course of historical development to play a major role in the national independence and,
struealc against the colonialists for
struggle for a society of social justice. For Gandhi, it was a non-Gaudhian, sometimes quite extreme, vio-
combined with the
product of European civilisation, a class supposedly not yet fit for Gandhi, led to the
lent methods employed by the masses
despite
political life, not understanding its place in or the needs of the Indian state. But since then the
it,
creation of an independent
1
nation . Scientific socialism counts above on the industrial
all
doctrine has proved powerless to bring about any
Gandhian
proletariat. Gandhism sees as a potential opponent of the prin- hundreds of millions of
substantial change in the position of
it
ciples of non-violence, is afraid of its political activity and strives
working people. . .

to limit by a reformist struggle for an improvement in the mate- Indian society is

task of the ruling classes in contemporary
it
The
rial standard of living. ‘I don't deny,’ said Gandhi, ‘that weaken the influence of left-
such to split the workers’ movement and
strikes can serve political ends. But they do not fall within the socialism. This has led to a combina-
wing
0 circlesand of scientific
plan of non-violent non-cooperation. It does not require much methods of struggle, from political
class
tion of diverse
effort of the intellect to perceive that it is a most dangerous thing
repression, from propaganda of the utopian
manoeuvring to cruel
to make political use of labour until labourers understand the socialism', to the terror of Shiv Sena,
ideas of Gandhism, ‘Indian
political condition of the country and are prepared to work for the by Bombay monopolists to intimi-
a fascist organisation created
common good. This is hardly to be expected of them all of a date theworking people. In reality, then, the
methods of
sudden and until they have bettered their own condition so as to today the interests of the working people,
Gandhism are used in
enable them to keep body and soul together in a decent manner. the bourgeoisie, only when they are used by
and against those of
The greatest political contribution, therefore, that labourers can held in support ot
left-wingers in the mass satyagraha campaigns,
make is to improve their own condition .' 2 This is the source
of and socio-political demands of the working
the socio-economic
Gandhi’s negative attitude towards the idea of forming a leading
people. .

political party of the proletariat. some general democratic traits

The basic features of scientific socialism and Gandhism noted
Modem Gandhism still retains
which have not lost their importance. With American capital and
above determine the attitudes of the ruling classes in India to
its ideology advancing in India, with the growth of Indian
them. anti-imperialist
monopolies and the resultant intensification of
movement, broad collaboration between all
and anti-monopoly
1
The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. X. Chapter VI, pp. 6-63. progressive forces is still possible. Since the war,
and
democratic
Mahatma Gandhi, Young India, 1919-1922, Madras. 1922, pp. 737-39. non-Marxist ldeo-
especially in the last few years, a number
2
of

194 195
 logical trends in the national liberation movement
have grown JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
closer to scientific socialism (national democracy). Gandhism
has
not developed in this way. While emphasising the democratic
content of Gandhism, one must bear in mind that with the
majority of its adherents it has tended to grow aw'ay from scien-
tific socialism.

One may not agree with Gandhism, but it is essential to know,

—
study and respect it as an important and despite the enormous
influence of Gandhi’s striking personality—a largely objective
phenomenon in Indian history.
Difference of opinion does not preclude respect. Gandhi him-
self was a fine example of this. He could not share all the
ideals of
the Great October Socialist Revolution, he reproached the
Com-
munists for their atheism and support of class struggle, but he did
acknowledge the justice and grandeur of the Bolsheviks’ ultimate
goals and the magnificence of Lenin, the leader of the revolution.
Jawaharlal Nehru has gone down in history as an outstanding
Gandhi continues to enjoy great respect among the Indian
politician, one of the greatest leaders of the national liberation
people. For this reason Gandhism must be studied in detail
and in movement, a fighter for peace, democracy and social progress, a
all its aspects, and a scientific approach
must be taken to criti- sworn enemy of social injustice and national oppression, and a
cising and overcoming it, and to the complex socio-economic
and sincere friend of the Soviet Union.
political problems of modern India.
For several decades his name was inseparably linked with the
struggle for the liberation of India from colonial enslavement, for
its rebirth and development as a sovereign state. From 15
August
The Soviet people all express profound respect to Mahatma
1947, when Nehru raised the national tricolour flag above the
Gandhi for his enormous contribution to the anti-imperialist
historic RedFort in Delhi, he led the independent country for
struggle against colonialism, to the cause of ridding his country
of almost 17 years, helping it come to life again and abolish colo-
foreign rulers.
nialism, the legacy of feudalism and age-old backwardness.
The Soviet people are well aware that Gandhi was always in the
midst of the Indian people, sharing their lives, reflecting Under Nehru’s guidance, India was reorganised into states
their
hopes and aspirations. He always found inspiration according to national, ethnic and language factors, thus putting
in the an end to the British administrative system, based on the principle
people’s difficult struggle against' the British
of ‘divide and rule’. The feudal division of the country was
rulers, in their
selflessness and courage, and strove honestly and sincerely to
abolished and initial agrarian reforms were implemented, under-
lighten their destinies, to avert disaster and to inspire them in
mining the power of the big landowners. Nehru led the restruc-
their search for a new, more perfect society.
turing of the economy along the lines of a planned economy, and
started the policy of industrialisation which was decisive for the
country’s economic growth. Nehru’s initiative led to the creation
of a powerful, and strengthening, state sector. He was a thorough-
going democrat, a fighter for equality, an opponent of caste
vestiges and religious-tribal reaction and supporter of lasting
national unity in India, based on a combination of the principles
of democracy and centralism.
197
 Nehru’s activities were not confined to politics. He was To some extent I came to her via the West, and looked at her
a man saw'.
of great spiritual culture, encyclopaedic erudition westerner might have done.' 1
and a deeply as a friendly
philosophical frame of mind. His writings combine Having refused to look for the meaning of history outside of
universal edu-
cation, breadth of interests, originality and sharp-wittedness
with itself, Nehru came to acknowledge the inner laws of historical
the warm, temperamental, dramatic, lively approach development and thus took an important step towards a realistic,
of a man
who sought, fought and sometimes doubted and retreated, but one might almost say materialist, understanding of the historical
who always retained his belief in progress. He was a thinker and process. ‘In Asia,’ he said, ‘many historical forces have been at
a poet. And even without his outstanding political work, work for many years past and many things have happened which
resting
on his works alone, he would, it seems, have earned the attention are good and many things which are not so good, as always
and interest of future generations. But Nehru’s literary work happens when impersonal historical forces are in action . They are
cannot be separated from his political biography. ‘The We mould them a to divert them here
more still in action. try to little,
action and thought are allied and integrated, the there, but essentially they will carry on they fulfil their
more effective and till

they become and the happier you grow,’ he wrote. 1 purpose and their historical destiny.’ 2 Nehru’s recognition of
His historical
and philosophical deliberations were not an end in themselves, objective laws led him to realise the direction of the historical
but a search for the answer to the most important process upwards in a spiral, to understand it as an objective and
problems
troubling his country and the world. He turned to progressive course of events proceeding from lower to higher.
the past in
order to understand the present and foresee the These elements of his world-outlook had a positive effect on his
future. History
was for him a school of life, experience and struggle, a source political work, which he approached not as a voluntarist or
for
developing a world outlook. And Nehru approached moralist, or from a religious point of view, but scientifically,
it as an
active politician, forced to study by practical needs. ‘My fascina- trying to bring it into line with the general, objective course of
tion for history', he wrote, ‘was not in reading about odd events history and subjugate it to progressive trends. It was in obeying
thathappened in the past but rather in its relation to the things the command of time, predetermined by the whole preceding
up to the present. Only then did it become alive to me.
that led
development of mankind, that Nehru saw the justification and
Otherwise it would have been an odd thine unconnected realism of the political course and political struggle. It was in this
with mv
life or the world.’ 2 way that he tried to elaborate his policy course. He said that
He approached history as a rationalist, without a priori, ideals and goals could not run counter to historical tendencies. He
unhistorical categories, looking for its inner meaning
and logic. consistently adhered to the progressive scientific conception that
Nehru also looked at his own country's past in this way. His atti- the real agent of history is the people, and that the activities of
tude shows no trace of uncritical admiration of the
past, of any political leaders should be subordinated to the struggle to satisfy
idea that India’s history was exceptional and isolated,
or subject the hopes and aspirations of the popular masses. Nehru stressed:
to a spiritual law inherent in that country
alone. His views were ‘The people were the principal actors, and behind them, pushing
free of religious or moral mysticism
of a type fairly common in them on, were great historical urges.... But for that historical
India. The traditions of European rationalism and cul- setting and political and social urges, no leaders or agitators could
ture critically absorbed by Nehru, who was
educated in Eu- have inspired them to action.’ 3
—
rope influenced his ideas on history, particularly as
they affected Nehru’s views on the laws governing the historical process and
India, and helped him to avoid prejudiced
idealisation and see his the role of the masses show the influence of the ideas of scientific
country as it was in relation to other countries. ‘India was socialism. His world-outlook took shape under the influence of
in my
blood and there was much in her that instinctively thrilled
me. many schools; it is not unique. But can he be considered an eclec-
And yet I approached her almost as an alien critic, full of dislike
1

for the prese nt as well as for many of the relics J! Nehru, The Discovery of India, op. cit., p.
1 34.
of the past that 1
2 Jawaharlal Nehru, India's Foreign Policy, Selected Speeches, September
1946- August 1961. The Publications Division, Ministry of Information and
1
Jawaharlal Nehru’s Speeches, Vol. 3, The Publications
Division, Ministry
of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India,
Delhi, 1958 p 472 Broadcasting, Government of India, Delhi, 1961, p. 256.
Jawaharlal Nehru's Speeches, Vol. 2, Delhi, 1957, 3 j. Nehru, An Autobiography, op. cit., p. 272.
p. 383.

198 199
 tic? His views must not be studied
became an unfolding drama with some order and
simplistically. Nehru strove to purpose,
know and assimilate much
as as possible of the experience howsoever unconscious, behind it. In spite of the appalling waste
accumulated by mankind and to select the best of it. Sometimes in was bright with
and misery of the past and the present, the future
the political struggle he used isolated premises It was the essential
from various hope, though many dangers intervened.
philosophical systems, and this, of course, prevented him
from freedom from dogma and the scientific outlook of Marxism that
seeing their irreconcilability, their antagonism. And then
he inev- appealed to me.’ 1 Elsewhere, he wrote: ‘A study of Marx and
itably tended towards eclecticism, which he wanted
at all costs to Lenin produced a powerful effect on my mind and helped me to
avoid. He preferred ‘a mental or spiritual attitude which
synthe- see history and current affairs in a new light. The long chain of
sises differences and contradictions, some mean-
tries to understand and history and of social development appeared to have
accommodate different religions, ideologies, political, social and and future some of its obscurity.' 2
ing, some sequence, the lost
economic systems’. 1 The
Scientific socialism attracted Nehru not only as a theory.
No
one succeeded yet in creating a ‘synthesis’ of ideologies. and attracted
reason for its appeal was that Nehru was delighted
And he knew it. The contradictory elements in his world-outlook revolutionary
by the colossal and unprecedented experiment in
were not unified or reconciled. It is impossible to unite that which
change which took place before his eyes in Soviet Russia. ‘While
is irreconcilable, antagonistic and class-opposed. Being an honest the rest of the world was in the grip of the depression and going
researcher, Nehruoften self-critically reviewed his original ideas,
backward in some ways, in the Soviet country a great new world
trying to move forward and perfect them. The
direction of his was being built up before our eyes. Russia, following the great
political and social searches, the trends of their
development, Lenin, looked into the future and thought only of what was to be,
were fruit! ul and are still important today. In seeking an answer
to while other countries lay numbed under the dead hand of the past
the problems of the anti-imperialist struggle
and the future and spent their energy in preserving the useless relics of a bygone
of former colonies, Nehru strove to keep in step with
the times. age. In particular, l was impressed by the reports of the great
Nehru imbibed the traditions of ancient Indian culture and the
progress made by the backward regions of Central Asia under the
rich history of the national liberation
movement, especially the Soviet regime. In the balance, therefore, I was all in favour of
philosophy and practice of Gandhism. He assimilated
all that Russia, and the presence and example of the Soviets was a bright
West European bourgeois liberalism had to offer, receiving his 3
and heartening phenomenon in a dark and dismal world.’
education in its cradle,
Great Britain, and turned in his disap-
Nehru followed the social changes in Soviet Russia with great
pointment to socialist ideas, at first in their Fabian version.
But interest. his first trip to the country with his father
He made
having once turned to the ideals of equality and social Con-
justice, Motilal Nehru, an important figure in the Indian National
Nehru was bound to perceive, by force of his critical, searching
in 1927, during celebrations to mark a decade of
Soviet
gress,
mind, many of the premises of scientific socialism. Nehru
did not power. What he saw brought him to the conclusion ‘that the
resist this process. On
the contrary, he eagerly studied the theory
Soviet Revolution had advanced human society by a great leap
and practice of scientific socialism and found much there that
was and had lit a bright flame which could not be smothered, and that
applicable in India. Nehru was one of the first
national liberation it had laid the foundations for that new
civilisation towards which
leaders unafraid of speaking of the importance 4
of Marxism- the world could advance’.
Leninism, seeing in it the logic of historical development the call Nehru showed great interest in Lenin, in his personality,
of times.
theories and practical work. Evaluating his role in history, Nehru
Nehru repeatedly underlined the positive influence of the ideas
wrote that ‘millions have considered him as a saviour and the
of scientific socialism on his own world-outlook. He wrote: ‘The
greatest man of the age’. He called Lenin ‘a master mind and a
5
theory and philosophy of Marxism lightened up many a
dark
comer in my mind. History came to have a new meaning for me. 1
J. Nehru, An Autobiography, op. cit., pp. 262-(*3.
Th e Marxis t interpretation threw a flood of light on it, and it 2
J. Nehru, The Discovery of India, op. cit., p. 14.
3
J. Nehru, An Autobiography, op. cit., pp. 361-62.
’
The Mind of Mr. Nehru. An Interview by R. K. Karanjia, Georee Allen 4
J. Nehru, The Discovery of India, op. cit., p. 14.
&Unwin Ltd., London, I960, p. 89. 5
Ibid., p. 269.

200 201
 allow the former
n The idea that only socialism could
7
genius in revolution .
1
nrocess
themselves out of thetr backwardness
Nehru's ideal was the unity of thought and action, of theory colonial peoples to wrench
The Basic
put forward in his well-known
article
and practice. The influence of scientific socialism and his high Ls also
not by some magic
A noroach’- ‘It has to be remembered
appraisal of the historical merits of the USSR naturally led him that it is
to suddenly
method that poverty
recognise the necessity of bringing about radical socio-economic adoption of socialist or capitalist increasing
changes in India, and to proclaim socialism first as the ideal leads to riches. The only way is through hard work and^
distribution
social system and later as the ultimate goal of political activity. productivity of the nation and organising an equitable
and difficult roce a
In his presidential address to the INC of its products. It is a
lengthy P ‘

Nehru said: ‘I am convinced

at Lucknow in
that the only key to the solution of
1*936.
developed country, the capitalist method offers no chance.
J" It is ^
lines that steady
through a planned approach on
the world’s problems socialistic
and of India’s problems lies in Socialism, only
will take tim ®-
and when I use this word I do so not in a vague humanitarian way progress can be attained, though even that
P
attitude towards socialism reflected an
but in the scientific, economic sense.... I see no way of ending the Nehru’s sympathetic socia
in Indian democratic
poverty, the vast unemployment, the degradation, and the
sub- important shift which took place and
of the Russian Revolution
jection of the Indian people except through Socialism. That thought first under the influence the
the USSR, and then under
the achievements of socialism
involves vast and revolutionary changes in our political and in
so- Japanese mili-
cial structure, the ending of vested interests in land
and industry.... influence of the defeat of
German fascism and
That means the ending of private property, except in a restricted the Second World War, which opened the way to India s
tarism in
sense, and the replacement of the present profit system liberation struggle.
by a success in the national pohciesof
the social and economic
higher ideal of co-operative service.... In short, it means a new to his speeches regarding lndepend
after
civilisation, radically different from the present capitalist order.’ 2 the ruling party of the
Indian National Congress
rial, sat. on
stress on the need for indus
Nehru saw the socialist transformation of society as the natural ence Nehru laid the main develop-
national
result of the world’s historical development. He stressed that capi- and planning in order to ensure independent
P economy and in the welfare of
talism ‘is no longer suited to the present age’, that the world had ment and an improvement in the
our objective is to establish a
outgrown it. He noted that the scientific and technical revolution Se p^ple
P P He said, 'Broadly
made need for socialism particularly clear, and that the pattern of society, with no great
the Welf are State with a socialist
modem approach was also a socialist approach. 3
scientific disparities of income and
offering an equal opportunity to all.
At the same time, Nehru was one of the first leaders of the anti- Nehru recognised the objective need for the reorganisation of
movement although his understanding
colonialist to make quite clear that the movement Indian society along socialist lines,
towards socialism was a specific need for developing countries, an the actual process, of the
forms and methods of reorganisation,
subjectivistic, ideahst notions
objectively predetermined road of progress for states liberated betrayed hfs own specific, mainly
from imperialist rule, including India. In this thesis, Nehru antici- the result of the complex interplay of the class
that came about as of
as a result of the plurality
pated many arguments later put forward by other politicians in contradictions in modem India,
important, of Nehru s underwUmation
Africa and Asia. He clearly stated the un acceptability of capi- social structures and, most
of th
the working class as the bearer
talism for the developing countries, as they had no time to achieve of the special historic role of forces n
progress by the same methods, or at the same rate, as the Western The alignment of class
ideology of scientific socialism. and
against British rule,
world once used. ‘Are we to follow the English, French and the the national liberation movement
i

Nehru s chances ot real-

American way?’ he asked. ‘Have we time of 1 00 to 150 years to independent India afterwards, restricted
reach our destination? This is impossible. We will perish in the practice.
ising his subjective ideals in
Commillec,
'Jawaharlal Nehru, Glimpses of World History, Asia Publishing
"i j Nehru, Towards a Socialistic Order,
All India Congress
House,
Bombay, 1964. 661. Ne * A Social* Congress-
p.
th™!cSn gr« m «i S Fri, tier for Socialism,
2
J. Nehru, India's Freedom, Unwin Books, London, 1962, L
3
p. 35.
man Publication, New Delhi, 1963, p. 197.
Cf. Nehru, India Today and Tomorrow, Indian Council September 1957-Apnl 196J, voi.
;
for Cullural 3 Jawaharlal Nehru's Speeches.
Relations, New Delhi, 1959, p. 28.
1964, p. 151.
202 203
 His ideas, and especially his practical politics, were inevitably Marx did not preach class conflict. He showed that in fact it
.’ 1
affected by the and had always existed in some form or other In his
enormous number of unresolved democratic tasks existed,
which faced India and created the basis for the broad unification Autobiography, Nehru criticises Gandhi’s over- reliance on non-
of national forces. Nehru tended to absolutise the temporary violence: ‘If there is one thing that history shows it is this:

alignment of classes, which was determined by the particular that economic shape the political views of groups and
interests
level
of the democratic movement and corresponded to the aims of classes. Neither reason nor moral considerations override these
a
particular stage, but which could not be retained if there was interests. Individuals may be converted, they may surrender
to be
socialist transformation. In his analysis of Indian their special privileges, although this is
rare enough, but classes
society, he was
unwilling to go beyond the general democratic stage of the and groups do not do so. The attempt to convert a governing
revo-
lution, unwilling to admit that the struggle for and privileged class into forsaking power and giving up its unjust
socialism required
a radically different class orientation and that in passing from privileges has therefore always so far failed, and there
seems to
.’ 2
succeed in the future
general democratic to socialist goals the content, make-up
and be no reason whatever to hold that it will

correlation of the components of the united national front of the But on the other hand, in the fifties and sixties, Nehru tried in

period of the anti-imperialist movement must change radically. vain to reconcilerecognition of class struggle with the
his
his own
Nehru recognised the existence of classes and class struggle, but Gandhian concept of class harmony, thus contradicting
previous years. ‘So while not denying or
proceeded from the thesis that class contradictions could be realistic evaluations of
deal with the
resolved through compromises and reforms based on class cooper- repudiating class contradictions, we want to
problem in a peaceful and co-operative way by lessening
rather
ation. He considered that conviction was enough to prevent
the people
growth of influence of the propertied and exploiting classes in the these conflicts and trying to win over
than increasing
destroy them.... The
country’s economic and political life. instead of threatening to fight them or
One is bound
to notice in this a certain amount of liberal concept of class struggle or wars has been outdated as too dan-
3
bourgeois ideology, plus traces of Gandhi’s utopian moralistic gerous .../
and the
ideas. Leaving aside the confusion of class struggle and war,
and violence, of peaceful and
It was these ideas which served as the basis
for Nehru’s absolute opposition of non-violence
would
non-peaceful ways of resolving class contradictions,
it
unfounded subjective criticism of certain moments of Soviet histo-
ry, of some of the propositions of scientific socialism appear that these words reflect not so much the evolution of
and of the
a pragmatic
communist movement in India. Here we see the profound contra- Nehru’s convictions towards the end of his life, as
diction in Nehru’s world-outlook, a contradiction which resulting from a political course largely determined
he never requirement
multiclass and
overcame, despite his efforts. The long relative isolation of India, by the conservative forces in the leadership of the
its social thought and Nehru himself,
from the achievements of extremely heterogeneous ruling party the —
Indian National
Marxist-Leninist theory and the practice of building socialism in Congress forces — that were consolidating
division
their
of
influence
the Congress.
at that

the USSR and other countries, also limited his chances time^ which subsequently led to the
of fully socio-
understanding the development of the new socialist world, which But the facts of the political struggle and the country’s
constantly affected Nehru’s views. These
Nehru approached gradually and with many reservations, espe- economic development
cially as regards the concepts of class struggle and facts belied the concept of class collaboration and the possibility
the leading role
capitalists, indeed they
of the working class. of ‘re-educating’ Indian landowners and
On the one hand, Nehru acknowledged the scientific accuracy conflicts in which the privileged classes, the
abounded in social
to every
of Marx’s interpretation of history, based on the idea
of class landowners, money-lenders and monopolists, resorted
working people, including
antagonism. ‘Marx constantly talks of exploitation and class means of quelling the protest of the
struggles,’ wrote Nehru. ‘But, according to
Marx, this is not a ' Nehru, Glimpses of World History, op. cit., p.
565.
j.
matter for anger or good virtuous advice. The exploitation
is not 2
J. Nehru, An Autobiography, op. cit., p. 544.
the fault of the person exploiting. The dominance Karanjia, op. pp. 76-
The Mind of Mr. Nehru. An Interview by R. K.
cit.,
of one class 3

over another has been the natural result of historical progress.... 77.
205
204
 when freedom and were under threat, when
justice
open violence to protect their own interests. He said that
aggression was committed, then the country could not be neutral.
The heat of the class struggle, Nehru’s sincere sympathy with
neutralism with the fight against colo-
the oppressed, his desire to improve their lot and constant subjec- Nehru combined positive
urgency of which he always stressed. ‘Imperialism or
tive devotion to socialist ideals forced him once again to take a nialism, the
or classes because
sober look at the depth and objective character of the class colonialism suppressed the progressive groups
the social and economic status quo.
contradictions in Indian society. it is interested
in preserving
become independent, it may continue to
Finally, Nehru recognised the existence in India of privileged Even after a country has
countries.’ 1 Nehru’s warning
groups and classes who opposed any change. He indicated that to be economically dependent on other
imperialism is still entirely rele-
protect their own selfish interests these social strata (and Nehru about economic dependence on
and other developing countries.
had in mind not only the semi-feudal landowners but above all vant to India
foundations of
the monopoly bosses) might go against the country’s social Nehru was one of those who proposed the five
of Panch Shecl), widely recog-
progress. The Indian National Congress’s bandying of socialist peaceful coexistence (the doctrine
relations between Asian countries. He was
slogans did not bring Nehru to a superficial idealisation of Indian nised as the basis of
society. Always a realist, he said that the Indian economic system convoking the historic Bandung Conference, a
involved in
states of Africa
could be defined as a capitalist economy with considerable state watershed in the process of unifying the liberated
struggle against imperialism, neo-colonialism,
control, or a capitalist economy plus a social sector directly run and Asia in the
by the state. But in essence it was a capitalist economy. racialism, for peace, freedom and
socio-economic progress.
Nehru saw that the country’s socialist course, its progress and One of Nehru’s great merits was his constant desire to unite

democracy, was threatened not only by the traditional forces of forces on the world stage. In 1927 he took
with all progressive
feudal landowners and religious disparities, but also by the part in the anti-imperialist Congress of
Oppressed Nationalities in
growing monopolies. Shortly before his death, in the autumn of Brussels. He wrote: ‘Ideas of some common action between
1963, Nehru wrote: ‘Monopoly is the enemy of socialism. To the oppressed nations unter se, as well as between them and the
felt more and
extent it has grown during the last few years, we have drifted Labour left wing, were very much in the air. It was
away from the goal of socialism.’ 1 more that the struggle for freedom was a common one against the
imperialism, and joint deliberation and, where
The years since Nehru’s death have fully borne out his fears thing that was
about the role of the Indian monopolies, feudal and semi-feudal possible, joint action were desirable.’ This was
2 an important step
national liberation
landowners. Left-wing and democratic forces in India, all support- towards recognising the unity between the
Nehru s
ers of ‘Nehru’s course’ are fighting against the ambitions of the struggle and the revolutionary, workers’ movement.
the appeal made
monopolies and their allies. revolutionary nationalism was consonant with
Lenin, for collabora-
Nehru’s views on foreign policy were consistently progressive; by the leader of the proletarian revolution,
imperialism. Nehru
in this area his views were not marked by the same conflict as his tion joint efforts in the fight against
and
ideas of socialism and internal policy. Both as a thinker and as a ‘Socialism in the west and the rising nationalisms of the
wrote-
statesman, he made an outstanding contribution to the cause of Eastern and other dependent countries
opposed this combination
fighting imperialism, ensuring world peace, and turning the of fascism and imperialism.... Inevitably we take our stand with
balance of forces on the world arena since the war in favour of progressive forces of the world which are ranged against
the
3
national liberation, progress and socialism. fascism and imperialism.' .
..
line
Jawaharlal Nehru was a thoroughgoing fighter for peace and One of the most vivid and fruitful manifestations of this
international security. A supporter of peaceful coexistence, he was Nehru’s unceasing aspiration for mutual understanding with
successful development
spoke in favour of detente, curtailment of the arms race, and the Soviet Union. The establishment and
universal disarmament. He was one of the founders of the policy 196.
1
J. Nehru, Congressmen's Primer for Socialism, op. cit., p.
of non-alignment, which by no means signified passive neutrality. op. cit., p. 161.
2
J. Nehru, An Autobiography,
Day Company, New
1
Congress Bulletin, No. 9-11, New Delhi, Septcmber-November 1963, a
J. Nehru, The First Sixty Years, Vol. 1, The John
p. 55. York, 1965, p. 427.
207
206
of Indo-Soviet collaboration is inseparably linked
with the
KWAME NKRUMAH
policies pursued by Nehru. The friendly relations between the two
countries, based on his policies, have long been, in the words of
Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, ‘a most convincing manifestation of the
great alliance between the world of socialism and the world born
of the national liberation movement'. 1 These relations are an
example of peaceful coexistence and fruitful cooperation of
states with different socio-economic systems, linked by common
interests in the struggle for peace and international security.
The favourable development of Indo-Soviet relations since
India gained independence was reflected in the joint Treaty on
Peace, Friendship and Cooperation signed in August 1971.
Brezhnev's official visit to India in 1973 consolidated all the posi-
tive things achieved over the preceding years and made a new
contribution to the development of friendly bilateral relations and
to the strengthening of international detente, peace and security in
Asia and the world. The joint declaration and other documents
one of the leading iigures of the anti-
signed during this visit, which developed the basic principles of Kwame Nkrumah was
relations between the USSR and India and determined the colonial movement in Africa in the
1940s-1960s. His contribu-
general direction of their cooperation, was greeted with great tion to the post-war development of the continent went tar
approval in the Soviet Union and India and valued highly by beyond his own country. As a politician, Nkrumah became a
democrats throughout the world. symbol of the freedom and unity of Africa,
and of the relentless
Looking at all the facets of Nehru’s work as a political and struggle against colonial and neocolonial exploitation. He was a
public figure, as a philosopher and historian, it should be stressed statesman who enjoyed international respect and an outstanding
that all that is best in his legacy — and we are deeply convinced of ideologist and political thinker. He strove
to achieve a philoso-

this — was due to his attraction to socialism and progress, and his phical understanding of the processes of national and social
and
interest in scientific socialist theory, which considerably emancipation of the colonial countries. He aimed to fathom
liberation move-
influenced his world-outlook and politics. uncover the inner contradictions of the national
forces, which contributed to the
His attraction to socialism gave him the idea of joining forces ment and its powerful latent
movement. Slowly but surely, he came
with the international workers’ movement and of collaborating progress and crises of the
role of class and anti-imperialist
with the USSR. to the recognition of the decisive
It was his attraction to socialism that determined the Indian struggle in Africa today. . ,
culmination of
National Congress’s declaring its aim to be the construction of a Nkrumah’s fate was tragic. After the triumphant
the British colony, the
society along socialist lines. the liberation struggle by peaceful means in
apparently lasting govern-
Despite the haziness of Nehru’s socialist ideal, it is undeniable Gold Coast, and after many years of
Ghana, he ended his days in solitude and
that he was one of the first leaders of the national liberation ment in the Republic of
and political climate, when his activ-
movement who understood the narrowness of anti-imperialist in exile In this difficult moral
nationalism and the need to give it a socialist orientation. It is for ities were restricted
against his will, Nkrumah took to his
work with redoubled energy, trying to
this that he will always be remembered. And it is this that explains literary or investigatory,
perspectives of the
the great sympathy and respect felt by the Soviet people for him. examine critically the history and outline the
African revolution. It must be said that the
end of Nkrumah s life
of despondency and despair. It was the tragedy
1
L. I. Brezhnev, Following Lenin's Course. Speeches was not a tragedy
and Articles (1972- who did not find
Africa,
1975), Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1975, p. 336. of a great fighter for a better future in
 the
adequate support for his plans either in his own country or in the reformist illusions. Some aspects of his ideas on socialism in
continent. forties and early fifties were tinged with European social-demo-
Nkrumah’s activities reflected many diverse tendencies existing cratic and nationalist conceptions. He was influenced
by George
in the national liberation movement: an aspiration for social padmore, an authoritative figure in the pan- African movement in
progress, combined with the effects of inconceivable backward- the forties, who became Nkrumah’s advisor after
the declaration
ness, the democratism of a leader of the masses in the period of the of Ghana’s independence. Padmore’s falsely formulated
liberation movement and power devices handed down from the — —
dilemma pan-Africanism or communism was not repudiated
medieval traditions of the African tribal system, attraction to by Nkrumah at that time.
socialism and crude nationalist prejudices, the desire to honestly '
Nkrumah’s government, Padmore saw the
In the early years of
serve the interests of the people and extreme personal ambition, difference between Ghana and Russia in the fact that the Conven-
political
reformist illusions and leftist radicalism. All this was not tion People’s Party had supposedly laid a solid basis for
characteristic of Nkrumah alone. They reflected the acute and democracy based on parliamentary government. As President of
very real contradictions which characterised the intermediate, Ghana, Nkrumah passed through a rough stage during which he
petty-bourgeois strata
in the colonial and semi-colonial countries, was strongly influenced by national reformism with its illusions
stratawhich came to the forefront in the struggle for independ- about the eternal harmony of national interests and its repudia-
ence and became the most active force after the Second World tion of class struggle in African society, etc.
War in the young national states which emerged in the continents Among Nkrumah's positive qualities is the fact that he did not
fighting for liberation in the 1950s- 1970s. It is precisely for this get stuck at that stage, where the convinced African national
reason that the whole of Nkrumah’s political life, with all its ups reformists, flirting with the Socialist International, have been for
and downs, and the whole of his theoretical legacy, with all its the last twenty or thirty years. This type of political evolution is
correct ideas and mistakes, represent a major experimental school again advocated by some renegades from the revolutionary wing
for African revolutionaries. of the anti-colonial movement. All their evolution amounts to is
Kwame Nkrumah became widely known after the war, when shifting the balance from the ideas of the exceptional, unique
the pan-African movement was entering a new stage —
the organi- historical development of the African peoples to the typical
sation of the national liberation movement in various countries in conceptions of right-wing European social-democracy. This
the continent. At the Fifth Pan-African Congress at Manchester modification of African national reformism in the second half of
in October 1945, he was the main speaker on the problem of the the seventies is reflected in the work of Leopold Senghor, in the
struggle of the peoples of Western Africa for independence. Even orientation towards the Socialist International and in the desire
then Nkrumah was a militant anti-imperialist, who rejected the to consolidate on this basis on a continental scale by creating
conciliation and reformism of the first pan-African congresses a so-called Confederation of African Socialist Parties. There
and the false assertions of bourgeois and right-wing socialist can hardly be any doubt that this type of evolution is linked,
propaganda about the civilising mission of colonialism. It is directly or indirectly, with the growing influence of neocolonial-
indicative that Nkrumah, like the majority of the participants at ism.
the Fifth Pan-African Congress, shared the view that the aims of At the end of the fifties, various ideological and political trends
the national liberation movement did not come down merely to began to precipitate out of the eclectic ideology of African nation-
the attainment of independence, but presupposed the establish- alism, which combined, as the Fifth Pan-African Congress
ment of a democratic system and the raising of the people’s showed, revolutionary and reformist tendencies. Right-wing
welfare on the basis of socialism. This demonstrated that Nkru- nationalists firmly took up bourgeois reformist positions, applying
mah's political views had really evolved in a progressive direction, these reformist ideas not only to home policies but also to foreign
which many of the African leaders at that time could neither policies, often resorting to collaboration with the imperialist
understand nor foresee. powers. The left wing turned to the idea of non-capitalist develop-
True, Nkrumah’s ideas about socialism were not entirely class- ment and worked out policies and ideological principles of
oriented at that time. In this sphere he had not yet got rid of his national democracy. Nkrumah was one of the initiators and best

210 211
representatives of the latter movement, which sought to strength- smothering of local economies by international corporations,
en the revolutionary potential and deepen the social content of penetration into the social environment through the indigenous
the national liberation struggle. He came to the Marxist conclu- bourgeoisie, and ideological propaganda. Nkrumah’s book is still
sion that both the socialist orientation and the consolidation of topical today.
true national independence in the economic and political spheres The recognition of the class struggle was the most important
demanded thecontinuation of the consistent struggle against and fundamental, qualitatively new ideologicaland political
imperialist exploitation and the curbing of the egoistic aspirations achievement of Nkrumah, and of national democrats in general,

of bourgeois elements. It was in this way that he gradually over- in theanalysis of the internal situation in African countries. It was
came the national reformist hostility towards the theory and prac- Nkrumah’s book Consciencism which best expressed the general,
tice of scientific socialism. And it was with Nkrumah that the approximate, more political than socio-economic approach to
national liberation movement in Africa began to grow closer to class contradictions in African society, which was typical of the
the socialist countries and that the ideas of Marxism-Leninism whole of the national democratic movement at the first stage of its
actively affected its ideology. Both these processes were reflected development. In this book, Nkrumah spoke of the conflict
in the policies of the Republic of Ghana and in Nkrumah’s between ‘positive action' and ‘negative forces’, i.e., of the struggle
theoretical works. of the forces of progress to establish social justice, abolish oligar-
At a time when the national reformists urged for conflicts with chic exploitation and suppress the forces of reaction, trying to
the former colonial powers to be forgotten, Nkrumah insisted on prolong their colonial rule. Nkrumah took into account the
the need to maintain vigilance in the face of imperialist intrigues mobility and conditionality of this division. He foresaw the possi-
and to unite all revolutionary forces to oppose them. This goal bility of disintegration in the framework of the positive revolu-

was served by his ardent agitation in favour of African unity. tionary process and of some of its forces going over to the side of
Here, Nkrumah was prone to exaggeration. He saw all regional reaction. 1
unions as a threat to broader unification and strove for the imme- Undoubtedly, this way of looking at things does not yet betray
diate formation of a continental government and army, forgetting a Marxist understanding of class or a scientific analysis of the
that the necessary conditions did not exist for this, that socio-economic and political structure of society. But it does
extra —and large —
obstacles were created by the deepening dis- contain a kind of basis for the objectively necessary tactics of a
parities in African political trends and by the diverse social orien- united anti -imperialist front, which, while not rising to a Marxist
tation of the emerging states. But Nkrumah did undoubtedly play understanding of the issue, does not fundamentally contradict it.
a leading role in the creation of the Organisation of African Tli is position may, in the course of the struggle and with the accu-
Unity, and was guided in his aspiration for unity not only by his mulation of experience, take on Marxist content. True, in his
desire to lead a pan-African continental government, which he Consciencism, Nkrumah called on the progressive forces (‘posi-
was accused of by his mainly neocolonialist, often corrupt oppo- tive action’) to anticipate disintegration at its seminal stage and
2
nents, but also by his awareness of the need to unite the political, ‘discover a way of containing the future schismatic tendencies’.
hard what is
to say greater in this proposal: the desire to
economic and military resources of the African countries to It is

repulse the still grave threat posed by imperialism. He was preserve by means the union of progressive forces, or. the
all

convinced of this by the tragedy of the Congo. illusory hope of quelling the class struggle —
a hope sometimes
Nkrumah spoke danger of imperialism
tirelessly of the great expressed by Nkrumah, as is evidenced by various issues of the
and opened African peoples’ eyes to new forms of imperialist Ghanaian newspaper The Spark, which reflect his contradictory
expansion and oppression. This is dealt with, for example, in his evolution.
book Neo-Colonialism. The Last Stage of Imperialism, published The publication of Consciencism was seen by official Ghanaian
in London in 1965, in which he analysed such neo-colonialist
methods as the imposition of ‘defence’ treaties and the building of 1
Cf. Kwame Nkrumah, Consciencism, Heinemann, London, 1964, pp.
military bases, the support of puppet governments, economic con- 104-05.
trol in the form of aid and loans, unequal trade and the 2 Ibid.

212 213
 —

propaganda as the culmination of ‘the theory of Nkrumahism’. statements made by its editor-in-chief, Kofi Batsa, gave evidence
in' the concept of ‘positive action',
emphasising
of certain shifts
The strong influence on this theory of the ideas of scientific union of progressive
the special role of the working people in the
socialism was noted all round. It was seen in the recognition of of the views
forces, pointing out the duality and contradictoriness
general laws governing historical development, in the clear
of national capital and its hostility
towards socialist tendencies,
influence of Marxist dialectical materialism, and in his under-
and stressing the fundamental divergencies between Nkrumahism,
standing of imperialism. As early as 1963, Fenner Brockway
characterised as scientific socialism in Africa, and
national
spoke of Nkrumah as a representative of ‘African Marxism'.
reformist ‘African socialism'.
Nonetheless, in the early sixties, Nkrumah felt it necessary to .

closer to scientific
Nkrumahism was prevented from growing any
voice his disagreements with Marxism on matters of materialism, in Ghana
socialism, however, by the reactionary coup Feb-in
dialectics, ethics and the state. But, as Engels said, ‘to the crude government. This
ruary 1966, which led to the fall of Nkrumah’s
conditions of capitalistic production, and the crude class condi- -capitalist development
political defeat, which interrupted the non
tions corresponded crude theories.’ 1
of the country, was bound to force Nkrumah to take
fresh stock ol
Though considering Nkrumahism a materialist philosophy, the that the counter-
things. He gradually came to the realisation
Ghanaian press underlined that it was not atheistic. While recog- ease and
revolutionary coup could not have happened with such
nising in principle the law-governed nature of revolution, Nkru- committed by the leader-
success, had it not been for the mistakes
mah supposed that the preservation of traditional conditions in reconsideration of the past was made difficult by the
ship. His
Africa allowed socialism to be attained by evolutionary means.
demoralisation felt by the supporters of a socialist course and by
The Spark characterised the identification of Nkrumahism with his many years of
their being uprooted’from their native soil. In
Marxism as an attack on Nkrumahism from the right, meaning used to his personality cult, and he himself
rule, the people got
that it would lead in Ghana to the awakening of those who, under settling issues by
got used to governing single-handed and to
the influence of imperialist propaganda, considered communism Nkrumah was unable to
decree. Because of this, even afterwards,
as brigandage and immorality. Thus, basically tactical and not economic, social and political
make a thorough analysis of the
entirelyunfounded considerations were put forward for drawing a misjudgements, or to outline
situation in Ghana or of his own
linebetween Marxism and Nkrumahism. the country’s revolutionary
ways of organising and mobilising
Of course, it would be wrong to identify the two also from the several books, two of
forces. In emigration, Nkrumah wrote
point of view of scientific objectivity. Nkrumahism did not over-
which Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare (1969) and Class
come reformist and nationalist ideas. But it did undoubtedly interest in the
Struggle in Africa (1970)—are of considerable
approach Marxism rather than moving away from it. Moreover, African socio-political thought. But he
context of the history of
there were no basic contradictions in the philosophies in their for his own defeat, about
failed to write a book about the reasons
recognition of the possibility of successful non-capitalist develop- the progressive regime in
the weaknesses and contradictions of
ment and of a united front of anti-imperialist forces on this basis, the faculty of self-criticism and
Ghana. He lacked the courage,
though they understood these phenomena differently. The con- his own mistakes.
the ability to take an objective, fearless look at
stant evolution of Nkrumahism which did indeed take place and
was presupposed by his theory of ‘positive action’ and ‘negative
Nkrumah preferred the easier way out — an abstract, theoretical
consid-
review of strategics and tactics. The abstract nature of his
forces’,gave hope for its future rapprochement with scientific- after the reactionary
erations was clearly seen in the fact that
socialism on the basis of the gradual deepening of socialist trends own country
in the framework of non-capitalist development. Such a rap-
coup in Ghana, he dreamt of revolution not in his
ideological and
but on a continental scale, and addressed his new
prochement did come about. Several issues of The Spark around north to south, and
political platform to the whole of Africa, from
,

which were grouped representatives of ‘left Nkrumahism’, and

from east to west.
forces in
w'ould appear that the defeat of the revolutionary
It
on a comparatively
Frederick Engels, ‘Socialism: Utopian and Scientific’, in: Karl Marx and
1
Ghana could have led to their concentrating
Frederick Engels, Selected Works, in three volumes, Vol. 3, Moscow, 1973, p.
limited battlefront, to their stressing relatively
modest immediate
119.
215
214
 Nkrumah missed limited himself to pointing out
all this. He
goals capable of gathering the remnants of the shattered forces cian,
the undermining activities of
imperialism and internal reaction,
and gradually preparing them for a fresh struggle. Having been
composition of society as a result of the
defeated on the path of non-capitalist development in Ghana, the heterogeneous class
and the readiness of certain groups of officers in
Nkxumah began to speak of socialist revolution in the whole of mixed economy,
police to work tor the reaction-
Africa. It became apparent that he had to a large extent lost touch the armed forces, civil servants and
was in power, but he did not take
with reality. This was a paradoxical reaction to bitter defeat, aries. All this he saw when he
measures to avert the unfavourable processes in his
certainly linked with his utopian socio-political ideas and his the necessary
overestimation of the role of his own personality. C
° After his defeat, Nkrumah’s theoretical
and methodological
No one could doubt that the coup in Ghana testified to the it were, a new step
social, economic and political troubles in the country. This was judgments became more mature. He took, as

towards scientific socialism. Instead of putting up a barrier

felt by Nkrumah too. He was also right in his tacit recognition of
Nkrumahism, he asserted that there is
between Marxism and
“

a certain incompleteness and contradictoriness in the ideological

socialism, the prin-
and political platform of Nkrumahism during the period of his only one true socialism and that is scientific
rule. But unfortunately, as has been already said, Nkrumah did ciples of which are abiding
and universal’. His illusions about
1

replaced by the clear

not choose to make a thorough critical analysis of the socio-polit- quelling the class struggle were belatedly
‘Socialism can only be achieved
through class
ical and economic development of Ghana in the first years of statement:
2 His analysis of the class structure of Alrican society
independence, of the development of the state apparatus and struggle.’
about the politica
party, or of the alignment of classes in the country or of the state rose to a new level. His general argumentation
and reactionary forces (“positive action and
of the army, both officers and men. He did not notice the growth blocs of progressive
analysis of the structure
of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie and did not wish to see the general ‘negative forces’) gave way to a concrete
presence of different social strata in the
corruption in the country-. of society, based on the
process and their division into privileged and
Had he undertaken such an analysis, he would have seen many production
of the weaknesses resulting not so much from strategic aims as
view's could have taken
from thereal, acute contradictions between intentions and ^All these positive changes in Nkrumah's
before defeat, for they were quite compa-
actions. He would have realised that the country's economy was place much earlier, his

tible with his political course in

the first half of the sixties. They
marked by disproportions and that the desire for immediate
consistency in his socialist ten-
maximum industrialisation and the realisation of major projects could have promoted greater
dencies. But in the Nkrumah of the late sixties and early seventies,
neither suited the state of the country’s economy nor satisfied its
hand in hand with a
most urgent requirements. He would have also understood that who had suffered a great shock, they went
too radical, review of his old course.
the desire for socialism was not preventing the intensive growth of fulland perhaps sometimes
struggle as the only
capitalist tendencies, that the popular masses had gained little He’ began with the declaration of armed
liberation movement
from the new power, least of all a rise in the standard of living, method of bringing about the aims of the
onwards speak of the approach
that the state apparatus was divorced from them and had become All Nkrumah’s works from 1967
decisive phase in the revolution, whose
distinctive
a means of personal, and in essence primitive accumulation of of a new,
would be armed struggle against the forces of reaction.
capital. He would have seen that the Convention People’s Party feature
characteristic that Nkrumah suggested revolutionary war
was not broadening or strengthening, but was losing its ties with It is
which was justi-
the masses which had brought it to power, that the genuine not only as a means of gaining independence
revolutionary enthusiasm of the period of the struggle for inde-
pendence had given way to ponderous official pomposity and to
of Revolutionary Warfare. A
Guide to ihc
impetuous eulogies to the ‘osajevo’, the leader and teacher and
' Kwame Nkrumah. Handbook
Limited, London, 1968,
Armed Phase of the African Revolution, Panaf Books
that all this testified to the degeneration of power and its isolation
from the people.
P "

^ Kwame Nkrumah, Class Struggle in Africa, International Publishers,

Though undoubtedly an intelligent man and experienced politi- New York, 1971, p. 84.
217
216
fied in a way at the time, for the liberation movement in the ence’, which was certainly correct from the point of view of
true independence and
Portuguese colonies and in Southern Africa had taken that socialist tendencies, and declared that
course —
but also as a means of fighting neo-colonialism and reac- pan-Africanism were only possible on the basis of
social-
growth of
which could also be welcomed. But the evident
1
tion. Despite the extreme diversity of conditions and tasks of the ism
democratic, revolutionary movement in various countries and ideas led him to declare socialism
Nkrumah’s subjective socialist

the immediate task of the liberation movement in

parts of Africa, Nkrumah recommended all to use his universal Africa today.
—
method armed struggle, which was an exaggeration of the role This was followed by a complete review of strategy,
of reality, but getting
again not
rid of the
of armed struggle and a reaction to his own defeat as a result of on the basis of a scientific analysis
underrating the role of the class struggle in Ghana. Towards the logical mistakes contained in the Handbook of Revolutionary
end of his he understood its role, but then perceived it prin-
life, Warfare, Nkrumah offered the African liberation movement a
cipally in one form — —
armed struggle and applied it to the whole strategy of socialist revolution. He declared that ‘it is
only
of the African continent, irrespective of the concrete historical peasantry and proletariat working together who are wholly able
2 But this basically
situation and actual conditions. to subscribe to policies of all-out socialism .

This ‘unification’ of Africa reflected one aspect of Nkrumah’s true declaration led him to reject the tactics of a united anti-impe-
desires —
to create a pan-African government —
for it was not only rialist front even at the present stage, although he had supported
of a methodological, but also of an organisational character. it before, in the Handbook of
Revolutionary Warfare. He called
Nkrumah advocated the creation of a unified African revolu- the whole of the African bourgeoisie a counter-revolutionary
tionary army and party, seeing in them a power capable of force which had finally linked fates with international monopoly
bringing about the national and social liberation of the African capital,and opposed not only union with it but also with petty-
peoples. This aim was, and still is, quite unrealistic, ignoring bourgeois circles at the current stage of the liberation
movement.
completely both the total absence of the conditions for such an Thus culminated the book version of his voluntarist programme
organisation and the essential heterogeneity of the African revolu- radicalism, begun in 1967 with the enunciation of
armed
of leftist
tionary movements as regards their tasks and class and political struggle as the sole means of struggle.
nature. Moreover, it was a harmful aim, for it came close to The profound contradictoriness of Nkrumah’s ideological devel-
denying the independent importance of the struggle waged within opment after 1966 is self-evident. On the one hand, there was
egoistic policies of
national frontiers. This aim is still misguided today. his noble intolerance of reformism and the
Nkrumah socialism, and his assimilation of
also unified the goals of the revolutionary movement national capital, his belief in
in Africa. In his Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare, he spoke many theoretical principles of Marxism-Leninism; on the other,
of three interrelated objectives —
nationalism, pan-Africanism and there was his inability to apply these principles to
reality, which

socialism —
underlining that none of these objectives could be led him views which basically coincided with many of the
to hold
Europe, Asia and
achieved fully without the others. 1 Here Nkrumah was let down trends of pettv-bourgeois radicalism in Africa,
of Nkrumah’s views, and his
by his sense of national specific features, which bring one main Latin America. The very instability
aim to the forefront in each country, and by his sense of history. from reformist illusions to extreme radicalism,
sudden transitions
Contradictory elements —
nationalism and socialism —
are brought also testify to his affinity with these trends.
Nationalist views were
Nkrumah considered con-
together; there is no convincing evidence of the stages of the also present in the platform which
revolutionary process. In his last book. Class Struggle in Africa, sistently socialist. .
.
of
Nkrumah somewhat changed his definition of the objectives of the But these errors should not obscure the main achievement
movement and removed logical contradictions, but at the same complex path of a progressive revolu-
his life. Having covered the
that only scientific
time took a new step in working out a revolutionary platform. He tionary nationalist, he eame to the conclusion
prosperity and
replaced ‘nationalism’ by the ‘achievement of national independ- socialism was capable of guaranteeing freedom,

1
C£ Kwame Nkrumah, Handbook of Revolutionary 1 Kwame Nkrumah, Class Struggle in Africa, op. cit., p. 84.
Warfare, op. cit. Cf.
p. 24. 2
Ibid., p. 58.

218 219
social justice for the peoples of Africa. He played an important AMILCAR CABRAL
part in spreading the ideas of socialism in Africa, and was one of
the first leaders of the liberation movement in that continent to
appeal to his people to be guided by the principles of scientific
socialism and create a vanguard party of working people.
Nkrumah never consciously contrasted his own understanding of
socialism with the Marxist-Leninist interpretation —
and this sets
him apart from most representatives of contemporary leftist radi-
calism. In spite of the inaccuracy of his understanding of
socialism and of the ways to bring it about, his views were an
important step forward in the development of ideas of liberation
in the African continent.
Nkrumah frequently changed his views and repudiated his past
mistakes. Death prevented him from correcting his last theoretical
works. To review them critically is the task bf the African revolu-
tionary movement. It is to Nkrumah’s credit that African revo-
lutionaries can to some extent be considered his successors: they
arm themselves with all the best aspects of his theoretical and coast of
Guinea-Bissau a small country on the south-west
is
political experience; they continue the process of rapprochement resources and does not lie in the
Africa. It is not rich in natural
with scientific socialism, not confusing it with the pseudo-revolu- But is well-known because of he
centre of international politics.
it

its people for more

tionary platforms of petty-bourgeois radicals. waged by than t
lone selfless armed struggle
Many of the peoples of Africa are today starting on a new road, colonialists. This struggle was led by
vears against the Portuguese
the road of socialist orientation based on scientific socialism. This Independence of Guinea and Cape
the African Party for the
road may hold defeats for them, should the old mistakes be whose creation in 19o6 was termed by its
Verde (PA1GC),
repeated, or new ones made, and this should be taken into major event in the history
founder and leader Amilcar Cabral a
account in shaping their policy line.
of the Guinean people. .

movement who
.
.

Amilcar Cabral was a leader of the liberation

enjoyed great authority not only in the
PATGC and among^the
_

Verde Isla ”ds, but all over

population of Guinea and the Cape
the democratic movement of the world
Africa and throughout
ambitions and made no claims
Yet he was devoid of any personal contem-
minds or ideologist of the
to the role of ruler of men’s
liberation movement. Cabral was marked by
porary national
concentration on the task o
exceptional modesty, and complete
peoples linked by a common fate.
liberating the two countries and
colonial yoke could be thrown off above
He understood that the ideological and
joint efforts, their political,
all as a result of their
this struggle required
armed struggle, and that the organisation of
the history and the tradi-
deep knowledge of the conditions of life,
tions of the people. At the same
time he would have nothing to do
ignoring the decisive role of
with isolationism, national seclusion,
solidarity among progressive forces, and neglecting the interna-
struggle. Cabral was convinced
tional experience of revolutionary
221
that all the achievements of leading revolutionary thought and such tactics, however. Legal metnoas
oi struggle piuvu. tv, ut v —
best members of the organi-
practice should be taken into account in the course of the libera- only ineffective, but often turned the
tion struggle and adapted and applied to the concrete conditions. sation into targets for repression. .

PAIGC conference took the historic

This synthesis of a wide mental horizon and a thorough know- In September 1959, a
decision to mobilise the rural masses,
prepare for armed struggle,
ledge of his own people ensured great success in bringing about
and continue and extend conspiratorial work in the towns, lne
social change in the areas liberated as a result of the armed social sections to rally
conference called for all ethnic groups and
struggle against the colonialists, and in mobilising the population, national liberation
round the PAIGC and for ties with other
and also gained international recognition for the activities of the
Africa to be strengthened. The aim was now
to turn
PAIGC. Cabral’s work was vital in helping the two young repub- movements in
organisation covering the
lics (Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde Islands) to take up a worthy
the PAIGC into an efficient fighting
various regions to
place among the leading African states. He left a rich theoretical whole country. Party activists were sent into

mobilise the population. The conference also devoted much atten-

legacy, using the example of these two countries to examine
technical cadres.
important socio-economic and political problems arising in states tion to the question of political and
From then on there was careful preparation for armed
struggle
liberated from colonial dependence. was moved to
against colonial rule. The Party leadership
Cabral’s father came from Cape Verde, but he himself was After a short course, the
Conakry, where cadres were trained.
born in Guinea-Bissau, in 1924, and lived there almost all his life. return prl to Guinea-Bissau to organise the
He thus personifies the unity which is the aim of the peoples of the
two countries. Cabral was one of the few Guineans who received
their education in Lisbon. There, together with natives of other unoroKen
history of the PAlGC’s armed struggle has been an
Portuguese colonies, he organised a Centre d’Etudes Africaines, partial defeats, and ultimate-
chain of difficult experiences,
whose activities combined scientific and educative aims with the and diver-
political aim of amalgamating the then still rather modest forces ly growing success. Beginning with acts of sabotage
partisan detachments, and
sion and then widespread activities by
of the liberation movement in Angola, Guinea-Bissau and
subsequently turning them into a truly popular liberation war the
Mozambique. Having trained as an engineer-agronomist, he full ot
PAIGC demonstrated to the world the ability of a people,
returned to his country and carried out a census of the rural popu- and honour, to
determination to fight and defend their freedom
lation, which gave him a deep knowledge of his country and army.
come out on top of a well-trained and armed colonial
people. His account of the census is an invaluable source for the
In 1964 the PAIGC held its first congress on liberated territory.
study of the agrarian economy and social structure of Guinea.
The congress reorganised the Party, making it more
democratic
Later, Cabral used the document to analyse the actual alignment into zones and districts,
and effective. The country was divided
of class forces at various stages of the liberation movement. The congress emphasised the
each with its own party committee.
Meanwhile, work went on to create a revolutionary organisa- and the direct responsibility
political nature of the armed struggle
tion in Guinea. The anti-colonialist African white-collar workers the partisan activities It
Guinea into the underground Movement for of the party committees for the course of
drew the workers of
regular insurgent army—the People s
was decided to set up a
the National Independence of Guinea (MING). In September
1956, with the active help of Cabral, the PAIGC was founded,
Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARP) which— signified the start
The congress called for organs of
of a new stage in the struggle.
also aiming for national independence. For two years the
popular power to be organised, for the economy to be improved M
underground organisation grew, under the extremely difficult
for education and health care to be developed in the liberated
conditions created by the fascist colonial regime. In 1958 the
areas for the all-out development of political work among the i
PAIGC stepped up its activities among industrial and profes- aims of the PAIGC and mobilise the people
masses to explain the
sional workers, laying stress on traditional methods of legal
against colonialism, and to step up economic
—
economic and political struggle demonstrations and strikes. The
Even before the First Congress of the PAIGC,
activities
armed resistance
brutal shooting down of strikers at Pijiguiti in August 1959 country. Fighting had begun in the
PAIGC of the insufficiency of was well under way over the
convinced the leadership of the
223
south, and now new fronts were opened in the east and west. The death, Cabral once said that a man could not consider his busi-
patriots attacked the colonialists’ fortified bases. ness complete if there was no one to carry it on after his death.
The successes of the liberation movement were largely due to Cabral was survived by hundreds and thousands of faithful follow-
the reforms of 1964. In 1964-65, the new political and admin- ers, rallied in the PAIGC, morally and politically united by

istrative structure, based on the initiative of the population and years of hard struggle.
the PAIGC leadership, was put into action in the liberated areas. After a short hitch, caused by the death of their leader, the lib-
In these areas a new social system took shape, proclaiming the eration movement surged on with new strength. In September
abolition of inequality and exploitation, the establishment of 1973 the first National Popular Assembly in the history of the
comradely relations and the strengthening of discipline a system — country declared the creation of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau.
It was clear that the complete and final military
defeat of the
based on collective work for the common cause. The enthusiasm
and trust with which the people responded to the socio-political Portuguese colonialists was not far off. The fall ol fascism in
transformations were no less an achievement for the PAIGC than Portugal sped up the course of events and allowed the PAIGC
the military victories. In the final analysis it was they that decided over the negotiating table to consolidate recognition of itself as
the outcome of the war. Feeling themselves to be the masters of the sole and rightful representative of the peoples of Guinea and
their country, the people could no longer come to terms with the Cape Verde. This was achieved by the Parly at the cost of many
colonial yoke. The popular trust won by the PAIGC also ensured years of selfless struggle for freedom, independence and social
it victory in the struggle against the dissenting pseudo-nationalist progress.
organisations which tried to contest the PAIGC’s right to rep- The leaders of the Republics of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde
resent the peoples of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. It was repeatedlv declared that their policies would be based on the
precisely the support of the broad masses and the PAlGC's close ideas of Amilcar Cabral. The Third Congress of the PAIGC in
links with them that cut the ground from under the dissenters’ November 1977 again confirmed their faith in the principles and
feet,depriving them, to their detriment, of the chance of exerting theories of the Party’s founder and acknowledged leader.
any kind of serious influence, after the fall of fascism in Portugal, The national liberation movement of Guinea-Bissau was faced
on the course of decolonisation, as happened in other count- with conditions of extreme backwardness (even by Tropical Afri-
ries. can standards). The task of mobilising the people in such condi-
The PAIGC gained more military successes every year, and by tions, and of arming them with an understanding of the aims
and
the end of 1972 controlled two-thirds of the country. All that methods of struggle, required careful preparation of the political
remained in the hands of the colonialists were the towrns of vanguard, devotion and selflessness on its part, its affinity with the
Bissau, Bafata and Bulama, and some military bases. The state people and knowledge of their lives and moods, skill in organisa-
had been reached where the PAIGC had sovereignty in a country tionand propaganda, and unity of word and action.
occupied in part by a foreign power. To bring the political That the PAIGC honourably coped with this difficult role was
superstructure into line with the existing state of affairs, the in many ways due to the clarity of the ideological
and political
PAIGC organised elections to the National Popular Assembly in doctrines which Cabral gave the Party, to the attention he paid to
1972, which would declare the birth of the Republic of Guinea- political work, to his theories, his gift of foresight, his thorough
Bissau. analysis of the laws of the revolutionary process and his ability to
Cabral was not destined to see this day. In January 1973 he affect this process purposefully. For Cabral, theory was an indivi-
was treacherously assassinated by hirelings of the Portuguese sible part of revolution ary work, and the most important means of
colonialists. The death of the leader of the liberation movement knowing and changing the world. He opposed in principle a
was a grave loss for the PAIGC, for the peoples of Guinea-Bissau voluntarist, empirical and pragmatic approach to the national
and Cape Verde, and for the whole of Africa, in its hour of liberationmovement.
wakening. But this bloody crime did not achieve its main At the beginning of the sixties, when one African country alter
purpose —
it did not lead to a crisis in the PAIGC nor stop the the other was gaining independence (1960 was declared the Year
advance of the patriotic forces. As though foreseeing his own of Africa) and the prospects for universal decolonisation seemed

224 225
more favourable than ever before, Cabral spoke of the crisis in the change. The developed capitalist countries move from ‘classical’
African revolution. ‘It seems to us,’ he said at the Third Afro- colonialism to neo-colonialism.
Asian Peoples Solidarity Conference in Cairo in March 1961. Cabral contributed to the study of the forms of neo-colonialist
‘that far from being a crisis of growth, it is principally a crisis of exploitation. He stressed that under the new conditions the impe-
consciousness. In many cases, the practice of the liberation rialist strategy is to pursue a policy of ‘aid’ towards the former
struggle and the prospects for the future are not only devoid of a colonies which serves ‘to create a false bourgeoisie to put a brake
theoretical basis, but also more or less cut off from reality. Local on the revolution and to enlarge the possibilities of the petty bour-
experience, and that of other countries, concerning the achieve- geoisie as a neutraliser of the revolution'. 1 In other words, in an
ment of national independence, national unity and the basis for age when direct political dictates are becoming impossible, the
1
future progress, has either been forgotten or is still forgotten.’ aim of imperialism is to encourage, as a counterweight to revolu-
The successful development of the anti-imperialist struggle tion, the local exploiter elements in the developing countries,
required, in Cabral’s view, concrete knowledge of the actual elements which pursue a policy of national reformism and concil-
conditions in each country and in Africa as a whole, and also of iation with international capital. For this reason, Cabral saw the
the experience of other peoples, plus the scientific elaboration of anti-colonialist movement as the liberation of the national pro-
strategic principles. ductive forces from all forms of direct and indirect exploitation.
He saw the essence of the crisis in the African liberation move- In particular, he underlined that ‘the principal aspect of national
ment in the fact that in many
countries it had not taken a revolu- liberation struggle is the struggle against neo-colonialism’.
2

tionary course, and the hopes of the popular masses had been Cabral preferred not to use the term socialism, considering it
deceived by an illusory independence which merely concealed inopportune for the historical stage at which the country found
new forms of neo-colonialist exploitation. Cabral’s ideal was the itself, but he admitted that the goals of the Guinean revolution-
transformation of the national liberation movement into a revolu- aries were akin to those of the political vanguard of the working
tion, both in the sense of total liquidation of all forms of impe- class in the developed countries. Yet he did not base this view' on
rialist oppression and in the sense of the abolition of inequality the ideas (w'hich were widespread in the former colonies) of the
and exploitation of local origin. exceptional development of the peoples of Asia and Africa, and
In defining the nature of colonialism and imperialism, and of of the stability and primordial socialist character of their way of
the tasks of national liberation, Cabral —
like all the best rep- life, but on a scientific study of the course of history. He shared
resentatives of the anti-imperialist movement in the sixties and the historical materialist conceptions of the development of man-
seventies — used the experience accumulated in Africa as his start- kind from the primitive communal system, through the slave-
ing point. He did not reduce colonialism to political dependence owming, feudal and capitalist systems, to socialism and commu-
on the metropolis, and, of course, did not suggest that the formal nism, and supported the Marxist conclusion that in our age the
ending of such dependence and the achievement of external signs general social progress of the world offered backward peoples the
of sovereignty would make colonialism a thing of the past. unique chance to avoid capitalism. Cabral pointed to two factors
Lenin’s theory of imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism which allowed the peoples of Africa and Asia to omit the stage of
was used by Cabral and many other fighters for genuine independ- developed capitalism on the way to socialism: 1 ) the power of
ence. Cabral saw colonialism as the natural consequence of the modem technology to tame nature, and 2) the emergence of
capitalist economy, as the result of the policies of state-monopoly socialist states which have radically changed the fact of the world
capitalism and the aspiration of the super-monopolies for guaran- and the historical process.
teed and high profits. The obvious conclusion was: so long as the Cabral was in no doubt that the peoples of Guinea-Bissau and
capitalist economic system persists, its expansion into backward Cape Verde, and of Africa in general, had no prospect of
countries will continue, and only the forms of exploitation will

1
Selected Texts by Amilcar Cabral. ‘Revolution in Guinea. An African
1
Amilcar Cabral, Unite et lurte, t. 1. L’arme de la theorie, Francois
People’s Struggle. Stage 1", London, 1969, p. 60.
Maspero, Paris, 1975, p. 270. 2
Ibid., p. 83.

226 227
 f

progress, freedom and prosperity other than socialism. The whole

a clear line between physical and revolutionary strength. Cabral
of Cabral’s theoretical and practical work was, in the final knew better than anyone else that the peasantry constituted the
analysis, aimed at transforming the anti-colonialist, anti-imperial-
main contingent of armed resistance to the colonialists, and that
struggle into a social revolution, taking into account the
without drawing it into the struggle there was no hope of toppling
ist

country’s lack of direct economic, social, political, material and

colonialism. But he did not idealise the peasantry like Fanon,
spiritual prerequisites of socialism. This was his great theoretical
seeing that its backwardness hindered the spread of national and
contribution. He understood the contradictoriness of the develop-
social political consciousness and knowing how difficult it some-
ment of the former colonies, knew how to combine faith in the times was to raise the peasantry for action.
socialist ideal with an awareness of the need for interim stages in
Cabral was convinced that the peasants’ position prevented
the revolution, and planned them so as to make them a means,
them from fully understanding the revolutionary prospect, and
not a hindrance, in the pursuit of the ultimate goal. them a catalyst was needed, in the form of
that to revolutionise
Cabral found the key to these problems in his deep knowledge guidance by townsmen, bearing the progressive ideology. Cabral
of historical laws and of the specific situation in Africa, partic-
considered Fanon’s assertion that the peasantry was the main
ularly Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde.
He made a truly scientific political analysis of the social struc-
revolutionary force —
the colonial proletariat —
mistaken for his
country. This conclusion undoubtedly has methodological impor-
ture of the two countries. He was a firm believer in the need to
tance. It is particularly weighty and symbolical as it was made by
unite all the patriotic forces of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde to
a revolutionary, theorist and practical man from a purely peasant
combat Portuguese colonialism and imperialism in general. Given country, whose views were confirmed by the successes of the lib-
the weak class differentiation, this union of national forces eration movement.
should, in his view, have embraced all social strata, almost the Together with the idealisation of the peasantry, he rejected the
whole population of the two territories, and the PAIGC’s slogan associated nihilistic attitude of Fanon to the ‘embryonic proleta-
was ‘Unity and Struggle’. At the same time, Cabral considered it riat’, which had supposedly become an adjunct of the
colonial
essential to make a thorough study of the economic positions of from Proclaiming the weakness of the
system and benefited it.
all social groups, in an attempt to find an explanation there for
colonial proletariat, Fanon counted it out as a revolutionary
their political behaviour, while realising that this could not be
force. Cabral proposed raising the level of consciousness of the
identical at different stages of the revolution. The economic foun-
working class, bearing in mind its special historic mission. ‘This
dation, the position in material production and the development
working class,’ he said, ‘whatever the level of its political
of the revolutionary process, which passes through two consciousness (given a certain minimum, namely the awareness oj
stages —
the struggle for independence and the struggle for the
its own needs), seems to constitute the true
popular vanguard of
liquidation of exploitation — these are the two main coordinates in
the national liberation struggle in the neo-colonial case
.’
At the1

Cabral’s definition of his attitude to various social strata 1 on the working class to close ranks with the
.

same time he called

Of particular interest in his analysis is his examination of the
specific features of the social structure and revolutionary strategy
other exploited strata — the peasants and nationalist petty bour-
geoisie.
in the most backward colonies and dependent countries. He
The given the weakness of the working class, had a
latter,
rejects several of the conceptions rife in liberated countries as a
special function. It should, according to Cabral, compensate for
result of the exaggeration of national peculiarities, and takes up a and take on itself
its lack of experience and revolutionary activity,
position basically compatible with scientific socialism.
the mission of the ‘ideal proletariat’. He supposed that the revolu-
This was particularly so in his definition of the revolutionary
tionary part of the petty bourgeoisie (the rest being the concil-
potential of the peasantry and working class. Cabral did not
iatory and vacillating elements) was capable of playing this role
accept Frantz Fanon’s idea that the peasantry was the main
and merging its interests with those of the workers and peasants.
revolutionary force in the colonial world. He insisted on drawing

1
Selected Texts by Amilcar Cabral. 'Revolution in Guinea. An Alrican
1
Ibid., p. 79.
People’s Struggle. Stage 1', p. 86.

228 229
But he did not ignore its natural tendency to embourgeoisement, struggle of the peoples of the Portuguese colonies was at its
and realised how difficult and contradictory the petty-bourgeois height. This was a peak of the national revolutionary war against
revolutionaries’ path to socialism was. Seeing no alternative at the colonisers. Cabral devoted all his heart, all his designs and all
that stage, Cabral understood that ‘this specific inevitability [the his uncommon abilities to this struggle. He was a frequent and
leadership of petty-bourgeois groups] in our situation constitutes welcome guest in our country, and he had very close relations
one of the weaknesses of the national liberation movement’.
1 with various mass Soviet organisations, especially the Soviet
This weakness, and in general the lack of socio-economic and Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee. He made a deep study of the
political premises for social progress, had to be, in Cabral’s activities of the CPSU. Both publicly, and privately with his

opinion, compensated by increased ideological, political and Soviet friends, he often expressed deep gratitude for the extensive
organisational work. His concentration on this work was a help of the great Soviet people to his small but heroic people, who
distinctive feature of Cabral’s activities at the head of the PAIGC. for more than ten years fought against the Portuguese colonialists,
He constantly emphasised the political character of all the tasks supported by the imperialist countries of NATO.
It was wonderful to see how boundless was his belief in
the
carried out in the course of national liberation, including in
particular in the armed struggle. It was precisely the combination victory of his people and how often he dreamt of how after this

of military activities with clearly defined long-term goals and victory, he, an agronomist, would fervently set about changing the
ideological and political preparation that ensured complete suc- countryside and educating the peasants. Cabral awakened their
cess for the patriots of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, and laid consciousness and led them in a struggle which went far beyond
the basis for social progress in the two countries. the limits of the tropical jungles of Western Africa, and tens of
Cabral never called himself a supporter of scientific socialism thousands of peasants and poor people from the towns of Guinea
or Marxism-Leninism. But fidelity to the ideals of socialism is by joined the ranks of the liberation army, rightly declaring him to be
no means always measured by declarations. In his theoretical and their supreme commander. He himself was not to see the victory
practical work, he was guided by the principles of scientific social- which he had passionately awaited, for whose sake he had lived.
ism, and all his work for the happiness of his people was un- Cabral was approaching scientific socialism, and would have
doubtedly in accord with Marxism-Leninism. got there completely without any reservations, had not the intelli-
‘Whether one is a Marxist or not, a Leninist or not, it is difficult gence agency of the Portuguese colonialists ended his life with a
not to recognise the validity, not to see the brilliance of Lenin’s treacherous bullet. In the pantheon of fighters who died for
analysis and conclusions. They are of historical importance national and social liberation, stands the figure ol Amilcar
because they illuminate with a life-giving light the thorny path of Cabral, a man with the head of a thinker and the heart of a
peoples fighting for their total liberation from imperialist domina- passionate revolutionary, a convinced fighter for justice and
tion.’ 2 socialism.
The life and work of Amilcar Cabral are vivid examples of the
beneficial influence of scientific socialism on the national libera-
tion movement. They show that the future belongs to those cham-
pions of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America who
honestly and consistently unite the national liberation movement
with socialism.
From 1963, 1 to meet Amilcar Cabral fairly often
had occasion
at internationalforums, conferences and seminars held by the
Afro-Asian Solidarity Organisation in various countries of both
continents. This was the period when the armed liberation

1
Ibid., p. 88.
2 Amilcar Cabral, Unite et lutte, t. 1, L’Arme de la theorie, op. cit., p. 315.

230
 early stages
FRANTZ FANON its left-wing, revolutionary factions), especially at the
of the development of national democracy.
Personal liking and respect for Fanon should not get in the way
the fate of
of a critical, objective evaluation of his work. Such is
all historical figures. Wecannot restrict ourselves to judging them
only in the moral sphere; we must examine the real role played by
Fanon’s ideas in the liberation movement.
Among his greatest merits, mention should above all be made
of his militant and consistent anti-imperialism.
Fanon vividly
essence of colonial supremacy as the systematic
exposed the
suppression of the masses in all areas of life: political, economic,
cultural, etc. proved the need for complete destruction of the
He
using
system of imperialist exploitation, and the lawfulness of
called for armed
force against the violence of the oppressors. He
struggle as the most decisive method of struggle against colonial-
ism. . .

Fanon was one of the first ideologists of the African national

liberation movement to realise the historical narrowness of nation-
The influence of the great ideologist of the national liberation
alism as a banner in the anti-imperialist struggle. He rejected
the
movement, Frantz Fanon, was felt not only in Algeria, for whose
path which up to the end of the Second World War
was seen by
independence he fought all his life, but in the whole of Africa. To
bourgeois ideologists as infallible and absolute, the path whereby
some extent this can be explained by Fanon’s personal charisma, bourgeoisie
the anti-imperialist struggle would bring the national
by his selfless service to the cause of liberating the colonial independence would
to power and the declaration of political
peoples and by his brilliant and passionate literary work, to which
no one can be indifferent. Reading his most important work, The
mean the creation of conditions for the fast, smooth development
develop-
of local capitalism. Fanon declared the capitalist path of
Wretched of the Earth, it is difficult not to feel sympathy towards
this popular tribune of the anti-colonial struggle, even if one is
ment not only unnecessary, but even impossible for the countries
African capi-
of Africa. He advocated that the development of
basically in disagreement with some of his ideas. But the main hegemony of national
talism should be avoided and that the
secret of Fanon’s popularity and the ongoing effect of his ideas, a political party
capital, and the creation by its representatives of
lies in the fact that his works reflect historical reality, that he took
claiming to lead the nation, should not be allowed. Fanon
examined the most urgent problems of the anti-imperialist move- having begun with
theroad foreseen by Lenin when he said that,
ment and tried, by interpreting the experience of Algeria and the
anti-imperialism, the colonial peoples would then turn to
other African countries, to resolve these problems to the advan- danger of selfishly
struggle against capitalism. Fanon realised the
tage of the working masses.
narrow bourgeois nationalism and saw the guarantee of success
He was not equally successful in everything he undertook, but enriched by social
for the anti-colonial struggle in its becoming
on balance his activities were undoubtedly positive. Fanon was and equality, in its democrati-
content, the ideas of social justice
firmly on the side of the oppressed peoples, determined to get rid
sation and internationalisation. He fought for a national con-
of colonialism. He was one of the earliest representatives of chauvinism,
sciousness that did not slip into nationalism and
national democracy in Africa and the Arab world, i. e., of that
which he opposed.
ideological and political trend in the anti-imperialist movement
Fanon did not use socialist terminology, and
Characteristically,
which combined militant anti-imperialism with anti-capitalism.
this was evidently weak point. In this, he was guided by
his
But Fanon’s legacy clearly shows not only the positive sides of what
various considerations: perhaps he was not enraptured by
national democracy as a revolutionary' trend within anti-imperial- socialism
was already beginning to take place under the banner of
ist nationalism, but also the contradictions inherent in it (even in
233
232
in several other African countries; he also wrongly assumed that class and political moods of the masses and the
forces, the
recognition of socialism meant adopting ideas and experience possibilities of open For Fanon, however, violence was
resistance.
supposedly foreign to Africa, believing that the continent should not the fruit of consideration and conscious choice, but was felt
work out its own ideals. But behind all this lay a vague awareness intuitively, conditioned not so much by socio-political factors as
thatmost African peoples were not ready to set about building by socio-psychological, anthropological or even psycho-physi-
socialism directly, an awareness of the need for some intermediate ological factors. It was an instinctive, spontaneous act, rather
stage, when bourgeois nationalism would be rusted by a national than the result of carefully selecting the best means of revo-
consciousness dominated by the interests of the working people, lutionary struggle in the given situation.
and a limit would be set to the selfish claims of the exploiting Fanon also absolutised violence in another sense. Tt was, for
elements. him, not only a method, not even the only method. Violence,
One of Fanon’s merits was his criticism, from a revolutionary- taken in itself, was declared valuable and equaled with revolu-
democratic point of view, of bourgeois and bureaucratic trends in tion: Fanon expected it to bring about both the spiritual
and polit-
the young African states. In certain cases Fanon approached this ical emancipation of the masses and guarantees against those
question one-sidedly and too categorically (a characteristic ten- bureaucratic distortions of the party and state system which he so
dency of his). For example, he objected in principle to a one-party perceptively noted in the young states. It need hardly be proved
system in Africa, considering it the simplest and most overt form that in itself armed struggle, in any form and on any scale, cannot
of bourgeois dictatorship, and thereby excluded the possibility of guarantee all that, success in maintaining a revolu-
and that its

using the one-party system in the interests of the revolutionary tionary and democratic regime depends on the political situation
forces. But on the whole, his criticism of bureaucratic degenera- and the level of political awareness, steadfastness and activity of
tion, of the use of mass organisations as a screen for personal the masses, even given the condition that they arc waging an
power, ol corruption, of bourgeois accumulation, money-grub- armed struggle. Armed struggle is not an aim in itself, far less a
bing, hypocrisy, etc., and his negation of the theory of ‘guardian- panacea against counter-revolution and reaction. It would seem
ship’ over the popular masses, brought attention to the real vices that the experience of Algeria —
which Fanon was not destined to
in the government of the young African states, vices which flour- observe — substantiates this.
ished under the conditions of post-colonialism and which Fanon did not contrast open armed methods with political

unfortunately affected not only reactionary and reformist regimes, methods, as certain ideologists of the partisan war in Latin
but also, and sometimes to a substantial extent, progressive, America did after him, in the mid-sixties. But he too did underesti-
revolutionary ones. Fanon’s conception of democracy, whose task mate political work, and was bound to, due to his overrating of
was to preserve and develop the political activity and independent violence.
action of the masses as it took shape during the anti-imperialist Fanon’s reduction of all revolutionary methods to armed
struggle, deserves to be studied closely and put into practice. action also left its mark on his conception of the motive forces of
The weak points in Fanon’s platform are inseparably linked to the revolutionary process and of the alignment of class forces in
its merits. They are mainly the result of the lack of a dialectical the struggle for independence.
approach to social phenomena. Fanon came very close to When the anti-imperialist movement takes the form of partisan
Marxism, but was not a Marxist; he was neither a materialist nor or civil war, it necessarily becomes concentrated in rural areas
a dialectician, but a metaphysician. and relies on the peasantry. This must be the case since, according
Fanon warmly welcomed revolutionary violence by the to the ideologists of guerilla warfare, towns are the fortified cen-
oppressed in the form of armed struggle, and this would seem to tres of colonial rule. It is there that its repressive power is concen-
be his strong point. But he absolutised armed methods, declaring trated, so that guerilla resistance cannot even start up in the towns.
them to be the only means of achieving true independence, and The liberation of the towns comes as the culmination of the war,
this led to significant miscalculations. as a rule. This was the case in Algeria, Vietnam, the former
The aware revolutionary ends up choosing armed struggle after Portuguese colonies, and everywhere where the guerilla move-
careful analysis of the political situation, of the correlation of ment turned into a popular liberation war and won. In all
234 235
 proposed an artificial, illusory alternative — either the proletariat
cases, the guerilla
the
war gathered momentum in rural areas,
main contingent of insurgent detachments consisted of peas-
and
or the peasantry —
whereas the interests of the revolution and
progress demanded the combination of the revolutionary nature
ants. This was bound to be. The guerilla movement would be
the proletariat and
of both, and demanded not only the union of
doomed to failure if it had not the support of the peasantry. This the
peasantry, but also recognition of the guiding importance of
is precisely what happened in the second half of the sixties in
ideology of the proletariat.
several Latin American countries.
Fanon’s ideas were fraught with contradictions. He sometimes
The peasantry constitutes by far the largest share of the popula-
noted the danger of ‘opposing’ town and country, but many
of his
tion in colonial countries. And Fanon was undoubtedly right in any union between
own ideas were objectively directed against
saying that a great deal depends on the peasantry’s position. But
this still does not solve the problem of the peasantry’s revolu-
the working class and the peasantry —
which is the mainstay of
socialist development in the former colonies.
tionary potential, of what it is that activates them, or of what can
Fanon did not assert that the peasantry should create a fighting
guarantee that they behave in a consistently revolutionary fash-
vanguard from its own numbers. He proposed that this
role
ion; whether this guarantee lies in the actual position and the head of
should be assumed by the ‘revolutionary minority' at
psychology of the peasantry, or it should be introduced from
the peasantry. What would be the class character of this minority?
without and backed up by a firm union with the consistently He is categorically
Fanon answers this by process of elimination.
revolutionary forces of the town, above all with the working class. does he hide
against the hegemony of the bourgeoisie, but neither
In solving these questions, Fanon did not rise above the level of hegemony of the working class. So what is
his disapproval of the
narrow empiricism. The class support given to the resistance war of the intermediate strata?
left 9 The petty-bourgeois positions
by millions of metayers, Algerian peasants and labourers led him poles of
But how long can such a position hold out between the
to make the conclusion about the revolutionary character of the
bourgeoisie and proletariat, against imperialism and capitalism?
whole peasantry, and in every country at that.
Fanon’s evaluation of the revolutionary potential of the
When Fanon speaks of the ‘revolutionary minority’, he shows
his understanding of the fact that the
essential characteristic of
peasantry contains three basic faults. or class origin, but its class
this minority is not its class affinity
1. His recognition of the revolutionariness of the peasantry why does he
essence. And this is true. But if this is the case,
goes hand in hand with his repudiation of the revolutionary position
exclude the possibility that this minority can take up the
potential of the colonial working class. In Fanon’s opinion, the
view of the European proletariat as the main revolutionary force
of the proletariat —
not that proletariat
lords, but
which
that
picks
which
up the crumbs
is conscious of
from the table of the colonial
is not applicable to colonial society, where the working class
its historical role? Surely the
vanguard of the peasantry— as in
belongs to the privileged strata, profiting from the colonial
regime. The true proletariat in the colonies, that class which
—
Russ ia could accept its platform? Was this not what happened
and army were mainly made up
in Vietnam, where both the Party
according to Fanon has nothing to lose, is the peasantry alone. proletarian ideology? Was it not this path
of peasants, but were in
The colonial working class is neither a revolutionary nor a
was proposed and successfully realised by Amilcar Cabral,
national force — these qualities are possessed only by the
which
from whom we have the term ‘ideal proletariat’, whose
functions,
peasantry. by intellectuals? Fanon did
in his opinion, were to be performed
To a certain extent this position was determined by the trade- possibility of such
not pose these questions and rejected the very
unionist tendencies in the top crust of the colonial proletariat and
solution.
by the scornful attitude towards the role of the peasantry in the
2 Fanon’s approach to the motive forces of the revolution was
revolutionary process which was prevalent among many intellec- stages, defining its
anti-historical. He disengaged himself from its
tuals in the colonial countrieswho had yielded to the temptation forces once and for all. Yet Fanon was aware of the
motive
of modelling their scheme of the revolutionary movement in the anti-capitalist
restricted nature of nationalism and advocated an
colonies on that in the developed industrial nations. But whatever
future. Can the driving forces be exactly the same during the
Fanon’s motives may have been, nothing can justify his nihilistic anti-capitalist
struggle for independence as during the stage of
approach to the working class in the colonies as a whole. He
237
236
 development? Will not certain changes and regroupings take the strong points definitely predominated. Fanon has gone down
place in them, will the positions of the working class and in historyas a convinced and uncompromising opponent of impe-
peasantry not alter? Fanon did not consider this. After him, this rialism and fighter for a brighter future for the working people of
was done by other ideologists of national democracy. As early as Africa.
1964, in Consciencism, Nkrumah spoke of the constant changes But his ideas continue to live, so that his ideas must now be
within the framework of the ‘positive action’, and Cabral in the —
approached from two stances the position of his own time and
sixties raised the question of the revolutionary potential of each that of today. That which may have been justified in the given
class in relation, first, to national independence, and, second, to conditions at the end of the fifties cannot be acceptable at the
socialism. beginning of the eighties. The development of the revolutionary
3. Fanon’s third mistake in defining the driving forces of the process puts a different accent on the evaluation of ideological
revolution is linked to the question of the stages of the revolu- trends when they do not keep in step with the times.
tionary movement. He did not discern the class differentiation of Fanon can be reproached for the fact that his historical horizons
the peasantry, regarding it as a homogeneous social group with a were not particularly broad, that he relied basically on the expe-
unified position. Cabral analysed the stratification of rural society rience of Algeria, and his theoretical thinking could not rise above
in the extremely backward ‘Portuguese' Guinea and emphasised that experience. Looking back at the state of affairs in the fifties,
that affected the attitude of the peasantry to the struggle for
it much of Fanon’s work can be understood and explained by the
independence. In the Algerian countryside the processes of differ- situation in the country or even by his personal experiences.
entiation were certainly more mature, and absolutely essential Thus, as has been noted, his over-reliance on violence was to a
for defining the revolutionary' potential of the peasantry both at certain extent conditioned by the desire of the intellectual and
the stage of the independence struggle and
stage of anti -capitalist development.
— especially —
at the individualist, isolated
From this
from the people,
point of view, the insurgent
to join his fate with theirs.
army as opposed to the
has already been noted that Fanon was one of those ideolo-
It city office seemed like an ideal place. But in politics, to under-
gists who understand the narrowness of the nationalist platform stand everything not to forgive everything, especially when there
is

and were attracted towards internationalism and anti-capitalism, is the tendency to continue making the mistakes of the fifties and
but the ‘birth-marks’ of nationalism remain in his legacy. Tn both sixties in the seventies and eighties.
instances he shares the fate of national democracy as a whole. Today we must evaluate Fanon from the vantage of the expe-
Nationalistic flaws can be seen in Fanon in tw'o directions. He did rience of revolutionary struggle which we have witnessed, but
not understand the class character of colonial supremacy. For which Fanon was not destined to see. At the new' stage, the stage
him it was ethnic, not class, contradictions that were concentrated of socialist perspective, Fanon’s mistakes take on more weight
in colonialism. Hence every Frenchman in Algeria was an op- and are fraught with great dangers for the progressive forces. Not
pressor. only the revolutionary practice but also the revolutionary theory
The second aspect of Fanon’s nationalist tendencies is linked to in the countries of Africa has made great progress. The main
this. He
did not devote enough attention to the question of joining corrective measures taken by the African national democrats in
forces with the democratic forces, and the working class of the their analysis of the alignment of class forces, have already been
metropolis. In a wider sense, although Fanon appreciated the help mentioned. Basic changes have taken place in the attitude of
rendered by the socialist countries, he did not consider the revolutionary democrats to the universal laws of historical devel-
influence of real socialism, of the international communist move- opment, to Marxism-Leninism, overcoming national preju-
to
ment, on the fates of the colonial peoples. To some extent this was dices. The absolute faith in armed may also be consid-
struggle
encouraged by his conviction of the need to seek his ow'n, unique ered to a considerable extent as a thing of the past, on an
paths, by his constant fear of adopting the ideas of others, and. by international scale. It was present neither in Vietnam nor in the
the hopes he set on a union of the downtrodden. former Portuguese colonies. In the mid-seventies, many support-
Such in very general terms were the strong and weak points in ers of guerilla warfare as the only means were made, under the
Fanon’s thinking. We have already said that during his lifetime influence of history, to change their minds (R. Debray, Gerard

238 239
Chaliand). In some cases (Chaliand) this led to utter scepticism
with regard to the possibility of revolutionary development in
former colonies and dependencies, in others (Debray) to a more
serious attitude towards several old, but eternal truths of
Marxism-Leninism.
Fanon could not amend The Wretched of the Earth according
But we must bear these dictates in mind
to the dictates of time.
when evaluating attempts to present Fanon’s views as the ideal
revolutionary theory for the present day, or to use the name and
ideas of this great fighter and theoretician in order to maintain the
prestige of essentially reactionary, pseudo-revolutionary, left-
extremist groups.

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