FROM MATERNAL UNCLE TO FATHER

An Anthropological Study on
Changing Patriarchy in Khasi Society

By
Barnes L. Mawrie

Thesis submitted to the North Eastern Hill University

For partial fulfillment of the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology

NORTH EASTERN HILL UNIVERSITY

Shillong 793 022
March 2013
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ABSTRACT

1. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The Khasi society is changing fast. The influence of changes brought about by education

and modernization has had a decisive impact on the life and culture of the people. One of

the most prominent cultural traditions of the Khasis is the institution of the maternal uncle

(u kiii). U kiii has been, since time immemorial, a central figure in Khasi society. If he is the

kiii rangbah (chief uncle) of the clan (kur) then he wields great authority among his clan

members. He functions as the chairperson of the Dorbar-kur (Assembly of the Kur). A kiii

of the kpoh (descendants of a single ancestress) instead exercises his authority only among

the members of the kpoh. However, today we witness the gradual decline of the role of U

Kfzi among the Khasis especially at the level of the kur. His traditional role has gradually

been taken over by the father of the family. This transition has in tum transformed Khasi

society considerably in the recent years. It is the importance and significance of this

transition that has prompted me to undertake this study.

Actually, almost every married man in the Khasi society is both a kiii (uncle) and a

kpa (fathf imultaneously. He is a kiii in his sisters' or in his cousins' families while he is

a kpa in his children's family. 1 However, the role of man as kiii has always dominated the

1
Cf. H. 0. Mawrie, Ka Longing Longsem u Khun Khasi Khara. Shillong: Tmissilda Soh, 1983,93.
 2

Khasi society in the past. The kpa-ship was to a great extent played down. In fact, the father

is usually referred to as "u nongai khun" (one who begets children).

The changing role from the ldii to the father of the family in Khasi society has a

tremendous significance for the family and for the society at large. It is not merely a change

of role, but also a change of cultural paradigm. This change is bound to affect the life style,

value system and behaviour of the Khasis. The transition has to a great extent also affected

the identity of the Khasis. Hence the proposed research is significant for the Khasis of the

present generation in particular.

This research hinges upon the central concept of patriarchy. Hence, I may briefly

explain the concept as it is perceived for the purpose of this study. Patriarchy refers to an

institutionalized domination of women by men. Most societies in the world exhibit some

form of patriarchy in their social stratification. 2 Even the Khasi social system, although

matrilineal in nature, has a unique form of patriarchy where the kfii (maternal uncle)

exercised authority over the family members. He acted as the adviser, mediator, a

disciplinarian and a helper in times ofneed. 3 The maternal uncle was by tradition the centre

of authority and economy, the pivot of the whole family or the clan. He had control over

his sisters' children and he safeguarded the well-being and integrity ofthe clan. 4 In the last

few decades some changes are seen in the Khasi social system whereby the patriarchal role

traditionally held by the kfii is gradually being assumed by the father of the family.

2
Richard A. Delio Buono, "Patriarchy versus Matriarchy", in Frank H. Magill (ed.) International Encyclopedia of
Sociology, vol. 2. New Delhi: S. Chand & Company Ltd., 2000, 923.
3
J. War, "The Khasi Concept of Family: Changes in Structure and Function", in P. M. Chacko (ed.) Matriliny in
Megha/aya: Tradition and Change. New Delhi: Regency Publications, 1998.
4
S. Sngi. Lyngdoh, "The Khasi Matrliny: Its Past and Its Future", in P. M. Chacko (ed.) Matriliny in Megha/aya:
Tradition and Change.
 3

Although the institution of kni still exists its role and status are expected to be no longer

what it used to be in the past.

2. JUSTIFICATION OF THE STUDY

After a long period of contact with the British administration and with Christianity in

particular, the Khasi society has undergone tremendous socio-cultural and economic

changes. This is seen in the changes in dress patterns, housing, food habits and life style in

general. 5 With the establishment of Shillong as the premier capital of Northeast India, the

process of migration from the rural areas was set in motion. This in tum has affected the

traditional family ·system among the Khasis. The processes of urbanization and

Christianization have been greatly responsible for the weakening of the traditional roles of

the kfii as the ultimate male authority and ofthe khatduh as the custodian of family religion.

The power of the kfii has now been toned down to a great extent. 6 The adoption of

Christianity as a new religion has greatly affected the cultural life of the Khasis. The

traditional cultural practices like erecting megaliths, household and community celebrations

and festivals have been largely abandoned. The cultural practices related to marriage,

funeral, house building etc have become almost extinct. 7 Although some basic elements of

culture like matriliny, traditional polity, inheritance etc, have survived yet many other

aspects of culture and tradition have disappeared. For this reason this study is considered

opportune and important:

5
Cf. H. Barch, The History and Culture of the Khasi People. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 1997, 404.
6
Cf. Ibid.
7
Cf. Ibid., 405.
 4

a) Since the Khasi society is undergoing a great socio-cultural transformation due to

reasons cited above, it is necessary that a scientific study be undertaken in order to

understand the process. Understanding the various factors of changes and their dynamics

may enable the people concerned to adapt themselves more effectively to these changes.

b) Socio-cultural changes and transitions should not be taken incognito but they

should become a subject of serious study and reflection. Taking these things for granted

will spell the doom of a culture. Great civilizations in the world have always made

significant studies and reflections on their cultural changes and transitions. Therefore in the

face of such a serious cultural transition of family and clan structure, the Khasis need to

undertake an elaborate study of the same.

c) It is always important to ascertain the impact and significance of any cultural

change in a society to enable a better comprehension of the situation. Such knowledge can

be obtained only through a scientific study of the problem. Consequently, this study bears

substantial importance and significance in the context of the Khasi society.

d) Knowledge of the socio-cultural situation in one's society has both a preventive

and corrective value. It can help the community to prevent certain factors from affecting

the culture adversely or it can also correct certain faults which if left untended may corrode

the cultural wealth of the people.

e) This study may also contributive towards formulating future policies regarding

Khasi family system which the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC) or the

Jaifitia Hills Autonomous District Council (JHADC), undertakes· from time to time. From

the perspective of policy making, this study therefore is necessary and significant.
 5

3. SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The present study deals with an important aspect of Khasi family structure, namely, the

roles of the kni (uncle) and the kpa (father). There is a gradual transition of roles between

these two traditional institutions. So far no extensive study has been made on this particular

development in Khasi society.

The data collected from the two sample localities and from other independent

sources, will form the basis of this study. The study will also try to understand the factors

(endogenous and exogenous) responsible for such transition. Further, the study will

examine the impact the transition has on Khasi family and clan in particular and on Khasi

society in general.

4. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The main objectives of this study are as follows:

a) To study the changing patriarchy from kni (maternal uncle) to the father (kpa) in

the Khasi society. This is a socio-cultural phenomenon that is taking place today especially

in urban and semi-urban areas.

b) To understand the process of this transformation as it is being seen and felt

today. To identify both the endogenous and the exogenous factors that are facilitating such

transformations.
 6

5. METHODOLOGY OF.THE PRESENT STUDY

To study the specific problem selected for this particular research on Khasi society, we

have identified two villages as sample. To represent the rural Khasi population, Marbisu

village has been identified while Mawlai-Mawroh has been chosen to represent the urban

Khasi population. Marbisu has been deliberately chosen because of its sizable number of

Khasis who still uphold the traditional religion. Mawroh on the other hand has been chosen

to represent the urban Khasi population.

5.1. The Population

For collection of data different parameters are considered, namely: (i) age, (ii) sex, (iii)

religion, (iv) education and (v) socio-economic status.

Questionnaires were served on a total of 500 persons in Marbisu and 300 in

Mawroh. However, only 397 (that is 79.4%) responded from Marbisu and 205 (that is

68.3%) from Mawroh. Therefore the total number of respondents for the present study is

602.

5.2. Tools used

In pursuing the research and in collecting the required data, the following tools were

employed by the investigator:

1) Questionnaire (Consisting of64 questions grouped into 6 sub titles)

2) Interview schedule (Consisting of22 questions)

 7

6. CHAPTERIZATION AND CHAPTER CONTENT

• The thesis is divided into six chapters. Chapter 1 entitled "Introduction" describes the

rationale, the objectives, the methodology and scope of the study. This chapter also

contains a review of basic literature on the subject. Chapter 2 entitled "The Socio-cultural

Fabric of Khasi Society" provides a theoretical framework for the study as it describes the

na~ure of Khasi society, their origin, their culture, community and family structures.

Chapter 3 which is entitled "Traditional Role of the Kfzi (maternal uncle) among the Khasis", on

the other hand, gives us a deeper understanding of the traditional status and role of /dii-ship

in Khasi society. This chapter provides us a further theoretical framework for the study in

connection with the present investigation on the current status and role of the kfii. Chapter 4

which is entitled "Decline of Kfzi-ship in Khasi Society" provides a critical analysis of kiii-ship

today and shows how this traditional institution is on a gradual decline. The data collected

from field study are analyzed to support this finding. Chapter 5 entitled "Rise of Kpa-ship in

Khasi Society" discusses about kpa-ship and how this institution is gaining importance day

by day. Data collected from field study are used to support this finding. The analysis

clearly indicates that kpa-ship is gaining more importance in Khasi society today. Chapter 6

which is entitled "Summary and Conclusion" is a concluding chapter and it states the findings

ofthe study and their implications on Khasi society today.

7. FINDINGS OF THE STUDY

This study has brought to light many aspects of change in the institutions of kfii-ship and

kpa-ship among the Khasis today. It has demonstrated that while conceptually the
 8

institution of kiii-ship is still unaffected, the actual exercise of the kiii 's role has changed

considerably. Kiii-ship is gradually turning into an ideology of the past and kpa-ship that of

the present.

First, the study shows that due to many socio-cultural and economic factors, the

traditional role of the kiii has been affected adversely. Christianity has been a major

influence on the Khasi society. By adopting this new religion, many of the cultural

traditions in the family have been affected. The law of inheritance enacted by the British

government has practically given the right of ownership of ancestral property to the

khatduh. In this manner the kiii who used to be the traditional administrator of the ancestral

property has lost much of his authority over his clan members. 8 Because of these factors

/dii-ship in particular has been adversely affected while kpa-ship has gained more

importance. Today the kiii as the present study has shown, does not wield as much

authority and influence over his kurlkpoh!fng members as he used to do in the past. In

general, his authority is gradually waning away and has become nominal.

Second, the study has shown that the influence of the kiii over his nephews and

nieces is diminishing due to his inability to exercise his traditional role of being regularly

present in his sister's house and to supervise the affairs related to the kur/kpohlfng or to

admonish his nephews and nieces. Physical absence has been responsible to a large extent

for the diminution of his authority and at times it has led to weakening of kinship bond

especially with the younger generation as familiarity between the kiii and his nephews and

nieces is on the decline.

8
Cf. P. Passah, "Changes in the matrilineal system ofKhasi-Jaintia Family", in Matriliny in Meghalaya, 76.
 9

Third. the study shows that while a Khasi man's role as a kiii in his sister's house is

diminishing his role as a kpa in his conjugal family is on the rise. This is clearly seen in the

quality time that he spends with his children than with his nephews and nieces. His growing

absence from his nephews and nieces implies an increased presence with his wife and

children. This consequently has strengthened kpa-ship in Khasi society today. In fact, the

traditional role as 'biological' (as begetter only) father has practically given way to his role

as 'social' (nourisher) father. Thus a Khasi man today has become less an uncle in his

family of origin and more a social father in his conjugal family. 9

Fourth, the study shows that many Khasis today are of strong opinion that the kpa

should assume more authority and responsibility in his children's house than the kiii. It is

the feeling of many that the kpa is the natural guardian and disciplinarian of his children on

account of his consanguinal relationship with his children. Laxity in exercising their roles

on the part of the kiii today and the influence of Christian teaching on paternal

responsibility are some of the factors that have accelerated this type ofthinking.

Fifth, the study reveals that in reality the process of transition in Khasi patriarchy is

already in motion and it is gaining momentum with the passage of time. There is a gradual

transition from patriarchy traditionally held by the kiii to the present form of patriarchy

centred around the father of the family. This phenomenon is equally prevalent both in the

urban and rural areas and across all sections of Khasi people.

Sixth, this partic.ular study also reveals that more Khasis today are of the opinion

that the kpa should formally assume the role of the kiii with regard to the affairs of the

family except those related to the kurlkpoh/i"ng where the kiii is still considered the

9
Cf. R. Kharkrang, Matriliny on the March. Shillong: Vendrame Institute Publications, 2012, 97.
 10

authority. The verdict is that the kpa should replace the role of the ldU in the affairs of the

ing-tnat (nuclear family).

Seventh, the study shows that the image of the kpa is gaining more respect and

recognition and the kpa himself is beginning to assume all responsibilities related to the

family. He is no longer a nominal head but de facto the head and supervisor of his own

family. 10

Hence the present study clearly demonstrates that there is a change in patriarchy in

the Khasi family, namely, that there is a gradual transition of roles from the maternal uncle

to the father ofthe family.

8. IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS

This research has confirmed the main thesis about the transition in patriarchy from the kfii

to the kpa in Khasi society today. This may have the following implications for the Khasi

society in near future:

a) The image of the kpa will be perceived in a better light. His role and status will

be better accepted and appreciated. The kpa will be seen as a natural substitute of the kfii in

matters related to the family. With a better recognition of his status and authority, the kpa is

expected to exercise more authority and accept more responsibilities towards his family.

10
However, it must be said here that in cases of a man marrying the heiress, the husband is often controlled by the in-
laws. The grand-mother or the brother-in-law (uncle) becomes a hindrance to his exercise of authority. Yet a lot of change
is also seen in these cases where at times the husband of the heiress commands the affairs of the family. This depends
very much on the personality of the man or his ability to shoulder responsibility.
 11

b) The rise in status ofthe kpa is likely to affect the image of the kni further. In fact,

the present study has indicated that the status and role of the kni are experiencing a down-

sliding movement. In many cases the kni has become a stranger to his nephews and nieces.

The bipolar tension of roles between a kni and kpa in a Khasi man has tilted in favour of

the latter.

c) The changing patriarchy in Khasi families will probably be perceived as one

decisive step in the elaborate process of socio-cultural transformation of the society itself.

In the long run the possibility of change in the lineage system cannot be ruled out.

However, such a change in the existing system calls for internal debate and deeper

understanding ofthe Khasi culture and identity.

9. CONCLUSION

This particular study is a critical analysis of the present socio-cultural transformation that is

being witnessed in Khasi society. Evidently, the transformation is taking a natural course

on the whole. Socio-cultural, economic and religious factors are at play at different levels

and in different degrees in this transformation. Kha,si society today is exposed to the

influence of a global culture and interculturality has become a day-to-day reality. Therefore

such socio-cultural transformation is bound to take place and as such there is need to

accommodate such changes. This is in keeping with the characteristic dynamism of human

cultures.
 12

REFERENCES

Bareh, H. The History and Culture ofthe Khasi People. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 1997.

Delio Buono, Richard A. "Patriarchy versus Matriarchy", in Frank H. Magill (ed.) International

Encyclopedia of Sociology, vol. 2. New Delhi: S. Chand & Company Ltd., 2000, 923-

27.

Kharkrang, R. Matriliny on the March. Shillong: Vendrarne Institute Publications, 2012.

Lyngdoh, S. Sngi. 'The Khasi Matrliny: Its Past and Its Future", in P.M. Chacko (ed.) Matriliny in

Meghalaya: Tradition and Change. New Delhi: Regency Publications, 1998, 31-45.

Mawrie, H. 0. Ka Longing Longsem u Khun Khasi Khara. Shillong: Tmissilda Soh, 1983.

Passah, P. "Changes in the matrilineal system of Khasi-Jaintia Family", in P. M. Chacko (ed.)

Matriliny in Meghalaya: Tradition and Change. New Delhi: Regency Publications,

1998, 74-79.

War, J. 'The Khasi Concept of Family: Changes in Structure and Function", in P.M. Chacko (ed.)

Matriliny in Meghalaya: Tradition and Change. New Delhi: Regency Publications,

1998, 16-30.

·.•. __ ------
Et~H-' ~/-- ~ -- -------------
 DECLARATION

I, Barnes L. Mawrie, hereby declare that the subject matter of this thesis entitled

"From Maternal Uncle to Father: An Anthropological Study on Changing Patriarchy in

Khasi Society", is the record of work done by me, that the contents of this thesis did not

form basis of the award of any previous degree to me or to the best of my knowledge to

anybody else and that the thesis has not been submitted by me for any research degree in

any other University/Institute.

This is being submitted to the North Eastern Hill University (NEHU) for the degree

of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology.

JlU -
rtl~ H/ol•~
Supervisor ~~'?. (t'J Student

Head~~,~~ HEAD
Department of Anthr~poi~~V
North- Eastern Hill Un:·.tarsttf
Shillong 793 022
 NORTH-EASTERN HILL UNIVERSITY
SHILLONG 793 022

CERTIFICATE

I certify that the thesis entitled "From Maternal Uncle to Father: An Anthropological Study

on Changing Patriarchy in Khasi Society", is submitted by Barnes L. Mawrie in fulfillment

of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology, North-Eastern

Hill University, Shillong. It is based on first hand investigation carried out under my

supervision.

He has been duly registered and the thesis presented is worthy of being considered

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology. This work has not been submitted

for any degree of any other university.

upervisor
Professor T. B. Subba
 lll

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It has been my long cherished desire to make a critical study of the Khasi family

structure especially the institution of kiii-ship which is gradually undergoing a

transformation with the change of time. With the weakening of kiii-ship the role of the

kpa (father) is gaining more importance. This theme appears to be very interesting

because of its relevance and significance for the Khasi society today.

Undertaking this research "From Maternal Uncle to Father: An Anthropological

Study on Changing Patriarchy in Khasi Society", was a daunting project for me. By no

means, I would have been able to complete this study had it not been for a number of

persons who assisted me in different ways and capacities.

First and foremost, I acknowledge with deep gratitude the great contribution

made by Dr. T. B. Subba (now Vice Chancellor ofSikkim University) the supervisor of

my dissertation. It was he who encouraged me to launch myself into this project. He has

painstakingly followed me up all these years of my research both as a teacher and as a

friend. His ability to see to the minutest details has enabled me to learn so much and also

enhanced the work. My gratitude also goes to the Head of Department of Anthropology

and all the professors of the Department who have shown great interest in my work and

kept encouraging me from time to time. I place on records my thanks to the Principal of

St. Paul's HS Schoo~ Marbisu, the Headmistress ofFerrando Memorial School, Mawroh,

Fr. Peter Nengnong SDS, the group of teachers and all my friends both in Marbisu and

Mawlai-Mawroh who assisted me during the field study. My gratitude also goes to Fr.
 lV

Joseph Puthenpurakal, Director of Don Bosco Centre for Indigenous Cultures, for

having proof read the manuscript and offered practical suggestions. I am grateful to Rev.

Fr. Joseph Almeida SDB (former provincial superior) and Rev. Fr. George Maliekal

SDB (present provincial superior) for their support and encouragement. I also thank the

staff and students of Sacred Heart College, Mawlai, for their constant support during the

course of my study.

Shillong Barnes L. Mawrie

 v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Declaration i
Certificate ii
Acknowledgements iii
Abbreviations viii
List of Tables ix
List of Figures xii

Chapter 1 - Introduction

1.1. Statement of the Problem 1

1.2. Justification of the Study 3
1.3. Definition of Key Terms used 5
1.4. Scope of the Study - 7
1.5. Objectives ofthe Study 7
1.6. Review of Literature 8
1.6.1. Scholarly works 8
1.6.2. Novels 16
1.6.3. Plays 18
1.6.4. Contemporary Movements 18
1.6.5. Khasi Autonomous District Council Acts/Bills 21
1.7. Methodology of the Present Study 24
1. 7.1. The Population 24
1.7.2. Profile of the Respondents 25
1.7.3. Tools used 28
1.7.4. Data Collection 29
1.8. Delimitation of the Study 32

Chapter 2 - The Socio-cultural Fabric of Khasi Society 35

2.1. Introduction 35
2.2. Geographical Description 36
2.3. Khasis and their Sub-groups 38
2.4. Origin of the Khasis 42
2.4.1. Theory ofDivine Origin 44
2.4.2. Contemporary Theories of Origin 45
2.5. Socio-political organization 51
2.5.1. Political institutions of authority 51
2.5.2. Contemporary democratic institution 53
2.5.3. Khasi dorbar: Its nature, levels and authority 58
2.5.4. Characteristics of a Khasi dorbar 61
2.6. Socio-cultural Life 63
2.6.1. Ka shim-jait shim-khong (Matrilineal system) 64
2.6.2. Ka kheiii-kur kheiii-jait (Kinship system) 65
2.6.3. Ka aiii i'oh Nongkynti (Law oflnheritance) 67
 Vl

2.6.4. Ka poikha poiman (Marriage customs) 67

2.6.5. Dances and festivals 69
2.6. Conclusion 70

Chapter 3 - Traditional Role of the Kiii (materr1al uncle) among the Khasis 76

3.1. Introduction 76
3.2. U Suitnia in the institution of Kiii-ship 76
3.3. Basic structure ofKhasi Society 78
3.3.1. lng-tnat (nuclear family) 78
3.3.2. Jng (family) 78
3.3.3. Kpoh (Lineage) 79
3.3.4. Kur (Clan} &0
3.4. Levels of Kiii-ship among the Khasis 83
3.4.1. U Kiii rangbah (Eldest uncle of the clan) 83
3.4.2. U Kiii khynnah (Young Uncle of the lngllcpohlkur) 86
3.4.3. Kiii-synrop (Classificatory uncles) 86
3.5. Importance ofkiii-ship 87
3.6. Kiii as a person of authority 93
3. 7. Religious functions of the Kiii 98
3.7.1. The Kiii as the presiding priest ofthe Kur or Kpoh (Lineage) 98
3.7.2. The Kiii as the mediator ofthe clan 106
3. 7.3. The Kiii as the religious educator of the young 111
3.8. Soci<Ku1tural and Economic Functions of the Kiii 112
3.8.1. Kiii-sbip as a political institution 112
3.8.2. Kiii-ship as a soci<Kultural institution 113
3. 8.3. The economic function of the kiii 119
3.8.4. Role of the Kiii vis-a-vis Ki kmie ki kpa (parents) 120
3.8.5. Ki Tymmen ki San (elders in society) vis-a-vis the Kiii 121
3.9. Moral Functions of U Kiii 122
3. 9.I. Instruction 122
3.9.2. Enforcement of moral norms 127
3.9.3. Rewards and Punishments 128
3.10. Conclusion 128

Chapter 4 - Decline of Kiii-ship in Khasi Society 131

4.1. Introduction 131

4.2. Declining status of kiii 131
4.3. Causes of the decline of Kiii-ship among the Khasis 134
4.2.1. Exogenous factors 134
4.2.2. Endogenous Factors 142
4.3. Diminishing role of the kiii: A genealogical study 163
4. 3 .1. Marbisu study 164
4.3.2. Mawroh study 167
4.3.3. Analysis of the genealogical study 170
4.4. Repercussions on Khasi society 171
4.4 .1. Gradual disappearance of a point of reference 171
 Vll

4.4.2. Growing ignorance about culture and tradition 172

4.4.3. Gradual absence of a disciplinary institution 172
4.4.4. Weakening of ethical life 173
4.4.5. Weakening of kinship bond and respect for elders 174
4.5. Conclusion 176

Chapter 5 - Rise of Kpa-ship in Khasi Society 179

5 .1. Introduction 179

5.2. The traditional role of the father in Khasi fumilies 179
5.3. 'Ibe Khasi man as maternal uncle and as father 181
5.4. Changing concept of kpa today 182
5.5. Rise of Kpa-ship in Khasi society 184
5. 6. Factors favouring the rise of kpa-ship today 199
5. 7. Kpa should replace the kiii today 206
· 5.8. The growing role assumption of the kpa today 212
5 .8.1. The kpa nurtures his children 213
5.8.2. The kpa admonishes his children 214
5.8.3. The kpa supervises family affairs 214
5.8.4. The kpa takes decisions in family matters 215
5.8.5. The kpa visits his kurlkpoh/ing members 216
5. 9. Movements towards strengthening kpa-ship 217
5. 9 .1. Ka Seng Iktiar Longbriew-manbriew (SIL) 217
5.9.2. Ka Syngkhong Rympei Thymmai (SRT) 218
5.9.3. Movement for Positive Thinking (MPT} 219
5.9.4. Interventions ofthe Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC) 219
5.10. Kpa-synrop (classificatory fathers) 221
5.10 .1. Status of the Kpa-synrop 221
5.10 .2. Functions and role of the kpa-synrop 222
5.10 .3. Declining role of the kpa-synrop today 222
5 .11. Conclusion 223

Chapter 6 - Summary and Conclusion 226

6.1. Introduction 226

6.2. Image of the kiii in Khasi society 226
6.3. Authority of the ki'li today 229
6.4. Present role of the ki'li 232
6.5. Status of the Kpa (father) today 234
6. 6. Exercise of authority/role of the kpa today 23 7
6. 7. Interpretation of the Genealogical Study 239
6.8. Summary of Analysis 240
6.9. Implications of the Findings 243

References 245
 Vlll

AD BREVIATIONS

DBCIC Don Bosco Centre for Indigenous Cultures

FKJGP Federation ofKhasi Jaifitia and Garo People
ICSSR-NERC Indian Council of Social Science Research - North Eastern
Regional Centre
IFP Imphal Free Press
KHADC Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council
KSU Khasi Students' Union
MPT Movement for Positive Thinking
MSM Mait Shaphrang Movement
SIL Seng Iktiar Longbriew-manbriew
SRT Syngkhong Rympei Thymmai
VIP Vendrame Institute Publications
 lX

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1- Marbisu/Mawroh (Gender distribution of respondents) 25

Table 1.2 - Marbisu/Mawroh - Age of respondents 26
Table 1.3- Marbisu/Mawroh- Religion of respondents 27
Table 1.4- Marbisu/Mawroh- Educational qualifications of respondents 27
Table 1.5- Marbisu/Mawroh - Occupation of respondents 28
Table 1. 6 - Category of Questions 31
Table 2.1- Population distribution in Khasi & Jaintia Hills 38
Table 3.1 -The elder kiii has more authority than the younger kiii 84
Table 3.2- The elder kiii has more authority than the younger ld'li (Gender perspective) 85
Table 3.3- The elder kiii has more authority than the younger kfli (Age perspective) 85
Table 3.4- Kni is essential (Rural-urban perspective) 88
Table 3.5 - Kni is essential (Age perspective) 89
Table 3.6- Kni is essential (Gender perspective) 90
Table 3.7- Kfii is essential (Religious perspective) 91
Table 3.8- Kfii is essential (Educational perspective) 92
Table 3.9- Kfii is essential (Occupational perspective) 93
Table 3.10 - Kfli has authority (Rural-urban perspective) 94
Table 3.11- Kfii has authority (Age perspective) 95
Table 3.12- Kfli has authority (Gender perspective) 95
Table 3.13- Kfii has authority (Religious perspective) 96
Table 3.14- Kfii has authority (Educational perspective) 97
Table 3.15- Kfii has authority (Occupational perspective) 98
Table 3.16- Kfii is the priest ofthe kurlkpohling (Rural-urban perspective) 101
Table 3.17 -Kfii is the priest ofthe kurlkpohling (Age perspective) 102
Table 3.18- Kfii is the priest of the kur/kpohling (Gender perspective) 103
Table 3.19- Kfii is the priest of the kurlkpohling (Religious perspective) 103
Table 3.20- Ki'li is the priest of the kurlkpohling (Educational perspective) 104
Table 3.21- Ki'li is the priest of the kur/kpohling (Occupational perspective) 105
Table 3.22- Kiii is the mediator of the kur/kpohling (Rural-urban perspective) 107
Table 3.23- Kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpohling (Age perspective) 107
Table 3.24- Ki'li is the mediator of the kurlkpohling (Gender perspective) 108
Table 3.25- Kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpohling (Religious perspective) 109
Table 3.26- Kiii is the mediator of the kur/kpohling (Educational perspective) 110
Table 3.27- Ki'li is the mediator of the kurlkpohling (Occupational perspective) Ill
Table 3.28 - Kflis who hold important positions command more respect
(Rural-urban perspective) 114
Table 3.29- Ki'lis who hold important positions command more respect
(Genderperspective) ll4
Table 3.30- Kfli upholds the cultural heritage (Rural-urban perspective) 115
Table 3.31- Ki'li upholds the cultural heritage (Age perspective) 116
Table 3.32- Ki'li upholds the cultural heritage (Gender perspective) 116
Table 3.33 - Ki'li upholds the cultural heritage (Religious perspective) 117
Table 3.34- Kfli upholds the cultural heritage (Educational perspective) 118
Table 3.35 -Kifi upholds the cultural heritage (Occupational perspective) 119
 X

Table 3.36- Ki'li is the instructor and educator (Age perspective) 123
Table 3.37- KiU is the instructor and educator (Gender perspective) 124
Table 3.38- Kiii is the instructor and educator (Religious perspective) 125
Table 3.39- Kiii is the instructor and educator (Educational perspective) 126
Table 3.40- Kiii is the instructor and educator (Occupational perspective) 127
Table 4.1 -Present status ofthe kili has diminished (Rural-urban perspective) 132
Table 4.2- Present status of the kfii has diminished (Gender perspective) 133
Table 4.3- Present status of the kiii has diminished (Religious perspective) 134
Table 4.4- Many kiiis are illiterate (Rural-urban perspective) 146
Table 4.5- Many kiiis are illiterate (Religious perspective) 147
Table 4.6- Kiiis who are educated wield more influence (Rural-urban perspective) 148
Table 4.7- Kiiis who are educated wield more influence (Gender perspective) 149
Table 4.8- The kifi who are economically better of has more influence
(Rural-urban perspective) 151
Table 4.9- The kiii who are economically better of has more influence
(Gender perspective) 152
Table 4.10 - Many kiiis today do not know their roles anymore
(Rural-urban perspective) 154
Table 4.11 -Many kiiis today do not know their roles anymore (Religious perspective) 155
Table 4.12- Ki'li visits his kurlkpohlfng (Rural-urban perspective) 155
Table 4.13- Ki'lt visits his kurlkpoh!fng (Religious perspective) 156
Table 4.14- Ki'li admonishes his kur/kpohlfng members (Gender perspective) 157
Table 4.15- Ki'li admonishes his kurlkpoh/ing members (Religious perspective) 158
Table 4.16- Ki'li takes decisions in family matters (Gender perspective) 158
Table 4.17- Ki'li takes decisions in family matters (Religious perspective) 159
Table 4.18- Ki'li supervises marriages of his kur/kpohlfng members
(Gender perspective) 160
Table 4.19- Ki'li supervises marriages of his kurlkpoh!ing members
(Religious perspective) 161
Table 4.20- Ki'li reconciles all feuds within the kurlkpohlfng (Rural-urban perspective) 162
Table 4.21- Kiii reconciles all feuds within the kurlkpoh!fng (Religious perspective) 163
Table 4.22 - Younger people do not know their kiii anymore (Rural-urban perspective) 175
Table 4.23- Younger people do not know their kiii anymore (Religious perspective) 176
Table 5.1- Children respect and obey their fathers (Rural-urban perspective) 186
Table 5.2- Children respect and obey their fathers (Educational perspective) 187
Table 5.3- Children respect and obey their fathers (OCcupational perspective) 188
Table 5.4 - A father is closer to his children than the kiii (Rural-urban perspective) 189
Table 5.5- A father is closer to his children than the kifi (Gender perspective) 190
Table 5.6- A father is closer to his children than the kiii (Religious perspective) 189
Table 5.7- A father wields more authority in his children's house
(Rural-urban perspective) 191
Table 5.8- A father wields more authority in his children's house (Gender perspective) 192
Table 5.9- A father wields more authority in his children's house
(Educational perspective) 193
Table 5.10 - Present status of the /cpa has gone up (Rural-urban perspective) 194
Table 5.11- Present status of the /cpa has gone up (Age perspective) 195
Table 5.12 - Present status of the kpa has gone up (Gender perspective) 196
Table 5.13 - Present status of the /cpa has gone up (Religious perspective) 196
 XI

Table 5.14- Present status ofthe kpa has gone up (Educational perspective) 197
Table 5.15- Present status of the kpa has gone up (Occupational perspective) 198
Table 5.16- More kpas are educated today (Rural-urban perspective) 200
Table 5.17- Educated fathers exercise greater influence on their families (Rural-urban
perspective) 201
Table 5.18- Educated fathers exercise greater influence on their families
(Educational perspective) 202
Table 5.19 - Greater earning fathers have more influence (Rural-urban perspective) 203
Table 5.20- Greater earning fathers have more influence (Occupational perspective) 204
Table 5.21- Fathers hailing from rich and influential families have greater influence
(Gender perspective) 205 ·
Table 5.22- The father should replace the kiU today (Rural-urban perspective) 207
Table 5.23- The father should replace the kiii today (Age perspective) 208
Table 5.24- The father should replace the kiii today (Gender perspective) 209
Table 5.25- The father should replace the kiii today (Religious perspective) 210
Table 5.26 -The father should replace the kiii today (Educational perspective) 211
Table 5.27- The father should replace the ldii today (Occupational perspective) 212
Table 5.28 - The father nurtures his children (Rural-urban perspective) 213
Table 5.29- The father disciplines and admonishes his children
(Rural-urban perspective) 214
Table 5.30 - The father supervises family affairs (Rural-urban perspective) 215
Table 5.31 - The father takes decisions in family matters (Rural-urban perspective) 215
Table 5.32- The father vjsits his kur!kpohlrng members (Rural-urban perspective) 216
 Xll

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1 - District Map of Meghalaya 37

Figure 2.2- The Khasis and their Sub Groups 41
Figure 2.3 - Anthropological Map of Meghalaya 43
Figure 3.1 -Primeval Triad of Ancestors 78
Figure 4.1 -Genealogy of kiii (Kpoh Dkhar) 165
Figure 4.2- Genealogy of kiii (Kpoh Kurbah) 166
Figure 4.3 -Genealogy of kiii (Kpoh Nongspung) 168
Figure 4.4 -Genealogy of ldii (Kpoh Waijri) 169
 Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION.

1.1. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The Khasi s<>ciety is changing fast. The influence of changes brought about by education

and modernization has had a decisive impact on the life and culture of the people. One

of the most prominent cultural traditions of the Khasis is the institution of the maternal

uncle (u kiii). U kiii has been, since time immemorial, a central figure in Khasi society. If

he is the kiii rangbah (chief uncle) of the clan (kur), then he wields great authority

among his clan members. He functions as the chairperson of the Dorbar-kur (Assembly

of the Kur). A kiii of the kpoh (descendants of a single ancestress) instead exercises his

authority only among the members of the kpoh. However, today we witness the gradual

decline of the role of U Kiii among the Khasis especially at the level of the kur. His

traditional role luis gradually been taken over by the father of the family. This transition

has in tum transformed Khasi society considerably in the recent years. It is the

importance and significance of this transition that has prompted me to undertake this

study.

Actually, almost every married man in the Khasi society is both a kiii (uncle) and

a kpa (father) simultaneously. He is a kiii in his sisters' or in his cousins' families while
 2

he is a kpa in his children's family. 1 However, the role of man as kiii has always

dominated the Khasi society in the past. The kpa-ship was to a great extent played down.

In fact, the father is usually referred to as "u nongai khun" (one who begets children).

The changing role from the kiii to the father of the family in Khasi society has a

tremendous significance for the family and for the society at large. It is not merely a

change of role, but also a change of cultural paradigm. This change is bound to affect the

lifestyle, value system and behaviour of the Khasis. The transition has to a great extent

also affected the identity of the Khasis. Hence the proposed research is significant for

the Khasis of the present generation in particular.

This research hinges upon the central concept of patriarchy. Hence, I may briefly

explain the concept as it is perceived for the purpose of this study. Patriarchy refers to an

institutionalized domination of women by men. Most societies in the world exhibit some

form of patriarchy in their social stratification. 2 Even the Khasi social system, although

matrilineal in nature, has a unique form of patriarchy where the kiii (maternal uncle)

exercised authority over the family members. He acted as the adviser, mediator, a

disciplinarian and a helper in times of need. 3 The maternal uncle was by tradition the

centre of authority and economy, the pivot of the whole family or the clan. He had

control over his sisters' children and he safeguarded the well-being and integrity of the

clan. 4 In the last few decades some changes are seen in the Khasi social system whereby

the patriarchal role traditionally held by the kiii is gradually being assumed by the father

of the family. Although the institution of kni still exists its role and status are expected to

be no longer what it used to be in the past.

 3

1.2. JUSTIFICATION OF THE STUDY

After a long period of contact with the British administration and with Christianity in

particular, the Khasi society has undergone tremendous socio-cultural and economic

changes. This is seen in the changes in dress patterns, housing, food habits and life style

in general. 5 With the establishment of Shillong as the premier capital of Northeast India,

the process of migration from the rural areas was set in motion. This in tum has affected

the traditional family system among the Khasis. The processes of urbanization and

Christianization have been greatly responsible for the weakening of the traditional roles

of the kiii as the ultimate male authority and of the khatduh as the custodian of family

religion. The power of the kiii has now been toned down to a great extent.6 The adoption

of Christianity as a new religion has greatly affected the cultural life of the Khasis. The

traditional cultural practices ~ike erecting megaliths, household and community

celebrations and festivals have been largely abandoned. The cultural practices related to

marriage, funeral, house building etc have become almost extinct? Although some basic

elements of culture like matriliny, traditional polity, inheritance etc, have survived yet

many other aspects of culture and tradition have disappeared. For this reason this study

is considered opportune and important:

a) Since the Khasi society is undergoing a great socio-cultural transformation due

to reasons cited above, it is necessary that a scientific study be undertaken in order to

understand the process. Understanding the various factors of changes and their dynamics

may enable the people concerned to adapt themselves more effectively to these changes.
 4

b) Socio-cultural changes and transitions should not be taken incognito but they

should become a subject of serious study and reflection. Taking these things for granted

will spell the doom of a culture. Great civilizations in the world have always made

significant studies and reflections on their cultural changes and transitions. Therefore in

the face of such a serious cultural transition of family and clan structure, the Khasis need

to undertake an elaborate study of the same.

c) It is always important to ascertain the impact and significance of any cultural

change in a society to enable a better comprehension of ~he situation. Such knowledge

can be obtained only through a scientific study of the problem. Consequently, this study

bears substantial importance and significance in the context of the Khasi society.

d) Knowledge of the socio-cultural situation in one's society has both a preventive

and corrective value. It can help the community to prevent certain factors from affecting

the culture adversely or it can also correct certain faults which if left untended may

corrode the cultural wealth of the people.

e) This study may also contributive towards formulating future policies regarding

Khasi family system which the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC) or

the Jaifitia Hills Autonomous District Council (JHADC), undertakes from time to time.

From the perspective of policy making, this study therefore is necessary and significant.
 5

1.3. DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS USED

Before we go deep into the study of the problem, it is necessary to understand some of

the most basic terms that are being used in the study.

Kur: The concept of leur (clan) is very central in Khasi society. Kur refers to a

cluster of kpoh (families) who bear the same surname and who trace their origin to a

common distant primeval ancestress. The origin of a clan is often shrouded in mystery

and many were perhaps born due to the process of migration. 8 The concepts of leur and

kpoh are very fundamental in understanding the socio-cultural structure ofKhasi society.

Kpoh: This term refers to a sub clan among the Khasis. A kpoh is a consanguinal

group of families who descend from a single ancestress. The size of the kpoh therefore

depends on the chronological distance of the ancestress which will in tum determine the

number of generations.

Ka Ing: This term refers to a family unit within the kpoh (sub-clan). It is the

smallest social unit. It consists of the father, mother and their children.

Kiii: This term will be often repeated during the study. It is a Khasi terminology

for the maternal uncle. There are two levels of Aiii-ship among the Khasis. One is known

as kiii-rangbah (major uncle, usually addressed as ma-heh or ma-rangbah) who is the

eldest brother 'of the kpoh (family) and the others are the kiii-khynnah or kiii-synrop, the

younger brothers. The kiii-rangbah exercises greater authority and plays a greater role

than other brothers in the affairs of the family.

 6

Kpa: This term refers to the father of the family. He is the executive head of the

family and his life is linked to his wife and children. He is second only to the kiii in

terms of authority in the family. 9 While he is loved and respected by his wife and

children as u kpa u balah u baiai (one who guides and provides), yet it is the kiii who is

de facto controller of the family.

Kiii-synrop: This term is used for classificatory uncles, namely, the younger

brothers of the kiii if he has any. Classificatory uncles are also termed in Khasi as kiii-

khynnah (young uncles). They do have some influence on their nephews and nieces.

Kpa-synrop: The term is used to indicate the classificatory fathers, namely, the

elder or younger brother/s of the father of a family. In Khasi there is a title for each of

them: Pa-heh (eldest brother), Pa-deng (middle brother), Pa-khynnah (younger brother)

and Pa-duh (youngest brother). They also have some influence on the family although

not as much as the classificatory uncles.

Patriarchy and matriliny: Patriarchy refers to the system where the father or some

other male acts as head of the family and takes all important decisions on behalf of his

family. In Khasi society it refers to the authority and control of the kiii (mother's

brother) over his kurlkpoh members and that of the kpa in his family. Matriliny is a form

of kinship structure where family trees are organized around females with all children

becoming members oftheir mother's descent group. 10

 7

1.4. SCOPE OF mE STUDY

The present study deals with an important aspect of Khasi family structure, namely, the

roles of the kiii (uncle) and the kpa (father). There is a gradual transition of roles

between these two traditional institutions. So far no extensive study has been made on

this particular development in Khasi society.

The data collected from the two sample localities and from other independent

sources, will form the basis of this study. The study will also try to understand the

factors (endogenous and exogenous) responsible for such transition. Further, the study

will examine the impact the transition has on Khasi family and clan in particular and on

Khasi society in generaL

1.5. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The main objectives of this study are as follows:

a) To study the changing patriarchy from kiii (maternal uncle) to the father (kpa)

in the Khasi society. This is a socio-cultural phenomenon that is taking place today

especially in urban and semi-urban areas.

b) To understand the process of this transformation as it is being seen and felt

'today. To identify both the endogenous and the exogenous factors t~at are facilitating

such transformations.
 8

1.6. REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Before we undertake an investigation into the problem of this research, it is necessary to

have a review of literature. As far as the knowledge of the present researcher goes, no

serious study till date has been done on patriarchy in the matrilineal Khasi society. This

is evident from the following review of literature on this society. However, as far as

cultural movements are concerned, there have been quite a few significant ones in the

past few decades. For this reason, we need to review these movements and their

objectives as well so as to have a complete picture of the problem in hand.

1.6.1. Scholarly Works

McLennan ( 1865) proposes a theory that matriarchy was a primitive system in society

due to the practice of what he termed "rude polyandry" wherein it was easier to establish

kinship systems from blood relationships traced through women.

According to Maine ( 1906), patriarchy was the starting point of every social

system. His defen~ ofpatria potestas was based on his theory that male dominance was

a characteristic of any society.

Nakane's (1967) study is perhaps one of the earliest scholarly research on

matriliny in Meghalaya. Her study throws a lot of light on the unique family systems of

the Garos and the K.hasis. Her study on Khasi matriliny shows that the status of a man

who marries the youngest daughter, that is the heiress, is rather weak because in such

cases the management of property and all economic activities are controlled by the
 9

maternal uncle (kiii) or the wife's brother. Even his works are under constant supervision

of this authority. If the kiii resides in the same family, the children appear to be more

attached and obedient to him than to their father.u The man (fa!her) in this kind of

family situation lives in constant relational tension with his in-laws. 12 On the other hand

the status of a man who marries a non-heiress, is stable and better established and his

parental authority is stable. 13 Men who marry non-heiress are able to establish new i"ng

(house) and are not dependent on natal mg. As such, the maternal uncles (kiii) do not

usually meddle in their family affairs. Thus the husbands in such families enjoy more

independence and authority. 14

Gurdon (1975) speaks of the father in Khasi family as one who is addressed as U

Thawlang or one who creates together. Even after his death he is revered by the family

as U Thawlang and propitiation is offered to him.

Mawrie ( 1981) opines that the matrilineal system has been practised by the

Khasis since time immemorial. According to him lineage is traced through women

because God himself created the ancestress to expand the Khasi race. 15 Secondly, the

Khasi ancestress is considered as complementing the Godhead and in prayers she is

always mentioned next to God. 16 Thirdly, since men were often engaged in wars and had

no time to look after the family affairs, so the women were endowed with the right to

lineage and the management of the families. 17 The Khasi man when he enters into

marriage always seeks for offspring. He considers this as a proof of his virility and a

favourable sign from God. 18 It is a strong Khasi custom that the child or children of a

woman pay a traditional homage to their meikha (mother of the husband). This brings
 lO

joy and honour to the parents of the man. This custom is known as ka nguh meikha

pakha. Thus when the couple has no children it is a cause of sorrow for the meikha and

this is looked upon as a sort of curse from God.

Mawrie (1983) also writes about the origin of family, clan, religion and culture.

In a section on the Khasi institutions of uncle and father, 19 the author throws important

insights into the origin of family, but the discussion on concepts of kiii and kpa is very

skeletal. Regarding the kiii 's role, it is simply said that he is responsible for his clan

members from their birth to their death.

Das Gupta (1989) is of the opinion that the Khasi man does not enjoy the same

status that his wife enjoys in the family_2° He is usually considered only as a begetter

(shongkha). If he happens to marry the last daughter of the family (khatduh), his status

and role is even less. The author comments on the better position of the husband in War

K.hasi areas where the man wields greater authority over his wife and children. 21

Nongrum (1989) writes about the traditional image and authority of the kiii in his

own clan. In fact, a married man visits his children's house only at night while during

the day he resides in his mother's h~use and he works and earns for his clan members. 22

Among his clan members he exercises great authority and commands respect. He is the

administrator of the ancestral property. He is also the priest of his family and his clan
23
and is hence responsible for the rituals of the clan. The kiii acts as a disciplinarian of
24
his nephews and nieces. He counsels them and at times punishes them for their faults.

The author also speaks about the socio-cultural dilemma because the present day kiii has

lost his status and authority on account of his own fault. 25 The author writes at length
 11

about the traditional image and authority of the kpa among the Khasis. He is referred to

as u ·thaw/ang (procreator) and uba buh ka /ongshynrang /ongkynthei (one who

determines the sexes of children). 26

Sen (1992) brings together some scholarly articles on Khasi family structure as

mentioned here below:

a) "Status of women in traditional Khasi culture" by Juanita War, where the

author writes about the status and role of women especially the khatduh in Khasi family.

The privileged role and authority of the kiii is also referred to here. He is the one who the

author thinks makes the final decisions in family affairs. 27

b) "Women in Khasi Society'' by I. M. Syiem deals with the privileged status of

women in the Khasi matrilineal society. It points out that the position of authority and

control rests in the hands of the maternal uncles and the fathers. 28 The article refers to

the kiii's role as the one responsible for the family/clan rituals.

According to Kuper (1994) with the growth of property and the practice of sons

succeeding as heirs to their fathers' estates, gradually the system of kinship through

males came into existence. Thus patriarchy became a common phenomenon in most

groups of people.

Bareh (1997) in his elaborate study on Khasi culture gives a general view of

family organization, marriage, inheritance etc, and has a small section on kiii and kpa. 29

According to the author, the kiii is the one who plays an important role in family affairs

like the marriage of the clan members in Khasi family.

 12

Chacko (1998) also brings together a collection of scholarly articles on the Khasi

family system which throw abundant light on this issue. The following are the most

important articles which deal with this subject:

a) "The Khasi Concept of Family: Changes in structure and function" by War

throws light on the Khasi concept of family and family structure. It explains elaborately

°
the units ofKhasi society from the micro unit of ing to the macro unit of kur. 3 Further,

it explores the on-going changes in the Khasi family structure and functions due to

modern development and its influencing factors. 31

b) "The Khasi Matriliny: Its Past and its Future" by Lyngdoh makes an
32
enlightening reading on the traditional status and role of the kiii in Khasi society. There

is a discussion on the changing Khasi family and the factors that effect such changes like

Christianity and modernization. According to the author Christianity has not effected

any significant change in Khasi matriliny. 33 The article also deals with various socio-

cultural movements that want to bring about some changes in the present family system.

c) "Some aspects of Change in the Family System of the Khasis" by Mawlong

has great significance for the present research. The article is based on a simple survey in

Shillong. The study shows that there is a strong desire for change in the present family

system. It reveals that men and women feel that the kpa should become the head of the
34
family. The study also shows that most Khasis are opposed to changing matriliny and

that matriliny does not undermine the role of the kpa. It also shows that kni-ship today
35
has become more of a symbolic than a decisive institution. Today Khasi society in both

rural and urban settings is experiencing a lot of changes. Modernization, education,

 13

urbanization, and Christianization have greatly influenced the Khasi family system. The

roles of the Khatduh have also changed considerably.

d) "Changes in the matrilineal system of Khasi-Jaifitia Family" by Passah

explores the traditional roles of the youngest daughter and the uncle in the Khasi-Jaifitia

family. 36 There is also a discussion on the origin and history of different cultural

movements to change the present Khasi family system. 37

e) "The impact of Christianity on the Khasi-Jaifitia matrilineal family" by

Snaitang examines the traditional roles of the kiii and the kpa in Khasi society, where the

former wields tremendous authority while the latter becomes insignificant, "u khun ki

briew" (someone else's son). 38 The article also deals at length with the cultural changes

on Khasi family system brought about by factors like British rule and Christianity.

However, it is seen that these factors have not brought about radical changes in

traditional matriliny, inheritance and system of village administration. 39

"In-law conflicts", Women's reproductive lives and the roles of their mothers

and husbands among the matrilineal Khasi", by Leonetti et al (2007) shows that the

presence of the grandmother (i.e., the mother-in-law) in the household keeps the

husband at the periphery while the status of the father is enhanced by the absence/dead

status of the grandmother. The study reveals that while the mother-in-law takes a

protective stance the husband takes an exploitative stance with regard to the

reproductive woman. 40 The co-residence with her mother gives economic security to the

woman and protects her from her husband's reproductive exploitation but it also

increases divorce. Death of the mother leads to greater dependence and acceptance of
 14

husband as household head. However access to mother's resources may weaken such

dependence. 41

Rapthap (2005) writes about the Khasi hereditary custom. Some sections of the

book, deal with the kfii and his declining role and authority. According to the author, the

causes of the decline of kfii-ship are the following:

a) The emergence of the practice of kamai inglok (earning for the wife) and the

gradual disappearance of kamai ingkur (earning for the kur/kpohling). Because he does

not bring his earnings to his mother's family, the kiii has gradually lost his authority over

the members of his kurlkpohling. 42

b) Since kfii-ship is closely linked to the practice of the traditional religion

wherein the kfii is the priest of the kur/kpohling, therefore with the conversion to

Christianity the role of the kfii has been curtailed.

c) Lastly the author argues that the enactment of the Law of Inheritance by the

British government in 1918 has dealt a blow to the authority of the kfii. Earlier the kfii

had a great say in the administration of ancestral property, but the 1918 law has given
43
the right to property to the khatduh (last daughter).

d) The book also deals with the changing role of the kpa in Khasi society.

According to him, the kpa today displays a greater responsibility towards his children's

upbringing. Consequently, he exercises more authority and influence among his children

than their kiii does. Further he suggests that the authority of the ldii should be transferred

to the kpa. 44
 15

Kharkrang (2012) gives an elaborate description of.Khasi matrilineal system and

its quintessence. At the same time he discusses what he calls "the winds of change" in

the Khasi family system. 45 He discusses the declining image of the kiii and the emerging

figure of the kpa in today' s Khasi family.

As seen above, the studies of McLennan, Maine and Kuper provide a theoretical

backdrop to the family system in human history and the emergence of matriarchy and

patriarchy in society. This theoretical backdrop is essential for a better understanding of

these basic concepts in the present study. In most other studies indicated above, the

discussion is centered around the traditional status and authority of the kiii in contrast to

that of the kpa and also about the matrilineal system of the Khasis. These serve as the

context to this particular study. Such knowledge is essential before we discuss the

present changes. However, some studies need special mention as they relate directly to

the present research. Nakane's study on matriliny is one such study. Her reference to a

man marrying a non-heiress as having a better status as a kpa is perhaps true. However,

the position of a man marrying an heiress has quite changed from the way she describes.

The educational and economic status of the Khasi man today has brought about a

tremendous change of his image in the family. Leonetti et al's study similarly shows that

a man who marries an heiress, where the grandmother is alive, is in a disadvantageous

position because she controls her daughter's reproductive agenda. Death of the

grandmother enables the husband to take a more exploitative stance with regard to his

wife. In cases where the husband commits his full income to his children he is likely to

solicit more allegiance from the wife and exercise more authority. A study done by
 16

Mawlong (1998) is more directly related to my study. Mawlong's study has indicated

that many Khasis are inclined to· accept the changing patriarchy, that is, from the

maternal uncle to the father. Although this is not an exhaustive study, it serves as an

inspiration for the present research. The latest study done by Kharkrang (2012) on Khasi

matriliny where he discusses the emerging status and role of the kpa in the present Khasi

family, provides further inspiration to my present research. This particular study is quite

an exhaustive discussion on the changing concept of patriarchy. As such it provides a

perfect background to the present study.

1.6.2. Novels

The cultural discourse on patriarchy in Khasi society has found conflicting voice in

Khasi literature. While the Khasi society is patriarchal, many prominent Khasi novelists

have indicated a precarious position of men in Khasi society. This is seen in the

following novels and dramas.

Tiewsoh (1975) depicts the ideal image of a Khasi father of the family, one who

commands respect and love through his good character and devotion, in the novel Kam

Kalbut in the character ofU Melkhan. He is a father who laboured hard for his family.

He even adopts the role of his children's kiii in the engagement of his daughter Ritila. 46

Nongrum (1988) depicts the less privileged position of male children in a Khasi

family. The story shows how the parents of Lurstep coerced him to discontinue his

education in order to make him work in the field while his sister Soni is being pampered

by her parents. 47 We also see a typical Khasi father, Shemphang, who has no control
 17

over the situation. However, in volume II of the novel we see Lurstep as an ideal kiii

who wanted to safeguard. the well being of his sister.48 He also proves himself to be an

ideal father who is responsible and industrious.

Synrem (1986) shows the father of Pynnehmon as.a man of integrity, one who

loves his family and acts responsibly. He cares for his children and admonishes them

regularly. 49 However, he is gradually depreciated by his wife till the point of being sent

back to his clan members. At the same time Pynnehmon, the khatduh, tries to get rid of

her eldest brother (kiii) from her house. 50 The novel shows that the Khasi father

undergoes tremendous psychological stress on account of being ignored and being

deprived of his proper status and role in the family. He develops an inferiority complex

when he sees that his children do not care for him as much as they do for their mother.

Sten (1989) shows that if there is no offspring marriage breaks off for the

husband is not easily satisfied with adopted children. This is well depicted in the novel

Kwah Bymjukut where U Abi becomes disenchanted with his wife Ka Pura because she

is barren. 51

Pde (1991) shows how a Khasi father is capable of being responsible and dutiful

towards his family. Bianglang, the father of Wandashisha, continues to look after his

daughter even after his wife's death. He remains a widower in order to bring her up with

utmost care. 52
 18

1.6.3. Plays

Jala (2010) depicts the struggle for control of the family between the kni (maternal

uncle) and the father of the family, which characterizes the Khasi society today in the

drama Haba ka Kupar jot ka Dawa where the father U Ksan Umteng comes at

loggerheads with his son Jwain over his authority in the family. 53

Pde (1987) shows that given the chance a Khasi father is capable of showing

great devotion and responsibility towards his family. He has .great concern for his

children's welfare as is seen in the drama Yn Map? where the father U Kyrshan displays

great devotion to this two sons, U Donbor and U Wanbor. 54

Dkhar's (2002) drama tells the tragic story ofBanlum as an lllV/AIDS patient

who unknowingly infected his wife and child with his disease. He is however shown as

someone who in spite of odds has love for his family and an urge to bring up his

children in a proper way. He feels remorse for his past sins and the fate he has brought

~ "ly. 55
upon hi s 1am1

In general Khasi literature tries to depict a positive image of the father. However,

there is conscious attempt to indicate the weak position of a Khasi father in his family.

The bipolar tension between him and the kni is often depicted as a great disadvantage for

the family.

1.6.4. Contemporary Movements

The post-British period saw a few socio-cultural movements among the Khasis. In the

beginning it was more of a reaction against the cultural depreciation under the colonial
 19

rule. Of late, movements have emerged which attempt to address the challenges of

socio-cultural changes in the society especially the one related to patriarchy.

a) Seng lktiar Longbriew-manbriew (1961)

Ka Seng Iktiar Longbriew-Manbriew (SIL) was actually started in Sohra in 1939. Their

constitution published in 1961, states:

a) That the kpa should have full authority in his family and that the wife should

only be his help-mate.

b) That in the absence of the kpa the eldest son should assume authority and if he

is no longer alive then the second son takes over and then the third and so on.

c) That ifthere are no sons, the eldest daughter should step into the kpa 's shoes.

d) That parents should have the power to make wills for their children.

e) That laws should be enacted to regulate marriages towards orderly family and

social life. 56

The constitution provides for a radical change in Khasi lineage system and the

right of inheritance. The movement however could not make much headway. In the

course of time, some of its members wanted a change only in the right of inheritance and

not in lineage. 57

b) Syngkhong Rympei ThynutUli (1990)

The issue of the role of the father in Khasi family has not remained in books or in the

academic circles, but has also caught the attention of the society at large. It has assumed
 20

a lot of socia~ political and cultural importance in modem Khasi society. In 1990 a

group of enlightened Khasis came together to form an organization called Ka Syngkhong

Rympei Thymmai (New Family System). This is a movement for change from matriliny

to patriliny.

The constitution of Ka Syngkhong Rympei Thymmai has the following objectives.

i) To empower the father of the family to be the head of his own wife and children and

that his wife should be his strong support.

ii) That the lineage of the family should henceforth be from the father's side and no

longer from the mother.

iii) That the family property be equally divided among the sons and daughters.

However, the daughter will lose her share of the property if she marries a non-Khasi.

iv) That the eldest son of the family will assume the responsibility of looking after the

parents.

v) If the wife is harassed and persecuted by her husband the woman's parents or

brothers and sisters have the right to recall her. She has the right to be protected by

her relatives.

vi) Any man who leaves his wife has the obligation to look after her well being until she

is married to another person and has her own family. 58

The preamble to its constitution says, ''to unite the people for generations to

come ... the role of the man is very vital in the family. Therefore we have to empower the

father of the faMily and give him full responsibility over his wife, his children, his
 21

family, family property and lineage so that there is uniformity among people and the

country may be united".

Today more and more Khasis have become conscious of the need of such

changes in the family. This movement is becoming popular and gaining support.

c) Mait Shaphrang Movement (MSM)

This is a socio-cultural movement of some literate Khasis whose objective is to reform

the society on the basis of the modem development. This group has spearheaded the

movement for reform and rejuvenation of Khasi culture and tradition especially those

connected with family life. In recent years the MSM has pressurized the government to

consider the introduction of two bills, namely, Registration of Marriage Act and

Equitable Distribution of Self Acquired and Ancestral Property Act. The first Act would

help regularize marriages and become a deterrent for divorces while the second Act
59
would empower male children and enable them to cope with the challenges of life.

1.6.5. Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC) Acts/Bills

The Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC) was created on 26th January

1950 under the provision of the 6th Schedule of the Indian Constitution. Its objective is

to safeguard the traditions and customs of the Khasi people and to uphold their

traditional democratic system. For the last many decades this institution has been

playing a major role in the socio-cultural life of the Khasi people. The KHADC has been
 22

able to formulate many policies on behalf of the people. Some of the policies which

have a great influence on the life of the Khasi people are discussed below:

a) Khasi Social Custom ofLineage Act of 1997

This Bill was passed by the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC) on 13th

March 1997 and it received the assent of the Governor on 23rd February 2005. It was

then published as an Act in the Gazette ofMeghalaya on 25th February 2005. The Act is

significant as it deals with important issues related to the Khasi society and culture, viz;

a) Definition of who a Khasi is by tradition and law. This clarifies the identity of

a Khasi as differentiated from other people. 60

b) The Act also specifies the concept and practice of Tang-jait and the role of the

kiii in this traditional ceremony. 61

c) This Act clarifies the criteria for a Khasi lineage like being born of a Khasi

mother and following the Khasi custom and tradition. Observing the matrilineal system

is considered as an indispensable criterion for a person to be considered a Khasi. In fact,

the Act also mentions the criteria leading to the loss ofKhasi status. 62

This Act is of great value and significance with respect to the preservation of the

Khasi matrilineal system which is at the core of Khasi culture itself. The stability of this

system ensures the relevance of the different traditional institutions like kiii-ship.

Moreover, it also clearly defines the status and role of the kiii and kpa in a Khasi family.
 23

b) Village Administration Bill, 2011

.
This was placed for discussion in the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council

(KHADC) in 2011 but is yet to become an Act in order to become operative. The Bill as

the name suggests, is meant to safeguard the traditional democratic administration of

Khasi villages. The foreword to the Bill speaks about the value-based Khasi
63
administrative system in contrast to the post-modem materialistic governance. Some

important and relevant aspects of the Bill are:

i) The Bill speaks about Dorbar-shnong (village council) and specifies the

traditional role, powers and responsibilities of this council. 64

ii) In the section on election and nomination of the rangbah-shnong (headman),

the Bill has made provisions to ensure that only Khasis are eligible to this post. In clause

7(b) it makes provision for a kiii or prominent member of a clan to assume the office of

rangbah-shnong. 65

iii) The Bill has adequately specified the status, authority and responsibilities of

the rangbah-shnong, dorbar shnong (village council) and the village development

council. 66

This Bill in itself has got many positive aspects with regard to the status and

authority of a Khasi man in society. By upholding the traditional role of the village

democratic system, the Bill indirectly empowers the Khasi males who would either be a

kiii or a kpa or both in any Khasi family or clan. This Bill which could become law in

the near future, would have tremendous impact on the status and authority of the Khasi
 24

males. It would at the same time safeguard the traditional patriarchal dimension of Khasi

social system.

The above review of literature gives a bird's eye view of the problem under

investigation. It is evident that the socio-cultural changes that the Khasi soci~y is

experiencing, especially the arrival of Christianity, modernization and the interaction

with other cultures, has caused a lot of conflict between tradition and change.

1. 7. METHODOLOGY OF THE PRESENT STUDY

To study the specific problem selected for this particular research on Khasi society, we

have identified two villages as sample. To represent the rural Khasi population, Marbisu

village has been identified while Mawlai-Mawroh has been chosen to represent the

urban Khasi population. Marbisu has been deliberately chosen because of its sizable

number of Khasis who still uphold the traditional religion. Mawroh on the other hand

·has been chosen to represent the urban Khasi population.

1.7.1. The Population

For collection of data different parameters are considered, namely: (i) age, (ii) sex, (iii)

religion, (iv) education (v) socio-economic status.

Questionnaires were served on a total of 500 persons in Marbisu and 300 in

Mawroh. However, only 397 (that is 79.4%) responded from Marbisu and 205 (that is
 25

68.3%) from Mawroh. Therefore the total number of respondents for the present study is

602.

1.7.2. Profile of the Respondents

In order to secure the required results of the analysis, the profile of the respondents

chosen for this study consists of the following:

a) Men-women distribution

Table 1.1 below provides us the man-woman distribution of respondents in both Marbisu

and Mawroh. It is evident that the women respondents are more than the men

respondents. In Marbisu out of the total of 397, 239. (60.2%) are women and 158

(39.8%) are men. In Mawroh out of the total205 respondents, 133 (64.90/o) are women

while 72 (35.1%) are men. Thus, ofthe total sample population of602 respondents, 372

(that is 61.8% of the total percentage) are women and 230 (that is 38.2% of the total

percentage) are men.

Table 1.1 - Marbisu/Mawroh - Gender distribution of respondents

To whom the
questionnaires were
Men-women who
responded to the
I
Villages served questionnaire
Men Women Men Women
Malbisu 245 255 158 239
49.0 51.0 39.8 60.2
Mawroh 146 154 72 133
48.7 51.3 35.1 68.9
Total 391 409 230 372
48.9 51.1 38.2 61.8
 26

b) Age

Table 1.2 gives us the age groups of the respondents. The respondents have been

grouped under (i) 15 to 35, (ii) 36 to 55 and (iii) 56 and more. As the table indicates

most of the respondents fall under the first age group. Thus of the total602 respondents

in both villages, 414 (68.8%) belong to the first age group, 128 (21.3%) belong to the

second age group while 60 (9.9%) belong to the third age group.

Table 1.2 - Marbisu!Mawroh - Age of respondents

Age of respondents
Villages
15-35 36-55 56 and more
Marbisu 250 107 40
63.0 27.0 10.0
Mawroh 164 21 20
80.0 10.2 9.8
Total 414 128 60
68.8 21.3 9.9

c) Religion

Table 1.3 indicates the religious affinity ofthe respondents in both the localities. In both

majority of the respondents are Christians, in Marbisu 325 (81. 90/o) are christians and

only 72 (18.1%) profess the traditional Khasi religion. In Mawroh instead, 191 (93.2%)

are Christians and only 14 (6.8%) belong to the traditional religion. Thus of the total

sample group of602 respondents, 516 (85.7%) are Christians and 86 (14.3%) profess the

traditional religion.
 27

Table 1.3 - Marbisu/Mawroh - Religion of respondents

Religion of respondents
Villages
Christian Traditional
religion
Marbisu 325 72
81.9 18.1
Mawroh 191 14
93.2 6.8
Total 516 86
85.7 14.3

d) Education

Table 1.4 indicates the educational background of the respondents. The table shows that

literacy is higher in Mawroh than in Marbisu. While post graduates and graduates of the

total sample stands at 112 (28.2%), most of the respondents are in the category of higher

secondary.

Table 1.4 - Marbisu!Mawroh - Educational qualifications of respondents

Villages Educational Qualification of respondent

Post Gradua- XI-XII V-X I-N Illite-

Gradua- tion· rate
tion
Marbisu 8 69 85 135 68 32
2.0 17.4 21.4 34.0 17.1 8.1
Mawroh 10 26 108 44 8 9
4.9 12.7 52.7 21.5 3.9 4.4
Total 17 95 193 179 76 41
2.8 15.8 32.1 29.8 12.6 6.8
 28

e) Occupation

Table 1.5 indicates the occupations of the respondents in both localities. The total

number of government employees is 54 (9.00/o), those engaged in business are 58

(9.6%), the farmers number 56 (9.3%). Those engaged in other·types of work form the

majority of the respondents, 434 persons (72.1%). 67

Table 1~5 - Marbisu/Mawrob - Occupation of respondents

Occupation of the respondents

Villages
Govt Business Farmer Others
Employee
Marbisu 31 54 39 273
7.8 13.6 9.8 68.8
Mawroh 23 4 17 161
11.2 2.0 8.3 78.5
Total 54 58 56 434
9.0 9.6 9.3 72.1

1. 7.3. Tools used

In pursuing the research and in collecting the required data, the following tools

were employed by the investigator:

1) Questionnaire

2) Interview schedule
 29

1.7.4. Data CoUection

Step I- Formulating the first draft of the Questiormaire

In formulating the questionnaire, first of all, the researcher had recourse to an open blue

sky method wherein questions were noted at random keeping in mind the theme of the

research. After this, they were grouped together under various sub-themes. This was

followed by the process of shortlisting wherein inappropriate questions were rejected.

Finally, 64 questions were selected and were grouped under 6 sub titles. The sub-titles

which are as follows:

I. Biodata (7 questions)

II. Image of the kiii among the Khasis (12 questions)

III. Status of the kiii today (15 questions)

IV. Role of the kiii today (9 questions)

V. Status of the kpa today (14 questions)

VI. Role of the kpa today (7 questions)

Each question had options for respondents.' Sections II, m and V had three

response options (Agree, Disagree and Can't Say). Sections IV and VI had three

response options (Always, Seldom, Never). Therefore the questionnaire was a closed-

ended one. The questionnaire was prepared in Khasi to enable all respondents to

understand it properly.
 30

Step II- Seeking experts' opinion on the Questionnaire

When the first draft of the questionnaire was prepared as described above, it was given

to three experts to obtain their opinions. The feedback in general was positive but it was

suggested to reduce the number of questions from 64 to 58. As per this suggestion, the

questions in each section were reduced as follows:

I. Biodata (7 questions)

IT. Image of the kiii among the Khasis (11 questions)

ITI. Status of the kiii today (14 questions)

IV. Role of the kiii today (8 questions)

V. Status of the kpa today (12 questions)

VI. Role of the kpa today (6 questions)

This second draft was then approved by the research guide and the final draft

was prepared for use.

Step III- Trial of the Questionnaire

This second draft of the questionnaire was then used on a trial basis. It was served to 20

persons (10 in Marbisu and 10 in Mawroh). The trial was meant to ascertain the validity,

comprehensibility and relevance of the questionnaire. The result indicated that all the

three criteria were satisfactorily met. The responses indicated that they understood the

questions accurately.
 31

Step IV- Final draft of the Questionnaire

Based on the outcome of the trial round, the questionnaire was finalized. Four questions

were found to be redundant and so they were deleted from the list. The final

questionnaire had 54 questions as follow:

I. Biodata (7 questions)

II. Image of the ldii among the Khasis (10 questions)

Ill. Status of the ldii today (13 questions)

IV. Role of the ldii today (7 questions)

V. Status of the kpa today (11 questions)

VI. Role of the kpa t~day (6 questions)

ii) Interview Schedule

Regarding the interview schedule, the investigator had prepared a schedule consisting of

22 questions. T.he details of the schedule are given in Table 1.6 below:

Table 1.6 - Category of Questions

Category of questions Number i

1. Questions on Kiii 7
2. Questions on Kiii synrop (classificatory uncles) 5
3. Questions on Kpa (father) 6
4. Questions on Kpa synrop (classificatory fathers) 4
Total no. of Questions 22
 32

The interview schedule was prepared both in Khasi and English. It was intended

for oral as well as written responses.

1.8. DELIMITATION OF THE STUDY

a) Since the problem under investigation is an on-going socio-cultural reality, it is

impossible to reach at a definitive conclusion. Therefore, this study cannot claim to

make a final call on the issue. However, it throws sufficient light on this cultural

phenomenon that the Khasi society is going through.

b) The study is limited to two sample localities, Marbisu and Mawlai-Mawroh, a

few selected Khasi eminent persons, a few indigenous cultural movements: Seng Khasi,

Syngkhong Rympei Thymmai and Maitshaphrang Movement and also the legal

documents on issues related to Khasi family lineage and inheritance procured from the

Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC).

c) Since this problem has not been dealt extensively by anyone so far, except for a

few indirect references to it, there is a limitation of available resources which could have

helped to deepen our understanding of the issue. Therefore, much of the data collected

have come from field research by way of responses to questionnaires and interviews.
 33

NOTES

1
Cf H. 0. Mawrie, Ka Longing Longsem u Khun Khasi Kharo. Shiliong: Tmissilda Soh, 1983, 93.
2
Richard A. Delio Buono, "Patriarchy versus Matriarchy", in Fillllk H. Magill (ed) International Encyclopedia q(
Sociology, vol. 2. New Delhi: S. Chand & Company Ltd, 2000, 923.
3
J. War, "The Khasi Concept of Family: Changes in Structure and Function", in P. M Chacko ( ed) Matriliny in
Meghalaya: Tradition and Change. New Delhi: Regency Publications, 1998.
4
S. Sngi. Lyngdoh, "The Khasi Matrliny: Its Past and Its Future", in P. M Chacko (ed) Matriliny in Meghalaya:
Tradition and Change.
5
Cf. H. Bareh, The History and Culture ofthe Khasi People. Guwabati: Spectrum Publications, 1997, 404.
6
Cf.Ibid.
7
Cf.lbid., 405.
8
Cf. Ibid., 286.
9
Cf. P.R. T. Gtmlon, The Khasis. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1975,78-79.
10
Delio Buono, "Patriarchy versus Matriarchy'', in Frank H. Magill (ed) International Encyclopedia of Sociology,
vol. 2, 923.
11
Cf. C. Nak;me, Garoand Klrasi: A Comparative Study in Matrilineal Systems. Paris: Mouton & Co., 1967, 125.
12
Cf. Ibid., 126.
13
Cf.lbid., 129.
14
Cf. Ibid., 130.
15
Cf. H.O. Mawrie, KhasiMillieu (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Comapany, 1981) p. 70.
16
Cf. Ibid., 71.
17
Cf.lbid., 12.
18
Cf. Ibid., 65.
19
Cf. H. 0. Mawrie, Ka Longing Longsem u Khun Khasi Kharo. Nongkrem: Tmissilda Soh, 1983, 93-95.
2
°
21
Cf. P. Das Gupta, Life and Culture ofMarilineal Tribe ofMeghalaya, 81.
Cf./bid., 84.
22
Cf. Norbert N. Nongrum, Ka Main u Slrynrrmg Khasi. Mawkyrwat: Nativity Parish, 1989, 5.
23
Cf Ibid., 6.
24
Cf.lbid., 10.
25
Cf.lbid., 18.
26
Cf. Ibid., 27.
27
Cf. J. War, "Status of women in traditional Khasi culture", inS. Sen (ed) Women in Meghalaya. Delhi: Daya
Publishing House, 1992, 16. ·
28
Cf. I. M. Syiem, ''Women in Kbasi Society'', inS. Sen (ed) Women inMeghalaya, 23.
29
Cf. H. Bareb, The History and Culture ofthe Khasi People, 301-302.
30
Cf J. War, "The Khasi Concept of Family: Changes in structure and fimction" in P.M. Chacko (ed)Matriliny in
Meghalaya: Tradition and Change, 18-25.
31
Cf. Ibid., pp. 26-29.
32
Cf. S. Sngi Lyngdoh, "The Kbasi Matriliny: Its Past and its Future", in Matriliny in Meghalaya, 32-34.
33
Cf.lbid., 41.
34
Cf. A. Mawlong, "Some aspects of Change in the Family System of the Khasis", in Matriliny in Meghalaya, 85-86.
35
Cf. Ibid., pp. 87-88.
36
Cf. P. Passah, "Changes in the matrilineal system ofKhasi-JaintiaFamily'', inMatriliny inMeghalaya, 14-15.
37
Cf.lbid., 76-78.
38
Cf. 0. L. Snaitang, ''The impact of Christianity on the Khasi-Jaintia matrilineal family", in Matriliny inMeghalaya,
55-58.
39
Cf.lbid., 67.
40
Cf Donna L. Leonetti, D. C. Nath & N. S. Hemam., "In-law conflicts", Women's reproductive lives and the roles
of their mothers and husbands among the matrilineal Khasi", in CUITrmt Anthropology, 48(2007), 863.
41
C( Ibid., p. 864.
42
Cf. K. Rapthap, Kajingbymneh spah bod ka Kheifljait. Shillong: Khasi Book Parlour, 2005,53.
43
Cf. Ibid., 55.
 34

44
Cf Ibid., 45-41.
45
R. Kharlmmg. Matn1iny on the March: A closer look at the family system. past and present of the Khasis in
Meghalaya. Shillong: Vendrame Institute Publications, 2012, 96.
46
Cf W. Tiewsoh, Kam Kalbut. Shillong: Ri-Khasi Book Agency, 2009,6.
47
Cf K W. Nongrum, Balei Tang !a I Thei? Vol. I. Shillong: K. W. Nongrum, 1988, 4-6.
48
Cf K W. Nongrum,Balei Tang Ia !Thei? Vol. II. Shillong: K.W. Nongrum, 1988,73.
49
Cf S. Synrem, Ki Palong knJingbiej. Shillong: Ri Khasi Book Agency, 1986, 10.
50
Cf Ibid., 58-59.
51
Cf Sten, Kwah Bym Ju Kut,. Shillong: H. W. Sten, 1989,20-21.
52
Cf L. H. Pde, Tang maphi khun baieid. Shillong: L. H. Pde, 1991, 113-114.
53
Cf A Jala, Haba ka lalpar-jot ka dawa. Shillong: Ri Khasi Book Agency, 2010, 39-42.
54
Cf. L. H. Pde, YnMap'!. Shillong: L. H. Pde, 1987,2-4.
55
S. Dkhar, U Banlum bad ka Baia. Shillong: J. S. Dkhar, 2002, 69/
56
Cited in R. Kharkrang, Matriliny on the March, 131-132.
51
Cf. P. Passah, Changes in the matrilineal system ofKhasi-Jaintia family", in Matriliny in Meghalaya, 77.
58
Cf Syngkhong Rympei Thymmai, Constitution qfthe Syngkhong Rympei Tlrymmai. Shillong: SRT, 1990,2-3.
59
cf. "Dawa ka Mait Shaphrang na ki MLA ban wanrah aiil shongkha shougman", in.Mawphor(November 27, 2009),
3.
60
Cf. KHADC, Khasi Social Custom qf Lineage Act 1997 in The Gazette ofMegha/aya, no. 22 (Shillong, Februaiy
25, 2005), 4.
61
Cf. Ibid., 4-5.
62
Cf. Ibid., 9.
63
Cf. Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC), "Fore\Wrd" to the Draft of The Village Administration
Bill, 2011. Shillong: KHADC, 2011,2.
64
Cf Ibid., 5-6.
65
Cf. Ibid., 8.
66
Cf. Ibid., 5-11.
67
This group consists of persons employed as teachers and daily wagers like masons, building workers, cleaners etc.
 35

CHAPTER2

The Socio-Cultural Fabric of Khasi Society

2.1. INTRODUCTION

The Khasis 1 form one of the predominant tribes ofNortheast India They are found in

the eastern portion ofthe state ofMeghalaya, in the present districts of East and West

Khasi Hills, Ri Bhoi and Jaifttia Hills. They are a group of people who belong to the

Mon-Khmer linguistic family. They migrated to the present location hundreds of

years ago. Due to the absence of written history, nothing is known with accuracy

about their past life. Much of what we know about them has come down through oral

tradition in folktales, legends and songs.

The Khasis, as an ethnic group, differ in many aspects from the other tribes of

Northeast India R T. Rymbai, a well-known Khasi author, says that "the Khasis are
2
an island by themselves". Their language, culture, dress and physical features are

quite distinct from other tribes in the region. They are by nature a mountainous tribe

and they live in isolated pockets of the region. As a consequence of this geographical

isolation, a number of dialects were created among them. They have a religion of

their own known as Ka Niam Khasi (Khasi Religion). The history of their religion

and culture is surrounded by numerous legends, myths and folk-tales. These legends

were handed down from one generation to the next through oral tradition until the

second half of the 1cJh century when they adopted the Roman script and began to

preserve their cultural heritage in black and white. 3 One of the notable aspects of the

Khasis is their political life which is intricately woven into their socio-cultural and
 36

religious life. This has helped them to preserve their own political system up to this

day. 4

2.2. GEOGRAPIDCAL DISTRIBUTION

The Khasi and J aifitia Hills districts together oceupy an area of 14,117 sq. km, that is

about two thirds of the entire state ofMeghalaya .s To the North ofKhasi and Jaifitia

Hills lie the plains of Assam, in the West lie the Garo Hills and in the South lies

Bangladesh To the East of Jaifitia Hills lie Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills

districts of Assam. This region is characterized by a wide variety of terrain. In the

southern part, the hills are high and they form deep gorges which act as a natural

boundary with Bangladesh. This region is usually referred to as the War area In the

central part is situated the Shillong plateau composed of the oldest Archean rock
6
formation This part is referred to as the Nongphlang (grassland) region. Towards

the north, the hills ebb away into the plains of Assam. This region forms the so-

called Bhoi region which has a climate similar to that of the plains of Assam. The

summers are very warm while the winters are severe.

The western region of the Khasi Hills is popularly known as the Maharam

(Maram) and Lyngngam region The Jaifitia Hills district is situated in the eastern

part and it is still the largest district. The whole region of Khasi and Jaifitia Hills has

a network of rivers and rivulets which criss-cross between hills and valleys. Almost

all these rivers have their origin in the central plateau. Most of them flow to

Bangladesh in the south while others flow to the north and join the great

Brahmaputra in Assam. Some of the biggest, well known and legendary rivers are:
 37

ii
•
~

=
rJ:J.
~
~
~
<
rJ:J. <
rJ:J. ~

< ~
z
<
=
 38

Ka Umiam, Ka Umngot, Ka Umkhen, Ka Kynshi, Ka Umkhen in Khasi Hills and Ka

7
Myntdu, Ka Kupli in the Jaiiitia Hills.

Besides their traditional habitat in the Khasi and Jaiiitia Hills, there are some

pockets of Khasi settlement in the state of Assam and also along the Bangladesh

border. The Khasi population found in the four districts of East Khasi Hills, West

Khasi Hills, Ri Bhoi and Jaiiitia Hills districts, is approximately 1.5 million. The

largest part of the population is found in East Khasi Hills district especially in the

urban area of Shillong and its periphery.

According to the census of 2011, the population in the four districts is as

8
shown in the following table:

Table 2.1 - Population Distribution in Khasi & Jaintia Hills

Districts Male Female Total

Area Pop % Pop 0/o

East Khasi Hills 2820sq. km 410360 49.8 413699 50.2 824059

West Khasi Hills 5247sq. km 194628 50.5 190973 49.5 385601

Jaiiitia Hills 3819 sq. km 195641 49.8 197211 50.2 392852

Ri Bhoi 2448sq. km 132445 51.3 125935 48.7 258380

2.3. KIIASIS AND THEIR SUB-GROUPS

The Khasis as a tribe is composed of many sub-groups, divided principally on

ground of geographical factors. In the past, each group lived almost independently
 39

from the rest. The absence of a common language also added to this sense of

dependence and cultural isolation. Today with the influence of education and

globalization a great sense of unity and common identity has emerged. However,

these sub-groups still exists. These sub-groups are the following:

a) The Nongphlang or Khynriam

This sub-group of Khasis is found in the central region of the Khasi Hills in the

Shillong plateau region A large portion of this population is concentrated in the city

of Shillong. They speak Khasi. 9 Their main occupation is cultivation10 although in

the urban area many are employed in government offices or in other urban-based

occupations.

b) The Marams and Lyngngams

These sub-groups of Khasis are fmmd in the western part of the Khasi Hills. The

Marams live in the old Maharam kingdom The Lyngngams on the other hand are a

little distinct from the Marams. They are a sub-group of Khasis who have been

influenced to a great extent, by the Garos in both their language and culture. 11

c) The Bhois

This sub-group of Khasis inhabit the northern part of the Khasi Hills in the region of

Nongpoh, Umsning, Mawbri, Byrnihat, Umk:ador etc. This region is adjacent to the

plains of Assam and the climate is warmer than in the central plateau of Khasi and
 40

Jaintia Hills. 12 The people speak a dialect of their own called 'Bhoi dialect' which

has many elements of Pnar dialect and they have their own socio-cultural practices. 13

The Bhois in the early years were nomadic in character and they loved to shift their

habitation from place to place. 14 In the Bhoi area there is another sub-group known

as the Marngar who have tried to associate themselves with the Khasis. They are

actually a hybrid group resulting from mixed marriages between the Bhois and the

Rabhas. 15

d) The Jaifitias or Pnars

They are found in the Jaiiitia Hills district. According to some legends, the Pnars

migrated from Bhoi region. 16 This group has maximum influence from the people of

the plains. This is seen in the elements of their religion, in their dresses and in their

customs. They speak a dialect called Pnar or Synteng. 17 Their main occupation is

agriculture. 18 However, in the last few decades, coal mining has become a major

occupation for many of them.

e) The War

Among the War people, the Khasis make a distinction between the War of Khasi

Hills and those of Jaifitia Hills. The former group is generally called War Khasi,

while the latter group is referred to as War Synteng. The Wars are found mainly in

the southern part of both Khasi and Jaifitia Hills along the border of Bangladesh.

They have assimilated a lot of elements from the plains. They speak a dialect of their

own which is rather difficult to understand for other sub-groups ofKhasis. They live
 41

by plantations of areca nut, betel leaf, spices, fruits etc and also by trading with

Bangladesh.

f) The Nongtung, Nongphyllut and Khyrwang

The Nongtung are found mostly in the northern part of Ri Bhoi bordering the Assam

district of Karbi Anglong. The other two groups are found mostly in North Jaii\tia

bordering Karbi Anglong. Some villages fall under Block I, Block II areas

constituted after Independence and they are still under Assam today. 19 Of late, two

such villages have been discovered in the Tamenglong district of Manipur?0 The

people there live by cultivation, plantation, timber lumbering as well as by trade.

Fig. 2.2 below gives us a clearer idea about the various sub-groups of the

Khasi people. As indicated the Nongphlang. Pnars, Mararns and the Bhois form the

principal sub-groups. Among the War people, those of Khasi Hills are to be

differentiated from those of Jaii\tia Hills.

Figure 2.2 - The Khasis and their su•Groups

-War Jaintia
- Khyrwang Noogtung
Noogpbyllut
M~ar
 42

Some authors like Hamlet Bareh have mentioned only four sub-groups,

namely, the Khynriams, Pnars, Bhois and the Wars. 21 This division is however too

simple and generic. The term Khynriam actually is a generic name given to people

residing in the Khasi Hills (East, West Khasi Hills and Ri Bhoi). The common

identity of these groups is traditionally associated with their common origin, namely,

that they belong to the family ofU Hyniiiew-trep hynftiew-skum (the seven families).

The most evident attempt at separation has been between the Khasis of Khasi Hills

district and the Pnars of Jaiiitia Hills. Today however, some enlightened people have

come out to sort out such misconceived differences and to emphasize their common

identity. 22

It is the opinion of many scholars that the term Khasi is applicable to all sub-

groups mentioned above. The distinction is only territorial. The differences in

dialects, economy, social usage and political organization are due to ecological and

politico-historical conditions of the groups. However, they share the same origin,

language, social structure and culture. 23

2.4. ORIGIN OF THE KIIASIS

The Khasis as a people do not quite know about their history except for the popular

legends that have been passed on. In fact, nothing is known about their history prior

to the arrival of the British. Their political history was known only from around 1500

AD and that too written by the British colonialists. 24 The Modem ethnologists and

anthropologists are quite perplexed about the origin of this people. According to
 ··::.~!···:~~~tz::.;·
:,Fial~ayo

~
~

Tribes distribution
East Khasi Hills- Nongphlangs, War Khasi
West Khasi Hills- Marams, Lyngngams BANGLADESH
Jaintia Hills- Pnars, War Jaintia, Khyrwang
Ri Bhoi - Bhois, Nongtung. Nongphyllut
 44

many co~temporary scholars, the Khasis seemed to have reached these hills hundreds

of years ago. However, their origin is actually shrouded in mystery.

The reason for this is the fact that tlwy have no written history about

themselves. The absence of a written script has made them dependent on oral

tradition for centuries in the past. 2j Many of the facts that we come to know about

them have come to us through oral tradition. Much of the historical facts about the

people have been buried in myths and folk stories. Today one needs to go deep into

their mythology and folklore in order to establish certain historical data about the

people. It is commonly affirmed by scholars that cultural elements of a group, such

as their folklore, contain certain historical data about their existence in the past. If we

are able to piece together these stories and folktales, we may be able to build up a

rather comprehensive history of the people. 26 The foremost Khasi poet and

philosopher, U Soso Tham has rightly pointed out in his poem "Ki Symboh Ksiar"

(Golden Grains), that much of Khasi history can be gathered from their stories and

legends embodied in nature. 27

2.4.1. Theory of Divine Origin of the Khasis

Although not much credibility can be placed on this theory, yet it is still the most

popular theory among the people themselves. Every Khasi believes that he or she has

been put by God Himself on these hills and that it is part of the divine plan and not a

matter of chance, that he/she has come into this world. The legend or myth connected

with this has been handed down to them since time immemorial and it has become an

important part of the people's creed. 23 Khasi religious tradition holds that the
 45

Khathynriew-trep khathynriew-skum (sixteen families=symbolic of mankind). were

created by God in heaven and not anywhere on earth. 29 The popular myth that is

connected with this belief is given below.

Myth of the Ki Hyniiiew-trepHyniiiew-skum (Seven families)

The most popular myth about the origin of the Khasis, is one that tells us about the

existence of a golden ladder (Jingkieng ksiar) on the peak ofSohpet Bneng (heaven's

navel). 30 It is said that in the beginning there were no human beings on the earth.

However there existed sixteen families in heaven At the request of Mother Earth to

send someone to look after her and the whole creation, God finally decided to send

seven of those families (Hynniew-trep) to earth while the other nine remained on in
31
heaven. He planted a giant tree on Sohpet Bneng peak which acted as a ladder
32
between heaven and earth. Every day the seven families would descend down the

tree and cultivate the land. In the evening they would ascend the tree and go back to

their heavenly abode. These seven families are said to be the ancestors of the Khasis.

For this reason the Khasis are also known as the Hyniiiew-trep Hynniew-skum (seven

huts). Finally the seven families chose to remain on earth once and for all and God

appointed them stewards over the whole earth. 33

Although this account of the origin of the Khasis is only a popular legend, yet

it has some socio-cultural values in it. Socio-culturally this legend would imply that

the Khasis had been put on these hills by God Himself to live together as a single

family. The seven huts (hynniew-trep hynniew-skum) came down to earth as a family

to live and work together, to share the same belief and aspirations and to follow the
 46

same customs and social behaviour. This would therefore explain why there exists,

among the Khasis, a very strong social bond and a deep sense of community. The

eschatological belief of the Khasis is also based on this belief of divine origin from

the sixteen huts. Therefore at death, they believe that the person goes back to his/her

heavenly abode from where he/she originated and joined the other nine huts

(khyrukli-trep khyndai-skum). 34

Besides the above, there are some theological significances in this story.

Theologically, it points to the fact that the Khasis originated from God Himself and

that they did not appear here on earth by chance. It also shows that the Khasis see

themselves as children of the Almighty from the beginning of creation and that

human beings were created first in heaven and not on earth. It also tells us that it is

God's design that they should remain here on earth to be the keepers of his creation.

Thus stewardship is seen here as a divine mandate.

This theory of origin may not be scientifically explainable, however it still

remains a popular theory among the Khasis. The fact that ancient remains on Sohpet

Bneng peak, like foot prints on stones and the existence of an ancient altar of stones,

indicate that it was a frequented place from time immemorial. This must have been

the reason why origin of the people is traced to this sacred peak. Besides this, such

divine origin stories are common among most people like the myth of the Eden

Garden for the Jews. More than just indicating their origin, such stories are fabricated

to create a sense of awe and sacredness around the community which is important for

enhancing the identity and integrity of the group.

 47

2.4.2. Contemporary Theories of Origin of the Khasis

Since the beginning of the 19th century there have been a lot of researches done on

the origin of the Khasis from scientific and historical perspectives. Such initiatives

were taken by the British scholars like Sir Joseph Dalton Hooker, P. R T. Gurdon

and many others. Many of those scholars have come out with their findings which

seem to offer some kind of answer to the myth of origin of the Khasis. For the sake

of convenience, we may group these theories under three categories according to the

concurrences of opinions:

a) Theory of Migration: Khasi-Mon Khmer connection

Many scholars affirm that the Khasis originated from Southeast Asia, more

specifically from southern China 35 They arrived here via the Patkoi range in Burma

(modem Myanmar). The first person to make such an observation was Sir Joseph

Dalton Hooker, an eminent Botanist, who happened to be the first European to travel

into the interior parts of Khasi Hills in 1852. His immediate observation was that the

Khasis show a close affinity to the Indo-Chinese family and that their speech has all

the similarities of the Indo-Chinese languages especially that of the Mon Khmer. 36

. Other scholars like J. R Logan and P. Schmidt opine that linguistically the Khasis

can be linked to the great Mon Khmer family in the East and to the Mundari

speaking family in the West. 37 Another opinion holds that the Khasis came from

Southeast Asia and first settled down in the Sylhet plains of Bangladesh. However

due to the constant floods and natural calamities, they gradually moved up to the hills

to their present domain. 38 Another current opinion holds that the Khasis came from
 48

Burma Due to some political reasons, the Khasis fled from Burma through the

Patkoi range and finally reached these hills. 39 The political connection with Burma

was still maintained for many years after, whereby the Khasi kings would send an

annual tribute to the Burmese kings in the form of an axe. This was a sign of their

submission to the authority of the latter and to the political connection that existed

between them. 40

Some of the well-known writers and scholars like P. R T. Gurdon, J. R

Logan, Dr. Grierson and J. A. Anderson subscribed to the view that the Khasis

orginated from somewhere in Southeast Asia from the region of Cambodia

According to them the Khasis belong to the Mon-Khmer people of Cambodia They

asserted that many features of the Khasis - the physical appearance, language and

customs - bear great resemblance to those of the Khmer people. 41 However,

regarding the migration of the Khasis to these hills, no historical evidence is

available. Thus J. A. Anderson holds the opinion that the Khasis were the first groups

of Mon-Khmer race to have reached this region 42

This Mon-K.hmer connection theory has been in circulation for many years

since the beginning of the 20th century. It is still the most acceptable theory of origin

of the Khasis among the people today. Further researches are being undertaken by

scholars to confirm this aspect ofK.hasi history.

b) Theory of Khasi-Munda Connection

This theory was first propagated by Walter G. Griffith. The theory holds that the

K.hasis have affinities with the Mundas of the Chotanagpur plateau. 43 According to
 49

Griffith, the Mundas were the original settlers in central India However, when the

Dravidian and Aryan invasions took place some of them were forced to disperse to

places as far as the Northeast and they settled down in the plains of Assam. The

Khasis are a branch from this group who gradually moved up to the hills, to their

present habitat. According to Griffith there are linguistic affinities between the two

groups. 44 This theory was supported by the research of P. Schmidt who put the

Khasis and the Mundas in the same Austro-Asiatic family. 45 Other modem scholars

have discovered many other similarities between the two. The funeral ceremonies,

the veneration of the dead, the use of stone monuments and the internment of the

bones of both the groups are very much similar. 46 Some DNA studies in 2007 done

in collaboration with the Department of Anthropology of North Eastern Hill

University (NEHU), have confirmed the same ethnic origin of the Khasis and the

Mundas. The studies also show that the Khasis have a common paternal heritage

with the other Austroasiatic populations of Southeast Asia Going by their

conclusions, the Khasis therefore reached these hills in the pre-historic age. 47

This theory has generated much interest in the field of research among many

modern anthropologists and social scientists. As for now, nothing for certain has

been established regarding the common origin of the Khasis. However, this question

is still open to further research and study.

c) Other theories

This section consists of a collection of theories which differ from the above two.

Thus, according to Gait, the Khasis have so many unique aspects in their language
 50

and culture that they do not find any similarity with their neighbouring cultures. In

his opinion, the Khasis reached these hills as early as the pre-historic time. Homiwell

Lyngdoh, a well-known Khasi scholar, is of the opinion that the Khasis migrated

from the north and not from the south. According to him, the Khasis came from

western China through the Himalayas and settled down in Nowgong, Lumding and

Haflong. The fact that the Khasis have their own name for the Himalayas which they

call Ki Makashang, according to him, indicates that they were settlers at the foot of

these mountains long before they migrated to their present habitat. 48 Trombetti

opines that the Khasis were originally Negroids nearer to the Dravidians, but due to

Mongolian strains some racial transformations took place. 49

Khasi written history started only as late as the 19th century, when the Roman

script was given to them by the renowned Methodist missionary, Rev. Thomas Jones

around the year 1842. 5° From this period onward, books in the Khasi language were

written and cultural heritage (folklore, stories and legends, historical events etc)

began to be preserved in writing. However, some historical facts about Khasi

kingdoms can also be found in the written history of the Koch and Ahom kingdoms

of Assam. One fact that remains undisputed among the scholars today is the

historical indication that the Khasis arrived on these hills very early in history, long

before the appearance of the Ahoms. According to some scholars, the Khasis were

the earliest inhabitants in this region after the complete disappearance of the Negrito

race which seemed to have occupied this region earlier. 51 Much of Khasi history lies

in their oral tradition. According to the great Khasi poet, U Soso Tham, this history

can be unravelled from the oral tradition of the people. 52

 51

2.5. SOCIO-POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

Socio-politically the Khasis are quite advanced in comparison to some other tribes.

They possess a very distinctive political system which is highly democratic and

federalistic in its character. They have a very strong democratic sense since centuries

past. Their socio-political organization can be termed as a "democratic monarchy".

This implies that the Khasis are ruled by kings (Syierns) who actually function as

democratic heads and never as absolute monarchs. This socio-political heritage is

still being zealously preserved today.

The ·political institution of the Khasis clearly demonstrates that it is a

patriarchal society where men take control of the affairs of the village or state and

women are confmed to domestic roles. It is important to understand this aspect in the

context of the present study which deals with the changing roles of the kiii and the

kpa in Khasi society.

2.5.1. Political Institutions of Authority

Khasi democratic organization can be described as simple but functional. Khasi

democracy can be described in two phases, namely, early democracy and the

contemporary democracy.

a) Early Democratic Institution

In the early Khasi society, there was no monarchy. It was in the Dorbar-blei Balai

(Third Divine Assembly) at Sumer valley, west of Sohpet Bneng, that this political
 52

institution was established. This was the original political system of the Khasis as we

shall discuss below.

i) Tymmen-shnong (Village Elders)

In the beginning the Khasi villages were governed by the Tymmen-shnong. By

tradition these elders would act as the administrators oflaw and order in the villages

on behalf of the people. 53 These Tymmen-shnong were dispensers of justice in their

own little villages. However, they ruled the people by words and arguments (ka ktien

or ka nia) and never by force or might. 54 The source of their authority lay in their

wisdom and in their moral ascendancy.

ii) Lyngdoh-synshar (Ruling Priests)

In the course of history many villages through the principle of social contract, came

together to form the so-called Hima Lyngdoh (Realm of Priests). The Lyngdoh-
55
synshar (ruling priests) were elected to rule over these territories. The Lyngdoh-

synshar issued rules which were considered ki hukum (commandments) and which

were adhered to meticulously. There was great order, peace and prosperity and so

there was no need of U Tangon-U Lymban (police) and no phatok or along Gails).

There was no such thing as a physical punishment. The Lyngdoh-synshar ruled over

the Hima and he was assisted by his Dorbar (council) and Ki Bakhraw-batri (noble

men).
 53

iii) Ki syiem or Raja (kings)

In many cases in the past when there were many criminals to be punished since the

Lyngdoh-bishar would not like to inflict physical punishment on their people, they

invited strong men from the plains (ki dkhar) to do this job on their behalf These

were the first tangon-lymban (police) among the Khasis. They were invested with the

noble title Ki Syiem or ki Raja (kings). While the Lyngdoh-bishar were the real rulers

of the Hima (territory), the Syiems (kings) were the ones administering order and

discipline in the Hima. It is for this reason that among the Khasis, the Syiem has no

right over the life or property of their subjects. 56

2.5.2. Contemporary Democratic Institution

From the eleventh century onward, kingship gradually became a popular form of

political organization With the arrival of the British, this political system of the

plains gained dominance. The present political system of the Khasis is a blend of

foreign elements with the traditional Khasi system.

a) The Syiem (Kings or Chiefs of the kingdoms)

The Khasi Jaifttia Hills consisted of many kingdoms ruled by kings or chiefs. In the

beginning there was only one king, U Mailong Raja, who stayed at Madur Maskut.

His kingdom included the whole of Khasi and Jaifttia Hills and extended into the

plains. For better administration, Mailong Raja appointed his brother, U Niang Raja

as the ruler of the plains. The Khasi and Jaifttia Hills were ruled by the Syiem
 54

Shillong (Shillong Kingdom) and Syiem Synteng (Jaifitia kingdom) respectively.

These kings were subjugated to Madur Maskut. 57 Each of these kingdoms traced

their origin to some divine or totemic elements. For this reason th~se Syiems (kings)

are known as Syiem-Blei (divine kings) on account of their unnatural origins. ss The

Madur Maskut kings traced their origin from a pig. Their most legendary king was U

Kyllong Raja He is said to have had divine power so that no one could kill him until

finally his wife betrayed him. The Jaii'itia kings instead traced their origin from a

fish-fairy called Ka Li Dohkha 59 The Shillong kings on the other hand traced their

origin to a divine ancestress named Ka Pah Syntiew (one enticed by flowers) who

was the daughter ofU 'Lei Shillong (Shillong deity). 60

On account of the dispute regarding succession, the Shillong Syiemship was

split into two kingdoms in 1858, the Khyrim Syiernship which has control over the

central region and the Mylliem Syiemship which controls some parts of central Khasi

Hills. Shillong Syiernship is probably the most well-known kingdom in Khasi and
61
Jaii'itia Hills. In Jaii'itia Hills, the Jaii'itia Syiernship included the whole of Jaii'itia

Hills and some places in the border of Assam and Bangladesh.

Besides the above Syiem-blei, there are also what are known as ki Syiem-

briew (human kings) and ki Syiem-mraw (slave kings). The former are so called

because they became kings after being elected by the people and not by inheritance.

Examples of such kings are Ki Syiem Sohra (Sohra kings), Ki Syiem Nongkhlaw

(Nongkhlaw kings) etc. Ki Syiem Mraw (slave kings) are so called not because they

were slaves, but because they were people brought from other places and made

kings. Most of these kings were Dkhar (non Khasis) from the plains or Khasi brought

from other kingdoms. The Mawiang kings have originated in this manner.
 55

The king in Khasi society is democratically elected by the people usuallx

from the royal clans. 62 He is de facto nominal head of the state vested with limited

political, juridical and administratiYe powers. The Khasi king is never an absolute

monarch or a dictator. He cannot levy taxes on people's land or property since land is

the absolute property of certain clans, villages or individuals. 63 Democracy is above a

ruler and everything that has to be decided has to be done democratically. The Khasi

kings, unlike other rulers, have no need of a standing army because every male

subject in his kingdom is a potential warrior. 64 They do not accumulate wealth for

themselves, because whatever they need their subjects provide them with. 65 The King

is assisted by a council of ministers called the Myntri (ministers). 66 These myntris

traditionally come from particular clans who assume the right of inheritance to such a

political status.

b) TheLyngdoh-synshar 67/Doloi (Governing Priests)

In spite of the prevalence of Kingship, the traditional Hima Lyngdoh still exists in

some regions. The Lyngdoh-synshar in Khasi Hills or the Doloi in Jaifitia Hills,

continue to be rulers of these political regions. These rulers usually belong to

particular clans and succeed to the post by heredity. The selection of these rulers is

not known to us for it dates back to history. However, it is assumed that they had

been selected by a popular agreement, may be because of certain feats that the

members of their clans had performed. According to the 1876 census, the Khasi

states of Lyniong, Mawphlang, Nonglwai and Sohiong were presided over by the

Lyngdoh-synshar. 68 In Jaifi.tia Hills, instead, there are twelve Dolois who rule over
 56

twelve regiOns. These act as administrative and juridical heads of the !/aka

(region). 69 Thus Jaiii.tia Hills is known as "ka Ri Khatar Doloi'' (land of 12 Dolois).

Sajar Niangli, the great Jaiii.tia army general who dug the Thadlaskein lake on the

way to Jowai, was the Doloi ofRaliang. 70 He was the most well-known and the most

powerful Doloi that ever reigned in the Jaiii.tia Hills.

c) The Sordar/Lyngshkor!Pator or Basan (Regional Administrators)

Every Khasi estate is usually divided according to administrative units called Raid

(regions). Each Raid consists of a number of villages within the same region. The

administrative head over each Raid is called Sordar/Lyngshkor!Basan in Khasi Hills

and Pator in Jaiii.tia Hills. 71 He is in turn assisted by some collaborators. Lyngshkor-

ship is not a hereditary post but he is elected by the body of Rangbah-shnong (village

headmen) on the basis of qualifications and expenence. The

Sordar.YLyngshkor.YPators or Basans are not only administrative heads in their raid,

but they are also juridical heads. They decide and pronounce judgements on legal

cases presented before them. They are also competent to administer internal affairs

both civil and juridical. They are often engaged in resolving disputes regarding

boundaries between villages. 72 Usually when a difficult case cannot be resolved by

the village dorbar (village assembly), it Is brought before the

Sordar!Lyngshkor!Pator or Basan and his council. If such cases are beyond their

competence, then they proceed to the king and his ministers who act as the supreme

court of justice.
 57

d) The Rangbah-shnong (Village headman)

Each Khasi village is a juridical body by itself The administrative head of the village

is known as the Rangbah-shnong (headman of the village). He is elected by the

people through the village general assembly (dorbar shnong) presided over by the

Sordar. The Rangbah-shnong, like the Sordar, is both an administrative and a

juridical head. He decides cases brought before him and passes judgement over them

and his verdicts are unequivocal and binding on the villagers. 73 He is also assisted by

the village council. His task is to see to the security, discipline and well being of the

village. He maintains a political link with the sordar, with the king and in the present

context, with the District Council and the government. In the absence of a presiding

Lyngdoh-niam (ritual priest) in the village, the Rangbah-shnong takes his place and

officiates at prayers and ceremonies to be performed by the village. 74

e) U Sangot (A Clarion)

In every traditional Khasi village there is a person who acts as the official

communicator for the village council. He is known as Sangot. In modem

terminology this would be equivalent to a publicity officer. Whenever a village

dorbar is to be convened, the Sangot with a chosen group of youngsters would go

round the village in the evening to make the announcement. This is usually done with

the beating of drums and the traditional cry ''Hoi Kiw".

 58

0 U Lyngdoh-niam (Ritual Priest)

A Khasi village usually has an official Lyngdoh-niam (priest) who holds a position of

respect equal to that of U Rangbah-shnong. He is the one who performs the annual

thanksgiving sacrifice to God on behalf of the village. He is also sought after by

people for prayers, intercessions and spiritual interpretations in times of calamities.

g) )be Rangbah-dong (Hamlet headman)

Each Khasi village has hamlets with specific names. In a bigger village there

may be many such hamlets. Each of them has a Rangbah-dong who is also elected by

the general assembly (dorbar) of the village. These persons assist the Rangbah-

shnong (village headmen) in matters related to the village administration. Together

with the Rangbah-shnong they also form the governing body of the whole village.

2.5.3. Khasi Dorbar. Its Nature, Levels and Authority

The Khasi dorbar is a legislative, administrative and a juridical body in any unit of

the Khasi community. It is the point of reference of all politics among the Khasis. 75

Although a democratic institution where everyone has the right of expression and

opinion, the Khasi dorbar is traditionally reserved only for men. They believe in a

traditional principle that legislation and administration are a man's duties and not a

woman's. The Khasi dorbar is also considered as a sacred institution and therefore

the decision taken here are considered binding on the whole society. The Khasi often

speak oftheDorbar Blei (Divine assemblies) where God established a covenant with

men 76 This is said to be the origin and model of every Khasi dorbar. In a Khasi
 59

dorbar, the participants are grouped as follows: Those between 25 and 50 years of

age are called ki samla-samhoi (youth); those between 50 and 70 years are called ki

tymmen-ki san (adults) and those who have crossed 74 years are called ki tymmen-ki

kro (elders). 77 The Khasi dorbars are found at four levels based on their political

radius, their status and authority, these are:

· a) Dorbar Hima (The State Council)

This is the highest legislative, administrative and juridical body in the Khasi

kingdom 78 It consists of the King as the Head, his ministers and the Sordars (Heads

of regions) as its members. 79 This dorbar is the law making body in every matter of

the state. It is also the administrative enforcer in the affairs of the kingdom This is as

well the highest court of appeal for any legal suit within the kingdom

b) Dorbar Rauf0 (Regional Council)

This is also a legislative, administrative and juridical body in a Raid (region). The

Sordar/Lyngshkor!Pator or Basan is the head of the Dorbar and he is assisted by his

·council ofMyntris (ministers), usually four of them This body acts as a link between

the villages and the King. The Dorbar Raid has both civil and juridical powers. It is

also responsible for the maintenance of forests and lands belonging to the Raid. It

settles arguments regarding boundaries between villages. The election of a

Sordar/Lyngshkor!Pator or Basan is by the body of Rangbah-shnong (village

headmen) who elect a sordar from among themselves. The election is then confirmed

by the King.
 60

c) Dorbar Shnong (Village council)

In every Khasi village there is an administrative council called Ka Dorbar Shnong

(Village council). The Rangbah-Shnong (village head man), the Lyngdoh-niam

(priest), the Sangot (Clarion) and the Rangbah-dong (heads of local units) constitute

the village Dorbar. The village Dorbar is also a legislative, administrative and

juridical body in matters pertaining to the welfare of the village. 81 As an

administrative body, the Dorbar Shnong is also concerned with matters of security in

the village. 82 It organizes its own police system consisting of young volunteers, to

guard the village. The election of a Rangbah-shnong (village headman) is done

democratically in a general assembly of the whole village. The meeting is sometimes

chaired by the king himself or by a Sordar.

d) Dorbar Kur (Clan council)

Among the Khasis, the clans constitute very important components of society. Each

clan has its own internal political, juridical and administrative system. This council is

headed by the Rangbah-kur (Head of the clan) who is elected by the male members

of the clan from the richest or most influential family. 83 He holds office till death, but

his office is not hereditary. 84 He is assisted by a few other Rangbah-kurs of the clan.

He also allocates land belonging to the clan to each member for purposes of

settlement and cultivation 35 In matters of discipline he functions as a judge who

pronounces judgement on the behaviour of the members. His words and decisions are

binding on all. 86 He is the legal representative of the clan in front of the State

Dorbar. 87 The Rangbah-kur is also the presiding priest of the clan. He is responsible
 61

for the annual religious ceremonies (prayers and sacrifices) which the clan has to

perform.

2.5.4. Characteristics of a Khasi Dorbar

A Khasi dorbar is a unique institution which has received attention from many

scholars. Its origin goes back to the distant past and with some slight changes, the

institution has remained intact till now. Some notable characteristics of the dorbar

are:

First of all, a Khasi dorbar is a moral and religious institution besides being a

socio-political and cultural assembly. It occupies a sanctimonious status and this

characteristic is preserved. It is referred to as "ka Dorbar-blei" (Divine Assembly). 88

Thus everyone who comes to the dorbar must do so with a pure mind and a sincere

heart without any hidden agenda or evil design. 89

It is a democratic assembly where every participant who qualifies himself

from moral aspects, has the right to raise questions and express opinions. Even the

Syiem (king) himself during the Dorbar-pyllun (General assembly) does not

dominate the others. He only acts as a silent listener to the cases brought before him

or the issues raised. He merely makes a concluding judgement or an exhortation at

the end of the hearing. 90 Thus in a dorbar there is no first or last, great or small. All

are equal and have the same rights to express their opinions. The Syiem (king) is

conSidered as a type of primus inter pares (first among equals) and not a superior

person.
 62

Since the ancient days, it has been a tradition upheld strictly, that no man who

is physically handicapped (a sign of imperfection in a person and also looked upon as

a sort of curse by God) or without moustache (a sign of immaturity) could participate

in the dorbar. This implies that only the adults and men matured in age and wisdom

could take part in such assemblies. Today this rule has been overridden for some
91
practical reasons.

Traditionally, in any Khasi dorbar no women or girls are allowed to take part.

There was no question of discrimination about this for the Khasi women have high

status in Khasi society, but it was presumed that the dorbar was essentially a man's

affair. 92

Any decision taken in the dorbar was considered binding on all citizens.

Since decisions are taken unanimously, there is no question of misunderstanding or

disgruntlement. Because a Khasi dorbar is founded on religious beliefs and practices,

the decisions made by it are considered sacred and inviolable. A participant in the

dorbar who no longer has a family, relatives or kinsmen, is never permitted to speak.

The reason for this is that such a person could utter any blasphemy or nonsense

without fear of any divine retribution on his family. 93 The elders or the older people

(Ki Riew tymmen), have a special place of importance in a Khasi dorbar. They are

respected for their age and experience and their words are heeded to by all. They are

sought after for counsels especially in difficult situations.

Every Khasi dorbar tha:t is to take place is made known to the public through

the Sangot (the clarion). Usually a group of young men together with the Sangot, go

around the village at night and together with the drumbeats and the shouting of "hoi

kiw", the announcement is made.

 63

A Khasi dorbar is always considered a sacred place. For this reason absolute

respect and discipline is required of every participant No shouting, quarrelling or

pointing fingers at each other is allowed in the dorbar. 94 An atmosphere of

tranquility prevails in such assemblies. To prove the above affirmation, here is what

David Scott observed about the Khasi dorbar:

I was struck with astonishment at the order and decorum which characterised these debates.

No shouts of exultations or indecent attempts to put down the orator of the opposite party,

on the contrary, every speaker was fairly heard out. I have often witnessed the debates in St.

Stephen's chapel, but those of the Cossayah (~illasis) parliament appeared to be conducted

. and manners. 95
.th more d.1gmty
WI

This aspect of the Khasi dorbar has been recognised by many scholars today.

The peculiar democratic spirit that animates this dorbar is a precious heritage of the

Khasi culture. It reflects the high level of civilization that the people has had since

time immemorial. It is a civic value that has been passed on from one generation to

the next and it is still preserved today. The efficacy of Khasi dorbar as a political

institution cannot be doubted. It has played and continues to play a major role in

shaping the socio-cultural and political life of the Khasis, both individually and

collectively.

2.6. SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE

Social life is the crux of Khasi culture and existence. The importance of this aspect

can be seen in the predominance of laws and regulations pertaining to social

 64

relationships among them. Here below are some of the essential elements of Khasi

social fabric.

2.6.1. Ka Shim-jait shim-lchotrg (Matrilineal System)

The Khasis are one of those few groups of people who trace their succession from

the mother's side. 96 According to E. Adamson Hoebel, a patrilineal descent affiliates

an individual with a group of kinsmen related to him/her through males only, while

matrilineal descent, on the other hand, assigns an individual to a group consisting

exclusively of relatives through females. 97 The Khasis therefore reckon their descent

through the female line. Thus the mother-child bond is the strongest kin tie. The

children consequently take the mother's name and become members ofher clan and

live in the mother's social group. 98

Little is known regarding the origin of such a peculiar system. It is difficult to

pin point a time in history when such a system started. Anthropologists in general

agree that there is a close relationship between the descent system and the economy

of a society. According to Hammond, a noted anthropologist, matrilineal descent is

generally associated with primitive farming where women do the work. 99 Thus

matrilineal system is characteristic of a semi-agriculturist society where female

labour is a prime factor. 100 In an environment where most of the neighbouring

cultures follow a patrilineal system, it is difficult to explain why the Khasis chose to
101
adopt this system. Some Khasi scholars today offer a rather convincing

explanation to this. According to them, at one time when the Khasis were at war with

their enemies, the men were never sure of returning home. Thus in order to preserve
 65

their identity and their tribe they entrusted to the women their property and the

lineage as well. 102 Another explanation offered is that when the Khasi ancestors

weighed the right over the child between that of the father and the mother, the

balance tilted on the mother's side. She is the one who bears all the pains of child-
103
birth and the burden of child-rearing. This was how matriliny got its sanction. It

was this practice that gradually led to the importance ·of women in society until it was

finally unanimously decided that the succession of children should be from the

mother's side. 104

2.6.2. Ka Kheiii-kur Kheiii-jait (kinship system)

The kinship bond is perhaps the most fundamental of all social bonds because of the

biological factor associated with it. 105 The Khasis as a tribe, consider kinship bond as

sacred. The Khasis are composed of different clans each one with a name and with

their unique history. Ka Kurka Jait (a clan) is a line of families traced out from a

single lawbei (ancestress). Usually all bear the same surname inherited from the first

ancestress. Relationship among the clan members is zealously guarded and marriage

between clan members is never contemplated. Clan exogamy · is sacred, that is,

marriage within the clan, however distant they may be, is always considered as an

incest (ka sang) and those who commit this, are ostracized from the clan. Persons

guilty of the sacrilege "are outcasted, and have their heads shaved in three patches,

branding them thereby with a mark of shame to become fugitives and vagabonds, not

daring to show their faces before others ... ". 106

 66

Anthropologists like Robin Fox argue that kinship is not merely biological

but it is also about social relationships. 107 This aspect of kinship other than

consanguinity is common among the Khasis. There is a system called Ka Jingiateh-

kur (inter-clans covenant), which is a covenant of relationship made between two or

more clans. 108 Members of such clans are always forbidden to intermarry. The term

shikur (related clan) is common among the Khasis signifying the relatedness of two

or more clans. For example the Jait Lyngdoh Nongkrem is related to Khongblah,

Khonglyngka, Khongpdah, Khongtyngkut, Khyriem Basalakhra, Mapsharoh,

Muthoh, Nongtawar and Pyngrope. 109 At times a single clan breaks itself up and

assumes for itself another name according to the region they inhabit. Thus clans like

Majaw, Basaiawmoit and Hynfiiewta are actually branches of a single Kur (clan). So

also are War, Warjri and Warshong originally of one Kur (clan).

Since time immemorial the Khasis have had the practice of Tang-kur Tang-

jail. This takes place when a Khasi man marries a non-Khasi woman. In this case

through a religious ritual known as Tang-kur a new clan is formed and the woman

becomes the first ancestress of the clan. 110 Thus the Khasi surnames which begin

with the prefix "Khar" were formcit in this manner. Here "Khar" signifies that the

first ancestress was a non-Khasi. Some such surnames are Kharlyngdoh,

Kharmawphlang, Kharbuli, Khar-rani, Kharkamni etc. At times a new surname is

also created. Besides Tang-kur, there is another way of establishing clan relationship

which is known as Kam-kur. lbis happens when a Khasi man marries a non-Khasi

woman, his children assume his surname while his wife is known as Iawbei-

synrop.m
 67

2.6.3. Ka Aiii ioh Nongkynti (Law of Inheritance)

First of all, the distinction between the Nongtymmen (ancestral property) and the

Nongkhynraw (self-acquired property) should be made. Ka Nongkhynraw does not

pertain to the ancestral property but it belongs to the one who acquires it. Among the

Khasis, the khatduh (last daughter) inherits the ancestral property. 112 However, this

does not imply that other children do not get anything. When the parents' economic

status is good, shares are also given to other children either in cash or in kind. 113 The

Khatduh (the youngest daughter) however, gets more share. This is because she has

the duty as ka Nongri Nongsumar (caretaker) ofthe ancestral property and the family

religion. She is also referred to as Ka Nongkit Nongbah (supporter), because she

looks after her aged parents till their death. She holds a status of significance as she

represents an embodiment of the enduring and sacred heritage of the clan Her house

is the ancestral home and therefore it is a place of sanctity. 114 It is the house of the

Khatduh that becomes the centre of every socio-cultural and religious activities of
115
the Kpoh. U kfU (the uncle) who is the eldest brother in the family, acts as the

guardian of this family. The other daughters of the family move away from the

parents' house at the time of their marriages and establish their own ing (family

units). In tum their youngest da~ghters become the Khatduh or the inheritors of their

properties.

2.6.4. Ka Poikha poiman (Marriage Customs)

The Khasis, as has been said above, are very conscious about their clan relationship.

They follow a clan exogamy, that is prohibition of intra-clan marriage. Therefore

 68

marriage is permitted only between members of different clans. If tho~e clans are

related by the covenant of relationship (lateh-kur) then marriage is not permitted

among them. It is forbidden for a Khasi to marry his maternal uncle's daughter, at

least during the life time of his uncle. According to Gurdon, this was due to the fact

that the maternal uncle is looked upon as the father of the family than a mere

uncle. 116 Similarly, no marriage is contemplated with the daughter of his father's

sister. Therefore cross-cousin marriages among the Khasis are not favoured and are

almost forbidden. Any marriage that takes place within these restrictions is

considered ka shong-sang (incest) and is punishable by ostracization from the clan

and even exile from the society.

At the same time, the Khasis followed a strict village endogamy in the past. 117

According to S. Sngi Lyngdoh, a well-known Khasi scholar, in the past the Khasis

made a sort of social contract or covenant that whenever they would start a new

village or town they would make sure that there are equal number of cognates (kur)

and agnates (kha) residing in them. Thus marriages would take place within the

village itself This system helped in maintaining the stability of the matrilineal

system. 118

By marriage laws, the husband is supposed to take his residence in his wife's

house. In the case of marriage with the Khatduh (youngest daughter) of the family,

then residence in her house is obligatory for she is the inheritor of her parents'

property as well as the keeper of the religion and custom of the Kur (clan). 119
 69

2.6.5. Dances and Festivals

The socio-cultural life of the Khasis is pooctuated with periodical festivals

throughout the year. These festivals form an important part of Khasi culture. Khasi

festivals are connected with some natural events (like spring and autumn) or with

some religious events. Examples of the former type of festivals are: Ka Shad Suk

Mynsiem or Shad Weiking (Spring Festival) which takes place usually in the month

of April. In the Bhoi area there is a famous dance festival called Ka Sajer of the Raid

Nonglyngdoh (Nonglyngdoh region). This is a sort of thanksgiving festival in the

month of December, January or February after the harvesting has been completed.

The people thank God the Creator for the good crop and the staple food He provided

them with. This is a typical agricultural dance of this area 120

Examples of the latter type of festival, namely, the religious festivals, are: Ka

Pomblang Syiem or Ka Shad Nongkrem (Nongkrem religious festival), which takes

place in the month of October or November at Smit. 121 This is an important religious

festival in the Khyrim Syiemship. In the Jaiiitia Hills the most important religious

festival is Ka Beh-deiiikhlam! 22 an annual religious festival to pray for well being

and a good harvest. 123 This festival is preceded 'By a sacrifice called Ka Kftia Dih So

Pen performed by the Doloi, Pator and the Basan. 124 This is a religious ceremony to

chase away the Khlam (plague) and every sort of evil from among the people.

Another religious festival that is foood in the lapngar area of the Ri Bhoi district, is

Ka Lukhmi festival which implores the blessing of Lukhmi, the deity of rice and
125
agriculture. Besides these, there are numerous other festivals and dances proper to

each region or group of people. Dances and festivals therefore form a very vital
 70

ingredient of Khasi culture. They are faithfully observed in the annual calendar and

their celebrations draw a large crowd of people and foster a great sense of joy and

unity among them.

2.7. CONCLUSION

This chapter provides a general picture of the Khasi society and its socio-cultural

fabric. The Khasis as a group of people who came to these hills have always

distinguished themselves by their unique socio-cultural traditions. Their customs and

traditions have always been valued and preserved throughout their history. Their

matrilineal system, for example, has been kept up to this day in spite of the fact that

they are surrounded by societies who follow patriliny.

Throughout their history, the Khasis have also preserved the sacredness of the

kur (matrikin) and kha (patrikin). Even today, members of the kur make sure that no

incest (shong-sang) takes place. No marriage is permitted between persons of the

same clan (kur) at any degree whatsoever. Today with the resurgence of the Seng

Khasi and other cultural groups, Khasi cultural tradition like festivals, folk art and

customary laws are being promoted. Much more interest in preserving the Khasi

cultural heritage is generated among all sections of people.

Another notable socio-cultural tradition held scrupulously by them is the

institution of ldii-ship (maternal uncle). Although /dii-ship has passed the test of time

in the past centuries, today however, we see a gradual deterioration of this institution.

Many factors are at play in effecting this change. In the succeeding chapters we shall
 71

deal at length with these factors of change and the general effect that they have on

kfii-ship among the Khasis.

NOTES

1
The name Khasi has many other variatiom like Kahasi, Khasiyas, Khuchia, Kassi, Khasa, Khashiare. They are
known by these names in different parts of the country and in Bangladesh.
2
R. T. Rymboi, "Foreword", in J. N. Chowdhury, Ki Khun Khosi-Khara (!'he Khosi People). Shillong: Shrimati
Jaya Chowdhury, 1996, vi.
3
Rev. Thomas Jones was the person who gave the Khasis the Roman script in c. 1842. Since then Khasi literature
has grown and 1f1Ultiplied. This script has also succeeded in creating a common language which in turn has led to
the unification of all sub-tribes into one people.
4
The Church has never destroyed this unique feature oftribol society. In fact it has encouraged it through more
empowerment to the lay people [Cf. D. Jala, "Contribution of the Catholic Church to the Cultures of Northeast
India", inS. Karotemprel (ed.) The Catholic Church in Northeast India /890-1990. Shillong: Vendrame Institute,
1993, 390).
5
Cf. "Meghalaya", inK. M. Mathew (C. ed.) Panorama Year Boolc 2002. Kottayam: Malayala Manorama, 2002,
665.
6
Cf. R. Gopalakrishanan, Megha/aya: Land and People. New Delhi: Omsom Publications, 1995, 1.
7
Cf.lbid., 3.
8
Cf. Census of India 2011, Provisional Populatia~ Totals-Meghalaya Series 18, Paper 2, Volume 2. Shillong:
Directorate of Census Operations Meghalaya, 2011, 18.
9
With the establishment of Cberrapunjee as the head quarter of the East India Company in Assam and the
coming of Christianity, the language of Cherrapunjee gained more importance and acceptance among the rest It
then became the official medium of communication in offices and educational institutions. It is referred to as Ka
Ktien Sohra (language of Sohra). Thus in the course of time, the entire Nongphlang region has adopted this as the
official language. Today it has become the lingua franca of the whole Khasi community, an official language in
the state and in the process of being recognized as one of the major languages of India.
°
1
Cf. P. Kharakor, Ka Kolshor Khasi katkum ba ka paw ha ka Litereshor Khasi (1930-1940). Shillong: St.
Mary's College, 1988, 32.
11
This group of Khasis have been co-existing for centuries with the Garos whom they call the Dikos. This name
has featured in many Khasi legends and stories - Cf. P. G. Gatphoh, Sawdong ka Lyngwiar Dpei. Shillong: Ri
Khasi Press, 19826 , 99.
12
Cf. 0. L. Snaitang, Christianity and Socia/ Change in Northeast India Shillong: Vendrame Institute, 1993, 11.
13
This phenomenon can be explained by the facts of history. It seemed that during the reign of a certain Jaiiitia
King, many of his subjects left the kingdom due to persecution. Some of these came to the Bhoi region and this
explains the Pnar influence on the Bhoi dialect
14
Cf. P. Bonardi, "Um Settimam in Missione tra I Bhoi dell' Assam", Bol/ettino Salesiano, n. 7 (July 1923), 183-
185. For a more elaborate information about the socio-cultural tradition of the Bhois, [seeS. Sngi Lyngdoh, Ki
Riti-Khyndew ba Ia buh u Longshuwa-Manshuwa jong kD Ri Bhoi. Shillong: Don Bosco Press, 1965].
15
Their inclusion into the Khasi community is much debated today. There is currently a lot of opposition from
the Khasi groups against the government attempt to ascribe to them the ST status.
16
Cf. E. Tome, "Un Cenno di Storia sui Synteng", GioveniU Missionaria, n. 2 (February 1930), 44-45.
17
The. Pnars are not to be considered a separate tribe. They belong to the same Khasi tribe although because of
geographical isolation, they have developed certain unique customs and practices. Due to their constant social
interaction with the people of the plains along their borders, they have assimilated also some Hindu customs.
However, they arc to be called Khasis in the general term of the word. LegcoJs tell us that these people separated
from the main Khasi tribe in search of a better place. They crossed the Kupli river and reached their present
habitation. Today there are more efforts made to realize the common identity, origin aoJ culture of both the
Khasis and the Pnars [Cf. R. S. Lyngdoh, "Ka Sad ka Sunon", inS. K. Cbattopadyay (ed.) Tribal lnstitulions of
Megha/aya Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 1985, 2)].
18
Cf. Kharakor, KaKolshor Khosi, 32
19
Cf. R. T. Rymbai, "Foreword", in Chowdhury, Ki KhunKhasi-Khara, p. iii. Since years bock there has been lot
of contention between the Meghalaya government and the Assam government regarding this disputed area. The
inhabitants of these areas had always wanted to be part of Megbalaya, but the Assam government has always
been reluctant. Till today, bilateral talks between the two governments have been cooJucted but no compromise
 72

has been reached at. Of late the inhabitants have organized a series of strikes and protests and presented a number
of memoranda. See also R. T. Rymbai., "Evolution of Modem Khasi Society", in Khasi Heritage. Shillong: Seng
Khas~ 1979, 57.
°
2
Cf. IFP, "Two Khasi villages make homes away from home in Manipur", in Kangla (November 28, 2002), 1.
The names of the two villages are Kamamnga and Makha Basti luking. No historical accounts are available
concerning the origin of these villages.
21
Cf. H. Bareh, Meghalaya Shillong: NE India News & Feature Service, 1974, 68-69. This division is rather
generic. The author does not speak of the marams as a sub group. Theoretically such a broad division may be
sufficient, however, de facto we know that the division can be broader as indicated above.
22
In recent time there has been a lot of public discussion on this issue. Lately the Federaticn ofKhasi Jaifltia and
Garo People (FKJGP) and the Khasi Students Unicn (KSU) had organised two separate discussions on the topic
"Unity of the Khasi Society" at Shillong, where eminent scholars exposed their views on the issue. It was a
general feeling that the common origin should be preserved and that symptoms of separatism should be overcome
- Cf. "Are Pnars, Khynriams part ofKhasi Race?", in The Shillong Times (July 17, 2001), 1; see also "Need for
Unity of Khasi Race Stressed", in The Shi/long Times(July 18, 2001), 1.
23
Cf. S. H. M. Rizvi & Shibani Roy, Khasi Tribe ofMeghalaya. Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 2006, 12.
24
Cf. Ibid., 13. -
25
Khasi legend tells us that the Khasis lost their written script during the great deluge in the plains. While
swimming across the waters, both the dkhar (plain's man) and the Khasi had their scripts in their mouths.
Unfortunately, the Khasi accidentally swallowed up the script, while the dkhar managed to keep it. The
swallowed script thus became part and parcel of the Khasis and from here was born the oral tradition among them
- Cf. E. Sanna, "ll Libro Perduto", Gioven/U Missionaria, n. 10 (October 1927), 192-193; H. Bareh, A Short
History ofKhasi Literature. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 1997, p. 21.
26
Cf. S. Sen, Social and State Fomration in Khasi JainliaHills. New Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 1985,
8.
27
Cf S. Tham, "Ki Symboh Ksiar", inKi SngiBartm uHynniew Tl'f!p. Shillong: Primrose Gatphoh, 1976, 3.
28
The belief in divine origin of man is a common phenomenon among many tribes and communities of people all
over the world. The Jews themselves speak about the creation of man by God in the book of Genesis. Most of the
tribes in Northeast India have legends concerning their divine origin.
29
Cf. Interview with Rev. Fr. Sylvanus S. Lyngdoh (Kolkata: October 27, 2002).
30
This legendary peak is situated on a mountain range about 15 km north of Shillong city. It is considered a
sacred spot for all the Khasis since time immemorial. An annual sacrifice is held here under the auspicious of the
Seng Khasi. Crowds of people flock to this spot on such occasions. There is a stone altar which dates back to
hundreds of years before. It is on this altar that the sacrifices are performed by the priests of the indigenous
religion.
31
Cf. H. Lyngdoh, Ka Niam Khasi Shillong: Ri Khasi Press, 1937, 2-3; P. R. G. Mathur, The Khasi of
Meghalaya. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1979, 62.
32
Cf. 0. Paviotti, The Work of His Hands: The Story of the Archdiocese of Shillong-Guwahali, 1934-1984.
Shillong: VIP, 1987, 25.
33
Cf. J. Bacchiarello, Ki Dienjat jong ki Longshuwa. Shillong: Don Bosco Book Depot, 1977, 17. Another
version of this IegeR! says that one member of the Hynniew-ll'f!p voluntarily cut off the tree because he wanted
complete iooependence from God [Cf. Rafy, Khasi Folk Tales. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 1985, 8-9].
34
Cf. H. Bareh, TheHistoryandCultul'f! oftheKhasiPeopk. Guwabati: Spectrum Publications, 1997, 376.
35
Cf. Fuchs, "The Races of Northeast India", in The Catholic Church in Northeast India 1890-1990, 363.
36
Cf. Chowdhury, Ki Klnll Khasi Khara, I.
37
Cf. J. N. Chowdhury, "The Khasi: Conjectures about their origin", in S. Karotemprel (ed.) The Tribes of
Northeast India. Shillong: Certre for Indigenous Cultures, 1998, 68.
38
Cf. P.R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1975, 10.
39
According to J. H. Hutton the similarity of the Khasi funerary urns to those found in Burma, Minahassa,
Celebes and Prome proves the affinity between these tribes (Cf. J. H. Hutton, Proceedings of the National
Institute ofSciences ofIndia, vol. I, n. 2, I 03- I 05).
4
°
41
Cf. Gurdon, The Khasis, p. 10; Bareh, A Short History ofKhasi Literalure, 10-11.
Dr. Grierson has classified Mon-Khmer language into five groups and he places Khasi language as one among
the five (Cf H. Bareh, TheHistoryandCullul'f! oftheKhasiPeople, 16-17).
42
Cf. J. N. Chowdhury, "The Khasis: Conjectures about Their Origin", inS. Karotemprel (ed.) The Tribes of
Northeast India, 7 L .
43
Cf. Fuchs, "The Tribes ofNortheast India", in The Catholic Church inNorlheastlnda 1890-1990, p. 363. This
same theory was propagated by Prof. Ernst Kuhm around the years 1883-1889 [Cf. Bareh, The History and
C ultul'f! ofthe Khasi People, 151-
44 Cf. Gurdon, The Khasis, xxi-xxii.
45
Cf. Bareh, The History andCultul'f! if the Khasi People, 16.
46
Cf.lbid., 22.
 73

47
Cf. I. Mohendra Singh. "How did the Khasis of Meghalaya come from Africa", in
httv://kanclaonline.com/2012/02/hov-·-did-the-khasis-of-meghalava-come-from-africa (~ccessed on
Jan 10, 2013).
48
Cf I3areh, The History and Culture oj1he Khasi People, 12-13.
49
Cf. Ibid., 24.
°
5
Cf. S. Lamare, "Khasi Langi.JII!!e as a written Language", m Khasi Language-The Beginning,
http://www.lcbasilit.com/lcbasi.htm (April 9, 2003), I.
51
According to J. H. Hutton, the Negrito Race was either exterminated by immigrants who came after them or it
was assimilated by other groups (Cf. S. Fuchs, "The Races of Northeast India", 363-364 ).
52
Cf. Tharn, Ki Sngi Barim uHyniiiew Trep, 3.
53
Cf. S. Sngi Lyngdoh, "The Tribal Value System and the Impact of Christianity on it", in J. Puthenpurakal (ed.)
Impact ofCiristianity on NorthEast Indio, 211.
54
For this reason there exists among the Khasis the axiom "ka nia kaba tam", that is, reason and dialogue are the
best way to rule and govern (Cf. Ibid., 208).
55
Cf H. Bareb, The History and Culture oftheKhasiPeople, 14.
56
Interview with Fr. Sngi Lyngdoh (Kolkata, October 27, 2002), 400. AU the syiems among the Khasis, except
those of Hima Sohro, are descendants of dkhars who were incorporated into the Khasi society centuries ago. In
the opinion of H. Bareb, the Syiemship emerged as a form of centralized administration through a co~ensus
among the territorial heads, necessitated by the expansion and complexity of society (Cf. H. Bareh, The History
and Culture of the Khasi People, 41). In whichever case, the influ~e of the plains' momrchy carmot be ruled
out.
57
Cf S.C. Roy, "Ki Khasi Hyndai", in U Nongphiro, IL 4 (Risaw 1903), 25-26.
58
By "divine kings" it does not mean that they are appointed by God directly, but because God made use of his
divine agents, like the ki puri (good fairies) or his earthly creatures to give birth to these lines of kings (Cf. P.
Kharakor, KaKolshor Khasi, 62). Although such divine origin is accepted, the Khasis never consider such kings
as divine nor are they worshipped as such.
59
According to the Jaiiitia legend; a certain man called U Woh Ryndi caught a strange fish from Myntdu river.
The fish became a fairy whom be later on married and begot childreiL The children of Ka Li Dobkba (that was
the name of the fairy) and U Woh Ryndi constitute the royal line in the Jaiiitia kingdom (Cf. P. Kharakor, Ka
Kolshor Khasi, 63)
6
° Cf. Racy, Khasi Folk Tales, 23. A popular legend tells us that a certain man called U Sati Mylliemngap saw the
beautiful damsel coming out of the cave known as Krem Marai and wanted to catch her. By means of a bouquet
of beautiful flowers, he was able to entice the girl to his side. Having trapped her be took her to his home .and
reared her as his daughter. She was wise and intelligent and was able to counsel the people. So the people called
her Ka Syiem (queen) and when she grew up into a woman, she was married to U Kongor Nongjri. It is from her
that the kings of Shi/long syiemship traced their origin- Cf. E. Tome, "D Dio Sbillong", Giaventu Missionaria, n.
6 (Giungno 1927), ll9-120.
61
The Khyrim and Jaiiitia syiemsbips have found a mention in the history of the Koch Kingdom of Assam in the
16th century. They appeared to have minted coins by themselves to commemorate some important events in
history (Cf. J. N. Chowdhury, Ki Khun Khasi-Kharo, 110).
62
Cf. P.R. Kyndiab, Megha/QJU Yesterday and Today. New Delhi: Vikash Publishing House Pvt Ltd., 1990, 97.
The King for the Kbasis is a benevolent figure rather than a dictator. The Khasi akin word of U Syiem (king) is U
Kmie (mother). This therefore reveals the characteristic personality tbat every Khasi king is supposed to project to
his subjects. The s~ects approach their king without fear and trepidation. They are always cordially welcomed
and well treated by their ruler who seeks to redress their il!iuries like a mother.
63
Cf. M. P. R. Lyngdob, The Festivals in the History and Culture of the Khasi. Shillong: Har-Anand
Publications, 1991, 34.
64
Cf. S.C. Roy, "Khasi Hyndai", in U Nongphira, IL 7 (Nohprah 1903), 45.
65
Cf. U Riewtymmen, "U Syiem Khasi Mynhyndai" in U Nongphira, IL 61 (Kyllalyngkot 1907), 1-2. The author
of this article cites the example of U Jidor, syiem of Khadsawphm, who for the well being of his people became a
beggar himself. The people however came to his aid. U Singmanik, syiem of Lyngkyrdem had an elephant
advanced in age which could not serve him anymore. The people of the kingdom themselves having come to
know about this, gifted him with a young elephant.
66
This title is probably adopted from the political organization found in the plains. It must have entered the Khasi
political system at the same time when kingship was introduced.
67
Among the Khasis there are two classes of Lyngdohs (priests). One class is known as Lyngdoh-synshar (secular
administrative priests) and the other class is known as Lyngdoh-niam (religious priests).
68
Cf U. Bhattacharj)11, "Syiemship", in Tribal Institutions o[Meghalaya, 52.
69
Cf. N. N., "II 'Doloi"', Gioventu Missionaria, IL 3 (Maggio 1931), 87-88. Each Doloi bas his own durbar
consisting of officials and some important members. The members are either elected or nominated to the dorbar
(Cf S. K. Chattopadhayaya, TheJaintia.s. New Delhi, Cosmo Publications, 1988, I 15).
 74

7
° Cf. L. Ravalico, "Thadlaskein", Giovenlit Missionaria, JL 7 (Luglio 1933), 162-63. The authority of the Doloi
in Jaiiitia Hills, is more pronounced than their counterparts, the Lyngshkor!Sordarlbasan in Khasi Hills. Most of
these Dolois olle like kings in thetr own Raid and their authority is revered by their subjects.
71
Cf. S. SeJL Social and State Formation inKhasi..JaiifliaHills, 146. In Jaiiitia Hills, the patorsare directly under
the Doloi and they collaborate with him and in his absence they perform his duties (Cf. P. Kharakor. Ka Kolshor
i...htHi, 68).
2
" Cf. P.R. G. Mathur, The Khasi ofMeghalaya, 61.
73
Cf. Ibid., 66.
4
' Cf.lbid., 67.
75
Cf. P. Kharakor, Ka Kolshor KhtHi, 68. The Khasis consider their dorbar (assembly) as something sacred.
They always associate its origin to that Dorbar-blei (divine assembly) of the age of innocence at the beginning of
creatioJL Therefore all efforts to preserve the purity of their present dorbar, is in fact to reflect at least some
aspects of that divine clorbar.
76
Acconiing to Khasi Tradition there were four Dorbar Blei (divine assemblies). The First was in heaven where
it was decided that the Hynniew-trep should inhabit the earth. The Secotd was in Rangmen valley (east of Sohpet
Bneng peak) where mankind pledged to follow the path of righteousness. The Third was in Sumer valley (west of
Sohpet Bneng) where the living creatures came together to solve the spiritual crisis caused by silL The Fourth
dorbar took: place at Umrynuong (Mawhati) after the great chaos at Iewluri-lura (market of the animals) - Cf.
Interview with Rev. Fr. Sylvanus Sngi (Kolkata, October 27, 2002), 400.
77
Cf. J. B,.;chiarello,KiDielifatjorrglciLongshuwa, 91-95.
78
Cf. "KaDorbar KaDorsha lei Khasi Hyndai", in U NongialamKatholik, JL 2 (Rymphang 1903), 29.
79
Cf. P.R. T. Gurdon, The Kharu, pp. 68-69; S. K. Chattopadyay, Tribal Institutions ofMeghalaya, 32.
110
A Raid is a confederation of a number of villages within the region (Cf. P. R. G. Mathur, The Khasi of
Meghalaya, 67).
81
Cf. P. R. G. Mathur, The Khasi ofMeghalaya, p. 66. The Khasi village dorbar is a unique democratic political
body. Every adult male who is a resident of the village, is obliged to attend the dorbar whenever it is convened.
Those who fail to do so are expected to pay a fine.
82
Cf. 0. L. Snaitang, Christianity and Social Change, 17. Today all the urban localities have the so called Village
Defence Party (VDP) who co-operate with the police of the state in matters of security and defence. In rural
areas, the village defence parties often assume the law in their own hands.
83
Cf. P. R. G. Mathur, The Khasi ofMeghalaya, 65.
84
Cf. 0. L. Snaitang, Christianity and Socia/ Change, 15.
85
Cf P. R. G. Mathur, The Khasi ofMeghalaya, 65.
86
Cf. S. Tham, Ki Sngi Barim u Hynniew Trep, 31.
87
Cf. 0. L. Snaitang, Christianity and Social Change, 15.
88
Cf. P. Kharakor, Ka Kolshor Khasi, 70. Khasi tradition speaks of the four Dorbar Blei (Divine assemblies)
where God presided over this great assembly of all living creatures. Dr. R. S. Lyngdoh instead opined that there
were more than four although he never specified them in his writings.
89
Cf. Ibid., 69.
9
°
91
Cf. G. Costa, Ka Riti Jorrg lea Ri Laiphew Syiem, vol. I, 3.
Cf. J. Bacchiarello, Ki Dielifat Jong ki Ll»f&Thuwa, 91-95.
92
Therefore the misconception that men have no say in Khasi society as has been expressed by some non-Khasi
writers, is totally unfoundational.. The phenomenon of the doriJar clearly shows that men do exercise important
decision making that affect society at large. Women in general, are considered not capable of such serious
activity (Cf M. P. R. Lyngdoh, The Festivals in the History and Culture of the Khasi, 33).
93
Cf. P. Kharakor, Ka Kolshor Khasi, 69.
94
Cf. Ibid., 70.
95
Cited in M. P.R. Lyngdoh, The Festh>als in the History andCultvre qfthe Khasi, 37.
96
In Northeast India, the Garos like the Khasi, have a matrilineal system. ACCO£ding to legetds, the Garos
seemed to have accepted matrilineal system as a covenant with the Khasi on Kamakhya hill (Cf. Bareh, The
History and Culture of the Khasi People, 313). However, this is not a unique phenomenon for there are some
groups of people in other parts of the world who follow this system. Some of the tribes in Africa like the Wolof
and Baganda follow a sort of bilateral system of family lineage. They maintain a patrilineal system in the
common society, but they keep a matrilineal system in the line of oobility and royalty. The Tuaregs tribe instead
follow the opposite, that is, high offices come from the father while inheritance comes from the mother (Cf. A. L.
Kroeber, Anthropology. New Delhi: Oxfoni ffiH Publishing Co., 1976', 252). In India this system is also found in
the taravad of the Nayar cas11: of Malabar who trace their lineage from the mother. She only has rights in rem
over her children atd not her husband [Cf. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, Structure and Function in Primitive Society.
London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979, 36, 42).
97
Cf. E. A. Hoebel, Anthropology: The Study of Man. New Delhi: McGraw Hill Book Co~.l949, 123; M. J.
Herskovits, Cultural Anthropology. Calcutta: Oxford& ffiH Publishing Co., 1958, 168.
98
Cf. T. Nongbri, "Problems of Matriliny: A Short review of the Khasi kimhip structure", 334.
 75

99
Cf. P. B. Hammond, An Introduction to Cultural and Social Anthropology. New York: Macmillan
Publishing Co., 1971, 175.
10
101
°
Cf. W. A Haviland, Anthropology. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1974,381.
The place of importance that aKhasi woman occupies in Khasi society, is no doubt an envious one. Some old
traditions that come from the plains, tell about the existence of a "'woman's kingdom" that was found among the
Khasi. The Icing of Kashmir, Lalitliditya (714-750) tried to invade the Jaiiitia kingdoms known as Stri Rajya
(woman's kingdom) but was repelled by them. If this is true, there is no reason to doubt the prominence ofKhasi
women in a society(See M.P. R. Lyngdoh, TheFeslivals in the History and Culture if the Khasi, 31)
102
Cf. P. B. Syiemlieh, 1he Khasis and Their Matrilineal System. Shillong: P. B. Syiemlieh, 1994, 8.
103
Cf. Mawrie, The Khasi Mtheu, 12.
104
It is notable to see that in spite of the patrilineal system that is all around them, and the coming of Christianity
and its influence on Khasi culture as such, this social system has not in the least been affected In fact, the
missionaries have always respected this system among the Khasi. Thus even under the influence of the western
culture, it has remained permanent and unaffected (Cf. Chowdhury, Ki Khun Khasi Khara, 203-204).
105
Cf. R. Fox, Encounter with Anthropology. Auckland: Penguin Books Ltd., 1973, 82.
106
Rymbai, "Some Aspects of the Religion of the Khasi Pnars", 112.
107
Cf. R. Fox, Encounter with Anthropology, 83.
108
In the olden days it used to happen that one clan was patronised and supported in times of trouble, by another
clan and so a covenant of relationship was made among them. At other times, a member or members of one clan
happened to be adopted and brought up by another clan and so a covenant of relationship or a bond developed
among them. Such a social process is known among the Khasi as ka jingiateh leur.
109
Ct: Chowdhury, Ki Khun Khasi-Khara, 15.
110
ln the past, the Khasi warriors often used to attack the villages in the plains either for extending
their kingdoms or for looting. lbey would also capture plains women and would niarry them for the
sake of increasing the Khasi population.
111
Interview with Rev. Fr. Sylvanus Sngi Lyngdoh (Mawlai: August 9, 2008).
112
Cf. This does not however mean that the male members are without any property. According to Cantlie, a
male member is entitled to his self-acquired property (nDP~gkynraw) and in some circumstances, even to ancestral
property (nongtymmen) [Cf K. Cantlie, Notes on Khasi Law. Aberdeen: Henry Munro Ltd., 1934, 23].
ll3 Cf. A Mawlong, "Some Aspects of Change in the Family System of the Khasis", in Chacko (ed.)
Matriliny in Megha/aya, 89.
114
Ct: M. P.R. Lyngdoh, The Festivals in the History and Culture ofthe Khasi, 33.
115
Kpoh is a smaller unit of a clan. It is usually used to refer to a group of families descended from a single
lawbei (first grandmother), up to three or four generations - Cf. Chowdhury, Ki Khun Khasi Khara, 211; see also
T. Nongbri, "Problems of Matriliny: A Short Review of the Khasi Kinship Structure", in J. S. Bhandari (ed.)
Kinship and Family in the North-east, vol. 2. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1996, 333.
116
Cf. Gurdon, The Khasis, 18.
117
Cf. Nakane, Garo andKhasi: A comparativeStudyofMatrilineaJ Systems, 105.
118
Ct: S. Sngi Lyngdoh, ''The Khasi Matriliny: Its Past and Its Future", p. 38. In fact, today one of the principal
reasons for the crisis in Khasi society is the imbalance between cognates and agnates in a village or town which
leads to marriages of clan members outside their villages. This in turn creates problem in the exercise of their
roles by the kiii.
119
Cf. Kharakor,KaKolshorKhasi, 101.
°
12
121
Cf. M.P. R. Lyngdoh, TheFestivalsintheHistoryandCultureiftheKhasi, 12.
Cf. "Nongkrem Dance: Shad bad Pomblang ka Hima Khyrim", in Home Page (November 7, 2002)
http//www.khasilit.com/meghalava.htm. L Nongkrem Dance festival is celebrated every autumn at Smit, the
cultural seat of Ri llyniiiewtrep. It is a priceless heritage, reflecting the spiritual belief, religious rites and
ceremonies, the mythological, legendary and historical aspects. The dance expressions form the mosaic of the
cultural texture and fabric of the Hyniiiewtrep
122
Ct: Rymbai, "Behdein Khlam", in Roy, KhmiHeritage, 139-145.
123
Cf. E. Tome, "Feste e Riti Religiosi dei Synteng: II Dieng Klam", Gioven/U Missionaria, no. 7 (July 1930),
156.
124
Cf. Khamkor, Ka Kolshor Khasi, 179-180. This particular religious festival, has great similarity to the Hindu
Rath Yatra. This may be due to the fact that in past history, the Jaiiitia people had profound interaction with the
people of the plains who were mainly Hindus. Some &esthetical aspects of their pujm(religious ceremonies) must
have been incorporated into this Jaiiitia festival.
125
Cf. M.P. R. Lyngdoh, The Festivals in theHistoryandCulture ofthe Khasi, 11.
 76

CHAPTER3

Traditional Role of the Kiii (maternal uncle)

among the Khasis

3.1. INTRODUCTION

One of the common misconceptions about the Khasis is that a man has no authority

in this matrilineal society. It is true that a woman holds a privileged position, yet is it

equally true that a man is the ultimate authority at the family, clan and societal levels.

The maternal uncle known as kiii holds such power. He is the final authority within

the Kpoh (sub-clan) while the kni -rangbah is the authority within the clan. In the

Khasi traditional society s_uch social structure is zealously kept up.

Today, however, due to many endogenous and exogenous factors, the

traditional role of the kiii is weakening or is often under-exercised. Physical distance

of _the kill from his clan members is increased by such modem phenomena as

urbanization and clan dispersion As a consequence, the kiii loses his control over the

clan members.

3.2. U SUITNIA IN THE INSTITUTION OF KNJ-SIDP

The institution of kinship among the Khasis is traced back to the primeval ancestral

triad, U Thawlang (Father), Ka Iawbei (Mother) and U Suitnia (eldest son). Of these

three, U Suitnia is considered the primary model of all the kills. The primeval Suitnia
 77

is also the head of the hynniew-trep. By nature of his status, he is the protector of the

whole Khasi tribe. He is ready to sacrifice his life for the well being of others.

Every clan (Kur) has also its own ancestral triad, and it is to the Suitnia, the

eldest son of the the ancestral couple, that all the kiiis of the clan look up to for

inspiration and emulation. He has the power that is endowed on him by tradition.

Although U Thawlang is the legal head of the family, yet this power has been

delegated to U Suitnia Thus U Suitnia is the one who governs the whole clan. He

contains the roots of two words, namely, "suit" from suit-shor which means to pour

out libation during a sacrifice. This term indicates that he has a priestly character and

role. The second root "nia" is derived from said-nia said-jutang which means to

intercede or to argue. He is the one who intercedes with God on behalf of the whole

clan. 1 In any matter of life and death, he is there to advice and fmd solutions. As the

head of the clan, he is looked up to by other members of the clan as the model of a

perfect person. He teaches most with his good example. All the members of the clan

seek to emulate him

U Suitnia as the great uncle in the tribe is also the high priest of the tribe. He

has the duty of offering sacrifices to God on behalf of the whole tribe. Thus the

sacrifices that are offered today by the Kiii (maternal uncles of clans) are being done

in the name of U Suitnia He is the one who answers for the mistakes of his clan

members before God. According to tradition U Suitnia (whom tradition calls U

Khasi) was the son of U Thawlang and Ka Iawbei: He was the one who saved the

people from the clutches of U Thien (devil). 2 He intercedes with God on behalf of his

clan members for their sins of omission and commission 3

 78

Figure 3.1- The Primeval Triad

3.3. BASIC STRUCTURE OF KHASI SOCIETY

Before we discuss the levels of kiii-ship in Khasi society, it is expedient to look into

the basic structure of Khasi society within which kiii-ship has its role. Generally

speaking, Khasi society consists of a conglomerate of i"ng which fornl. a kpoh and a

conglomerate of kpoh which constitute a kur and the conglomerate of kur which

finally constitute the Khasi race. It may be better to explain the social structure from

downward:

3.3.1. lng-tnat (nuclear family)

Ka fng-tnat consists of the father, mother and their children Since the sense of

kinship is predominant in Khasi culture, often ka fng-tnat does not carry much

significance in itself In fact, its identity itself is always linked to the kurlkpohling.

3.3.2. Ing (family)

Ka fng is the smallest unit of the social structure. It consists of a group of families

with a common meirad tymmen (great grand mother) or a mei-ieid (grand mother). 4

All the married sisters and cousin sisters on the mother's side with their families
 79

together with the i"ng-seng or mg-khatduh constitute ka i"ng. The size of ka i"ng

depends on the number of children and grand children the ancestress has. The

number increases with the chronological distance from the ancestress. According to

Pakyntein a i"ng extends up to five generations. 5 In Khasi reckoning this would

extend up to the khun khnai (great great grand children). However, this reckoning of

generations remains still an issue of contention.

Therefore ka mg can be defined as an extended family without the members

being co-residential. The characteristics that define ka mg are: (i) a common grand

mother or great grand mother, (ii) the number of households within a specific

matrilineal descent group and all members included herein, (iii) a common ancestor

cult, (iv) a common household deity and religion, (v) a common family priest who is

usually the eldest maternal uncle (kiii rangbah), (vi) a common mg-seng or mg-niam

which serves as a sanctuary for rituals and (vii) a common ancestral property (if there

is). 6

3.3.3• .Kpoh (Lineage)

Ka kpoh is the second level of social structure among the Khasis. This would be

close to what anthropologists usually term 'lineage' where the members could still

trace actual descent from a known ancestress. 7 According to Nakane kpoh is a group

of matrilineal kin usually confined to one domestic family or group of households,

linked by direct extension of the main household. She also sees kpoh as a religious

and ritual unit with a common household religion and a common grandmother or
 80

great grandmother. 8 According to Pakyntein, a Khasi scholar, a kpoh extends up to

ten generations while a rng is up to five generations. 9

3.3.4. Kur (Clan)

This is an inner relationship based on blood relationship. The Kur is composed of a

number of Kpoh (sub clans). Kpoh is defined by Nakane as a group of matrilineal

kins usually confined to one domestic family or group of households, linked by

direct extension of the main household and sharing one household religion as well as

a common grand mother or great grand mother. 10 The above description of Kpoh fits

into the concept of Khasi Ing.

The Khasis consider as Kur only those directly related to the mother's side

and having the same primeval ancestress. The uniqueness of the Kur is indicated by

its name (surname). Each Kur has its own legend and tradition which recounts its

origin and history. For example, Kur Malngiang recounts its origin in the legend of

the Malngiang king. Kharumnuid on the other hand has a legend that their primeval

ancestress was suckled by a female pig until she grew up. For this reason, till today

they refrain .from eating pork. The origin of the Kur could be traced back to the first

ancestress who gave birth to the first or the primeval Ing (family). From her female

children many more families emerged and thus the Kpoh was formed. From the one

Kpoh many more Kpoh were born in the course of history. Thus a number of these

constitute a larger family which is known as Kurka Jait (clan). 11

In every Kur there is great reverence for the primeval ancestors, U Thawlang

(progenitor), Ka lawbei (ancestress) and U Suitnia (primeval f(lfi or uncle). Although

 81

ancestor worship is not a strong practice among the Khasis, yet these are highly

respected and moreover they assume a divine status and are prayed to for favours and

protection. The relationship within the Kur is upheld as sacred among the Khasis and

mutual sensitivity is maintained.

There are three ways in which a kur is formed as per the age-old Khasi tradition,

they are:

i) Those member of the i"ng, kpoh or jait whose descent can be traced back to

the first founding mother or ancestress who is usually called Ka Iawbei-tynrai (root
12
ancestress or primordial ancestress). These members usually bear the same surname

although in some cases some kpoh may assume another surname. Any member born

through the female line of the kur naturally belongs to the kur.

ii) There is another process of kur formation which is known as i"ateh-kur (kur

bonding). In this case two or more kurs who do not share a common ancestress

decide to bind themselves together through a covenant. Such a covenant does not

occur without a significant reason. In most cases it was because of a timely help or a

good deed done that led to such covenants (iateh-kur). In general members of such

bonded kurs cannot intermarry for it is considered ka sang (taboo). This social

bonding process was common in the past, but today it is not heard of anymore.

iii) Another way of forming a leur is through the process of tang-/cur or tang-

fait (ordaining kur). This happens when a Khasi man marries a non-Khasi woman

and a new kur (clan) is made through tang-kur. In this case the woman becomes the

lawbei-tynrai or Iawbei-tymmen of the newly formed leur. The husband then

becomes the Thawlang of the kur. The name of such a kur is usually derived from the

woman's first name and then suffixed with the word "dkhar" (plains woman). 13 The
 82

letter 'D' is left out and the word is abbreviated to "Khar". There are many clans

among the Khasis who are formed through this process like Kharkongor, Kharbuli,

Kharkamni, Kharrani etc. 14 This ceremony is still being done today for Khasi men

who marry non-Khasi women. The Seng Khasi does it from time to time and so too

Rev. Fr. Sngi Lyngdoh. 15

iv) There is another process by which kur members are acquired and that is

by a traditional method of Rap-'ing. This happens when a particular Khasi family

does not have female children who would continue the kur. In such cases, the family

would adopt one girl from their own kur or kpoh. She becomes then the heiress of the

ancestral property and the keeper of the customs and traditions of the kur.

v) Another popular practice among the Khasis of widening or strengthening

their kur is through the process called kam-kur. In this case, the son of a family

where there are no daughters,. marries a non-Khasi woman and their daughter

continues the lineage of the grandmother.~For all practical purposes, she becomes the

rightful heiress. 16 This practice is still being upheld from time to time as the need

anses.

There are some Khasi scholars who speak of jait as another division in the

family structure. Jait is considered as the next largest division after kur. 17 However,

many other scholars consider jait as merely a colloquial term used when enquiring

about the other person's clan. In other words, it is a sort of synonym for kur.
 83

3.4. LEVELS OF KNI-SHIP AMONG THE KHASIS

There is a need to clarify at this juncture the different levels of kfzi-ship present

among the Khasis. Not all kfzis are of the same degree in importance and authority.

As per tradition, the level of kfii-ship is usually based on seniority of age within the

leur, kpoh or mg.

3.4.1. U KiU rangbah (Eldest uncle oftbe clan)

U Ki'li rangbah (maternal uncle of a clan) is usually the eldest male member of the
18
entire clan. U Kiii rangbah is respected and obeyed by all in matters pertaining to

the welfare of the clan. In cases involving decisions affecting the entire clan, he is the

presiding judge. He has authority in matters relating to the life and death of his clan

members. 19

By Khasi convention U Kiii rangbah is the ex-officio priest in his own clan. 20

It is his obligation to offer an annual sacrifice to God and uphold the religious

practices of the clan. As an upkeeper of the law and an enforcer of discipline, he

reproves and corrects the wrong doings of the members of the clan. At times he even

punishes them severely. In cases of ka sang (ignominous crimes) committed by clan

members, he can ostracize them from the clan altogether. Therefore the role of U Kni

rangbah is a very important and decisive one in the socio-cultural and religious

formation of the young members. 21

The superior authority of the eldest kfzi over the younger kfzis is confirmed by

the"result of the survey as indicated below:

 84

a) The elder kiii exercises more authority than the younger kiii (Rural-urban
perspective 1

Table 3.1 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondent~ on the

question that the elder kiU has more authority than the younger ones.

Table 3.1- The elder kiii has more authority than the younger kiii

Total
Villages The eldest kill exercises more power
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu N 294 77 26 397
% 74.1 19.4 6.5 100.0
Maw rob N 160 27 18 205
% 78.0 13.2 8.8 100.0
Total N 454 104 44 602
% 75.4 17.3 7.3 100.0

Table 3.1 above shows that irrespective of the rural-urban settings, a huge

majority of the respondents agree that the eldest kiii exercises more authority over the

members of the kurlkpoh/ing than the younger kiiis.

b) The elder kiii exercises more authority than the younger kiii (Gender
perspective)

Table 3.2 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on the

question that the elder kiii has more authority than the yoWiger ones.
 85

Table 3.2- The elder kni has more authority than the younger kni
(Gender perspective)

Total
Gender of Re~pondents The eldest k:iii exercises more power
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Men N 176 35 19 230
% 76.5 15.2 8.3 100.0
Women N 278 69 25 372
% 74.7 18.5 6.7 100.0
Total N 454 104 44 602
% 75.4 17.3 1.3 100.0

Table 3.2 above shows that in general, irrespective of gender, most of the

respondents agree that the eldest kiii exercises more authority. Men however show

greater agreement (76.5%) to this view than women (74.7%)_

c) The elder kiii exercises more authority than the younger kiii (Age perspective)

Table 3.3 below provides us age perspective of the respondents on the

question that the elder kiii has more authority than the younger ones.

Table 3.3- The elder kiii has more authority than the younger kiii
(Age perspective)

Total
Age of Respondents The eldest kiii exercises more power
Agree Disagree Can't
say
15-35 N 321 54 39 414
% 77.5 13 9.4 100.0
36-55 N 89 35 4 128
% 69.5 27.3 3.1 100.0
56 and more N 44 15 1 60
% 73.3 25 1.7 100.0
Total N 454 104 44 602
% 75.4 17.3 7.3 100.0
 86

Table 3.3 above shows that a large majority of the respondents agree that the

eldest kiii wields more authority. Significantly, the ymmger and the older respondents

are more agreeable to this than the middle aged.

3.4.2. U Kiii khynnah (Young Uncle of tbe fnglkpohlkur)

In the case of the death or absence of U KiU rangbah the next eldest male

member of the clan assumes the role of the kfii. However, if the person is

comparatively young and lacks experience, he is generally called u ki'ii khynnah and

never called u kiii rangbah. 22 This is because the Khasis believe that a person's

wisdom and psychological maturity go hand in hand with years of experience.

Therefore, only an elderly person who has gone through such experiences can be

considered ''u rangbah" (elder). A young person, even though intelligent, is by no

means believed to possess as much wisdom as an elderly person. What U Kiii

rangbah is for the entire clan, U Kiii is for the smaller unit known as kpoh where he

assumes full authority over others. As regards moral education of the young

members of the clan, the kiii is looked upon as the chief instructor and enforcer of

discipline. He makes sure that his nephews and nieces are well formed morally and

are well informed in matters of religion and culture.

3.4.3. K~synrop (Classificatory uncles)

Kiii-synrop (classificatory uncles) refers to younger brothers of the kifi and

the brothers of the kpa. The eldeSt maternal kni is addressed as ma-heh or ma-

rangbah (the word "ma" is the abbreviation of "mama" which means uncle), the
 87

classificatory uncles are addressed as ma-deng (middle uncle), ma-khynnah (young

uncle) and ma-duh (youngest uncle). 23 On the father's side the classificatory uncles

are called "pa" (father). Thus the eldest paternal uncle would be called paheh or

pasan, the younger ones would be called padeng, pakhynnah, parit or paduh. The

number of kifi-synrop therefore depends on the number of male children of the

inglkpoh!kur of both the father and mother. In general the kiii-synrop are respected

and looked up to for counsel and advice. According to Robin Fox, all ego's cognates

to a certain degree are accepted as having some duties towards him/her. Their

influence increases when situations demand. 24 The classificatory uncles are the

closest cognates to the ego and consequently they exercise significant influence on

the members of their kur/kpohling. In some cases a kifi-synrop may command more

love and respect especially if he is a person of great integrity or if the kifi does not

fulfil his duties satisfactorily. 25 However, in all cases of important decision making,

the kifi always has the ultimate authority. The kifi-synrop can only offer advice and

solidarity.

3.5. IMPORTANCE OF KNI-SHIP

Klii-ship among the Khasis is such an important and deep-rooted institution that it

has persisted for centuries in spite of on-going evolution of Khasi society. Our

research has indicated that kifi-ship as a traditional institution is still perceived by

people as a relevant constituent of Khasi culture. In the survey, the first statement of

the questionnaire that has been put to the respondents was: "Kiii-ship is. essential in

Khasi society". The analysis of the responses has been done from different
 88

perspectives based on the given variables. Here below are the results derived from

the survey.

a) Kiii-ship is essential in Khasi society (Urban-rural perspective)

The first question in part I of the questionnaire states: "Kiii-ship is essential in

Khasi society". From a rural-urban perspective Table 3.4 below indicates the

response given to the first statement regarding the general perception of the Khasi

people on the essentiality of kiii-ship in the society today.

Table 3.4 - Kni is essential (Rural-urban perspective)

Total
Villages Kiii is important
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Marbisu 281 66 49 I 397
70.8 16.6 12.3 0.3 100.0
Maw rob 155 27 23 205
75.6 13.2 11.2 - 100.0
Total 436 93 72 1 602
72.4 15.4 12.0 0.2 100.0

Table 3.4 above reveals that irrespective of rural-urban settings, most of the

respondents agree that kiii-ship is essential in Khasi society. It is interesting to note

that the urban area (Mawroh) records a slightly higher percentage of agreement than

the rural area

 89

b) Kiii-ship is essential in Khasi society (Age perspective)

Table 3.5 below provides an age perspective of the respondents on whether

the kiii is essential in Khasi society.

Table 3.5- Kni is essential (Age perspective)

Total
Age of respondents Kiii is important
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
15-35 297 60 56 I 4I4
71.7 I4.5 13.5 0.2 IOO.O
36-55 85 29 I4 - I28
66.4 22.7 10.9 IOO.O
56 and more 54 4 2 - 60
90 6.7 3.3 IOO.O
Total 436 93 72 I 602
72.4 I5.4 I2.0 0.2 IOO.O

Table 3.5 above shows that most of the younger respondents agree that kiii-

ship is still important while a significant number of them either disagree or remain

neutral to this issue: On the other hand, almost all elderly persons uphold that kiii-

ship is still important.

The analysis shows that the elderly people show more attachment to the

institution of kiii-ship and feel that it should be maintained. Their overwhelming

positive response indicates their attachment to this institution The younger people

instead show a gradual lack of knowledge and interest in this traditional institution.

The glaring absence of the kiii today is probably the reason why the younger people

are beginning to lose touch with this traditional institution.

 90

c) Kiii-ship is essential in Khasi society (Gender perspective)

Table 3.6 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on whether

the kni is essential in Khasi society.

Table 3.6- Kni is essential (Gender perspective)

Total
Gender of respondents Kiii is important
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Men 164 39 26 I 230
71.3 17.0 11.3 0.4 100.0
Women 272 54 46 - 372
73.1 14.5 12.4 100.0
Total 436 93 72 1 602
72.4 15.4 12.0 0.2 100.0

The table above indicates that most m~ and women agree that kni-ship is

still essential in Khasi society. However, 15.4% and 12% disagree and are neutral

respectively. This shows a downward tendency in people's attitude towards ldfi-ship

in general.

d). Klii-ship is essential in Khasi society (Religious groups' perspective)

Table 3.7 below provides a religious group's perspective of the respondents

on whether the kiii is essential in Khasi society.

 91

Table 3.7- Kiii is essential (Religious group's perspective)

I Total
Religion of the Kiii is important
respondents
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Christian 380 78 57 I 230
73.6 15.1 11.0 0.2 100.0

Traditional religion 56 15 15 372

65.1 17.4 17.4 100.0

Total 436 93 72 I 602

72.4 15.4 12.0 0.2 100.0

Table 3. 7 above shows that majority of Christians agree that kiii-ship is

essential in Khasi society. Most of those who profess the traditional religion too

opine the same. On the whole almost three fourth of the respondents feel that the kfii

is essential. What is revealing in this analysis is that Christians' opinion is more

positive than that of the non-christian Khasis. Interestingly 15.4% disagree on the

importance of kiii-ship. This is another indication of the gradual loss of importance

of kiii-ship among the Khasis today.

e) Kiii-sbip is essential in Kbasi society (Educational perspective)

Table 3.8 below provides an educational perspective on the same question

 92

Table 3.8- Kiii is essential (Educational perspective)

Total
I Educational qualification Kiii is important
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Post graduate 12 3 2 17
70.6 17.6 11.8 100.0
Graduate 68 17 10 95
71.6 17.9 10.5 100.0
Classes XI- Xll 143 31 19 193
74.1 16.1 9.8 100.0
V-X 127 22 30 179
70.9 12.3 16.8 100.0
1-W 56 11 9 76
73.7 14.5 11.8 100.0
lliiterate 30 9 3 42
71.4 21.4 7.2 100.0
Total 436 93 73 602
72.4 15.5 12.1 100.0

Table 3.8 above indicates that there is a similar degree of opinion among

respondents of different qualifications. Most of the highly qualified as well as the

least qualified agree that kiii-ship is essential. Even majority of the illiterate agree.

Thus educational qualification does not seem to be a factor that affects opinion about

this issue.

0 Kiii-ship is essential in Khasi society (Occupational perspective)

Table 3.9 below provides an occupational perspective on the same question.

 93

Table 3.9- Kiii is essential (Occupational perspective)

Total
Occupation of Kiii is important
respondents Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
G<lvemment employees 43 6 5 54
79.6 11.1 9.3 100.0
Business 38 12 8 372
65.5 20.7 13.8 100.0
Farmers 46 8 2
82.1 14.3 3.6
Others 309 67 57 I 434
71.2 15.4 13.2 0.2 100.0
Total 436 93 72 1 602
72.4 15.4 12.0 0.2 100.0

Table 3.9 above indicates that the opinion on the issue from the perspective

of occupations of the respondents does not differ much. Majority of them agree that

/dii-ship is essential. The persons engaged in business seem to agree slightly lesser

than others. This is probably due to the fact that they are in control of family affairs,

being the sole bread earners of the family. So there is less feeling for the importance

of the kiii. Sometimes the kiii may be seen as an interferer in family matters.

3.6.KNJ AS A PERSON OF AUmORITY

In general the authority of the kiii is still recognized and respected.

Theoretically, the kifi is still perceived as someone wielding tremendous power over

his kur/kpohltng members although in reality he has lost much of his powers. In most

affairs related directly to the kurlkpohling, the ldii still exercises his authority with

regard to decision making. The survey conducted shows that in general the Khasis

still accept kifi-ship as an institution of authority.

 94

a) Kiii has authority over his family members (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 3.10 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kfii exercises authority over his kurlkpoh/rng members.

Table 3.10- Kiii has authority (Rural-urban perspective)

Total
Villages Kiii has authorityover family
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 344 40 13 397
86.6 10.1 3.3 100.0
Maw rob 180 12 13 205
87.8 5.9 6.3 100.0
Total 524 52 26 602
87.0 8.7 4.3 100.0

Table 3.10 above shows that irrespective of rural-urban setting, most of the

respondents agree that the kfii has authority over his kurlkpohling members. Very

few respondents disagree with this.

b) Kiii has authority in the kurlkpohling (Age perspective)

Table 3.11 below provides an age perspective ofthe respondents on whether

the kfii exercises authority over his kur/kpohl'ing members.

 95

Table 3.11- Kiii has authority (Age perspective)

Age of correspondents Kiii has authority over family Total

Agree Disagree Can't
say
15-35 363 30 21 414
87.7 7.2 5.1 100.0
36-55 105 19 4 128
82.0 14.8 3.1 100.0
56 and more 56 3 1 60
93.3 5.0 1.7 100.0
Total 524 52 26 602
87.0 8.7 4.3 100.0

Table 3.11 above indicates that majority of the respondents irrespective of

age agree that the kiii has authority over his family members. Very few of them

disagree with this. The analysis shows that more elderly persons more strongly agree

with this aspect of tradition than the younger ones.

c) Kiii has authority in the kur/kpohlfng (Gender perspective)

Table 3.12 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on

whether the ldii exercises authority over his kur/kpoh/rng members.

Table 3.12- Kiii has authority (Gender perspective)

Gender of correspondents Kiii has authority over family Total

Agree Disagree Can't
say
Men 197 21 12 230
85.7 9.1 5.2 100.0
Women 327 31 14 372
87.9 8.3 3.8 100.0
Total 524 52 26 602
87.0 8.7 4.3 100.0
 96

Table 3.12 above shows that majority both of men and women agree that the

kfii has authority over his family members. Only a small numbe.r of respondents

disagree. This analysis indicates clearly that most Khasis still believe that the kfii has

authority over his kur/kpoh!fng members.

d) K.i\i has authority in the kur/kpoh/ing (Religious perspective)

Table 3.13 below provides a religion perspective of the respondents on

whether the ldii exercises authority over his kur/kpoh/rng members.

Table 3.13- Kiii has authority (Religious perspective)

Religion of correspondents Kiii has authority over family Total

Agree Disagree Can't
say
Christian 446 49 21 516
86.4 9.5 4.1 100.0
Traditional religion 78 3 5 86
90.7 3.5 5.8 100.0
Total 524 52 26 602
87.0. 8.7 4.3 100.0

Table 3.13 above .shows that majority of the respondents among both

Christians and those who profess the Khasi traditional religion still feel that the kni

has authority over his kur/kpoh!fng members. Very few of them disagree with this.

The analysis indicates that the latter group (traditional religion followers) has a

stronger opinion on this issue. This is evident from the fact that the kni 's role in non-

· christian kpohling is more defined than those in Christian kpohling.

 97

e) Kiii has authority in the kur/kpohling (Educational perspective)

Table 3.14 below provides an analysis from an educational perspective on

whether the kiii exercises authority over his kurlkpoh/rng members.

Table 3.14- Kiii has authority (Educational perspective)

Educational qualifications Kii.i has authority over family Total

Agree Disagree Can't
say
Post graduate 15 2 - 17
88.2 11.8 100.0
Graduate 83 12 - 95
87.4 12.6 100.0
Classes XI - Xll 175 8 10 193
90.7 4.1 5.2 100.0
V-X 152 60 11 179
84.9 8.9 6.1 100.0
1- IV 65 9 2 76
85.5 11.9 2.6 100.0
Dliterate 33 5 3 42
80.5 12.2 7.3 100.0
Total 523 52 26 602
87.0 8.7 4.3 100.0

Table 3.14 above indicates that irrespective of the level of qualifications,

majority of the respondents agree that the kiii exercises his authority in the

kur/kpoh/lng. However, it is significant that a small number of respondents both

qualified and illiterate persons disagree or are neutral. Thus in general education

seems to be an important factor in determining the authority of the kiii.

 98

f) Kiii has authority in the kur/kpohling (Occupational perspective)

Table 3.15 below provides an occupational perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii exercises authority over his kur/kpoh/'ing members.

Table 3.15- Kiii has authority (Occupational perspective)

Occupation of Kiii has authority over family Total

respondents
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Gi»vernment employees 48 5 I 54
88.9 9.3 1.8 IOO.O
Business 50 6 2 58
86.2 10.3 3.4 IOO.O
Farmers 54 I I 56
%.4 1.8 1.8 IOO.O
Others 372 40 22 434
85.7 9.2 5.I 100.0
Total 524 52 26 602
87.0 8.7 4.3 IOO.O

Table 3.15 above shows that irrespective of their occupations, most of the

respondents agree that the kiii has authority. However it could be noted that those

engaged in agriculture have a greater number who agree to this than those who

disagree.

3.7. RELIGIOUS FUNCTIONS OF THE KNI

As per the age-old tradition of the Khasis, the kiii is also considered the priest of the

family. He carries out the religious rituals and ceremonies related to his family's

religious tradition. The kiii acts as a medium between U Blei (God) and his family
 99

members. He ensures that God's blessings continue to flow to the kpoh members.

He also acts as a presiding priest at the marriages of his family members. He

conducts the marriage ceremonies and imparts blessing to the newly wedded

couple. 26

3.7.1. The Kili as tbe presiding priest oftbe Kur or Kpoh (lineage)

Among the Khasis the kiii rangbah (seniormost liDcle) acts as the presiding priest in

religious matters of the kitr or kpoh while is it the duty of the khatduh to prepare all

the requirements for the rites and rituals. 27 Among the·Pitars in Jaiiitia Hills, the kfii

even though he may be a little boy, has to perform the religious duties of his kur

(clan) or his kpoh (sub-clan)_28 The kfii is considered as the defender of religion and
29
without him a family worship is considered sacrilegious. The religious functions

that a kfii traditionally performs are the following:

I. Presiding over ka jer ka thoh (naming ceremony) of the child. Usually

when a male child is born, it is the kiii who performs the naming rite of the child and

he implores God's blessing upon the child so as to be able to grow into a mature and

effective man till his old age. 30

2. Presiding over ka shongkha shongman (marriage ceremony) of his

nephews or nieces. The marriage is a socio-religious affair and has to be done with

the proper agreement between the parents of the boy and the girl and above all of

their Kflis. The maternal and paternal kfiis of the boy are the ones who see to the

arrangement and engagement ofthe boy. 31 Before any engagement is to be done both

parties seek to uncover all inauspicious circumstances lest the union should lead to a
 100

displeasure of Ka Dawing. 32 If per chance there is any trace of kinship from the

mother's side (kur) or from the father's side (kha), then marriage would never be

contemplated for that would amount to kll sang (taboo). In a marriage ceremony the

knis of both parties preside over the fimction in the presence of the parents and

relatives of both families. 33 In fact, no engagement or marriage could take place

without the knowledge and decision of the kiii. 34

3. Performing the rituals of lw iap kll sa (rituals for the deceased members).

When a member of his clan or kpoh dies, it is the kiU who performs the last rites. He

undertakes the washing and dressing of the deceased person and conducts the fimeral
35
ceremonies. After the cremation he collects the bones of the deceased and brings

them to the house of the khatduh to be preserved there till the day of transference to

the clan ossuary during the ceremony called lw phur-ka siang

4. Performing the annual sacrifice of the clan. The Khasis maintain a family

or clan religion (niam-ing and niam-kur). 36 It is the duty of the kiii to perform the

annual or periodic sacrifice on behalf of all his clan or family members. There are

some clans who are entrusted with the care of lawkyntang (sacred groves) or market

places. In such cases the Ienis of these clans have the duty to offer sacrifices in such

places.

The survey related to this particular role of the kiii indicates that his

traditional status as a priest of the kurlkpoh/ing is still accepted and respected though

in many cases it is no longer functional as he himself or his kur/kpoh members have

converted to Christianity or other religions.

 101

a) Kiii is the priest of the kurlkpohling (Rural-urban perspective)

The fourth statement of Part I of the questionnaire states: "U kiU is the priest

of the kurlkpoh/ing". Table 3.16 below analyzes the response from a rural-urban

perspective.

Table 3.16- Kiii is tbe priest oftbe kurlkpohling (Rural-urban perspective)

I Villages Kiii is a priest ofthe br/1qloll Total

Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Marbisu 245 77 74 I 397
61.7 I9.4 18.6 0.3 IOO.O
Maw rob 130 20 55 - 205
63.4 9.8 26.8 100.0
Total 375 97 129 I 602
62.3 I6.1 21.4 0.2 IOO.O

Table 3.16 above shows that irrespective of rural or urban settings, most of

the respondents agree that the kiii is the priest of the family. Only a small number of

them disagree with this. There is a significant number who remain quite ignorant

about this aspect of tradition. This phenomenon occurs more in the urban than in the

rural areas. This is probably because the absence of the klii is more evident in urban

than in rural areas.

b)Kili is tbe priest oftbe kurlkpohling (Age perspective)

Table 3.17 below provides an age perspective ofthe respondents on whether

the klii is the priest of his kur/kpohlfng.

 102

Table 3.17- Kiii is the priest of the kllrlkpoh/mg (Age perspective)

Age of respondents Kiii is a priest of the lalr/kpo/1 Total

Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
15-35 25I 59 I03 I 4I4
60.6 I4.3 24.9 0.2 100.0
36-55 80 26 22 - I28
62.5 20.3 17.2 IOO.O
56 and more 44 I2 4 - 60
73.3 20.0 6.7 IOO.O
Total 375 97 I29 I 602
62.3 I6.I 21.4 0.2 100.0

Table 3.17 above shows that in general most ofthe respondents agree that the

kiii is the priest of the kur!kpohlrng. Significantly the older people have a higher

percentage of agreement than the younger generations. It is also note worthy to

observe that the level of ignorance about this aspect of kiii-ship is higher among the

younger people. This is expected as klii-ship in Khasi society is less evident today

than in the past.

c) Kiii is the priest of the kurlkpohlrng (Gender perspective)

Table 3.18 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii is the priest of his kur/kpoh/ing.

 103

Table 3.18 - Kiii is the priest of the ku.r/kpoh/mg (Gender perspective)

Gender of respondents Kiii is a priest of the kur!lcpoh Total

Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Men 140 47 42 1 230
60.9 20.4 18.3 0.4 100.0
Women 235 50 87 - 372
63.2 13.4 23.4 100.0
Total 375 97 129 I 602
62.3 16.1 21.4 0.2 100.0

Table 3.18 above indicates that irrespective of gender most of the respondents

agree that the kiU is the priest of the kur/kpoh/rng. However 21.4% have no views

about it.

d) Kiii is the priest of the kur/kpohling (Religious perspective)

Table 3.19 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiU is the priest of his kurlkpohlrng.

Table 3.19- Kiii is the priest oftlte kurlkpoh/mg (Religious perspective)

Religion of respondents Kiii is a priest of the luU'/kpoll Total

Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Christian 314 81 120 1 516
60.9 15.7 23.3 0.2 100.0
Traditional religion 61 16 9 - 86
70.9 18.6 10.5 100.0
Total 375 97 129 1 602
62.3 16.1 21.4 0.2 100.0

Table 3.19 above shows that irrespective of religion most of the respondents

agree that the kfU is the priest of the kur/kpoh/rng. However, significantly those who
 104

still uphold the traditional Khasi religion have a higher percentage of agreement than

their christian counterparts. Lack of opinion about this tradition is also higher among

Christians than among those who still uphold the traditional religion

e) Kiii is the priest of the kurlkpohling (Educational perspective)

Table 3.20 below provides an analysis from a perspective of qualification of

the respondents on whether the kiii is the priest ofhis kurlkpoh/'ing.

Table 3.20 - Kiii is the priest of the kurlkpohling (Educational perspective)

Educational qualification Kill is a priest of the br/lcpoll Total

Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Post graduate 12 5 - 17
70.6 29.4 100.0
Graduate 51 25 19 - 95
53.7 26.3 20.0 100.0
XI-Xll 130 20 43 - 193
67.4 10.4 22.2 100.0
V-X 104 23 51 I 179
58.1 12.8 28.5 0.6 100.0
I-IV 53 12 11 - 76
69.7 15.8 14.5 100.0
llliterate 25 12 5 - 42
59.5 28.6 11.9 100.0
Total 375 97 129 1 602
62.3 16.1 21.4 0.2 100.0

Table 3.20 above shows that most of the respondents agree that the kifi is the

priest of the kur/kpoh/i"ng. However, it is significant to note that the number of those

who disagree or are neutral is not too smaii either. The more educated persons seem

to be more agreeable to this statement.

 105

f) Kiii is the priest of the kurlkpohA"ng (Occupational perspective)

Table 3.21 below provides an occupational perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii is the priest of his kurlkpohling.

Table 3.21 - Kiii is the priest of the kurlkpohling (Occupational

perspective)

Occupation of the Kill is a priest of the /au/lcpoh. Total

respondents
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Government empoloyee 30 18 6 - 54
55.6 33.3 1l.l 100,0
Business 43 6 9 - 58
74.2 10.3 15.5 100.0
Farmer 47 6 3 - 56
83.9 10.7 5.4 100.0
Others 25 67 111 1 204
12.2 32.9 54.4 0.5 100.0

Total 375 97 129 1 602

62.3 16.1 21.4 0.2 100.0

Table 3.21 above indicates that most of the respondents agree that the kiii is

the priest of the kurlkpohltng. It should be noted however that more farmers agree to

this than government employees. The number of those who disagree among the

government employees is rather high. The number of those who are not sure about

this aspect of kiii-ship is also quite high which indicates that there is a growing

ignorance about this role of the kiii today.

 106

3.7.2. The Kiii is the mediator of the clan

Another important role that the kiii holds is that of being a mediator between God

and his clan members. For example, if a member gets sick, he is the one who

performs divination by cutting a cock or breaking an egg in order to discover the

cause of a sickness. If the cause is internal which the Khasis call ka daw-lng, then the

culprit has to confess to the kiii who would in turn intercede for him with God so as

to obtain pardon. 37

The kiii is also the mediator between the ancestors and the members of his

inglkpoh/kur. Considering the fact that ancestor cult is so sacred and important for

the Khasis, this particular role of the kiii is of particular significance. Since the kiii

acts as a de facto priest and leader of the inglkpohlkur, he is directly responsible for

the well being of his clan members. He is the link between the dead ancestors (u

Thawlang, ka Iawbei and u Suitnia) and the living members of his inglkpoh/kur. This

is clearly demonstrated in his prayers during a religious rite. He invokes the

intervention of the ancestors in times of difficulty or asks for their blessings for the

members ofhis inglkpohlkur.

a) Kili is the mediator of the kurlkpohling (Rural-urban perspective)

The third statement of Part I states: "U kiii is the mediator of the

kur/kpoh/mg". The tables below give the responses from different perspectives.
 107

Table 3.22 - Kiii is the mediator of the ku.rlkpohling (Rural-urban

perspective)

Villages Kiii is a the mediator of the Total

lulrlkpolr
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Marbisu 354 29 13 I 397
89.2 7.3 3.3 0.2 100.0
Mawroh 168 6 31 - 205
82.0 2.9 15.1 100.0
Total 522 35 44 1 602
86.7 5.8 7.3 0.2 100.0

Table 3.22 above indicates that vast majority of the respondents agree with

the traditional concept of the kiii as the mediator of the kur/kpoh/ing. Only a small

number of them disagree with this. This shows that in general the people still uphold

this role of the kiii in the society especially in the rural areas.

b) Kiii is the mediator of the ku.rlkpohlfng (Age perspective)

Table 3.23 below provides us an age perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii is the mediator of his kur/kpoh/i"ng members.

Table 3.23- Kiii is the mediator of the ku.rlkpoh/mg (Age perspective)

Age of respondents Kiii is the mediator of the Total

kllr/lcpol!
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
15-35 348 28 37 1 414
84.1 6.8 8.9 0.2 100.0
36-55 118 5 5 - 128
92.2 3.9 3.9 100.0
56 and more 56 2 2 - 60
93.4 3.3 3.3 100.0
Total 522 35 44 1 602
86.7 5.8 7.3 0.2 100.0
 108

Table 3.23 above shows that the older generations agree with this more than

the younger respondents do. This indicates that the older people are more attached to

this institution than the younger ones In general the analysis shows that most people

still theoretically uphold this.

c) Kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpolrling (Gender perspective)

Table 3.24 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii is the mediator of his kurlkpohli"ng members ..

Table 3.24- Kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpolr/mg (Gender perspective)

~nderof~pondenu Kiii is tbe mediator of tbe Total

lalrlkP!!_It
Agree Disagree Can't No
say ~ponse

Men 197 16 16 1 230

85.7 7.0 7.0 0.4 100.0
Women 325 19 28 372
87A 5.1 7.5 100.0
Total 522 35 44 1 602
86.7 5.8 7.3 0.2 100.0

Table 3.24 above indicates that majority of the respondents irrespective of

gen~er agree that the kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpohl'tng. Slightly more women

seem to agree with this than men.

d) Kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpolrling (Religious perspective)

Table 3.25 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii is the mediator of his kurlkpoh/i"ng members.

 109

Table 3.25- Kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpoh/mg (Religious

perspective)

Religion of respondents Kiii is the mediator of the Total

karlkpoll
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Christian 449 26 40 1 516
87.0 5.0 7.8 0.2 100.0
Traditional religion 73 9 4 - 86
84.9 10.5 4.6 100.0
Total 522 35 44 1 602
86.7 5.8 7.3 0.2 100.0

Table 3.25 above indicates that irrespective of religion majority of the

respondents agree that the ldii is the mediator of the kur/kpohlrng. Quite a significant

number either disagree or remain neutral. There is no perceptible difference of

opinion between Christians and those who uphold the Khasi religion on this issue.

e) Kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpolr.ling (Educational perspective)

Table 3.26 below provides an educational perspective of the respondents on

whether the ldii is the mediator of his kurlkpoh!rng members.

 110

Table 3.26 . . ,. Kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpohling (Educational

perspective)

I
I Educational qualification Kiii is the mediator of the Total
of respondents /au/kP!!_It
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Post-graduate 16 1 - 17
94.1 5.9 100.0
Graduate 81 10 4 - 95
85.3 10.5 4.2 100.0
XI -XII 170 5 18 - 193
88.1 2.6 9.3 100.0
V-X 150 13 15 1 179
83.8 7.3 8.4 0.5 100.0

1- IV 68 3 5 - 76
89.5 3.9 6.6 100.0
IDiterate 37 3 1 - 41
90.2 7.3 2.4 100.0
Total 522 35 44 1 602
86.7 5.8 7.3 0.2 100.0

Table 3.26 above shows that majority of the respondents at all levels of

education agree that the ldii is the mediator of the kurlkpohling. A very small number

of the respondents, irrespective of educational qualifications, disagree or are neutral

about this statement. Thus the perception of the kfti as a mediator is still considered

relevant for society.

f) Kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpolr/ing (Occupational perspective)

Table 3.27 below provides an occupational perspective of the respondents on

whether the ldii is the mediator of his kur/kpohlmg members.

 111

Table 3.27 - Kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpohling (Occupational

perspective)

Occupation of the Kiii is the mediator of the Total

respondents kKrlkpoll
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Government empoloyee 47 3 4 - 54
87.0 5.6 7.4 100.0
Business 51 4 3 - 58
87.9 6.9 5.2 100.0
Farmer 52 2 2 - 56
92.8 3.6 3.6 100.0
Others 372 26 35 I 434
85.7 6.0 8.0 0.2 100.0
Total 522 35 44 I 602
86.7 5.8 7.3 0.2 100.0

Table 3.27 above reveals that irrespective of occupations, most of the

respondents agree that the kiii is the mediator of the kurlkpohhng. However the

number of the farmers who agree supersedes that of others. This reveals that the role

of the kiii as mediator is probably more evident in the rural families.

3.7.3. TbeKiii as the religious educator of the young

Since the Khasis maintain a clan or a family religion, the role of the kiii

extends to the religious sphere as well. Thus he is not only an ex-officio priest of the

clan or kpoh but he is also a religious educator of the young. It is his duty to instruct

the younger ·generation about religion and about religious norms and values. He

would teach them first of all the basic religious moral norms of the Khasis, namely,

kamai ia ka hok (earn righteousness), tipbriew-tipblei (love God, love neighbour) as

well as tipkur-tipkha (know your relatives). These triple commandments are so basic
 112

to life that the kiii as well as the parents would impress them upon the young. On

these three the whole Khasi religion stands.

3.8. SOCIO-CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC FUNCTIONS OF THE KNI

Among the Khasis, kiii-ship is an overarching institution which has a secular as well

as a religious basis and implications. This implies that it extends to every sphere of

life, socio-political, cultural and religious. We have already discussed the religious

functions of the kiii above. In the following section we will discuss how kiii among

the Khasis wields control over socio-cultural and economic decisions and activities

which concern his ing, kpoh or kur.

3.8.1. Kiii-ship as a political institution

Among the Khasis, the clans constitute very important components of society. Each

clan has its own internal political, juridical and administrative system. It is headed by

the Rangbah-kur (head of the clan) who is elected by the male members of the clan

from the richest or most influential family. 38 He holds office till death, but his office

is not hereditary. 39 He is assisted by a few other Rangbah-kurs of the clan. He also

allocates land belonging to the clan to each member for purposes ofsettlement and

cultivation 40 In matters of discipline he functions as a judge who pronounces

judgment on the behaviour of the members. His words and decisions are binding on

all. 41 He is the legal representative of the clan in front of the State Dorbar. 42 The

Rangbah-kur is also the presiding priest of the clan. He is responsible for the annual

religious ceremonies (prayers and sacrifices) which the clan has to perform.
 113

3.8.2. Kiii-ship as a socio-cultural institution

As per the Khasi tradition, the kfii exercises great power in society among his clan

members. He is the head of the clan or of his kpoh. 43 Kni-ship is the product of a

socio-cultural tradition Kiii-ship in fact signifies the patriarchal aspect of Khasi

society. It shows that in any socio-cultural activity it is the men who assume control

and not the females. 44 At the same time, a kiii in Khasi society is the one who

upholds the culture and tradition of the clan. Therefore it is his duty to provide

cultural education to the younger members of his kpoh!kur. The ki'li also acts as the

protector and provisioner of the female members of his family. The consanguineous

relationship and the establishment of incest taboo according to Robin Fox, is what

prevents him from becoming the father of his sister's children in such family
45
structures. This traditional role of the Jdii is still prevalent in many Pnar villages.

The survey conducted reveals that kiii-ship still has relevance in Khasi society

today. Although every kiii is respected to a great extent, there are other socio-cultural

factors that determine their greater acceptance, authority and influence. Here below

are the results of the analysis on these aspects.

a) Kiiis who hold important positions command more respect

Table 3.28 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether or not the kiiis who hold important positions in society command more

respect.
 114

Table 3.28- Kiiis who hold important positions command more respect (Rural-
urban perspective I

KiUs witb better social status

Villages bave more reped and Total
influence
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 202 256 39 397
50.9 39.3 9.8 100.0
Maw rob 91 85 29 205
44.4 41.5 14.1 100.0
Total 293 241 68 602
48.7 40.0 11.3 100.0

Table 3.28 above reveals that irrespective of rural-urban settings, not many

respondents agree that the kiiis who have important social status command more

respect or influence. It is significant that the number of those who disagree is high. In

this case too, the rural people seem to agree more to this than the urban people.

b) Kiiis who hold important positions command more respect (Gender

perspective)

Table 3.29 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on

whether or not the kiiis who hold important positions in society command more

respect.

Table 3.29- Kiiis who hold important positions command more respect
(Gender perspective)

Kiiis with better social status

Gender of the respondents have more repect and Total
influence
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Men 125 85 20 230
54.3 37.0 8.7 100.0
Women 168 156 48 372
45.2 41.9 12.9 100.0
Total 293 241 68 602
48.7 40.0 11.3 100.0
 115

Table 3.29 above shows that in general not many irrespective of gender,

agree that kiiis with better social status command more respect However, more men

respondents tend to agree with this than their women counterparts.

c) Kiii upholds the cultural heritage of the kur/kpohling (Rural-urban perspective)

The fourth statement of Part I states: "U kifi upholds the cultural heritage of

the kurlkpohltng". The tables below show the responses from different perspectives.

Table 3.30- Kiii upholds the cultural heritage of the kurlkpohlfng

(Rural-urban perspective)

Villages Kiii upholds cultural heritage Total

Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Marbisu 297 47 52 I 397
74.8 11.8 13.1 0.3 100.0
Mawroh 159 16 30 - 205
77.6 7.8 14.6 100.0
Total 456 63 82 I 602
75.7 10.5 13.6 0.2 100.0

Table 3.30 above shows that most of the respondents are of the opinion that

kiii is the upholder of the cultural heritage. However, 13.6% of them appear to be

ignorant about this aspect of /dii-ship.

d) Kiii upholds the cultural heritage of the kurlkpohling (Age perspective)

Table 3.31 below provides an age perspective of the respondents on whether

the kiii upholds the cultural heritage of his kur/kpohli"ng. -

 116

Table 3.31- Kiii upholds the cultural heritage (Age perspective)

Age of respondents Kiii upholds cultural heritage Total

Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
15-35 304 41 68 I 414
73.4 9.9 16.4 0.2 100.0
36-55 102 16 10 - 128
79.7 12.5 7.8 100.0
56 and more 50 6 4 - 60
83.3 10.0 6.7 100.0
Total 456 63 82 I 602
75.7 10.5 13.6 0.2 100.0

Table 3.31 above indicates that irrespective of age, most of the respondents

agree that the kifi is the one who upholds the cultural heritage of the kurlkpohling.

However, it is significant that the elderly people are more agreeable to this than the

younger ones.

e) Kiii upholds the cultural heritage of the kurlkpohling (Gender perspective)

Table 3.32 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on

whether the kifi upholds the cultural heritage of his kurlkpoh/ing.

Table 3.32- Kiii upholds the cultural heritage (Gender perspective)

Gender of respondents Kiii upholds cultural heritage Total

Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Men 172 25 32 1 230
74.8 10.9 13.9 0.4 100.0
Women 284 38 50 372
76.3 10.2 13.4 100.0
Total 456 63 82 l 602
75.7 10.5 13.6 0.2 100.0
 117

Table 3.32 above shows that irrespective of gender, majority of the

respondents agree that kiii is the one who upholds the cultural heritage. However, the

number of those who disagree or are neutral is not negligible. It indicates that the kni

today is gradually losing hold of this traditional role in society.

f) Kiii upholds the cultural heritage of the kurlkpohlfng (Religious perspective)

Table 3.33 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii upholds the cultural heritage of his kurlkpohling.

Table 3.33- Kiii upholds the cultural heritage (Religious perspective)

Religion of respondents Kiii upholds cultural heritage Total

Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Christian 390 51 74 I 516
75.6 9.9 14.3 0.2 100.0
Traditional religion 66 12 8 - 86
76.7 14.0 9.3 100.0
Total 456 63 82 1 602
75.7 10.5 13.6 0.2 100.0

Table 3.33 above indicates that irrespective of religion most of the

respondents agree that the kiii is the one who upholds the cultural heritage of the

kurlkpohling. A sizable percentale of Christians is quite ignorant about this aspect of

kiii-ship in comparison to those who uphold the traditional religion However, when

it comes to disagreement, more of those who uphold the Khasi religion disagree than

the Christians. Probably this change is felt more by those who profess the traditional
 118

religion on account of their proximity to the culture and tradition than the Christians

who have less contact with their culture.

g) Kiii upholds the cultural heritage of the kurlkpolrling (Educational perspective)

Table 3.34 below provides an educational perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiU upholds the cultural heritage of his kurlkpohling.

Table 3.34- Kiii upholds the c:ultural heritage (Educational perspective)

Educational qualification Kiii upholds cultural heritage Total

Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Post-graduate 14 1 2 - 17
82.4 5.9 11.8 100.0
Graduate 66 17 12 - 95
69.5 17.9 12.6 100.0
XI-XII 151 14 28 - 193
78.2 7.3 14.5 100.0
V-X 133 19 26 1 179
74.3 10.6 14.5 0.6 100.0
1- IV 60 6 10 - 76
78.9 7.9 13.2 100.0
IDiterate 32 6 4 - 42
76.2 14.3 9.5 100.0
Total 456 63 82 1 602
75.7 10.5 13.6 0.2 100.0

Table 3.34 above indicates that irrespective of educational qualification most

of the respondents agree that the kiii is the person who upholds the cultural heritage

of the kurlkpohling. However, the number of those who disagree or are neutral is

rather high.
 119

h) Klii upholds the cultural heritage of the kurlkpoh/ing (Occupational

perspective)

Table 3.35 below provides an occupational perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii upholds the cultural heritage of his kurlkpoh/ing.

Table 3.35- Klii upholds the cultural heritage (Occupational perspective)

I
Occupation of the Kiii upholds cultural heritage Total I
respondents Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Government employee 37 12 5 - 54
68.5 22.2 9.3 100.0
Business 47 5 6 - 58
81.0 8.6 10.3 100.0
Farmer 46 1 9 - 56
82.1 1.8 16.1 100.0
Others 326 45 62 1 434
75.1 10.4 14.3 0.2 100.0
Total 456 63 82 1 602
75.7 10.5 13.6 0.2 100.0

Table 3.35 above shows that irrespective of their occupations most of the

respondents agree that the kiii is the one who upholds the cultural heritage.

Significantly, the fanners have a larger percentage who agree.

3.8.3. The economic function of the kiii

As per the Khasi tradition, the kiii used to be the administrator of all goods

(moveable and immoveable) of the 'ing/kpoh or of the whole kur. Thus there was no

question of division of property or sale of land without the kiii 's knowledge and

permission According to the tradition, although the khatduh inherits and looks after

the ancestral property, it is the kiii who actually administers the property. The kiii
 120

usually is the chief earner of his i"nglkpohlkur. He administers principally the

products of his hard work and enterprises. 46 The ki'li is considered the· centre of

economv and all members of the inglkpohlkur have to work and do their part

satisfactorily.

3.8.4. Role of the Kili vis-a-vis Ki kmie ki kpa (parents)

The place of the parents in the family and their role in the moral education of their

children is un-refutable. They are closest to their children and they are the first

teachers in every sense of the word. Although in Khasi social system, U Kiii (the

maternal uncle) is the sole authority, yet de facto it is the parents who are obliged to

educate their children. However in serious matters they would always appeal to U

Kiii (the maternal uncle) for his fmal decision In matters of discipline and moral

upbringing of the children, the Kiii is more responsible than the parents in carrying

out this duty. In the past there used to be a saying "the uncle has said so or decided

so" and that was the last word. At times the mother would warn her wayward

children "I will inform your uncle". These words would be enough to put fear in the

minds of the children. 47

The mother of the family in a very special manner plays a very important role

in the education of her children In a matrilineal society like that of the Khasis, the

place of the mother is undisputable. She is referred to as Ka Kmie kaba pun kaba kha

(one who conceives and gives birth), Kaba pynheh pynsan (one who brings up). She

is revered by her children and her words are considered precious and binding. Her
 121

image in the family is one of a person characterized by love. care and tenderness. 48

She nourishes her children not merely with food but with her wisdom and example.

The father in the traditional Khasi family does not have any decisive role to

play in the life of his children other than earning to feed and cloth them 49 He is the
50
"executive head" in his family although he is second in status to the Kfii (uncle).

The father on the other hand would be the Kfii (an uncle) in his own clan and would

have his rights and obligations there. 51 With the passage of time and the

transformation of society, the role of the father in the family has gained more

importance and clarity. While the role of the uncle is gradually diminishing, the

authority of the father has been increasing. In modem Khasi families, the father has

emerged as a substitute of the maternal uncle in his role and authority as a

disciplinarian and educator of the children and his advice is sought after in family

matters. 52

3.8.5. Ki Tymmen ki San (elders in society) vis-a-vis the Kiii

In Khasi society Ki Tymmen ki San (the elders) occupy a privileged position. They

are considered the philosophers and the wise people of the society. There is a sense

of reverence for such people. In families, the elderly people receive special attention

and care. It was unthinkable for the Khasis to send the old people to the old aged

homes. 53 Every family considered it a privilege to have elderly people residing in

them Among the K.hasis there are popular sayings known as Ki Jingsneng Tymmen

(wi;e sayings ofthe old people). 54 These are still preserved today in books and being

read by the younger generation in schools and colleges. This indicates that the elders
 122

in society have a great moral authority in Khasi society. It is generally believed that

rebelling against the advice and counsels of the elders would bring a curse and God's

punishment on those responsible. The elders are looked up as people of rich

experience, as those who have seen the past and have acquired an extensive

knowledge. Younger generation usually seeks the advice of the elders in matters of

social, cultural and religious life and in any Khasi dorbar (assembly), the counsels of

the elders are given an important attention.

In most cases the Kfii is an elder himself and as such he is looked up as a

person of great knowledge and experience. For this reason, his words are considered

as wise and inspiring and they are adhered to by the youth.

3.9. MORAL FUNCTIONS OF U KNI

U kiii in the Khasi society is the primary up-keeper of morality among his clan

members. He often acts as a moral policeman and a disciplinarian In this aspect, the

kiii performs three roles in his clan as described below.

3.9.1. Instruction

In ensuring a sound moral conduct of his clan members, the kiii first of all takes upon

himself the task of instructing the younger members of his clan especially the male
55
members. In fact, as per tradition, the kiii is the one who provides intellectual,

moral and religious instruction to his nephews and nieces so as to equip them with

the necessary qualities to encounter the world outside. 56 Since time immemorial the

kiii has always done this orally. In his regular visits to the families, he would gather
 123

around him his nephews and nieces as well as his younger sisters and brothers and he

would instruct them. Often this used to be done in the evening after dinner. Through

this regular instruction the nephews and nieces were reminded about their family,

social and religious duties. 57 They would sit around the family hearth and then he

would begin his instruction The Khasis have a narrative tradition and so most of the

moral lessons are communicated through interesting legends and folktales or through

songs and ballads. In cases where the kiii happened to be a musician, he would use

his duitara to teach moraJ lessons to the young ones. In the olden days, the kiii was

very faithful in carrying out this duty of moral instruction to his clan members.

The present study clearly clearly indicates that in general the Khasis still

recognize this role of the kiii in the society.

a) Kiii is the instructor and educator of the kurlkpohling (Age perspective)

Table 3.36 below provides an age perspective of the respondents on whether

the kiii is the instructor and educator of his kur!kpohling.

Table 3.36- Kiii is the instructor and educator (Age perspective)

I Age of the respondents Kiii is an instructor and Total

educator
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
15-35 364 35 14 1 414
87.9 8.5 3.4 0.2 100.0
36-55 100 22 6 - 128
78.1 17.2 4.7 100.0
56 and more 58 2 - 60
96.7 3.3 100.0
Total 522 59 20 1 602
86.7 9.8 3.3 0.2 1oo.o 1
 124

Table 3.36 above shows that irrespective of age difference most of the

respondents agree that the kiii is the instructor and educator of the younger members

of the kurlkpohfing. As expected the older people are mon~ agreeable to this. The

younger people seem less agreeable to this than the younger ones probably because

the latter begin to perceive their fathers as the actual instructor and educator.

b) Kiii is the instructor and educator of the kurlkpohling (Gender perspective)

Table 3.37 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii is the instructor and educator of his kurlkpoh/ing.

Table 3.37- Kifi is the instructor and educator (Gender perspective)

Gender of the Kiii is an instructor and Total

respondents educator
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Men 201 21 7 1 230
87.4 9.1 3.0 0.4 100.0
Women 321 38 13 - 372
86.3 10.2 3.5 100.0
Total 522 59 20 1 602
86.7 9.8 3.3 0.2 100.0

Table 3.37 above indicates that irrespective of gender majority of the

respondents agree that the kiii is the instructor and educator in kurlkpohling.
 125

c) Kiii is the instructor and educator of the kurlkpohling (Religious perspective)

Table 3.38 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii is the instructor and educator of his kurlkpohllng.

Table 3.38- Kiii is the instructor and educator (Religious perspective)

Religion of tbe Kiii is an instructor and Total

respondents educator
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Christian 451 47 17 I 516
87.4 9.1 3.3 0.2 100.0
Traditional religion 71 12 3 - 86
82.6 14.0 3.5 100.0
Total 522 59 20 1 602
86.7 9.8 3.3 0.2 100.0

Table 3.38 above shows that irrespective of religions most of the respondents

agree that the kiii is the instructor and educator of the kurlkpohltng. Very few

respondents seem to disagree or to be neutral on this issue. This indicates that this

role of the kiii is still important.

d) Kiii is the instructor and educator of the . kurlkpolrlfng (Educational

perspective)

Table 3.39 below provides an educational perspective of the respondents on

whether the kifi is the instructor and educator of his kurlkpohling.

 126

Table 3.39- Kiii is the instructor and educator (Educational perspective)

Educational qualification Kiii is an instructor and Total

educator
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Post-graduate 16 1 - - 17
94.1 5.9 100.0
Graduate 78 12 5 - 95
82.1 12.6 5.3 100.0
XI -XII 182 6 5 - 193
94.3 3.1 2.6 100.0
V-X 147 24 7 1 179
82.1 13.4 3.9 0.6 100.0
1- IV 63 11 2 - 76
82.9 14.5 2.6 100.0
Dliterate 35 5 1 - 41
85.4 12.2 2.4 100.0

Total 522 59 20 I 602

86.7 9.8 3.3 0.2 100.0

Table 3.39 above indicates that irrespective of their educational

qualifications, most of the respondents agree that the kiii is the instructor and

educator of the kurlkpoh/ing. The number of those who disagree is rather smalL

e) KIU is the instructor and educator of the kur/kpo/rling (Occupational

perspective)

Table 3.40 below provides an occupational perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii is the instructor and educator of his kurlkpoh/ing.

 127

Table 3.40- Kiii is the instructor and educator (Occupational perspective)

Occupation of Kiii is an instructor and Total

respondents educator
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Government employee 48 5 I - 54
88.9 9.3 1.8 100.0
Business 48 7 3 - 58
82.7 12.1 5.2 100.0
Farmer 52 2 2 - 56
92.8 3.6 3.6 100.0
Others 374 45 14 I 434
86.2 10.3 3.3 0.2 100.0
Total 522 59 20 I 602
86.7 9.8 3.3 0.2 100.0

Table 3.40 above shows that most of the respondents agree that the kiii is the

instructor and educator in the kurlkpohling. It is significant that the number of

farmers who agree is higher than those who disagree or have no views.

3.9.2. Enforcement of moral norms

The kiii not only instructs but also has the power to enforce the moral values.

According to Fr. Sngi Lyngdoh, "a kf'i.i in the Khasi tradition is the centre of

authority". 58 It is his duty to see that the members of the clan or ka kpoh, observe

scrupulously the rules and norms concerning religion, ethics and cultural tradition.

He keeps reminding his clan members about these things and he monitors their

behaviours to see that they comply with these traditional set of norms. 59 His frequent

visits to his sisters' families is to achieve this purpose. He commands respect and

reverence from the younger members of his clan There is an honest fear of the ki'ti
 128

which motivates the clan members to respect and adhere to the socio-cultural norms

and tradition.

3.9.3. Rewards and Punishments

The ki'ii in the olden days was rather strict with his clan members, especially the

younger ones. He also acted as judge to reward those who complied and punish those

who broke the laws. The kiii was considered by tradition to possess a divine sanction

in exercising these powers. In cases of incest (shong-sang) or any anti-social crimes

committed by a member of the kur, the ki'ii was the one who awarded the punishment

to the erring member. Ostracization ('tait-kur) from the clan was usually the

punishment imposed for grave crimes. It is said that in certain cases in the past, the

ldii could beat his erring nephew or niece to death especially when it was a case of

incest. This was done because he had to safeguard the purity of his clan. 60

3.10. CONCLUSION

The institution of ldii-ship among the Khasis is still considered a very important and

significant one. Although such an institution is common among other groups of

people, yet for the Khasis who maintain a matrilineal system, a kiii is someone who

wields tremendous authority and influence. He represents the patriarchal system of

Khasi society. Although kiii-ship has weakened considerably in the last few decades,

it has never become irrelevant as the present study demonstrates. A kiii is still

considered an influencing figure in the life of the Khasi society at least in important
 129

matters related to the kurlkpoh/ing. His counsels are still sought for and his decisions

are still respected to a great extent.

NOTES

1
Cf. J. War, "Family Structures, Customary Laws and Christianity: The Khasi Context", in Impact ofChristianity
on North East India. Shillong: Vendrame Institute Publications, 1996, 229. In fact, in Khasi culture. if an:vone
wants to present a case before the king or the dorbar, he/she has to do so only through the Kiii (maternal uncle) of
his/her clan, for the latter is recognized as the legal representative by Khasi tradition.
2
Cf. G. Costa, Ka RitiJong kaRi Ki Laiphew Syiem, vol. l, 14-17.
3
Cf. B.S. Ram, The People o[Meghalaya: Study of the People and their Religio-cu/tural Life. Calcutta: Punthi
Pustak. 1989, Ill.
4
Cf. J. War, "The Khasi concept of family: Changes in structure and function", in P. M. Chacko (ed.) Matriliny
in Meghalaya: Tradition and Change. New Delhi: Regency Publications, 1998, 19.
5
Cf. V. Pakyntein, "The Khasi Clan: Changing Religion and its Effect", in J. S. Bhandari (ed.) Kinship and
Family in North-East India. New Delhi: Cosmos Publications, 1996, 351.
6
Cf. Ibid., 23.
7
Cf. R. Fox, Encounter with Anthropology, 87.
8
Cf. C. Nakane, Garo and Khasi: A Comparative Study in Matrilineal Systems (Paris: Mouton & Co., 1967).
9
Cf. V. Pakyntein, "The Kbasi Clan: Changing Religion and its Effect", in Kinship and Family in North-East
India, p.
°
1
11
Cf. Nakane, Garo andKhas~ A Comparative Study in Matrilineal Systems, 106.
Cf. Bareb. The History and Culture of the Khasi People, 291.
12
Cf. J. War, "The Khasi concept bffamily: Changes in structure and function", 24.
13
Cf. Ibid. In 1997 the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC) passed the Bill on "Khasi Social
Custom of Lineage which has now become a law. In this Act tbe ceremony of Tang-jail is recognized and certain
conditions and procedures are laid down distinctly- See KHADC, Khasi Social Custom of Lineage Act 1997 in
The Gazette o[Meghalaya, no. 22 (Shillong: February 25, 2005), 3
14
This was a sound method by which the early Khasi men were able to enlarge the Khasi tribe. The Khasi
warriors who plundered the surrounding plains would often carry along with them plains women. They would
then marry them and create new clans through the process of tang-leur.
15
Fr. Sngi Lyngdoh till date has performed this ceremony of tang/cur over I 5 couples and so be has created 15
new kur among the Khasis.
16
Interview with Rev. Fr. Sngi Lyngdah (Mawlai: July 12, 2011 ).
17
Cf. H. Giri, "Social institutions among the Khasis with special reference to kinship, marriage, family life and
divorce", inS. K. Cbattopadyay (ed.) Tribal Institutions o[Meghalaya. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, I985,
159.
18
In many cases as it happens today, where the clan is big and the population of the clan members is large, a kiii
rangbah is not easily determinable. In such situation, the common practice is to elect someone elderly and one
who commands respect from all, as a leader of the clan. He is usually known as rangbah kur (clan leader). To a
great extent, he acts almost like the lciii rangbah of the clan.
19
Cf. M. P.R. Lyngdob. The Festtva/s tn the History and Culture of the Khast, 33.
20
Cf. Snaitang, Christianity and Social Change, 35.
21
Modem Khasi society is experiencing a phenomenon of urbanization. This has led to the loss of the traditional
social bond which exists in a rural setting. Many clans are disintegrated due to this process. As a consequence the
role of the maternal uncle in a clan has been diminished to a great extend. The present degeneration among the
young people, can be ascribed to a great extend to the loss of control of the maternal um:le over them. The
maternal uncle (Kifi) has always been an institution of discipline and good education in Khasi society in the past
22
An Interview with Rev. Fr. S. Sngi Lyngdolr (Shillong: Sacred Heart Th. College, May 2, 2009).
23
Cf. J. War, "The Khasi concept of Family: Changes in structure and function", 20.
24
Cf. Fox, Kinship and marriage. London: Pelican Books, 1966, 167.
25
Interview with Mrs. Philomena Dkhar (Marbisu: November 27, 20 II).
26
Cf. H. K. Synrem, Revivalism tn Khasi Society. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Pvt Ltd., 1992, 27.
27
Cf. J. War, "The Khasi concept of Family: Changes in structure and function", p. 21.
 130

23
Cf. L. S. Gassah., "Ka !cynian u rangbah ha ka imlang sahlaog bad ka longing longsem", presented at a seminar
on Family & Family related issues, organized by Ka Lympung lei Seng Kynthei, Laitumlduah-Shillong:
December lOth, 1994.
1
' Cf. K. Kantlie, Notes on Khasi Law, 92.
°
3
Cf. Gassah, "Ka lcyrdan u rangbah ha ka imlaog sahlaog bad ka longing longsem", 2.
31
Cf. Giri, "Social institutions among the Khasis with special reference to kinship, marriage, family life and
divorce", 163.
32
Cf. Mawrie, The Khasi Milieu, W.
33
Cf. Mawrie, Ka longing longsem u Khun Khasi Khara, 94-95.
34
Cf. C. R. Khongwir, "Ka kyrdan u magbah Khasi", inDongmusa (October 24, 1991), 7.
35
Cf.Ibid. .
36
The Khasis practice their day to day religion within their family ( kpoh) and the house of the youngest daughter
is considered ka ing-niam (religious house). The kiii exercises his religious duties in this house. When the kur
(clan) is small the kiii of the clan exercises his duties on behalf of the entire clan. However, when the kur is large,
the kiii usually does this only on behalf of his kpoh(su!xlan).
37
Cf. S. Sngi Lyngdoh, "The Khasi Matriliny: Its Past and its Future", in P. M. Chacko (ed.) Matriliny in
Meghalaya, 34.
38
Cf. P. R. G. Mathur, The Khasi ofMeghalaya, 65.
39
Cf. 0. L. Snaitang, Christianity and Social Change, 15.
4
°Cf. Mathur, TheKhasisofMeghalaya, 65.
41
Cf. S. Tham, Ki Sngi Barim u Hynniew Trep, 31.
42
Cf. 0. L. Snaitang, Christianity and Social Change, 15.
43
Cf. L. H. Pde, "Ka jingshim jait na ka kmie", presented at a seminar How the matrilineal system affects the
Khasi family, organized by the Khasi Department, NEHU and sponsored by ICSSR-NERC, Shillong: May 27-28,
1988.
44
In fact this has been the most misunderstood aspect of Khasi society by the non-Khasis. They often
misconceive Khasi society as matriarchal while in truth it is patriarchal.
45
Cf. Fox, Encounter with Anthropology, 77.
46
Cf. S. Sngi Lyngdoh, "The Khasi Matriliny: Its Past and its Future", 33.
47
Cf.lbid.
48
Cf. H. Roy, "The Land where Women are Women and Men are Men", in Sneng Khasi (Shillong: Ri Khasi
Press, 1986), 6.
49
Cf. Kharakor,KaKolshorKhasi, 39.
5
° Cf. Gurdon, The Khasis, pp. 78-79; Cf. Bareh, The History and Culture of the Khasi People, 323; Cf. J. N.
Chowdhury, Khasi Canvas: A Cultural and Political History. Shillong: Shrimati Jaya Chowdhury, 1978, 145.
51
In many rural areas ofKhasi and Jaititia Hills, the father still acts only as a procreator in his family. He spends
most of his time with his nephews and nieces in their families. Even the earnings he makes are directed to them
rather than to his children.
52
Cf. P. R. Kyndiah, Journey of W ord.s. New Delhi, Sanchar Publishing House, 1993, 64: Cf. S. Sen, The Tribes
ofMeghalaya. Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1985,74.
53
Today the younger generation is displaying less respect towards the elders and the old people. The presence of
a number of Khasi aged men and women in Mercy Home, Noogthymmai, bears evidence to this. However, in
teneral this respect and concern for the old is still upheld in most fiunilies.
Cf. R. S. Berry, Ki Jingsneng Tymmen I & /1. Shillong: Ri Khasi Press, 1903. These two volumes contain a
series of moral counsels of the elders to the younger generation. These sayings are well kmwn among the Khasi
and they are highly treasured by all.
55
Cf. Gassah, "Ka kyrdan u raogbah ha ka imlang sahlaog bad ka longing longsem", 2 ..
56
Cf.Ibid.
57
Cf. S. Sngi Lyngdoh, "The Tribal value system and the impact of Christianity on it", in Impact if Christianity
on North East India, 217.
58
An Interview with Rev. Fr. S. Sngi Lyngdoh (Shillong: Sacred Heart Th. College. May 2. 2009).
59
Cf. H. 0. Mawrie, Ka longing longsem u kJrun Khasi Khara. Shillong: Tmissilda Soh, 1983, 93.
60
Cf. S. Sngi Lyngdoh, "The Khasi Matriliny: Its Past and its Future", 33.
 131

CHAPTER4

Decline of Klii-ship in Khasi Society

4.1. INTRODUCTION

One of the frequently discussed topics in Khasi society today is the fading role of the

kiii. The intensity of kiii-ship that had existed in the last century is no more prevalent

today. Many Khasis today see this decline of kiii-ship as an imminent danger to the

existence of the community itself. However, considering the change of time and the

unavoidable influences of post-modernity, we are not surprised by the cultural

transformation that is taking place among the Khasis. Culture is in fact dynamic and it is

bound to evolve in time.

Kiii-ship is still upheld today although it has lost its primeval dignity, sacredness

and popularity. In the rural areas where clan members still maintain a close relationship,

kiiis still function quite effectively. In the urban areas, their role is limited to visits now

and then especially during some significant events like the death of a clan member or

mamages.

4.2. DECLINING STATUS OF KNI

The institution of kiii-ship among the Khasis has witnessed a gradual decline in its status

and authority.
 132

a) Status of the kiii has diminished (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 4.1 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the status of the kiii has diminished.

Table 4.1-Status ofthe kfti has diminished (Rural-urban perspective)

Total
Villages Status of the kiii has
·diminished
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 286 87 24 397
72.0 21.9 6.0 100.0
Mawroh 134 45 26 205
65.4 21.9 12.7 100.0
Total 420 132 50 602
69.8 21.9 8.3 100.0

Table 4.1 above reveals that in both places (Marbisu and Mawroh) most of the

respondents agree that the status of the kiii has diminished considerably. It is interesting

to note that in rural area (Marbisu) this phenomenon is felt even more than in the urban

area. This is probably due to the fact that the traditional role of the kiii used to be more

evident in rural communities. Thus the diminishing status of the kiii is felt more acutely

in the rural setting than in the city.

b) Status of the kiii has diminished (Gender perspective)

Table 4.2 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on whether the

status of the kiii has diminished.

 133

Table 4.2- Status of the kiii has diminished (Gender perspective)

I Gender of the respondents

I
Status ofthe kiii has
Total

diminished
Agne Disagne Can't
say
Men 158 53 19 230
68.7 23.0 8.3 100.0
Women 262 79 31 372
70.4 21.2 8.3 100.0
Total 420 132 50 602
69.8 21.9 8.3 100.0

Table 4.2 above reveals that most of the respondents, both men and women,

agree that the status of the kiii has gone down. It is interesting to note that more women

agree with this than the men do. This difference is normal as the women feel more the

diminishing role of their brother or uncle from their families more especially in the case

of the khatduh 's family. The kiii in general visits his sisters' families and seldom his

brothers' families.

c) Status of the kiii has diminished (Religious perspective)

Table 4.3 below provides religious perspective of the respondents on whether the

status of the kiii has diminished.

 134

Table 4.3 - Status of the kni has diminished (Religious perspective)

Total
Religion of the respondents Status of the lciii bas
diminished
Agree Disagne Can't
say
Christian 362 109 45 516
70.2 21.1 8.7 100.0
Traditional religion 58 23 5 86
67.4 26.7 5.8 100.0
Total 420 132 50 602
69.8 21.9 8.3 100.0

Table 4.3 above shows that Christian respondents are more inclined to believe

that the status of the kiii has diminished today than those who profess the traditional

religion. Probably, the kiiis in families professing Khasi religion, still perform a lot of

the traditional rituals and customs.

4.2. CAUSES OF mE DECLINE OF KNI-SHIP

There are many causes for the decline of kiii-ship in Khasi society. These causes are

mostly connected to changes in the socio-political and cultural scenes. Putting these

causes together, we may discuss them under the two following categories:

4.2.1. Exogenous factors

There are many external factors that have affected the institution of kiii-ship among the

Khasis. Perhaps the greatest impact came from modernization which has caused social
 135

upheavals among the tribal people in general thereby leading to crisis of identity. 1

Among the most significant factors are the following:

4.2.1.1. Urbanization

In the early years, the Khasis usually lived together as members ofthe same clan (kur)

and also the kha almost as extended families. A village would always consist of families

belonging to kur and kha. This was to enable marriages among them while at the same

time not to disperse the family members. 2 This kind of cultural practice enabled the kiii

to meet his nephews and nieces as often as he wanted. Thus he was able to admonish

and guide his clan members more effectively. In fact in the traditional system, the kiii

becomes the sole authority among his sisters, nephews and nieces. His role was not only

to admonish but to feed and nurture them as well. His word was a command for all. 3

However, the trend ofurbanization which started in the early 1960s has led to the

migration of a huge population from the rural areas to the city of Shillong in particular in

search of better education and jobs. This has led to the disintegration of the kur or kpoh

members. 4 With the rise in the percentage of educated youth, the number of Khasi

youths who went outside the region either for higher studies or for employment, has

risen considerably. This phenomenon has resulted in a physical distance between

. members of the clan or even of the family. Consequently, it has become impossible for

the kiiis to make frequent visits to the members of their kur/kpoh/'ing in order to counsel

them. 5 In the interviews conducted almost all agree that the physical distance of the kiii

due to dispersion of clan members is one of the reasons for the decline of influence of
 136

the kfii over his kur/kpohling. City life facilitates the emergence of nuclear families

wherein the kfii loses much of his influence while the kpa gains in importance and

authority.

4.2.1.2. Christian religion

Another reason for the decline of kfii-ship among the Khasis is the arrival of

Christianity. Being a religion from the West where patriarchy prevails, Christian

teaching on family life emphasizes greatly on the role of the father. Missionaries from

Europe who were ill-informed about the traditional institution of kfli-ship, tended to

belittle such a traditional institution.

Moreover, with the majority of the Khasi families becoming Christians, the role

of the kfii seems to have become redundant. Before the arrival of Christianity, the kfii

had many roles to play especially those of religious nature. He was the presiding priest

of the clan or the kpoh in any of the religious ceremonies. 6 However, with the adoption

of Christianity as a new religion, the Christian kiii can no longer exercise those roles

since the new religion forbids adherence to these traditional practices especially those

related to sacrifices and rituals. Some of the adverse consequences on Khasi traditional

religious practices caused by the advent of Christianity are:

a) Today, the marriage ban has become a church prerogative. In the olden days

there would have been no need of such ban announcement in churches because the kfiis

of both parties would have ensured that no shong-sang (sacrilegious marriage) would

take place. The kflis of both parties were the ones who initiated marriage proceedings
 137

and arrangements for their boys and girls. 7 In most cases marriages would take place

only after the kiiis of both parties reached mutual agreement and understanding.

b) When most Khasis became Christians, family religion also ceased to exist and

with it the traditional family religious rituals like the periodic sacrifices, the ancestor

cult, the ritual for internment of bones of the deceased person into the clan ossuary

(Thep mawshienglmawbah). There also emerged a conflict between Christianity and the

old religion regarding the disposal of the dead. Whereas the former practiced burial the

latter upholds cremation. 8 The annual sacrifice usually offered by a particular clan in

sacred groves (/awkyntang) or market places was largely affected.

c) Through education, Christianity has helped in the transformation of the tribal

society fro in being a simple to a complex one. 9 This aspect has facilitated and quickened

the process of modernization among the Khasis. This has indirectly affected the

institution of kiii-ship as it has led to a more critical acceptance of this traditional

authority especially among the younger generations.

The coming of Christianity as the new religion of the Khasis has put into disarray

the socio-cultural structure and religious beliefs of the Khasis. 10 Therefore Christianity

has been responsible for the declining role of the kiii in the society. Consequently, the

image of the kiii has deteriorated to a great extent. Christianity instead emphasizes the

figure of the '!Pa (father) as head of the family. 11

 138

4.2.1.3. Influence ofBritish rule

British rule in general has brought about a lot of significant cultural changes in Indian

society. 12 The Khasi society, isolated as it was, suffered great cultural shock with the

arrival of the western culture and religion. 13 Perhaps one of the adverse effects on Khasi

society brought by British rule was on land ownership system. In the past, immovable

property was always a common property among the Khasis. They would always refer to

a house, land or forest as "our property" and never "my property". The British

introduced the Law of Inheritance in 1918 which delinked inheritance from religious

duties. As a consequence of this law the khatduh gained more power while the kfii 's

authority diminished. 14 The British government ordered that land and other property had

to be registered in the owner's name. From then on, the concept of private property came

into practice and the land was registered in the name of the khatduh. 15 Such a policy

gradually led to a misconception that the common property of the kpohlkur belongs to an

individual alone. Thus we have cases where the khatduh appropriate to themselves such

property. 16 Commenting on this, a Khasi columnist as early as 1921 remarked: "court

decisions over inheritance to properties depending on evidence not based on informed

and thorough knowledge of genuine customs, are intrusions (on customs) through jungle

paths". 17 According to a recent report from the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Meghalaya

has the highest percentage oflandless tribals (5.5%) in the country. 18 This is true among

the Khasis today where much of the community land has turned into private properties.

Moreover, the absence of land ceiling law has enabled rich individuals to own unlimited
 139

amount of land while the poorer people are left landless. This was not so in the past

when land was always a community property.

Besides the above law, the British administration had also affected the juridical

and legislative powers of the institution of kiii-ship and of the traditional village

government. The setting up of judicial courts of justice for trying civil and criminal

cases has had· its impact on Khasi society. 19 These courts to a great extent have curtailed

the traditional powers of the kiii in juridical affairs related to their clan members.

4.2.1.4. Changing economy

Since the beginning of the 20th century, Khasi society has undergone tremendous

changes in terms of its economy. From a slash-and-bum and production for subsistence

economy the society has moved to a competitive and market economy. 20 Economy to a

great extent influences family system. Thus an agrarian economy favours a joint-family

system. On the other hand an urban-based economy today is more centered on individual

skill and qualification. Subsistence economy is usually for family consumption while

market economy is for profit. This profit dimension leads to competition for personal

proprietorship especially of the most valuable yet limited resource which is land. 21 This

change in the economy system has consequently transformed the Khasi family.

ACCOiiding to one social scientist:

A change ftom production for subsistence to production for exchange is accompanied by

the advent of competition for scarce resources, which militates against the wide

distribution characteristic of matriliny ... ; this inevitably leads to the emergence of the
 140

individual .family as the key kinship group with respect to residence. economic co-

operation, legal responsibility and socialization. 2:

Dispersion of clan members, urbanizatjon and a changing economy all together

have contributed to the emergence of nuclear families among the Khasis. In a nuclear

family the bond between the husband and wife and their children is stronger than kinship

bond. Thus according to Schneider: "the institutionalization of very strong, lasting or

23
intense bonds between husband and wife is not compatible with matriliny".

Consequently, kiii-ship which is so connected to matriliny has been greatly affected in

the Khasi society.

4.2.1.5. Influence ofWestern individualism and Liberalism

The contact with outside cultures (western and Indian) has had a weakening effect on

Khasi matriliny in general which has negatively impacted /dii-ship. 24 One of the adverse

influences of western culture on the Khasi society is the propagation of individualism

and liberalism. The sense of personal freedom and the emphasis on individual person

which are so characteristic of western society, have gradually entered Khasi society. The

traditional social virtues of community sense and solidarity are fast disappearing or

diminishing. This phenomenon is more prevalent in urban areas where people are more

concerned about individual well being and personal freedom. Although in certain

occasions communal sense and solidarity are still manifested yet in general these values

are diminishing. 25
 141

This attitude has led to a great sense of independence on the part of family or

clan members among the Khasis. As a consequence they gradually feel less need for the

advice and guidance of the kiii especially in family matters In fact, many decisions are

taken by the families themselves and they only inform the kiii?6 This was never so in the

olden days when the kiii had a say even in the family affairs of his nephews and nieces.

Today such a thing would be frowned upon and considered as meddling in private

matters. Even the kiiis themselves have become more individualistic and they care less

for their clan members. Most of them are more worried about their children's welfare

than that of their clan members. 27

4.2.1.6. Impact ofwestern secularism

One of the most significant influences of western culture on the tribal communities in

general and the Khasis in particular, is secularism. For the Khasis, as for any tribal

community, the sense of the sacred is very strong. This is the reason why they perceive

the presence of the spirits in their natural environment. For them everything in their

natural environment is sacred because it is the abode of God or his spirits. This sense of

the sacred pervades every sphere of their socio-cultural life. Thus, for the Khasis, a

family or a clan is a religious institution and even a durbar has divine sanction. Thus,

kiii-ship used to be considered as a sacred institution as it was believed to have divine

sanction in it. This is the reason why, in olden days, the kiii commanded respect and

obedience from every member of the family or clan.

 142

Secularism from the west has however demythologized many of the tribal

beliefs. The spread of secularism especially through the media (written and audio/visual)

has been very damaging to the religious ethos of the Khasis. Thus a secular attitude is

gradually being absorbed by the Khasis. As a result kni-ship is less and less considered

as a religious institution and disrespect or disobedience to the kiii is no longer perceived

as ka sang (great crime) as it used to be earlier.

4.2.2. Endogenous factors

Besides the exogenous factors, there are also endogenous factors that have had a

decisive impact on the Khasi institution of kni-ship. Some of these factors have impacted

the society more than others.

4.2.2.1. Dispersion of Clan members

Perhaps the most direct impact of modem civilization on Khasi society is the dispersion

of clan and family members due to migration to cities in search of jobs and other

opportunities. Traditionally what kept the clan members together was the land where

they cultivated and shared the produce. However, with modem education and

occupations, Khasi men and women are holding important jobs which have given them a

sense of independence and self reliance. Such independence, as A. Mawlong opines,

comes into "constant conflict with clan solidarity" for they no longer depend on

common land. 28
 143

The phenomenon of clan dispersion is on the increase and there are many

villages today whose population has been decimated due to migration of youth in

particular to Shillong in search of better education and employment. Thus a Khasi man

could not be expected to remain in his village or get married there. Often he had to go

out of his village or away from his clan members. Thus as a kiii it was impossible for
29
him to visit his sisters' families often and to admonish his nephews and nieces. This

physical distance created an emotional gap in their relationship. Thus the kiiis today

have less knowledge and familiarity with their nephews and nieces.

4.2.2.2. Changes in the institution of Khatduh

Traditionally the Khasis consider the youngest daughter of the family (khatduh) as the

guardian of ancestral property, moveable and immoveable. The reason why the ancestors

chose the khatduh for this privilege, is not easy to find. According to Cantlie, the

khatduh "indeed is often the least suitable (manager of the property) having the least

experience". 30 Other scholars like David Roy argue that the khatduh is chosen because

she is the last person to keep the house. According to Fr. Sngi Lyngdoh, she is chosen on

compassionate ground being the weakest member of the family. 31 Nevertheless these

arguments do not offer us a valid answer to the question. As per tradition, the khatduh is

only the guardian and never the proprietor of ancestral property. The Land Reforms

Commission clearly says "the women of a family by themselves, much less the khatduh,

cannot, without the approval of the uncles or the brothers dispose of any landed

property". 32 The khatduh is entrusted with the ancestral property because she is the
 144

guardian of the family religion and as such she has the duty of arranging and providing

for all the essentials of religious rituals. 33 The kiri however is the presiding priest who

performs all the rituals. In cases of cremation the khatduh is the one who gathers the

bones of the deceased kurlkpoh member and keeps them in her house till the day of

internment (lea phur-lea siang) into the clan ossuary. She is also the one who looks after

the aged parents till their death. Besides these, she has also the obligation to look after

her unmarried brothers and sisters. 34

However, in the past few decades the institution of khatduh has undergone

transformation. It started with the misconception about the status and function of the

khatduh among the British officers who could not understand or appreciate the nuances

of the Khasi system. 35 Moreover, the British officers misunderstood the Khasi term of

nongpateng for the English word inheritance. Thus according to David Roy there was

already a tendency to consider the khatduh as the sole inheritor of ancestral property. 36

According to A. Mawlong, "with the conversion to Christianity, the institution of Ka

Khatduh which is closely connected to the Khasi religion has lost its true meaning in the

present day context". 37 As it is now, with the gradual disappearance of lea niam in the

family, people begin to forget that the khatduh is only the custodian of ancestral property

but they tend to regard her as the sole proprietor. Tl:lls in tum has got a damaging effect

on the role and status of the kiii in the Khasi society.

 145

4. 2. 2.3. Cross-cultural marriages

The growing phenomenon of cross-cultural marriages among the Khasis, especially

women, has resulted in a serious breakdown of tradition especially that related to the

role of the kiii. Such marriages bring cultural tension within the family wherein the kiii

finds himself in a complex situation. Often the non-Khasi husband who comes from a

patrilineal and patriarchal culture does not understand the role of the kiii. Such marriages

bring tension within the family with regard to economic rights of male and female as

prescribed by tradition. 38 According to Jayanta Bhusan the non-Khasi husband does not

cause any structural change in the Khasi family since the children adopt the mother's

kur. 39 But this is not always a reality especially today as many more Khasi women yield

to the patrilineal system of their non-Khasi husbands. In fact, according to S.D. Kahit in

such cross-cultural marriages "Khasi women are increasingly prone to giving in to a

substantial change in the family system, i.e., from matriliny to patriliny". 40 In such a

situation, tensions between the outsider-male and the male members of the wife's clan

(the kiii) are always expected. 41 Moreover, the role of the kiii in such families gradually

fades away or at best it is tolerated.

4.2.2.4. Educational disparity

There is another emerging factor which is responsible for the decline of kiii-ship among

the Khasis which is the educational disparity between the kiii and his subordinates. It is

often seen that while the nephews and nieces may be highly educated, the kiii instead is
 146

illiterate. 42 This situation is even more prevalent in rural areas. It is an undeniable fact

that the younger generation today are progressively qualified in many areas of education

(formal or vocational). On the other hand it is equally true that most of the kfiis still

remain ilhterate or at the elementary education. This factor widens the generation gap

between the two. In such cases, the kiii is bound to suffer from inferiority complex

which consequently leads to shying away from his traditional duties. At times, the youth

tend to lose respect for their kiii on account of their high education.

The result of the survey conducted related to this aspect of kiii-ship reveals

clearly the educational deficit of the kiiis in general. Here below is the analysis of the

collected data.

a) Many kiiis are illiterate (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 4.4 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on if many

kiiis are illiterate.

Table 4.4 - Many kiiis are illiterate (Rural-urban perspective)

Total
Villages Many kiiis are illiterate
Agree Disagree Can't No
say response
Marbisu 265 100 32 - 397
66.7 25.2 8.1 100.0
Maw rob 93 68 41 3 205
45.3 33.2 20.0 1.5 100.0
Total 358 168 73 3 602
59.5 27.9 12.1 0.5 100.0
 147

Table 4.4 above indicates that in general there is a sizable number of respondents

who agree that many knis are. illiterate. As expected again, this phenomenon seems to be

more prevalent in rural areas than in urban areas.

b) Many kiiis are illiterate (Religious perspective)

Table 4.5 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on if many

kiiis are illiterate.

Table 4.5 - Many kiiis are illiterate (Religious perspective)

Total
Religion of the respondents Many kiiis are illiterate
Agree Disagree Can't Missing
say response
Christian 303 144 66 3 516
58.7 27.9 12.8 0.6 100.0
Traditional ~ligion 55 24 7 - 86
64.0 27.9 8.1 100.0
Total 358 168 73 3 602
59.5 27.9 }2.1 0.5 100.0

Table 4.5 above reveals that a majority of respondents agree that many kiiis are

illiterate. However, the level of illiteracy of the kiiis seems to be higher among those of

the traditional religion than among the Christians. This is probably because educational

opportunities are much higher for Christians than for others.

 148

c) Kiiis who are educated wield more influence (Rural-urban perspective)

The survey also demonstrates that an educated kiii is in general more influential

with the members ofhis kurlkpoh/i"ngthan the illiterate one. Table 4.6 below provides us

a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on the question if kiiis who are educated

wield more influence.

Table 4.6- Kiiis who are educated wield more influence (Rural-urban perspective)

Total
Villages Educated kiiis wield more
influence
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 220 146 31 397
55.4 36.8 7.8 100.0
Maw rob 100 89 16 205
48.8 43.4 7.8 100.0
Total 320 235 47 602
53.2 39.0 7.8 100.0

Table 4.6 above reveals that in general there is not a majority agreement among

respondents to this question. There seems to be a general feeling that education is not a

decisive factor. However, the percentage of agreement is higher in rural than in urban

areas. Probably, the image of an educated person is more prominent in rural areas than in

cities.
 149

d) Kiiis who are educated wield more influence (Gender perspective)

Table 4.7 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on if kiiis who

are educated wield more influence.

Table 4. 7- Knis who are educated wield more influence (Gender perspective)

Total
Gender of the respondents Educated lcilis wield more
influence
Agree Disagru Can't
say
Men 134 81 15 230
58.3 35.2 6.5 100.0
Women 186 154 32 372
50.0 41.4 8.6 100.0
Total 320 235 47 602
53.2 39.0 7.8 100.0

Table 4. 7 above reveals that irrespective of gender, a majority of respondents

agree that educated kiii wield more influence. It is interesting however, to note that a

good number of them disagree with this. So education does not seem to be a major

deciding factor for the authority of the kiii.

4~2.2.5. Economic disparity

The present Khasi families are no longer homogenous in terms of economic power as it

used to be in the past. In the early days homogeneity in economic status was a notable

characteristic of Khasi society. A king was equal to any ordinary citizen and he was

merely a "syntai hapdeng ki para kyrtong" (primus inter pares). He and his family were
 150

sustained by his own subjects. Moreover, the concept of res-publica (community goods)

and the practice of solidarity were predominant in the early Khasi society. Today,

however, Khasi society is experiencing a growing economic disparity. Because of this

phenomenon a sort of implicit class system of haves and have-nots is created in the

Khasi community. The adverse impact of this on the cultural system is the inferiority

complex suffered by the have-nots. Consequently, the kiii who is economically poor

feels less inclined to visit his family or clan members who are economically well of 43

There are cases where he is made to feel unwelcome in such families. A poorer kiii

would feel ashamed to visit his nephews and nieces if he has no gifts to offer them. 44

The survey related to this question does not however indicate a majority opinion

on this. The opinion is rather balanced between those who agree and those who disagree.

However, there is a greater tendency towards agreement than otherwise.

a) The kiii who is economically better off has more influence (Rural-urban)

Table 4.8 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on if the

kiii who is economically better off are more influential.

 151

Table 4.8 - The kiii who are economically better otT has more influence
(Rural-urban perspective)

Kifis wbo are well oft' command Total

Villages more respect and inOuence
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 199 158 40 397
50.1 39.8 10.1 100.0
Mawrob 72 109 24 205
35.1 53.2 11.7 100.0
Total 271 267 64 602
45.0 44.4 10.6 100.0

Table 4.8 above indicates that, irrespective of rural-urban settings, not many

respondents agree that the kiii who is economically better of exercises more influence in

his kurlkpohling. However, those who are in rural areas agree more with this compared

to those in urban areas. Probably economic well being in rural areas is more equated

with power and influence than in urban areas where other factors are in play.

b) The kiii who is economically better off has more influence (Gender perspective)

Table 4.9 below provides us a gender perspective of the respondents on if the kiii

who is economically better off are more influential.

 152

Table 4.9 - The kiii who are economically better otT has more influence
(Gender perspective)

Kiiis who are well off command Total

Gender of respondents more respect and influence
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Men 114 94 22 230
49.5 40.9 9.6 100.0
Women 157 173 42 372
42.2 46.5 11.3 100.0
Total 271 267 64 602
45.0 44.4 10.6 100.0

Table 4.9 above reveals that irrespective of gender not many respondents agree

that economic well-being gives greater influence to the kiii. Nevertheless the men tend to

agree more than the women. It is· highly significant that many persons disagree with this

idea. This shows that this is not a decisive factor in determining the status of the kiii.

4.2.2.6. Diversity in Religious creed

The advent of Christianity has brought about a division within the same family. The

multiplication of Christian denominations has worsened the situation. As a consequence

there may be as many as four to five religious affiliations within a single family. This

diversity in religious creed has weakened family bond. In this situation, the kiii is unable

to guide his family members with one and the same religious creed as it was before the

advent of Christianity. 45
 153

4.2.2.7. Laxity in assuming their roles

It is felt that one of the causes of the down-sliding of kiii-ship is the lack of

responsibility on their own part. They no longer take seriously their roles and moreover

they do not find time anymore to visit their kurlkpohlfng members. 46 In the olden times,

the ldiis faithfully carried out their duties towards their kurlkpohlfng. Today however,

most of the kiiis concentrate their attention on their own fa~ilies. 47 In general it is felt

that most of the ldiis today exhibit less and less sense of responsibility towards the

members of their kurlkpohling. 48 While in the past the ldii would often visit his clan

members and would counsel and discipline his nephews and nieces, today it is felt that

most of them do not care to perform this duty anymore. 49 The results of the survey

related to the diminishing role of the ldii indicate that this is a growing cultural

phenomenon.

a) Many kiiis today do not know their roles anymore (Rural-urban)

Table 4.10 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on if

there are many ldiis today who do not know their roles anymore.
 154

Table 4.10- Many kiiis today do not know their roles anymore (Rural-urban)

I Villages Many ldiis do not know their

Total

roles anymore
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 306 73 18 397
77.1 18.4 4.5 100.0
Maw rob 133 47 25 205
64.9 22.9 12.2 100.0
Total 439 120 43 602
72.9 19.9 7.2 100.0

Table 4.10 above shows that a majority of the respondents in both urban and

rural areas agree that many kiiis today do not know their roles anymore. It is interesting

to note that the rural people (Marbisu) ascribe to this. more than the urban respondents.

Probably this shortcoming of the kiii is more evident and felt in the rural than in the

urban society. It is also significant to see that more people in the urban area (12.2%)

seem more unfamiliar about this than in rural areas.

b) Many kiiis today do not know their roles anymore (Religious perspective)

Table 4.11 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on if there

are many kiiis today who do not know their roles anymore.
 155

Table 4.11 -Many kiiis today do not know their roles anymore (Religious
perspective)

Religion of the respondents Many ldiis do not know their Total

roles anymore
Agree Disagree Can't say

Christian 377 98 41 516

73.1 19.0 7.9 100.0
Traditional religion 62 22 2 86
72.1 25.6 2.3 100.0
Total 439 120 43 602
72.9 19.9 7.2 100.0

Table 4.11 above shows that irrespective of religion, most respondents agree that

many ldiis today do not know their proper roles anymore. In fact, in this regard there is

no significant difference of opinion between Christians and non-christians. This

indicates that this general feeling about the ldii is prevalent in the entire Khasi society.

c) Kiii visits his kurlkpoh/ing (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 4.12 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on if

whether the ldii often visits them.

Table 4.12- Kiii visits his kurlkpoh/ing (Rural-urban perspective)

Villages U ldii visits his family members Total

Always Seldom Never

Marbisu 129 239 29 397

32.5 60.2 7.3 100.0
Maw rob 72 123 10 205
35.1 60.0 4.9 100.0
Total 201 362 39 602
33.4 60.1 6.5 100.0
 156

Table 4.12 above reveals that in both settings (rural and urban) majority of the

respondents agree that the kiiis seldom visit them. The number of those who feel that the

kiiis regularly visit them is rather small. 50 Therefore it is evident that the kiii today has

shown laxity in exercising this particular role.

d) Kiii visits his kur/kpoh/ing (Religious perspective)

Table 4.13 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on if

whether the kiii often visits them.

Table 4.13- Kiii visits his kurlkpoh/ing (Religious perspective)

Religion of respondents U /ciii visits his family members Total

Always Seldom Never

Christian 169 312 35 516

32.8 60.5 6.7 100.0
Traditional religion 32 50 4 86
37.2 58.1 4.7 100.0
Total 201 362 39 602
33.4 60.1 6.5 100.0

Table 4.13 above reveals that in general very few respondents agree that the kiii

visits them frequently. A greater number of them say that the kiii seldom visits t~em.

However, the kiiis of those who are still in the traditional religion seem to visit their

members more frequently than those who are Christians. This is quite natural as the kiii

is more visible in the families who still uphold the traditional religion.
 158

Table 4.15- U kiii admonishes his kurlkpohling members (Religious perspective)

Religion of the respondents U lciii admonishes his clan Total

members
Always Seldom Never
Christian 239 221 56 516
46.3 42.8 10.9 100.0
Traditional religion 47 33 6 86
54.6 38.4 7.0 100.0
Total 286 254 62 602
47.5 42.2 10.3 100.0

Table 4.15 above reveals that in general not many feel that the kiii always

admonishes them. Significantly, those who are in the traditional religion agree that the

kiii admonishes them more frequently than those who are Christians. Presumably, this is

because the kiii 's role is more evident in the former group than in the latter.

g) The kiii takes decisions in family matters (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 4.16 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii takes decisions in matters related to kur/kpohling.

Table 4.16- Kiii takes decisions in family matters (Rural~urban perspective)

Total
Villages U Kiii takes decisions in family matters
Always Seldom Never Missing
response
Marbisu 222 98 76 1 397
55.9 24.7 19.1 0.3 100.0
Mawroh 85 83 37 205
41.5 40.5 18.0 100.0
Total 307 181 113 1 602
51.0 30.1 18.8 0.2 100.0
 157

e) The kiii admonishes his kurlkpohling members (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 4.14 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii admonishes his kur/kpohlfng members.

Table 4.14 -Kfii admonishes his kllrlkpohling members (Rural-urban perspective)

Villages U klii admonishes his clan Total

members
Agrtt Disagree Can't say

Marbisu 184 166 47 397

46.3 41.8 11.8 100.0
Maw rob 102 88 15 205
49.8 42.9 7.3 100.0
Total 286 254 62 602
47.5 42.2 10.3 100.0

Table 4.14 above reveals that irrespective of the rural-urban setting, not many

respondents report that the kiii always admonishes them. An almost equal number of

them say that the kiii seldom does so.

t) The kfii admonishes his kurlkpohling members (Religious perspective)

Table 4.15 below provides a religious perspective ofthe respondents on whether

the kiii admonishes his kur/kpohlfng members.

 159

Table 4.16 above reveals that in general a majority of respondents say that the

kfii always makes decisions in matters related to the kurlkpohli"ng. In rural areas the kfii

seems to be more engaged in decision making than in urban areas. It is highly significant

that a good number of respondents say that the kiii seldom makes such decisions and a

sizeable number say he never takes such decisions.

h) The kiii takes decisions in family matten (Religious perspective)

Table 4.17 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on whether

the kfii takes decisions in matters related to kurlkpoh/mg.

Table 4.17 - Kiii takes decisions in family matters (Religious perspective)

Total
ReJigion of respondents U Kiii takes decisions in family matters
Always Seldom Never Missing
response
Christian 252 163 100 1 516
48.8 31.6 19.4 0.2 100.0
Traditional religion 55 18 13 86
64.0 20.9 15.1 100.0
Total 307 181 113 1 602
51.0 30.1 18.8 0.2 100.0

Table 4.17 above shows that those who still maintain the traditional religion tend

to agree more that the kiii makes decisions in family matters, than those who are

Christians. This indicates that, in families which still uphold the Khasi religion, the kiii is

still relevant and visible. Significantly, a good number of respondents already disagree

with this which indicates that the kiii is gradually losing this role.
 160

i) The kiii supervises marriages of his kurlkpoh/i'ng members (Rural-urban

perspective)

Table 4.18 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii still supervises marriages of his kur/kpoh!i"ng members.

Table 4.18- Kiii supervises marriages of his kurlkpoh/i'ng members

(Rural-urban perspective)

U lciii supervises marriages of Total

ViUages clan members
Always Seldom Never

Marbisu 230 86 81 397

57.9 21.7 20.4 100.0
Maw rob 141 38 26 205
68.8 18.5 12.7 100.0
Total 371 124 107 602
61.6 20.6 17.8 100.0

Table 4.18 above indicates that, irrespective of the rural-urban settings, most

respondents say that the kiii always supervises marriages of his kurlkpoh!'ing members. It

is interesting to note that the kiiis in urban areas score higher in this aspect than those in

rural areas. However, the number of those who seldom do it or never do it is quite large.

j) The kiii supervises marriages of his kurlkpolrling members (Religious perspective)

Table 4.19 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on whether

the kiii still supervises marriages of his kur/kpoh!'ing members.

 161

Table 4.19- Kiii supervises marriages of his kurlkpoh/i'ng members

(Religious perspective)

U lciii supervises marriages of clan Total

Religion of respondents members
Always Seldom Never

Christian 319 105 92 516

61.8 20.3 17.8 100.0

Traditional religion 52 19 15 86
60.5 22.1 17.4 100.0

Total 371 124 107 602

61.6 20.6 17.8 100.0

Table 4.19 above reveals that, irrespective of religion, most of the respondents

agree that the kiii always supervises the marriages of his kurlkpohlmg members.

However there is a fairly large number of those who opine that the kiii seldom or never

perform this role.

k) The kiii reconciles aU feuds within the kurlkpoh/i'ng (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 4.20 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kiii acts as a reconciling agent in feuds within his kurlkpohlmg.
 162

Table 4.20 - U kiii reconciles all feuds within the kurlkpoh/ing

(Rural-urban perspective)

Total
Villages U Kiii reconciles all feuds within the clan

Always Seldom Never Missing

response
Marbisu 252 101 44 397
63.5 25.4 11.1 100.0

Maw rob 105 79 20 1 205

51.2 38.5 9.8 0.5 100.0

Total 357 180 64 1 602

59.3 29.9 10.6 0.2 100.0

Table 4.20 above reveals that not many respondents say that the kiii always

reconciles feuds within the kur/kpohlmg. However, in this aspect the kiii in rural areas

seem to perform more than those in urban areas. Many say that the kfti seldom does this

function. A number of them also say that he never performs this task. This probably

indicates that the kiiis today take less initiative and interest in resolving conflicts within

the kur or kpoh.

l) The kiii reconciles all feuds within the kur/kpohling (Religious perspective)

Table 4.21 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on whether

the kiii acts as a reconciling agent in feuds within his kur/kpoh!'ing.

 163

Table 4.21- U kiii. reconciles all feuds within the kurlkpoh/ing

(Religious perspective)

Total
Religion of respondents U Kiii reconciles all feuds within the clan
Agree Disagree Can't Missing
say response
Christian 298 159 58 1 516
57.8 30.8 11.2 0.2 100.0
Traditional religion 59 21 6 86
68.6 24.4 7.0 100.0
Total 357 180 64 1 602
59.3 29.9 10.6 0.2 100.0

Table 4.21 above reveals that, many respondents agree that the kiii always

resolves the feuds within the kur/kpohling. However, it is evident that such role of the

kiii is more common among those who are still in the Khasi religion than among those

who are already Christians. Perhaps this could be because Christians often have recourse

to church authorities to resolve such problems.

4.3. DIMINISHING ROLE OF mE KNI: A GENEALOGICAL STUDY

In our investigation of the problem, we have used a genealogical study to supplement the

survey and interview methods. In this method we have selected to study the genealogies

of four families (2 in Marbisu and 2 in Mawroh). The results of this genealogical study

similarly reveals the diminishing role of the kiii today. The kiii today does not exercise

his role as actively as the kni in the past.

 164

4.3.1. Marbisu Study

a) In the study of the genealogy ofthe kpoh Dkhar in Marbisu the investigator was able

to trace up to four generations of kiii spanning to a chronological period of over a

hundred years. The first generation kiii was Jedon Dkhar and the kiii-synrop

(classificatory uncles) of this generation were Mudon and Hormu. The second

generation kiii was Jomer Dkhar. The third generation kiii is Astar Dkhar and the kiii-

synrop of this generation are Blanstar, Dronstar and Dlanstar. The fourth generation kiii

is Andrew Dkhar and the kiii-synrop of this generation are Hubert, John, Rosario and

Peter. From a critical study based on the interview with the family, it is found that the

quality and intensity of role-play of the kiiis in the past and those of the present has

differed considerably. The earlier kiiis, Jedon and Jomer used to visit their kur members

on a regular basis. They would even spend days with their nephews and nieces. They

also performed their duty of counselling and disciplining their younger members. The

later kiiis, Astar and Andrew spent their time more with their children than with their

nephews and nieces. Their visits to the kur are less frequent.

b) In the study of the genealogy of the kpoh Kurbah in Marbisu, the investigator

was able to trace back to three generations of kiii. The first generation kiii that the

present family members still remember was Slen Kurbah. The second generation kiii was

Khlanshon Kurbah and the kiii-synrop (classificatory uncles) of this generation were

Tanshon, Akshon, Apshon, Skolin, Paleimon and Tarsingh. The third generation kiii is

Flystar and the kiii-synrop is Dmestar. Again in this case, it is found that the kiii in the

past Slen and Khlanshon were closer to their sisters, nephews and nieces than those of
 Fig. 4.1 -GENEALOGY OF KNI (KPOH DKHAR)

100
XDkhar y

~
~

Jedon Dkhar (eHlest kni) }

RosaDkhar
L
Paheh L. Nonglait 0
Mudon Dkhar (kni-synrop 1) Generation 1
Hormu Dkluu- (knr-synrop 2)
-
0\
Vl

Sonju Kurbah Phlinsila Dkhar Jomer DkharTeldest knt Genemtion 2

l
~
4star Dkhar(eldestkni) Leena Dkhar Tel Dkhar (EGO) Dominic Lyngdoh M
Generation 3 B.la.nstJU' Dkhar (kni-synrop 1) I I
bronsf81' Dkhar (kni-synrop 2) I
bianstar Dkhar (kni-synrop ·3) 6 -6
Andrew Dkhar (eldest kni)
MatyC Dkhar
Theodosia Dkhar Hubert Dkhar (kni-synrop 1)
John Dkhar (kni-synrop 2) ~ Generation 4
Rosario Dkhar (kni-synrop 3)
Peter P Dkhar (kni-synrop 4)
 Fig. 4.2 - GENEALOGY OF KNI (KPOH KURBAH)

XKurbah - Mr.Y

Jwin Kurbah Beksing Kharbudon Q

Slen Kurbah (eldest kni) } Generation 1 () ~ YienKurbah
I JrinKurbah

I
Bilian Kurbah

~BrinKwbili
-
0'1
0'1

Honnanik War Theimon Kurbah (EGO) Kblanshon Kurbah (eldest kni)

Tanshon Kurbah (kni-synrop 1)
Akshon Kurbah (kni-synrop 2)
Apshon Kurbah (kni-synrop 3) \..Generation 2
Skolin Kurbah (kni-synrop 4)
Paleimon Kurbah (kni-synrop 5)
Tarsingh Kurbah (kni-synrop 6)

""1
Noris Kurbah
·~ { Flystar Kurbah (eldest kni) Taris Kurbah
~ Dmestar Kurbah (kni-synrop) Mildaris Kurbah
t3 Sodalin Kurbah
Eidalin Kurbah
Iaineh Kurbah
 167

the present. Their visits were more frequent and they exercise their roles more

decisively. They had a great influence and authority over their members.

4.3.2. Mawroh Study

a) In the study of genealogy of kpoh Nongspung in Mawroh, the investigator was able to

cover up to four generations of kiii. The first generation kiii was known as Bahdeng

Nongspung (exact name could not be recalled). The second generation kiii was Protasius

Nongspung. There were no kiii-synrop in both generations. The third generation kiii is

Albinus Nongspung. The kiii-synrop of this generation are Alando and Felix. The fourth

generation kiii is Aiban with Dereck as the kiii-synrop. In this case too, the opinion is

that the earlier kiiis were closer to their kpoh members. Their role as kiii was very much

felt by all. They also displayed a lot of concern for the younger members. The present

kiiis, however, are closer to their own children's families. They seldom visit their kpoh

members. The children of the fourth generation are more attached to their kpa than to

their kiii. The kpa wields more authority and influence on the children and he disciplines

them.

b) In the study of the genealogy of kpoh Warjri in Mawroh, the investigator was

able to gather information .up to four generations of kiii. The first generation kiii was

called Symbur Warjri. There were. no kiii-synrop in this generation. The second

generation kiii is Sodwin Warjri. There are three kiii-synrop in this generation; Moren,

Soren and Bung Warjri. The third generation kiii is Dorich Warjri and the kiii-synrop are
 Fig. 4.3 - GENEALOGY OF KNI (KPOH NONGSPUNG)
100
XNongspung y

~
~
~

Angelina Nongspung
I
Krep Pyngrope
0
Bahdeng Nongspung (eldest kn}Generation 1
9 ~
I ........
0'1
00

Joseph. Rynjah
Dorothy Nongspung (EGO) ProtaJius Non~ng (eldest .In}- Generation 2

Marcel Mawrie
Jackie Nongspung Manbhalin Nongspung
Albinos Nongspung (eldest kni)
Bhadalin Nongspung
Generation 3 Alando Nongspung (kni-synrop 1)
{
Felix Nongspung (kni-synrop 2)

Elena Nongspung Aiban Nongspung (eldest kni) l Generation 4

Oereck Nongspung (kni-synrop {
 Fig. 4.4 - GENEALOGY OF KNI (KPOH WARJRI)

100
Milngiang Warjri y

E
.,~
~

! 0 .Frequency of visits
Symbor Warjri (eldest kn} Generation I
Armon Warjri
I
Klai Rynjah
I
I .......
0\

1
\0

Elendro Wah lang Kristina §arjri (EGO) E?i,arjri

1\ Orin Wrujri Sod win Warj ri (eldestknz)}
T .-----J Lucky Wrujri Moren Warjri (kni synrop 1) .
1 Thei Warjri J Soren Warjri (kni synrop 2) GeneratiOn 2
r-----------1.------.. L Bung Warjri (kni synrop 3)

Dorich Warjri (eldest knz) Jacinta Warjri Vincent Umbah

. Patrick Wrujri (kni synrop 1) I I Wanshai K.Syiemiong
Generation 3 .
Dominic Wrujn (kni synrop 2) 1
I 1
{
John Warjri (kni synrop 3) D 0
Rodrick W.a~jri ~eldest kni) Rosy Wrujri
Generation 4 RudolfWarJn (km synrop l) .__-----r-----.J
{ Vicky Warjri (kni synrop 2)
0
Angelka Waljri
 170

Patrick, Dominic and John Warjri. The fourth generation kiii is Rodrick Warjri and the

kfii-synrop are Rudolf and Vicky Warjri. In the case of the kpoh Warjri too, it is felt that

the kiii and kiii-synrop of the first and second generations were closer to their kpoh

members and their visits were more frequent and their authority more felt. In the third

generation kiii, although Dorich is the kiii, yet the ftrst kiii-synrop Patrick exercises more

influence and authority over his kpoh members. This is because he is a bachelor and a

priest. His status as a bachelor enables him to be more present in the family of his sister

and his· position as a priest gives him more respect and authority over others.

4. 3. 3. Analysis of the genealogical study

The above genealogical study of the four kpoh in the given two villages offers some

interesting insights related to the problem we are investigating, namely:

a) There is a significant difference in the degree of attachment, role-play and

commitment of the kiii towards their kpohlkur members between those of the earlier

generations and the present. 51 The earlier kiiis showed more attachment and exercised

their roles more faithfully. The difference in the frequency of their visits to their

kpohlkur members is indicative of this trend. 52

b) The bachelor kiii who continues to stay in his mother's house becomes more

influential and exercises more authority over his sisters, nephews and nieces. This aspect

has also been proven by Nakane in her study on Khasi matriliny. 53 It is also found that a

kiii-synrop who lives in his mother's house often has more influence on his younger

siblings, nephews and nieces than the true kfii who does not live in the mother's house.
 171

However, in matters of decision regarding important affairs related to the kpoh or kur,

the kfii is still the authority and no one challenges him.

c) This genealogical study also reveals that while the kilis in the earlier days

spent more time in their sister's house and in the company of their nephews and nieces,

the present kilis spend more time with their children. They only pay seldom visits to

their kpohlkur members. This fact proves that the Khasi men have become more

conscious of their role as kpa in their own families. The double roles that a Khasi man

plays, that of being kili and kpa simultaneously, has tilted towards the latter role.

4.4. REPERCUSSIONS ON KHASI SOCIETY

This fall of kni-ship has its own repercussions on the Khasi society. Being an important

and significant institution, it is bound to affect the society in many ways. We shall

analyze a few of such effects here below.

4.4.1. Gradual disappearance of a point of reference

The diminishing role of the kiii has first of all created a kind of gap within the clan or

kpoh members. Usually the kiii used to be a point of reference for every member of the

clan, kpoh or i'ng. He is the unifying agent and maintains the unity and integrity of the

clan, kpoh or mg. However, with the declining role of the kiii today, this point of

reference and centre of unity has become more and more obscure. It is generally felt that

the kiii today appears only on some rare occasions like funerals or marriages. Apart from
 172

these occasions he remains almost invisible. 54 This is creating a serious problem in

relationship especially at the clan and kpoh levels. At the ing level the kfli 's presence is

usually still visible and his authority is still being felt.

4.4.2. Growing ignorance about culture and tradition

Another negative consequence of the decline of kiii-ship on the Khasi society is

the growing ignorance about culture and tradition among the younger generations. The

kfli in the past used to be the principal instructor of the young regarding culture, religion

and etiquette. His frequent visits to the members of his clan, kpoh or mg would ensure

that proper and adequate knowledge of tradition and culture is passed on to the young.

Today with the decline of role due to factors discussed earlier, the kfli is no longer in a·

position to provide regular instruction to his young members. As a result we see a lot of

ignorance regarding culture and tradition among the Khasi youth today. With the

conversion to Christianity, the kfli no longer exercises his traditional religious duties.

This in tum has resulted in greater ignorance about culture and tradition since Khasi

culture is closely bound to religious beliefs and practices.

4.4.3. Gradual absence of a disciplinary institution

As per the Khasi tradition, the kiii is usually the disciplinarian among the

members of his kur, kpoh or mg. In the past the kiii 's visits to his kurlkpohling members

were frequent, sometimes on a daily basis. In this manner, he was able to educate and
 173

discipline his younger members. 55 There used to be a great feeling of awe around the kfii

which gave him a great moral ascendancy over his younger members. His words were

final and his counsels were taken seriously. Today there is indiscipline in general among

the Khasi youth. They defy their parents' and elders' words and fall into many evils. 56

Earlier, in cases of misbehaviours by members of the kurlkpohli"ng, it would be

the kfii who acted as a judge. When there is a case of incest the kili usually would take a

strong action against such erring members. Ostracization from the clan was the usual

punishment for such offenders. Today, however, such disciplinary actions by the kiii are

seldom heard of

4.4.4. Weakening of ethical life

The weakening of kili-ship has got its repercussions on the Khasi society in terms of its

ethical life. Dr. Balajied S. Syiem, king of Hima Khyrim, laments the fact of Khasi

youth today who lack interest in adhering to the traditional values and culture. 57

Traditionally, the kili who is a point of reference for ethical life of the 'inglkpohlkur, is

the one who guarantees that every member of his 'inglkpohlkur lives a righteous life

according to the Khasi ethical norm "kamai 'ia lea holi' (earn righteousness). Therefore

with the diminishing role and influence of the kiii in the family, the ethical life of the

younger generation is bound to be affected if the kpa does not replace his role. In general

there is a weakening of value system. This is not because the Khasi value system has

been affected but because the kiii who represents an institution that enforces such a value

system is gradually weakening. 58

 174

4.4.5. Weakening of kinship bond and respect for elders

Another negative aspect of the weakening of /dii-ship among the Khasis is the

weakening of the kinship bond itself Due to clan dispersion and the inability of the ldii

to make frequent visits to his mother's or sister's house, it is not uncommon to find ldiis

today who do not know their nephews and nieces. This phenomenon becomes even more

evident with their residences away from their i"nglkpoh!kur members. 59 Besides this, the

advent of education has also created a class of intelligentsia among the Khasis who have

become symbols of status and power. 60 As a consequence traditional leaders and

traditional institution like ldii-ship has suffered considerably in terms of its traditional

importance and relevance.

The present study clearly shows that there is a growing disconnect between the

young members of the kurlkpohling and their own ldiis.

a) There are many young members who do not know their kiii anymore today

(Rural-urban perspective)

Table 4.22 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on if

there are many young persons today who do not know their kiii anymore.
 175

Table 4.22- Younger people do not know their kni anymore

(Rural-urban perspective t

Villages Younger generation know less Total

about their kiiis
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 225 158 14 397
56.7 39.8 3.5 100.0
Maw rob 100 90 15 205
48.8 43.9 7.3 100.0
Total 325 248 29 602
54.0 41.2 4.8 100.0

Table 4.22 above reveals that irrespective of urban-rural setting, there is a

significant number of people who feel that the younger generation today do not know

their kiii anymore. Significantly, the phenomenon seems to affect the rural areas more

than the urban areas. This could be due to the huge migration of rural youth to the cities

for reasons of education or employment which consequently reduces their contact with

their kiiis.

b) There are many young members who do not know their kni anymore today
(Religious perspective)

Table 4.23 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on if there

are many young persons today who do not know their kiii anymore.
 176

Table 4.23- Younger people do not know their kiii anymore (Religious perspective)

Religion of respondents Younger generation know less Total

about their kiiis
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Christian 287 207 22 516
55.6 40.1 4.3 100.0
Traditional religion 38 41 7 86
44.2 47.7 8.1 100.0
Total 325 248 29 602
54.0 41.2 4.8 100.0

Table 4.23 above reveals that the Christian respondents tend to agree more than

those who profess the Khasi religion that many of the younger generation do not know

their kiii anymore. Therefore this phenomenon seems to be more rampant among

Christians.

4.5. CONCLUSION

As has been discussed above, there are many factors that have led to the

declining influence of the kiii in Khasi society today. What is true of the kiii is equally

true of the kiii-synrop (classificatory uncles). On the whole the institution of kiii-ship is

undergoing a gradual transition. The transition is however a shift of emphasis in roles

assumed by the same person for the kiii is generally simultaneously the kpa in his own

children's family. While in the past a Khasi man placed more emphasis on his role as

kiii, today however, he gives more attention to his role as the kpa of his children. Thus

the allegiance is gradually shifting from the nephews and nieces to his own wife and
 177

children. Moreover, the traditional practice of kamai i"ngkur (taking his earnings to the

mother's house) is no longer widely practiced. So the kpa 's earnings are used for the

upbringing ofhis children. 61

NOTES

1
Cf. T. BhattacbaJjee, "Merits oftmditional tribal institutions", in The Meghalaya Guardian (Dec 11, 1998), 4.
2
An Interview with Rev. Fr. S. Sngi Lyngdoh (Shillong: Sacred Heart Th. College, May 2, 2009).
3
Cf. W. S. Hynniewta, ''Hangno ka nongrim u shynrang rangbah Khasi", inMawphor(October 3, 1997), 2.
4
Cf. A Mawlong, "Some aspects of change in the family system of the Khasis", 83
5
Cf. K Rapthap, Ka Jingbymneh spah bad ka Kheiiffait Sbillong: Khasi Book Parlour, 2005, 55.
6
Interview with Mr. Denis Tynsiar(Mawroh: June 12, 2010).
7
Cf. 0. L. Snaitang, "The Impact of Christianity on the Khasi-Jaintia Matrilineal Family", in P. M. Chacko ( ed.)
Matriliny in Meghalaya: Tradition and Change. New Delhi: Regency Publications, 1998, 56.
8
Cf N. Natarnnjan, Missionaries among the Khasis. Delhi: Sterling Publishers Pvt., Ltd., 1977, 154-157.
9
Cf P. M. Chacko, "Christianity and Urbanization in North East India", in J. Puthenpurakal (ed.) Impact of
Christianity on Nonh East India. Shillong: VJP, 1996, 418.
°
1
11
Cf Mawrie, Ka longing longsem u kJw.n Khasi Khara. Shillong: Tmissilda Soh, 1983, 95.
This aspect of Christianity has come under much criticism for it has failed to acculturate itself to the Khasi custom
and tmdition. Perhaps Christianity could have adapted its doctrine to accommodate the institution of kifi-ship. Instead
with the importance given to the father, Christianity has dealt a mortal blow to kifi-ship among the Khasis.
12
Cf I. M. Syiem, "Some observations on the problem of change in Khasi matrilineal system" presented at a seminar
on How the matrilineal system affects the Khasi family, organized by the Khasi Department, NEHU and sponsored by
ICSSR-NERC, Shillong: May 27-28, 1988.
13
Cf Ibid., 2.
14
Cf. K Rapthap, Ka Jingbymneh spah bad ka Kheiifjait, 55.
15
Cf. A S. Kynjing, "U shynrang Khasi u phong artylli ki pansngiaf', 2.
16
Cf. S. S. Lyngdoh. "The Khasi Matriliny: Its Past and Its Future", 39.
17
Cited in Report ofThe Land Reforms Commission for The Khasi Hills (Shillong: 1974), 40.
18
ST Correspondent, "Meghalaya has highest number of landless tn"bals in the country", in The Shillong Times
(November 24, 2012), I.
19
Cf. 0. L. Snaitang, "'mpact of Christianity on the Khasi-Jaintia", in B. K Medhi et al. (eds.) Tribes of North-East
India: ls311es and Challenges. New Delhi: Omsons Publications, 2009, 272.
20
Cf Kharkrang, Matriliny on the March, 103.
21
Cf Ibid., 110.
22
Ladis1av Holy, Strategies and Norms in a Changing Matrilineal Society (1986), 1.
23
David M Schneider & K. Gough ( eds. ), Matrilineal Kinship. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1%1, 16.
24
Cf P. R. G. Mathm, The Khasi ofMeghalaya. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1979, 13. .
25
In occasions like a durbar, village cleanliness campaign or the death of someone, Khasis even in urban areas still
exhibit their community sense and solidarity. But apart from these occasions very few of them keep up relationships
with their fellow citizens in the neighbomhood.
26
Interview with Mr. K Marbaniang (Marbisu: May 12, 2010), 1.
27
Interview with Larisa Nongspung (Mawroh: June 12, 201 0).
28
A Mawlong, "Some aspects of change in the family system of the Khasis", 83.
29
Cf Kynjing, "U shynrang Khasi u phong artylli ki pansngiat", 2.
 178

30
K. Cantlie, Notes on Khasi Law. Shillong: AS. Khongphai, 1974,29.
31
Cf. .Kharlcrang, Matriliny on the March, 72.
32
Reporl qfthe Land Refonns Commission, 35.
33
Cf. J. War, "lbe Khasi concept of family: Changes in structure and function", 21.
34
Cf. Cantlie, Notes on Khasi Law, 26.
35
Cf. Report of the Land Refonns Commission, 35.
36
Cf. Cantlie, Notes on Khasi Law, 92.
37
A Mawlong, "Some aspects of change in the family system of the Khasis", 82.
38
Cf. I. M. Syiem., "Religion and Matriliny in Khasi Society: Some Observations", in P. M Chacko (ed.)Matriliny in
Meghalaya: Tradition and Change, 47.
39
Cf. Jayanta Bhusan, "lbe Changing Khasis: An historical accoWtt", in S. Karotemprel ( ed.) The Tribes ofNorlheast
India. Shillong: Centre for Indigenous Cultures, 1998,334.
40
S. D. Kahit, Letter to the Editor, in U Nongprat Lynti (Shillong: J1me 19, 1978), 3.
41
Cf. P. M Chacko, "Matrilineal System: Some structural implications", in JD.,Matriliny in Meghalaya: Tradition
and Change. New Delhi: Regency Publications, 1998, 12.
42
Interview with Mr. John T. Lyngdoh(Mawroh: J1me 12, 2010).
43
Interview with Mrs. Kharshiing (Marl>isu: May 12, 2010), 1.
44
Interview with Mr. Peter Lamare (Mawroh: J1me 20, 2010).
45
Cf. AS. Kynjing, 'CU shynrang Khasi u phong artylli ki pansngiaf', inRupang (December 12, 1997), 2.
46
Interview with Mr. K Marbaniang (Marbisu: May 12, 2010), 2.
47
Interview with Mrs. Kharshiing (Marbisu: May 12, 20 I 0), I.
48
Interview with Ms. Juliana M I<han!olmoh (Mawroh: JWie 12, 2010).
49
Interview with Mrs. Agnes Mawlong (Mawroh: J1me 20, 20I 0).
50
In general the visits of the kiii is still frequent to their fng members, that is the families of their immediate sisters.
The frequency of visits diminishes with the kpoh members and it becomes almost nil when it comes to leur members
except in cases where the leur is small and live in nearby places. All intervie~ are 1manimous with the fact that in
the case of the leur, the kifi comes only on occasions like death or marriage.
51
Interview with Dr. Streamlet Dkhar (Khasi Department NEHU, Shillong: May 15, 2011 ), 1.
52
In all interviews conducted by the investigator on this particular issue, the opinion has been the same, that the kifi
today has less time for his kllrfkpoh/mg members. He is more busy in his children's house.
53
Cf. C. Nakane, Garo and Khasi: A Comparative Study in Matrilineal Systems, 125.
54
Interview with Mr. John T. Lyngdoh (Mawroh: J1me 12, 2010).
Interview with Mr. Peter Lamare (Mawroh: J~me 20. 2011 ).
55
56
Cf. S. Sngi Lyngdoh. "The Khasi Matriliny: Its Past and Its Future", 42.
57
Cf. "Youth no longer adhere to traditional values", in The Shillong Times (March 12, 2012), 3.
58
Cf. S. Sngi Lyngdoh, "The tribal value system and the impact of Christianity on it", 221.
59
Interview with Mrs. Judith Kharshiing (Malki: November 12, 2011).
60
Cf. P. N. Das, Impact ofthe West on Khasis and Jain.tias. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, 202.
61
In some remote areas of Jaiiltia Hills the {IIlCtice of kamai rngkur is still found. However, even in those areas
changes are setting in and this traditional custom is gradually losing its popularity and relevance.
 179

CHAPTERS

Rise of Kpa-sbip in Kbasi Society

5.1. INTRODUCTION

The Khasis are one among the few groups of people in the world who follow matrilineal

system. Although they are matrilineal in descent they are not matriarchal in practice. In

the old traditional Khasi family, the kili wielded great power and influence among his

clan or kpoh members. He is the centre of authority and governance. The role of the kpa

(father) on the other hand has always been cast in the shadow of uncertainty. Yet what a

man lacked in his children, s house as kpa, he had it in his mother's house as kili.

In the past few decades however we have witnessed a cultural transformation in

the institutions of kiii-ship and kpa-ship among the Khasis. In particular there is a

decline in kili-ship and a resurgence of kpa-ship like we have never experienced before.

There are many factors that have contributed to such a transformation which we shall

discuss in the course of this chapter.

5.2. The traditional role of the father in Khasi families

The father (u kpa) in a Khasi family holds a respectable position. In fact, he is called "u

kpa uba lab uba iai" (the father who upholds everything). 1 According to Gurdon:
 180

The father is the executive head of the new home. It is he who faces the danger of the

jungles and risks his life for his wife and children. It is the father who bears the heat and

burden of the day. The maternal uncle only comes when it is a question of life and death.

The Khasi father is revered not only when living but also after death as u Thawlang and
2
special ceremonies are performed to propitiate his shade".

The kur of the father is highly respected and honoured by his wife and children.

His mother is lovingly addressed as meikha and she is treated by his children as a

goddess. When the first child is born, it is the meikha 's prerogative to name the child.

The annual visit of the children to their meikha is done with pomp and ceremony. There

is a special ceremony at the death of the paternal grandmother known as Ka nguh

meikha pakha which is basically an obeisance made by the grand children. 3 Besides this,

the brothers and sisters of the father are also held in great esteem by his wife and

.children. The father's el~est sister is addressed as kha-rangbah (eldest aunt), the middle

aunt is called kha-deng. Her younger sister is called kha-rit while the youngest one is

known as kha-duh. 4 The father's brothers or the classificatory fathers are similarly

known as pa-san (eldest uncle), pa-deng (middle uncle), pa-rit (younger uncle) and pa-

duh (youngest uncle).

The issue of the traditional status of the father in a family among the Khasis is

rather complex. At times there are contrasting views regarding the position of the father.

On one hand he is considered as father of his children, one who provides for his family

and ensures the growth of his children. 5 On the other hand, a father in Khasi society is

looked upon as a "someone else's son" (u khun ki briew). He is considered as a mere

 181

progenitor (u nongai khun or u nongpynkha). He gave his earnings to his mother's

family for it was his duty as the kiii to look after his brothers and sisters, nephews and

nieces. 6 In fact, he would return to his children's house only at night. In his children's

house he had no real authority and remains always at the periphery. Thus when divorce

takes place, he has to return empty handed to his kur. 7 In cases where the man marries

the khatduh (heiress) of the family, his authority is even less. He becomes almost like an

additional member of the household and even his children show more attachment to their

uncle than to him. 8 In these cases, the man wields more authority in his sister's house as

brother and uncle than in his own children's house. 9 The position of a man who marries

a non-heiress, is however much better of Here the kpa enjoys more independence from

the influence of his in-laws. He is more respected and his position as a husband and a

father is rather stable. 10 According to Nakane, paternal authority is more established and

marriage is more stable in this type of family. 11

Traditionally, a father of the family was also a warrior and in times of war or

threat from the enemies, he would leave his family in order to go and fight in defense of

his family and his people. 12

5.3. THE KHASI MAN AS MATERNAL UNCLE AND AS FATHER

It is true that every individual plays multiple roles in his clan but for a Khasi man the

double role in society is distinctly laid out. He is a father in his children's family and he

is an uncle among his clan members. Thus the Khasi phrase runs : ''u kpa ha Ingkhun, u

kfii ha Ingkur" (a father in his children's house and an uncle in his clan). Similar
 182

observation has been made by Robin Fox in his book Kinship and Ma"iage where he

says:

"(a man) is of course caught in a dilellliWl, for on the one hand he is a husband and father

and wants to have his wife around, while on the other hand he is a maternal uncle with

lineage responsibilities to his maternal nephews and hence needs to keep some control over

them and their mother, his sister" .13

Kynjing, a Khasi social thinker describes a Khasi male as a person who wears

two crowns, the crown of being a kiii among his clan members and the crown of being a

father in his children's house. According to the Khasi tradition,_ land or forest property

was always of the kur and not of any individual person or family. The kiii used to have a

great control over these properties. He is like the overseer of these. At the same time, a

man as a kiii and a kpa had the right to cultivate the land in order to generate food and

income for his children as well as for his mother's family. 14 In this manner, he earns the

respect and obedience of both his children and his nephews and nieces.

5.4. CHANGING CONCEPT OF KPA TODAY

The decline of kiii-ship in Khasi society has led to a sort of cultural vacuum which has

naturally resulted in the emerging role of the /cpa. Moreover, the saying that a Khasi man

wears two crowns, that of being a kiii and a kpa simultaneously, has become quite

nominal today. In reality today the role of kiii is gradually giving way to kpa-ship. A

Khasi man is assuming fatherhood on a greater degree today than ever before.
 183

Many Khasis today accept .the fact that the image of the kpa has changed

considerably. Today the kpa is perceived as having more influence and authority in his

children's family. He feels more attached to his children than to his kurlkpohli'ng

members. 15 In a research done by Madhumita Das it is discovered that many Khasi

women themselves below 30 years have opined that matrilocal system does not help the

position of a husband because the presence of the in-laws hinders the exercise of the

husband's role! 6

In the interview conducted in the two villages on the image and status of the kpa,

the following is the outcome:

a) He is considered the actual head of the family, a bread earner, a caretaker and

a disciplinarian of his children. He is also considered as the pillar of the family.

b) The interview also reveals that most of the interviewees agree that today the

age of kpa has come and he must take control of his family and not the kiii. The kiii

today has less time to visit his kurlkpohl'ing members while the kpa displays more sense

ofbelonging to his family.

d) Another revealing fact of the interview were the reasons given for the kpa to

take over control of his family, namely,-his constant presence in the family, his personal

integrity and his ability to shoulder the responsibility of his family. 17 The father is also

the procreator of his children and he feels closer to them than their kiii. 18 Since the kpa is

the one who earns for the family, he has a right to authority over his children. 19

Moreover, in today's context the kpa is the one who oversees the needs of the family and
 184

also settles problems within. 20 It is felt that the kpa is the one who carries the burden of

the family in times of hardship and sickness. 21

5.5. RISE OF KPA-SHIP IN KHASI SOCIETY

Today more and more Khasis have become aware of the need to empower the father of

the family. The qiminishing role of the kiii due to many factors mentioned earlier, has

necessitated this change over. There are socio-cultural groups who have tried to create

awareness on this issue. The first attempt was made by Ka Seng lktiar Longbriew-

Manbriew (SIL) which was initiated by a group ofKhasi luminaries in Sohra in 1939.

In 1961 they brought out the constitution where they reasoned out that the traditional

family customs are responsible for robbing off the manliness of Khasi men. In their

objectives they stated that: a) the kpa should have full authority in his family and the

wife should only be his help-mate; b) that in the absence of the kpa the eldest son should

assume authority, in his absence the second, the third and so on and so forth; c) that if

there are no sons, the eldest daughter should step into the kpa 's shoes; d) that parents

should have the power to make wills; e) that laws should be enacted to regulate

marriages towards orderly family and social life. 22

Following the footstep of the above movement, another cultural group known as

Syngkhong Rympei Thymmai (SRT) was initiated. This group calls for a radical change

in family system, namely from matriliny to patriliny. They also advocate that there

should be equal distribution of family wealth both among male and female children. 23

More fathers today have assumed the responsibility of furnishing and providing for their
 185

children's growth and well-being. 24 A~cording to Hynfiiewta, a Khasi social thinker, the

present Khasi family system follows three ways:

i) There are those who consider the woman as the head of the family (Such

thinking is more prevalent in rural areas and in cases where the woman is the khatduh or

the heiress).

ii) There are few families who still maintain the kiii as the head of their families,

where the man takes his earnings to his mother's house (kamai i"ngkur). This practice is

still prevalent in some parts of Jaifitia Hills. 25

iii) There are more and more families today who consider the father as the head of

the family. This is more common in urban areas and in families where the man has a

higher status in society on account of his possession, his qualification, his social status

or his family lineage. There is a gradual transition from the concept of kamai i"ngkur

(earning for mother's family) to kamai mgkhun (earning for children's family). In fact,

in today's context the kpa invests almost all of his income on his wife and children and

hardly makes any substantial investment in his sister's family. 26

The present study shows that there is a steady increase in the authority and role of

the kpa today. His status is being recognized by his children and by the Khasi society at

large. The study also indicates that the kpa today displays a greater sense of belonging

and responsibility towards his family than towards his kurlkpohl'ing.

 186

a) Children respect and obey their kpas (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 5.1 below provides rural-urban perspective of the respondents on whether

the children today respect and obey their fathers.

Table 5.1- Children respect and obey their kpa (Rural-urban perspective)

Villages Children respect and obey Total

their fathers
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 311 75 11 397
78.3 18.9 2.8 100.0
Mawrob 165 31 9 205
80.5 15.1 4.4 100.0
Total 476 106 20 602
79.1 17.6 3.3 100.0

Table 5.1 above reveals that irrespective of rural-urban settings, most

respondents agree that children today respect and obey their kpas. Again as expected, the

percentage of agreement is higher in urban areas than in rural areas. This is probably on

account of a more nuclear characteristic of an urban family. Another probable reason

could be the better possibilities in terms of education, earnings and upward social

mobility that urban society offers to individuals as contrasted to those living in rural

areas. Quite a small number of respondents disagree with this.

 187

b) Children respect and obey their kpas (Educational perspective)

Table 5.2 below provides educational perspective ofthe respondents on whether

the children today respect and obey their fathers.

Table 5.2- Children respect and obey their kpas (Educational perspective)

Educational qualification Children respect and obey Total

of the respondents their fathers
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Post-graduate 17 17
100.0 100.0
Graduate 74 16 5 95
77.9 16.8 5.3 100.0
XI-Xll 151 35 7 193
78.2 18.1 3.6 100.0
V-X 138 35 7 180
76.7 19.4 3.9 100.0
I-IV 65 11 76
85.5 14.5 100.0
Dliterate :n 9 1 41
75.6 22.0 2.4 100.0
Total 476 106 20 602
79.1 17.6 3.3 100.0

Table 5.2 above shows that the more qualified respondents agree more that the

children obey the kpas. However in general a majority of respondents agree with this

statement. Significantly enough a sizable number of illiterate respondents disagree with

this. Probably the illiterate fathers are in a more disadvantageous position in their

families. This is even more evident in families where the children are educated and their

fathers are illiterate.

 188

c) Children respect and obey their kpas (Occupational perspective)

Table 5.3 below provides occupational perspective of the respondents on whether

the children today respect and obey their kpas.

Table 5.3- Children respect and obey their kpas (Occupational perspective)

Occupation of the Children respect and obey their Total

respondents fathers
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Government employee 44 7 3 54
81.4 13.0 5.6 100.0
Business 49 9 - 58
84.5 15.5 100.0
Farmer 49 6 1 56
87.5 10.7 1.8 100.0
Others 334 84 16 434
76.9 19.4 3.7 100.0
Total 476 106 2 602
79.1 17.6 3.3 100.0

Table 5.3 above reveals that irrespective of occupation, majority of the

respondents agree that the children obey their kpas. There are few who disagree with

this. Therefore it is eVident that more children obey their fathers who earn for their

maintenance irrespective of the jobs they perform.

d) A father is closer to his children than the kiii (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 5.4 below provides rural-urban perspective of the respondents on whether

the father is closer to his children than the kiii.

 189

Table 5.4 - A kpa is closer to his children than the kiii (Rural-urban perspective)

ViJJages A father is closer to his Total

children than their ldii is
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 357 34 6 397
89.9 8.6 1.5 100.0
Maw rob 187 6 12 205
91.2 2.9 5.9 100.0
Total 544 40 18 602
90.4 6.6 3.0 100.0

Table 5.4 above reveals that in both rural and urban settings, almost all

respondents agree that the kpa is closer to his children than their kfii is. A negligible

number of them disagree with this. This is very interesting considering the fact that in

the past the kiii used to be the one closer to his nephews and nieces. This vindicates the

popular view that the Khasi man today is becoming more a kpa and less of a kiii.

e) A father is closer to his children than the kiii (Gender perspective)

Table 5.5 below provides gender perspective of the respondents on whether the

father is closer to his children than the kiii.

 190

Table 5.5- A kpa is closer to his children than the kiii (Gender per:spective)

Gender of the respondent A father is closer to his children Total

than their ldii is
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Men 210 13 7 230
91.3 5.7 3.0 100.0
Women 334 27 11 372
89.7 7.3 3.0 100.0
Total 544 40 18 602
90.4 6.6 3.0 100.0

Table 5.5 above reveals that most of the respondents agree that the kpa is closer

to his children than their kiii. As expected, a greater number of men than women agree

with this.

t) A father is closer to his children than the kiii (Religious perspective)

Table 5.6 below provides religious perspective of the respondents on whether the

father is closer to his children than the kiii.

Table 5.6- A kpa is closer to his children than the kiii (Religious perspective)

Religion of the respondent A father is closer to his Total

children than their kiii is
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Christian 472 30 14 ~16
91.5 5.8 2.7 100.0
Traditional religion 72 10 4 86
83.7 11.6 4.7 100.0
Total 544 40 18 602
90.4 6.6 3.0 100.0
 191

Table 5.6 above reveals that in general majority of the respondents agree that the

kpa is closer to his children than the kiii. Significantly, there are more Christians who

agree with this than the non-Christians. This can be explained by the fact that Christian

religion gives greater emphasis on the status and role of the father than the maternal

uncle in his family. Thus the image of the kpa is better perceived in a Christian than in a

non-christian family. The number of those who disagree with this opinion IS very

negligible.

g) A kpa wields more authority in his children's house than in his mother's house

(Rural-urban perspective)

Table 5.7 below provides rural-urban perspective ofthe respondents on whether

the kpa wields more authority in his children's house than in his mother's house.

Table 5.7- A kpa wields more authority in his children's house

(Rural-urban perspective)

Villages A father bas more authority in Total

bis children's bouse
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 339 42 16 397
85.4 10.6 4.0 100.0
Maw rob 163 22 20 205
79.5 10.7 9.8 100.0
Total 502 64 36 602
83.4 10.6 6.0 100.0
 192

Table 5.7 above indicates that, irrespective of rural-urban settings, a great

majority of the respondents agree that the kpa has more authority in his children's house

than in his mother's house. Significantly more people in the rural areas agree with this

than those in urban areas.

h) A kpa wields more authority in his children's house than in his mother's house

(Gender perspective)

Table 5.8 below provides rural-urban perspective of the respondents on whether

the kpa wields more authority in his children's house than in his mother's house.

Table 5.8- A kpa wields more authority in his children's house (Gender perspective)

Gender of the respondents A father has more authority in Total

his children's house
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Men 189 29 12 230
82.2 12.6 5.2 100.0
Women 313 35 24 372
84.1 9.4 6.5 100.0
Total 502 64 36 602
83.4 10.6 6.0 100.0

Table 5.8 above reveals that, irrespective of gender, majority of the respondents

agree that the kpa wields more authority in his children's house than in his mother's

house today. Significantly, the perception of women regarding this is slightly higher
 193

than that of the men. In general there seems to be a growing consciousness of the

authority of the kpa over his children.

i) A kpa wields more authority in his children's bouse than in his mother's house

(Educational perspective)

Table 5.9 below provides educational perspective on whether the kpa wields

more authority in his children's house than in his mother's house.

Table 5.9- A kpa wields more authority in his children's house

(Educational perspective)

Qualification of tbe A father bas more authority in Total

respondents bis children's bouse
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Post-graduate 15 2 17
88.2 11.8 100.0
Graduate 81 10 4 95
85.3 10.5 4.2 100.0
XI-Xll 158 24 11 193
81.9 12.4 5.7 100.0
V-X 147 18 15 180
81.7 10.0 8.3 100.0
I-IV 65 8 3 76
85.5 10.5 3.9 100.0
Dliterate 36 4 1 41
87.8 9.8 2.4 100.0
Total 502 64 36 602
83.4 10.6 6.0 100.0

Table 5.9 above reveals that irrespective of different qualifications of the

respondents, most of them agree that the kpa wields more authority in his children's
 194

house today. Even the illiterate mostly agree with this. The percentage of those who

disagree is rather small.

j) The status of the kpa has gone up today (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 5.10 below provides rural-urban perspective of the respondents on whether

the present status of the kpa has gone up or not.

Table 5.10- Present status of the kpa has gone up (Rural-urban perspective)

Villages A father's status has increased Total

today
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 210 150 37 397
52.9 37.8 9.3 100.0
Mawroh 117 49 39 205
57.1 23.9 19.0 100.0
Total 327 199 76 602
54.3 33.1 12.6 100.0

Table 5.10 above reveals that irrespective of rural-urban settings, a majority of

respondents agree that the present status of the kpa (father) hasgone up. As expected,

this phenomenon is more felt in urban areas than in rural areas. This can be explained by

the fact that the kpa in urban area in most cases is in a better situation educationally and

economically than his counterpart in the rural setting. Significantly, the number of those

who disagree is comparatively. high. This indicates that the socio-cultural transition is

gradual and there are still a good number who are critical about it.
 195

k) The status of the kpa has gone up today (Age perspective)

Table 5.11 below provides a perspective of the respondents based on their age

groups on whether the present status of the kpa has gone up or not.

Table 5.11- Present status of the kpa has gone up (Age perspective)

Age of respondents A father's status has increased Total

today
Agree Disagree Can't
say
15-35 220 132 62 414
53.1 31.9 15.0 100.0
36-55 67 52 9 128
52.3 40.6 7.0 100.0
56 and more 40 15 5 60
66.7 25.0 8.3 100.0
Total 327 199 76 602
54.3 33.1 12.6 100.0

Table 5.11 above reveals that a majority of the respondents agree that the status

of the father has gone up. It is significant that more of the elderly people agree with this.

This is probably due to the fact that the elderly people have seen the transition of !cpa-

ship from the past to the present much better than the younger generation. However,

about one third of the respondents disagree with this opinion.

1) The status of the kpa has gone up today (Gender perspective)

Table 5.12 below provides gender perspective of the respondents on whether the

present status of the kpa has gone up or not.

 196

Table 5.12- Present status of the kpa has gone up (Gender perspective)

Gender of respondents A father's status bas increased Total

today
Agree Disagree Can't sa~·

Men 133 75 22 230

57.8 32.6 9.6 100.0
Women 194 124 54 372
52.2 33.3 14.5 100.0
Total 327 199 76 602
54.3 33.1 12.6 100.0

Table 5.12 above shows that there is not much difference in the response

although men respondents has a higher number than women. This indicates that men in

general see themselves in a much better position today than in the past. However, there

are many who are still critical about this social transition.

m) The status ofthe kpa has gone up today (Religious perspective)

Table 5. 13 below provides religious perspective of the respondents on whether

the present status of the kpa has gone up or not.

Table 5.13 - Present status of the kpa has gone up (Religious perspective)

Religion of tbe respondents A father's status bas increased Total

todq
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Christian 281 170 65 516
54.5 32.9 12.6 100.0
Traditional religion 46 29 11 86
53.5 33.7 12.8 100.0
Total 327 . 199 76 602
54.3 33.1 12.6 100.0
 197

. Table 5.13 above indicates that a little more than half agree that the father's

status has improved today. Those who disagree form about one third. In general, same

opinion is held by both Christians and those of the indigenous religion regarding this

issue. This indtcates that there is a growing opinion that the status of the kpa has

improved today.

n) The status of the kpa has gone up today (Educational perspective)

Table 5.14 below provides educational perspective on whether the present status

of the kpa has gone up or not.

Table 5.14- Present status of the kpa has gone up

(Educational perspective)

Qualif'ICation of tbe A father's status bas increased Total

respondents today
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Post-graduate 12 5 - 17
70.6 29.4 100.0
Graduate 58 31 6 95
61.1 32.6 6.3 100.0
XI-XII 101 61 31 193
52.3 31.6 16.1 100.0
V-X 99 53 28 180
55.0 29.4 15.6 100.0
I-IV 37 32 7 76
48.7 42.1 9.2 100.0
llliterate 20 17 4- 41
48.8 41.5 9.8 100.0
Total 327 199 76 602
54.3 33.1 12.6 100.0
 198

Table 5.14 above reveals that there is more agreement on this among the better

qualified than the less qualified. This result indicates that better qualified the father is

better is his chance of being more respected. Thus education is seen as a factor that

increases the status of the person.

o) The status of the kpa has gone up today (Occupational perspective)

Table 5.15 below provides occupational perspective of the respondents on

whether the present status of the kpa has gone up or not.

Table 5.15- Present status of the kpa has gone up (Occupational perspective)

Occupation of the A father's status bas increased Total

respondents today
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Government employee 37 15 2 54
68.5 27.8 3.7 100.0
Business 31 23 4 58
53.4 39.7 6.9 100.0
Farmer 26 18 12 56
46.4 32.1 21.4 100.0
Others 233 143 58 434
53.7 32.9 13.4 100.0
Total 327 199 76 602
54.3 33.1 12.6 100.0

Table 5.15 above reveals that respondents with government jobs are more

agreeable to the statement that the father's status today has gone up. This group is

followed by others who are engaged in business or other professions. The farmers

however record a lower level of agreement.

 199

5.6. FACTORS FAVOURING THE RISE OF KPA-SHIP TODAY

There are some important exogenous and endogenous factors which have contributed to

the steady rise of kpa-ship among the Khasis. Here below we enumerate a few of them:

i) Perhaps the least talked about factor of change is the arrival of the British

people and along with them Indian employees of the Company. After the defeat ofTirot

Sing in 1834 and that of Kiang Nangbah in 1862, the flow of outsiders became a

phenomenon that had its impact on the Khasis. It was the first encounter en masse with

the outside world. It was as well the first encounter with patrilineal societies. The

different social system of the outsiders undoubtedly had its impact on the minds of the

Khasis. Moreover, the consequent inter-marriages ofKhasi women with outsiders led to

the emergence of patrilineal pattern within the Khasi society. 27 Thus the Khasi society

was able to witness a different model of social system which they unconsciously

compared and contrasted with their own. It is such comparison that has led many to

think of the advantages of empowering the kpa.

ii) Another prominent factor that has contributed to the rise of kpa-ship in Khasi

society is the adoption of Christianity as a new religion. Christian teaching lays great

emphasis on the responsibility of the kpa towards his children and family. 28 The role of

the kiii instead is ignored or not given due attention. In a Christian marriage ceremony, it

is the kpa who is given a prominent role while the kiii 's role is seldom mentioned. 29 The

kpa is the one who accompanies his son or daughter to the altars.

iii) Education is yet another decisive factor in the rise of kpa-ship among the

Khasis. Due to education most of the kpas have more respect and self confidence which
 200

enable them to assume greater control over their families. The analysis of the data

related to this aspect of the kpa today demonstrates that education is an important factor

responsible for the rise of the image of the kpa in Khasi society.

a) More kpas (fathers) are educated today (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 5.16 below provides rural-urban perspective ofthe respondents on whether

the kpas (fathers) are more educated today than earlier.

Table 5.16- More kpas are educated today (Rural-urban perspective)

I ViUages More fathers are educated Total

today
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 245 121 30 397
61.7 30.7 7.6 100.0
Maw rob 162 16 27 205
79.0 7.8 13.2 100.0
Total 407 137 57 602
67.6 22.9 9.5 100.0

Table 5.16 above indicates that most of the respondents agree that the kpas

(fathers) today are more educated. As expected, there are more educated kpas in urban

areas than in rural areas. Access to better educational facilities in urban areas is a

decisive factor in this regard.

 201

b) Educated kpas exercise greater influence on their families (Rural-urban

perspective)

Table 5.17 below provides rural-urban perspective of the respondents on whether

the educated kpas have more influence over their families.

Table 5.17- Educated kpas exercise greater influence on their families

(Rural-urban perspective)

Villages Educated fathers exercise more Total

authority over the family
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 206 158 33 397
51.9 39.8 8.3 100.0
Mawroh 94 97 14 205
45.9 47.3 6.8 100.0
Total 300 255 47 602
49.8 42.4 7.8 100.0

Table 5.17 above indicates that not half the respondents agree that an educated

kpa wields more authority in the family. Quite a good number of them disagree with

this: Significantly, the people in rural areas agree more with this than those in urban

areas. This is probably due to the higher esteem for an educated person in the rural than

in the urban areas. In general, an educated father in a rural family would command

greater advantages than the father in a city family.

 202

c) Educated kpas ·exercise greater influence on their families (Educational

perspective)

Table 5.18 below provides educational perspective on whether the educated kpas

have more influence over their families.

Table 5.18- Educated kpas exercise greater influence on their families

(Educational perspective)

Qualif'ICation of the Educated fathers exercise more Total

respondents authority over the family
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Post-graduate 7 10 17
41.2 58.8 100.0
Graduate 48 42 5 95
50.5 44.2 5:3 100.0
XI-XII 81 97 15 193
42.0 50.2 7.8 100.0
V-X 100 58 22 180
55.6 32.2 12.2 100.0
1- IV 42 30 4 76
55.2 39.5 5.3 100.0
Witerate 22 18 1 41
53.7 43.9 2.4 100.0
Total 300 255 47 602
49.8 42.4 7.8 100.0

Table 5.18 above reveals that half the respondents agree that the educated kpas

exercise more authority in their families. It is important to note that a great number of

them disagree with this. It is also noted that the more educated do not seem to agree

more with this. On the other hand, the illiterate and the less educated seem to agree more
 203

with this. Probably the less educated and the illiterate tend to consider educational

qualification as a decisive factor in gaining status in the family.

d) The study also indicates the importance of the economic well being and better

earning jobs of the kpa today. 30 This leads to more respect for the kpa by his in-laws as

well as by his own wife and children. Consequently, the kpa begins to exercise more
1
authority over his family and he takes control of the discipline of his children?
32
Moreover, many feel that the kpa today has to assume authority over his children.

a) Greater earning kpas have more influence on their families (Rural-urban

perspective)

Table 5.19 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kpas who have greater earnings have more influence over their families.

Table 5.19- Greater earning kpas have more influence

(Rural-urban perspective)

VIllages Fathers with greater earnings Total

have more POWer and influence
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Marbisu 188 168 41 397
47.4 42.3 10.3 100.0
Mawroh 79 106 20 205
38.5 51.7 9.8 100.0
Total 267 274 61 602
44.4 45.5 10.1 100.0
 204

Table 5.19 above indicates that a little less than half of the respondents agree that

the kpas with more earning have more influence in his family. On the other hand an

equal number of them disagree with this. However, there is a greater agreement in rural

areas than in urban areas. It is evident that there is no necessary connection between

higher earnings and increase in power and status as popularly believed.

b) Greater earning kpas have more influence on their families (Occupational

perspective)

Table 5.20 below provides occupational perspective of the respondents on

whether the kpas who have greater earnings have more influence over their families.

Table 5.20 - Greater earning kpas have more influence

(Occupational perspective)

Occupation of the Fathers with greater earnings Total

respondents have more power and influence
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Government employee 18 36 54
. 33.3 66.7 100.0
Business 20 33 5 58
34.5 56.9 8.6 100.0
Farmer 34 20 2 56
60.7 35.7 3.6 100.0
Others 195 185 54 434
44.9 42.7 12.4 100.0
Total 267 274 61 602
44.4 45.5 10.1 100.0

Table 5.20 above reveals that a little less than half of the respondents agree that

the greater earning kpas have more influence in their families. It is however strange to
 205

note that respondents with better salaried jobs are less agreeable to this. On the other

hand the farmers seem to have a positive response. It is clear therefore that earning does

not necessarily determine the status and power of the father in the family.

c) Kpas hailing from rich and influential families have greater influence on their

families (Gender perspective)

Table 5.21 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on whether

·the kpas who hail from rich and influential families have more influence over their

families.

Table 5.21 - Kpas hailing from rich and influential families have greater influence
(Gender perspective)

Gender of respondents Fathers from rich and Total

influential families command
more respect and authority
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Men 94 111 25 230
40.9 48.2 10.9 100.0
Women 109 217 46 372
29.3 58.3 .12.4 100.0
Total 203 328 71 602
33.7 54.5 11.8 100.0

Table 5.21 above reveals that, irrespective of gender, one third of the respondents

in general agree that kpas from rich and influential families wield more influence in their

children's houses. The women seem less convinced about this for a majority of them

disagree with this. It is evident that the status and authority of the kpa does not
 206

necessarily flow from his family's social status but there are other factors beyond this

consideration.

5. 7. KPA SHOULD REPLACE THE KNI TODAY

The image of the kiii today has been affected by factors mentioned earlier. Some of the

factors which are responsible for a diminishing influence of the kiii are poverty and his

inability to make frequent visits to his siter's family. 33 Poverty at times becomes a

hindrance for an economically poorer kiii to visit his nephews and nieces for he is unable

to offer them anything. :rhe kiii today unlike those of the past, seem to have less time

and less interest to visit their kpoh/kur members. 34 Consequently, the image of the kpa

emerges strongly in such situations and he is perceived as the right person to take over

the role of the kiii in his family. The findings of the present study clearly indicate a

growing opinion that the kpa should assume the role of the kiii in his children's family.

However, as the same man generally exercises both roles of kiii and kpa. Thus every

married Khasi man would in some sense forego some authority and control in his

kurlkpoh which he would make up in his children's family. Thus it may be considered as

a win-win situation.

a). Tbe kpa should replace tbe kiii today (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 5.22 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kpa should replace the role of the kiii today.
 207

Table 5.22 - The kpa should replace the kiii today (Rural-urban perspective)

Villages The father should replace the Total

kftitoday
Agne Disagne Can't
say
Marbisu 270 91 36 397
68.0 22.9 9.1 100.0

Mawroh 104 62 39 205

50.7 30.2 19.0 100.0

Total 374 153 75 602

62.1 25.4 12.5 100.0

Table 5.22 above reveals that majority of the respondents agree that the kpa

should replace the kiii today. However, there is still a sizable number who disagree with

this idea. It is interesting to note that more people in rural areas agree with this idea than

those in urban areas. This is probably due to the fact that the erosion of kiii-ship is more

felt in rural areas than in the urban settings.

b) The kpa should replace the kiii today (Age perspective)

Table 5.23 below provides an age perspective of the respondents on whether the

kpa should replace the role of the kiii today.

}
 208

Table 5.23- The kpa should replace the kii.i today (Age perspective)

Age of respondents The father should replace the Total

kiiitoday
Agree Disagree Can't
say
15-35 243 108 63 414
58.7 26.1 15.2 100.0
36-55 89 31 8 128
69.5 24.2 6.3 100.0
56 and more 42 14 4 60
70.0 23.3 6.7 100.0
Total 374 153 75 602
62.1 25.4 12.5 100.0

Table 5.23 above indicates that a majority of the respondents are of the opinion

that the kpa should replace the kiii today. It is significant to note that the older

respondents seem to agree more with this idea than the younger ones. This can be

expl~ined by the fact that older people have witnessed and experienced the process of

change and probably are more convinced about the need and benefit of such a change.

c) The kpa should replace the kii.i today (Gender perspective)

Table 5.24 below provides a gender perspective of the respondents on whether

the kpa should replace the role of the kiii today.

 209

Table 5.24- The kpa should replace the kiii today (Gender perspective)

Gender of the respondents The father should replace the Total

ldiitoday
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Men 135 60 35 230
58.7 26.1 15.2 100.0
Women 239 93 . 40 372
64.2 25.0 10.8 100.0
Total 374 153 75 602
62.1 25.4 12.5 100.0

Table 5.24 above reveals that, irrespective of gender, majority of the respondents

agree that the kpa should replace the kiii in their roles. It is important to note that there

are slightly more women who agree with this than the men. The women are usually at

the receiving end of a weak and powerless kpa on one side and a non-performing kiii on

the other. Therefore it is reasonable that they would desire for a stronger and more

responsible kpa in the families. This explains why their percentage of agreement is

higher than that of the men.

d) The kpa should replace the kiii today (Religious perspective)

Table 5.25 below provides a religious perspective of the respondents on the

question whether the kpa should replace the role of the kiii today.
 210

Table 5.25 - Tbe kpa sbould replace tbe kiii today (Religious perspective)

Religion of the Tbe father should replace the Total

respondents kiiitoday
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Christian 321 130 65 516
62.2 25.2 12.6 100.0

Traditional religion 53 23 10 86
61.6 26.8 11.6 100.0

Total 374 153 75 602

62.1 25.4 12.5 100.0

Table 5.25 above shows that, irrespective of religion, majority of the respondents

agree that the kpa should replace the kiii in today's Khasi society. There is no

perceptible difference of opinion between the Christians and non-christians. There is

however still a good number of people who disagree with such a change. This indicates

that such a socio-cultural change is a slow.

e) Tbe kpa sbould replace tbe kiii today (Educational perspective)

Table 5.26 below provides educational perspective on whether the kpa should

replace the role of the kiii today.

 211

Table 5.26 - The kpa should replace the kiii today

(Educational perspective)

Qualif'~eation
of the The father should replace the Total
respondents /ciiitoday
Agree Disagru 'Can't
say
Post-graduate 12 3 2 17
70.6 17.6 11.8 100.0
Graduate 64 26 5 95
67.4 27.4 5.2 100.0
XI-Xll 103 62 28 193
53.4 32.1 14.5 100.0
V-X 118 35 27 180
65.6 19.4 15.0 100.0
I-IV 54 16 6 76
71.0 21.1 7.9 100.0
Dliterate 23 11 7 41
56.1 26.8 17.1 100.0
Total 374 153 75 602
62.1 25.4 12.5 100.0

Table 5.26 above reveals that more qualified respondents tend to agree with this

more than the illiterates. This can be explained by the fact that educated persons

consider this change as important and timely on account of their ability to critically

evaluate the current socio-cultural condition of the Khasi society. This is evident from

the emergence of a number of socio-cultural movements of educated Khasis who are

harping on this theme.

f) The kpa should replace the kiii today (Occupational perspective)

Table 5.27 below provides an occupational perspective of the respondents on

whether the kpa should replace the role of the ldii today.
 212

Table 5.27- The kpa should replace the kiii today (Occupational perspective)

Occupation of the The father should replace the Total

respondents kiiitoday
Agree Disagree Can't
say
Government employee 35 15 4 54
64.8 27.8 7.4 100.0
Business 42 14 2 58
72.4 24.1 3.4 100.0
Farmer 31 17 8 56
55.3 30.4 14.3 100.0
Others 266 107 61 434
61.4 24.6 14.0 100.0
Total 374 153 15 602
62.1 25.4 12.5 100.0

Table 5.27 above reveals that most of the respondents agree that the kpa should

replace the kiii today. It is significant to note that respondents with better jobs tend to

agree more with this than those without such jobs. This is probably because they feel

more self confident and ·able to look after their families.

5.8. THE GROWING ROLE ASSUMPTION OF THE KPA TODAY

One indicator of the emerging authority of the kpa in the Khasi society today is the

active role that he plays in his family and the assuming of responsibility towards his

children. In the past, the kpa was usually considered "u nongai symbai" (giver of seed)

or u "nongai khun" (progenitor) or "u nongai rynieng-rymot" (giver of human well

being). It was customary for the husband to visit his wife and his children only at night

while the whole day he would remain and work in his mother's house (i'ngkur). His
 213

nephews and nieces were closer to him than his own children who would seldom see

him. Today however, the kpa is becoming more attached to his children than to his

i"ng/kpohlkur members. He exercises more responsibility towards his wife and children

than towards his inglkpohlkur. With the emergence of nuclear families the authority of

the father has become more distinct. As Kharkrang opines: "he is the head as husband to

his wife and father to his sons and daughters". 35 The following results of the survey

clearly demonstrates this cultural shift of roles.

5.8.1. The kpa nurtures his children

Table 5.28 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kpa provides and nurtures his children.

Table 5.28- The kpa nurtures his children (Rural-urban perspective)

Villages The father nurtures bis children Total

Always Seldom Never

Marbisu 346 20 31 397

87.2 5.0 7.8 100.0
Maw rob 175 27 3 205
85.3 13.2 1.5 100.0
Total 521 47 34 602
86.5 7.8 5.7 100.0

Table 5.28 above reveals that irrespective of rural-urban settings, a great majority

of the respondents agree that the kpa always nurtures his children. A very small number

say that he does so seldom.

 214

5.8.2. The kpa admonishes his children (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 5.29 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kpa discipline and admonishes his children.

Table 5.29 - The kpa disciplines and admonishes his children

(Rural-urban perspective)

Villages The father admonishes his Total

children
Always Seldom Never

Marbisu 332 35 30 397

83.6 8.8 7.6 100.0
Mawroh 175 28 2 205
85.4 13.6 1.0 100.0
Total 507 63 32 602
84.2 10.5 5.3 100.0

Table 5.29 above shows that in both rural and urban settings, a vast majority of

the respondents agree that the kpa always disciplines and admonishes his children today.

A comparatively small number say that he does so seldom.

5.8.3. The kpa supervises family affairs (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 5.30 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kpa supervises the family affairs.

 215

Table 5.30 - The kpa supervises family affairs (Rural-urban perspective)

Villages The father today oversees the Total

family affairs
Always Seldom Never

Marbisu 300 50 47 397

75.6 12.6 11.8 100.0
Mawroh 149 42 14 205
72.7 20.5 6.8 100.0
Total 449 92 61 602
74.6 15.3 10.1 100.0

Table 5.30 above reveals that irrespective of rural-urban settings majority ofthe

respondents agree that the kpa always supervises the affairs of his family. However,

there are few who say that he does so seldom or never.

5.8.4. The kpa takes decisions in family matters

Table 5.31 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kpa takes decisions in family matters.

Table 5.31 - The kpa takes decisions in family matters (Rural-urban perspective)

Villages The father takes decisions in Total

family affairs
Always Seldom Never

Marbisu 264 73 60 397

66.5 18.4 15.1 100.0
Mawroh 137 48 20 205
66.8 23.4 9.8 100.0
Total 401 121 80 602
66.6 20.1 13.3 100.0
 216

Table 5.31 reveals that, irrespective of rural-urban settings, majority of the

respondents agree that the kpa always takes decision in matter related to his family.

However, there is still a sizable number who say he seldom does so. There are also some

who say that he never does so.

5.8.5. The kpa visits his kurlkpoh/ing members (Rural-urban perspective)

Table 5.32 below provides a rural-urban perspective of the respondents on

whether the kpa use to visit his kurlkpohling members.

Table 5.32 - Tbe kpa visits his kurlkpoh/ing members

(Rural-urban perspective)

Villages The father visits his dan/family Total

members
Always Seldom Never

Marbisu 149 235 13 397

37.5 59.2 3.3 100.0
Mawroh 86 114 5 205
42.0 55.6 2.4 100.0
Total 235 349 18 602
39.0 58.0 3.0 100.0

Table 5.32 above reveals that in both rural and urban settings, not many

respondents say that the kpa always visits his kurlkpohling. A greater number of

respondents say that the father seldom visits his kurlkpohling. This indicates that the role

of the Khasi man as kiii is actually declining while his responsibility as kpa is gradually
. .
mcreasmg.
 217

5.9. MOVEMENTS TOWARDS STRENGTHENINGKPA-SHIP

Khasi culture and tradition seems to be in a state of transition. There are many

indications today that point to a kind of cultural turmoil in the Khasi society. Perhaps the

cultural tension between the institutions of kfii-ship and kpa-ship is the most prominent.

In this regard there has been some sort of what the sociologists call "social moment".

According to the renowned Indian sociologist, T. K. Oommen:

Social moment occurs when a fairly large number of people are bound together in order to

alter or support some position of existing culture or social order. . . Social movements are

not just about tangible political results; they are attempts to place issues on the

agenda ... and contest hegemonic ways of seeing the world by propounding an alternate

interpretation of social reality. 36

Accordingly, there have been efforts to guide the Khasi people towards a desired

destination, having read the signs of the time and deciphered the road map. 37 In the last

few decades we have seen the resurgence of a lot of socio-cultural movements in Khasi

society who try to address this burning issue. The most notable among them are the

following:

5.9.1. Ka Seng lktiar Longbriew-manbriew (Sn..)

It was in 1961 that a few enlightened Khasi men decided to make public the idea of

proposing a change in the Khasi family system. The movement was initiated by Dr. A.

Lyngwi who became the first president of SIL, Mr. J. Darnington Lyngdoh who was its

vice president and a few others. In 1964 this group held a public debate in Sohra on the
 218

theme "Khasi customs and traditions for the Khasi people". It was here that the sensitive

issue. of family lineage was debated vehemently. However, there was a strong protest
38
from the women which compelled the organizers to end the debate abruptly. Thus the

first attempt made by SIL to herald a socio-cultural change in the Khasi society failed.

However, many believe that the beginning had been made and the society's conscience

had been pricked. 39

5.9.2. Ka Syngkhong Rympei Thymmai (SRT)

The SRT has its genesis in the movement called Ka Seng Iktiar Longbriew-manbriew

(SIL). It was officially founded on 14th April 1990. Mr. Darningstone Lyngdoh who

was the co-founder of SIL more than thirty years ago, became its advisor. The SRT can

be termed revitalistic social movement as it is a collective attempt to construct a more

satisfying culture. A report in the Sunday magazine in 1995 has this to say "young Khasi

men find all this difficult to bear and have reacted by starting a movement that may well

be described as 'men's lib'. The movement is being led by the Syngkhong Rympei

Thymmai". 40 The ideas and proposals of this group are basically those formulated by the

Seng Iktiar Longbriew-manbriew. 41 This movement aims at changing the Khasi

matrilineal into a patrilineal system. Thirty years after the failure of SIL, the

understanding of people has ripened and the proposals of SRT are gradually gaining

ground among the Khasis.

 219

5.9.3. Movement for Positive Thinking (MPT)

There are many socio-cultural groups today who advocate the need to empower the

father of the family. The Movement for Positive Thinking (MPT) at its meeting held in

1999, had impressed upon the government to formulate laws that will provide equal

share of family inheritance to the male children. This is seen as an important process

towards empowering men in their families. Another recommendation was to formulate

laws regarding marriage which will ensure the integrity of a family. 42

5.9.4. Interventions of the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC)

The KHADC has been instituted by the 6th Schedule of the Indian Constitutions in order

to safeguard the interests of the Khasi people. In keeping with this objective the

KHADC has been actively engaged in the preservation and promotion of Khasi culture

and traditions. It has enacted laws related to many issues like land and property, lineage,

village administration etc. The Lineage Act of 1997 and the Village Administration Bill

of 2011 may be mentioned in detail here as they are relevant to the study of our problem.

a) Through the Khasi Social Custom of Lineage Act, 1997, the KHADC has been

able to enact a law that will guarantee the permanency of the Khasi matrilineal system

which is under constant threat due to inter-community marriages and adoption of other

religions. By preserving the matrilineal system, many other cultural institutions are

expected to be upheld like the status and role of the khatduh (heiress}, the tradition of

inheritance of ancestral property and the identity of the Khasis themselves. 43 The
 220

preservation of matriliny also implies the permanency of the institution of kiii-ship. The

two in fact go hand in hand and one impinges on the other.

b) Secondly, this particular Act also upholds some traditional practices like the

Tang-jait or Tang-kur and the Rap-ing wherein a family without a daughter adopts a

female child and endows on her the mother's kur and also the ancestral property of the

family or clan. 44 In all these traditional practices the role of the kfii is irreplaceable.

Therefore by upholding these traditions kiii-ship is being affirmed.

c) By upholding that matriliny and the observation of Khasi customs as criteria

for being a Khas~ the law protects the Khasi society from an invasion of patriliny

brought about by inter-cultural marriages. 45 Consequently, the institution of Ani-ship is

being preserved.

d) The Bill on Village Administration 2011, which has been introduced in

KHADC, is another step taken for the preservation of Khasi traditional institutions. The

Bill if it becomes law, will greatly help to boost up the image of village administration

among the Khasis. The Bill provides that only a Khasi who has attained the age of 25 is

eligible to be a rangbah-shnong thereby safeguarding the traditional character of the

institution. 46 There is an elaborate section on the composition, powers and functions of

the dorbar-shnong (village council). 47 Through the endorsement of ka teh-rangbah

ceremony, the Bill upholds the traditional law that only men take part in the dorbar. 48

By affirming the authority and role of the dorbar-shnong, the Bill is indirectly affirming

the status and authority of men in Khasi society as they are the protagonists in every
 221

dorbar. This consequently is an affirmation of the status of the kili or kpa for in almost

all cases they are the participants of this institution.

5.10. KPA-SYNROP(CLASSIFICATORY FATHERS)

Kpa-synrop (classificatory fathers) are the elder and younger brothers of the kpa (father).

In Khasi kinship system, they are addressed as ''pd' (father). The classificatory fathers

who are elder to the kpa are called ''pa-san" or ''pa-heh" (eldest). The middle one is

addressed as ''pa-deng' while the younger brother is called ''pa-duh" or ''pa-khynnah".

5.1 0.1. Status of the Kpa-synrop

The fact that the classificatory fathers are addressed as ''pd' (father) indicates that the

Khasis consider them on an equal level with the kpa. In general there is respect towards

them displayed by their nephews and nieces. Their advice is adhered to by them when it

is meant for their good. 49

5.10.2. Functions and role of the kpa-synrop

The kpa-synrop (classificatory fathers) do not usually bring their earnings to their

married brother's family although there are some exceptional cases of this. For example,

if they are orphans and unmarried and they live in the family of their married brothers.

In general the functions of the classificatory fathers are mainly the following:
 222

a) Maintain a good relationship with their brother and his family, i"ng or kpoh.

The Khasi social norm of tipkur-tipkha (know your cognates and agnates), is considered

an important norm to be conscientiously followed. Therefore maintaining a good

relationship with their married brother and his family, is an important duty of the kpa-

synrop.

b) To counsel and discipline their nephews and nieces. Like the kpa whose duty

is to discipline and counsel his children, the kpa-synrop too perform this duty although

in a lesser degree. In the interviews most of the persons agree that the kpa-synrop do

visit them but only on rare occasions. 50 When they come some of them counsel their

nephews and nieces and they generally listen to them. 51

c) To support them in times of need. It is a tradition among the Khasis that the

kpa-synrop are well respected by their nephews and nieces. The kinship tie with their

brother keeps them close to his children. Thus in times of need it is expected that they

come to the aid of their brother and his family.

5.10.3. Declining role of the kpa-synrop today

Usually the kpa-synrop 's relationship with his nephews and nieces depends greatly on

his personal relationship with his sibling brother. When there are differences between

them then the kpa-synrop would refrain from visiting his nephews and ni~s. 52 Often

the death of their sibling brother would also affect the relationship with their brother's

family. When relationship is good and when there is physical proximity the kpa-synrop

would generally play a more active role. However, the role of the kpa-synrop today
 223

towards his nephews and nieces is on the decline. In urban areas where busy schedule

and individualism have crept in, the kpa-synrop would seldom find time to perform such

social acts. Moreover, they themselves being fathers of their own families are more

concerned about their families' welfare.

5.11. CONCLUSION

As mentioned earlier, the decline of k:iii-ship and the rise of kpa-ship are related issues

because they are concerned with the same individual who plays a double role. As has

been enumerated above, there are many factors that have led to the growing influence of

the kpa in Khasi families. Moreover, this transition of roles from kni to kpa is a natural

consequence of cultural transformation that the Khasi society is experiencing today in

the wider context of globalization. As in the case of the Nayars in Kerala whose

transition from matriliny (marokakkathayam) to patriliny in the 19th century was due to

education, social mobility, market oriented economy and the enforcement of many social

legislations, 53 the Khasi society is bound to experience the same movement of

transformation.
 224

NOTES

1
Cf. J. War, "The Khasi Concept ofFarnih. Changes in Structure and Function", in P. M Chacko (ed.) \,fatriliny in
Me~halaya. Tradition and Change. New Ddhi, Regency Publications, 1998, 19.
:Gurdon, The Khasis, 78-79. It is actually a misconception to think of the father as playing the second fiddle in the
Khasi family. Whenever a man proves his worth by hard work and good character, he commands the respect and
obedience of his children, except the husband of the khatduh (heiress) who is usually dominated by his wife and his
'in-laws.
3
Cf. H. Elias, KaHamsaia ki Por. Shillong, St Anthony's College, 1976,45.
4
Cf. Mawrie, The KJrasi Milieu, 55.
5
Cf. M P. R Lyngdoh, "Ka kyrdan u rangbah Khasi ha ka imlang-sahlang", presented atKa Seminar jong ka Seng
Samla Nongrimbah. organized by Ka Seng Samla Week, Shillong: December 18111, 1989.
6
Cf. K. Rapthap, "Ka nongrim u shynrang rangbah Khasi", in &temon, vol. 1, issue 4 (October 1988), 9.
7
Cf. Ibid.
8
Cf. C. Nakane, Garo and Khasi: A Comparative Study in Matrilineal Systems (Parish: Mouton, 1967), 125.
9
Cf. Ibid., 127.
°
1
11
Cf. Ibid., 129.
Cf Ibid.
12
Cf. Lyngdoh, "Ka kyrdan u rangbah Khasi ha ka imlang-sahlang", 1.
13
R Fox, Kinship and Marriage. London: Penguin Books, 1966, 108.
14
Cf. AS. Kynjing, "U shynrang Khasi u phong artylli ki pansngiaf', inRupang (December 12, I997), 2.
15
Interview with Mr. Peter Lamare (Mawroh: Jtme 20, 20IO). ·
16
Cf. Madhumita Das, Changing Family System ammg a Matrilineal Group in India (Mwnbai: International Institute
for Population Sciences), 18, in httpJ/www.iussp.org/Brazi12001/slO/Sl2 04 Das.pdf(accessed on March 5, 2012).
17
Interview with Mr. Fulgensius (Marbisu: November 27, 20 II).
18
Interview with Mr. F. A Kurbah (Marbisu: November 29, 2011).
19
Interview with Mr. P. Kurbah (Marbisu: November 29, 201 I).
20
Interview with Mrs. Amrika Kurbah (Marbisu: November 27, 20 I I).
21
Interview with Mrs. Diana Kurbah (Marl>isu: November 27, 2011). ,
22
Cited in R Kharkrang, Matriliny on the March. Shillong: VIP, 2012, 131-132.
23
Cf. A Basaiawmoit, "Ka iktiar u rangbah ha ka longing Khasi jong ka juk mynta", in U Nongsaifl Hima (February
26, 2008), 4.
24
Cf. K, Rapthap, "Hato u kpa u long u khlieh ka ing?" in Dmrgmusa (August 22, 1991 ), 11.
25
Cf. W. S. Hynniewta, "Hangno ka nongrim u shynrang rangbah Khasi", inMawphor(October 3, 1997), 2.
26
Cf. 0. L. Snaitang, "The Impact of Christianity on the Khasi-Jaintia Matrilineal Family", 70.
27
Cf. Snaitang, "The Impact of Christianity on the Khasi-Jaintia Matrilineal Family", 65.
28
Cf. Interview with Mr. C. Kharlyngdoh (M.arbisu: November 27, 2011).
29
Cf. S. S. Lyngdoh. "The Khasi Matriliny: Its Past and Its Future", 41.
30
Interview with Mr. Fulgensius (Marbisu: November 27, 2011); Interview with Mr. S. Charles Klryriem (Marbisu:
November 27, 2011).
31
Cf. S. S. Lyngdoh. ''The Khasi Matriliny: Its Past and Its Future", 42. However, there are still some kpas today who
in spite of their education and better salaried jobs, behave irresponsibly towards their families. In such cases, they lose
their authority and influence over their wives and children and they lose respect of the in-laws.
32
Interview with Mrs. Felicity Sunn (Marbisu: November 27, 2011 ).
33
Interview with Mrs. Blesi M Kurbah (Mmbisu: November 27, 2011 ).
34
Interview with Mrs. Landoris Lyngdoh Mawphlang (Marbisu: November 27, 20I1); Interview with Mr.Anthony
Jana (Marbisu: November 27, 2011).
35
Kharlmmg, Matriliny on the March, 114.
36
T. Oommen, Protests and Change: Studies in Social Movements. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1990, 30.
37
Cf. R Kharkrang,Matrilinyon the March. Shillong: VIP. 2012, I24.
38
Cf. Ibid., 126.
39
Cf Ibid., 133.
40
R. Kannakar, ''War of the sexes", in Sunday, vol. 22, issue I6 (16-22 April, 1995), 48.
41
Cf Ibid.
42
Cf. ''Kajingkitkhliehjong ukpa iaka ing 1aiakren", inRupcmg(April26, 1999), 4.
 225

43
a. KHAOC, Khasi Social Custom of Lineage Act 1997 in The Gazette ofMeghalaya, no. 22 (Shillong: Februru:·
25, 2005), 4.
44
Cf. Ibid., 4-5. Tang-jail is an ancient cultwal practice. When a Khasi man marries a non-.Khasi woman through
tang-iait a new kur is created. The woman becomes the first ancestress (iawbei) of the new /a1r. Even today this
tradition is being maintained
45
Cf. Ibid., 9.
46
Cf. KHADC, Draft if Village Administration Bill (Shillong: .KHADC, 2011 ), 8.
47
Cf.lbid., 4-6.
48
Cf. Ibid., 4-5.
49
InterView with Mr. Benedict Kurbah (Mawroh, June 20, 2010)~ Interview with Mr. Joseph Nongkynrih (Mawroh,
June 20, 2010)
50
Interview with Mr. P. Kmbah (Marbisu, November 27, 20 II).
51
Interview with Mr. Joseph Nongkynrih (Mawroh, J1me 20, 20 I 0).
52
Interview with Dr. Baphershisha Kharjana (Mawprem: November 12, 2011 ).
53
Cf."Conclusion",httpJ/~h.mywebsearch.com/mywebsean:h/GGmain.jhtml?~hfor=fiom+matrilinyt-to+patrili
ny+in+nayart-sociey (accessed on March 3, 2012), 4.
 226

CHAPTER6

Summary and Conclusion

6.1. INTRODUCTION

We shall group them under the following themes:

a) Image of the kiii (uncle) in Khasi society

b) Authority of the kiii today

c) The present role of the kiii

d) Status of the kpa (father) today

e) Authority of the father today

6.2. IMAGE OF THE KJV/ IN KHASI SOCIETY

On the image of the kiii in Khasi society as perceived by the people today, we have

arrived at the following generalizations.

a) First, the traditional institution of kiii-ship is still considered important by the

majority. There is still an emotional attachment to this age-old institution. All Khasis

irrespective of age groups, gender, levels of educational qualification, religious creed or

occupation, still believe that kiii-ship is still a significant institution in Khasi society.

There is however a gradual tendency among all sections of Khasis to consider this

institution as no more essential. The level of ignorance about this traditional institution
 227

is also quite high among the younger generation. The agrarian community seems to have

a better familiarity with this institution and they are more positive towards it than the

urban respondents.

The study reveals that the popular presumption that rural areas are more

favourable to kiii-ship than the urban areas is mistaken. The analysis shows clearly that

the urban setting scores a little higher in this aspect. In fact, with regard to the

diminishing status of the kiii, the rural area seems to have been more affected as

indicated in Table 4.1. Rural area records a higher percentage of agreement with regard

to the issue of the /cpa replacing the kiii than urban areas as seen in Tables 5.22 and 5.23.

The study also indicates that the general presumption that the adherents of the

traditional religion are more orthodox believers of this institution is also wrong. In

general, there is no perceptible difference between Christians and adherents of Khasi

religion in their perception of the kiii-ship. Table 4.3 clearly indicates that the difference

is minimal. When it comes to the question of the kpa replacing the kiii, the difference of

opinion between adherents of the two religions is not much at all as seen in Tables 5.27

and 5.28.

b) Secondly, regarding the authority of the kiii over his kur/kpohlfng members,

the study shows that still a large majority of the people believe that the kiii still exercises

his authority. Tables 3.10-3.15 reveal that irrespective of gender, religion, educational

qualification or occupation, there is agreement on this question.

c) Thirdly, concerning the kiii as the priest of the kur/kpohling, Table 3.17

reveals that elderly persons subscribe to this idea more than the younger ones. As seen in
 228

Table 3.19 that those who profess the traditional religion uphold this role of the kiii more

than the Christians. This is not surprising because in traditional religion the priestly role

of the kiii is still relevant and in practice. Among Christians, however, there is no more

family religion or family cult. So this particular role of the kiii has become redundant.

d) Fourthly, regarding the kiii as the mediator of the kurlkpohlrngthere is general

agreement among all about this role of the kiii as indicated in Tables 3.22-3.27. Table

3.23 shows that elderly persons believe in this more than the younger ones. The agrarian

people also display a higher degree of agreement on this issue than those from the urban

areas.

e) Fifthly, concerning the role of the kiii as the one who upholds the cultural

heritage of the kurlkpohling the elderly persons are in general more agreeable to this as

clearly indicated in Table 3 .31. There is a greater degree of ignorance about this aspect

among the younger people than among the elderly ones.

f) Sixthly, concerning the role of the kiii as the. instructor and educator of the

kurlkpoh/ing members, Table 3.36 reveals that the elderly people are more inclined to

agree with this than the younger people. Presumably they are the ones who have had

more experience of this particular role of the kili for some of them would have been kiiis

themselves. However, the study reveals that within the age group 36 to 55 many

disagree. This is probably because many of the Khasi fathers today have begun to

assume the role of being instructor and educator of their children.

The traditional image and functions of the kili is by and large positive. There is

general agreement about the role and authority of the kili in society. Therefore it is
 229

evident that theoretically the general perception of the kiii remains traditional. Most

Khasis still perceive kiii-ship as a significant institution and there is doubtlessly a

sentimental attachment to this age-old institution. However, judging by the significant

number of respondents who do not seem familiar about this traditional institution, it is

equally evident that kiii-ship as a cultural institution is less known today than earlier.

6.3. AUTHORITY OF THE KNI TODAY

On the authority of the kiii in present day Khasi society as perceived by the people

today, the present study shows the following.

a) Concerning the down-sliding status of the kiii today, the study reveals that the

kiii today has lost much of his status that he had before. It is interesting to note that the

rural respondents feel this changing phenomenon more than the urban respondents. The

reason is probably because the rural people experience more dispersion of the

kurlkpohl'tng members which affects more tangibly the role of the kiii. Again the women

seem to feel such a phenomenon more than the men as seen in Table 4.2. Table 4.3 also

shows that Christians in general feel the weakening status of the kiii more than those

who still profess the traditional Khasi religion. This is probably because the role of the

lciii in Christian families is considerably diminished especially in matters related to

religious rituals. For example, even if the kiii still upholds the traditional religion, he

would not be able to exercise his religious role in the families of his kurlkpohli"ng if they

are Christians. But this is a normal practice if the families of his kurlkpohl'tng are still

upholding the Khasi religion.

 230

b) When it comes to the relationship between the kiii and the younger members

of the kur/kpohling the analysis shows that there is a growing number of young people

who do not know much about their kiii anymore. Again this phenomenon seems to have

affected the rural areas more than the urban ones. Presumably the dispersion of the

kur/kpohling members, for reasons of work, education etc, has led to the estrangement of

the young people from their kiiis. Often, they would meet the kiiis only on rare occasions

like the death of someone and a wedding. Significantly, the Christians seem to have

been more affected by this than the traditional religion followers.

c) On why many kiiis today do not know their roles anymore, Table 4.10 clearly

shows that most Khasis agree with this. This makes a kiii merely a nominal figure

without any sense of responsibility towards his kur/kpohli"ng members. In the rural areas

this phenemenon is felt more than in the urban setting.

d) Concerning the educational qualifications of the kiii, Table 4.4 shows that

there is a consensus among all sections of Khasis that many kiiis are illiterate or poorly

educated. This phenomenon is more acutely felt in the rural areas. In general male

literacy is lower in the rural than in the urban areas of Khasi-Jaifitia Hills. This

consequently leads to generations of illiterate kiiis in different kur/kpohling. As Table

4.5 indicates the situation seems to be better among Christians probably because of the

Church's contribution towards the education of its members. 1

e) Concerning whether the kiii who is more educated wields more influence, not

many ascribe to this opinion as Table 4.6 indicates. However, an educated kiii in the

rural area is probably more influential than the one who is in the urban area. This is
 231

reasonable because an educated person in the rural area is looked upon with more

respect and honour.

g) Tables 3.28 and 3.29 also reveal that a kiii who holds a high position in the

society need not necessarily be more respected or more influential. However, such

opinion seems to be more acceptable for people in the rural areas and among men than

in the urban areas and among women.

h) Concerning whether the kiii who is economically better off commands more

respect and influence, Tables 4.8 and 4.9 show that not many ascribe to this view. Such

kiiis in rural areas seem to have more respect and authority than in urban areas. As it

usually happens, the rich kiiis in villages become benefactors of the poorer members of

their kurlkpohling especially in times of need. Consequently they earn the love and

respect of their members.

i) Regarding whether the eldest kiii has more authority than the younger kiiis or

the kiii-synrop (classificatory uncles), Tables 3.1-3.3 indicate that majority subscribe to

this opinion. By tradition among the Khasis, this has always been observed. There is

more spontaneous respect and obeisance shown to the eldest kiii than to the kiii-synrop.

Evidently, with regard to the authority of the kiii today, the study indicates that

there is a significant decline. This situation varies according to settings (rural-urban),

religion (Christians, traditional religion believers), educational qualifications etc. In

general the role of the kiii has diminished significantly in urban areas than in rural areas

and among Christians than among believers of traditonal Khasi religion. On the other
 232

hand, educational qualification is also playing a great role in influencing the imase and

authority of the kiii today.

6.4. PRESENT ROLE OF THE KNI

On the role of the kiii in Khasi society, the findings are as follows:

a) Table 4.12 reveals that most of the kiiis seldom visit their kurlkpohli"ng

members. Very few of them do so frequently. What is interesting to note is that this

phenomenon is common in both urban and rural areas. However, the situation seems

better among those who uphold the traditional religion than the Christians. In general the

kiiis today do not visit their kur/kpohl'ing members as frequently as they used to do

before.

b) One of the principal roles of the kiii in Khasi society is to admonish or counsel

the members of his kur/kpohl'ing, especially the younger ones. Table 4.14 indicates that

this role is weakening among the kfiis today. Undoubtedly there is a connection between

this and the frequency of visits the kfii makes. This role appears to be more evident

among those who still profess the traditional religion than the Christians.

c) Regarding the role of decision-making in important matters m the

kurlkpohl'ing, Tables 4.16 and 4.17 reveal that the kfiis in rural areas and those who

belong to the traditional religion play more active role than those in the urban areas or

those who are Christians.

d) Concerning the issue of the kiii presiding over marriages of his kurlkpohli"ng

members, Table 4.18 reveals that this particular role of the kfii is still largely practiced
 233

more in rural areas than in urban areas. It is interesting however to note that this practice

is almost equally present among Christian and followers of the traditional religion.

However, the intensity of presence of the kiii is different between the two groups. His

role is more prominent in marriages of members who still uphold Khasi religion because

he is the presiding priest. In Christian marriages, however, the kiii has a peripheral role

of being merely a witness.

e) The study further shows that in matters of feuds within the kurlkpohlfng, the

kfii 's role as a mediator of reconciliation is more prominent in rural areas and also

among those who still belong to the traditional religion than their counterparts. 2

However, his role is still largely felt among members of his kurlkpohl'ing irrespective of

place and religion.

f) With regard to the kfii-synrop the study reveals that there is still great respect

for them. 3 Their influence however depends very much on their proximity to their

nephews and nieces. But there is a tendency among them to distance themselves from

their kpohl'ing members after the death of their immediate sisters. 4

g) Theoretically, the concept of kiii-ship is still tenable and relevant. This is

evident from the positive opinion regarding this traditional institution at the perception

level. However, when it comes to the practical or experiential level there is a critical

outlook at kiii-ship today.

With regard to the exercise of his traditional role, the kiii today has become less

aware of his duty. The conflict of roles in a Khasi man between being a kiii and being a

kpa is evident. There is a gradual tendency towards being a kpa more than being a kfii. In
 234

this transition there are many contributing factors like Christianity, education, migration

to the cities and influence of other cultures. Christianity proves to be a a major influence

in this change because of its emphasis on the role of the father than of the uncle. In fact,

in any Christian ritual the presence of the father is obligatory and not that of the uncle.

Moreover, the growing social interactions with other cultures who follow patriliny has

had a gradual impact on the psyche of the Khasi people.

6.5. STATUS OF THEKPA (FATHER) TODAY

On the present status of the kpa (father) in Khasi society, the study has the following

findings:

a) The status of the kpa among the Khasis in general has gone up. His

importance and role are being recognized. Table 5.10 reveals that the status of the kpa is

much higher in urban areas and particularly among the more educated (Table 5.14) and.

those who have better employment (Table 5.15). This shows the general perception

today that the kpa has become a more influential person in the family.

b) Table 5.16 reveals that the number of educated kpas is on the rise both in the

urban and rural areas. In the urban areas the percentage of educated kpas is higher than

in the rural areas. The rise in education of the kpas is closely related to the rise in their

status and importance in the families and society at large.

c) Regarding whether the children obey their fathers, Table 5.1 shows a positive

tendency. Today it is evident that children show more respect and obedience to their

fathers. The kpas in urban areas (Table 5.1) and those who are more educated (Table
 235

5.2) and better placed in society (Table 5.3}, command more obedience from their

children. With the declining influence of the kiii, the kpa seems to have substituted his

place in the family.

d) Concerning whether the kpa is closer to his children than the kiii, Table 5.4

reveals that a vast majority of people agree that today the kpa is closer to his children

than their kiii is. 5 This phenomenon is experienced more in urban areas (Table 5.4) and

among Christians (Table 5.6). Probably as indicated earlier, the kiii in Christian families

does not have much role as he has in families of the traditional religion. This explains

why the position of the kpa is stronger in Christian families. 6

e) On whether the kpa has more authority in his children's house than in his

mother's house, Tables 5.7-5.9 show that a vast majority ofKhasis today agree with it.

This vindicates the growing image of the kpa in Khasi families today.

f) Concerning the vital question regarding if the kpa should replace the kiii today

in their roles, Tables 5.22-5.30 indicate that many of the Khasis feel that this is right.

Such opinion is even more positive in rural areas (Table 5.22), among elderly (Table

5.24}, among Christians (Table 5.27)7 and among more educated people (Table 5.29).

Interestingly, the women support this idea more than the men (Table 5.25). Probably the

women are the most affected by the responsible or irresponsible behaviours of their

husbands. Na~rally they feel that when the kpa assumes more responsibility towards the

family, the family situation will improve.

g) Regarding whether the educated kpa exercises more influence on the family,

Table 5.17 reveals that not many believe this as an influencing factor. However, people
 236

in rural areas and those who are less educated or illiterate (Table 5.18) tend to believe in

this more than the others. Probably education is still a major factor in rural areas and

educated persons are still held in high regard which may not be the reality in urban

areas.

h) Concerning whether the kpa hailing from rich and influential families have

greater influence, Table 5.21 shows that not many ascribe to this opinion. However, such

belief seems to be more applicable to rural areas. Interestingly, less women subscribe to

this opinion than men.

i) Concerning whether greater earning kpas exercise more influence in the

families, Tables 5.19 and 5.20 reveal that this too is not accepted opinion by many.

Nevertheless, the people in rural areas seem to subscribe to this more than those in urban

areas.

The study clearly shows the growing image, importance and influence of the kpa

in Khasi families. Education and better employment are among the primary factors

contributing to the growing image of the kpa. The role of Christianity cannot be ruled

out. In fact the emphasis that Christian teachings give to the father as head of the family

is largely responsible for the rise of kpa-ship in Khasi society. There is at the same time

a growing shift of allegiance of the Khasi man from his leur to his children. This is

evidently a cultural transition keeping in mind the fact that in the past the Khasi man

was closer to his clan members than to his children.

 237

6.6. EXERCISE OF AUTHORITY/ROLE OF THE KPA TODAY

The following generalizations can be drawn on the present exercise of authority/role of

the kpa (father) in Khasi society.

a) With regard to whether the kpa today cares and nurtures his children, Table

5.31 reveals a very positive response. It is evident that the role of the kpa today as the

one who nurtures his children is well accepted. So the traditional concept of the kpa as

the one who merely begets children (u nongai khun), is gradually disappearing. Instead

the kpa is seen as someone who assumes full responsibility for his children.

b) Concerning whether the kpa is the one who admonishes his children, Table

5.32 shows that most Khasis today have accepted this fact. This further proves the

growing influence of the kpa in his children's house. This is a significant cultural

transition considering the fact that in the past it used to be the kili who exercised such

role. The study however reveals that most of the knis or kni-synrop still admonish their

nephews and nieces but on rarer occasions. In cases of the khatduh 's family where the

bachelor kili still resides in his mother's house, the kili then plays an active role in

disciplining the younger members of his kurlkpohling. In such a situation, the kpa 's role

is limited to a great extent. 8

c) Concerning whether the kpa is the one who supervises family affairs, Table

5.33 is very positive. It is evident that most Khasis today believe that the kpa and not the

kili should be the one to supervise matters related to his children's family.

d) With regard to whether the kpa is the one who makes decisions in family

matters, Table 5.34 reveals that most Khasis today accept such view. Irrespective of any
 238

setting, it is clear that the role of the kpa as the one who makes decisions in his family

affairs is gaining strength from day to day. In the genealogical study of a few families, it

is seen that the present generation of kpas do exercise their authority in decision making

in their family affairs. Only in matters connected with the kurlkpohltng the kfli continues

to exercise his authority even today.

e) Concerning whether the kpa today visits his kurlkpohltng members, Table 5.35

shows the decline in the frequency of such visits. Most people agree that such visits are

seldom made. This would not have been the situation a few decades ago. So it is evident

that the bond of men to their children's families is growing stronger from time to time.

The obligation of men towards their matrikins as knis is becoming weaker while the

obligation towards their children is gaining importance.

f) Regarding the kpa-synrop (classificatory fathers), the study shows that there is

respect for them from their nephews and nieces. However, their visits are often restricted
9
to a few occasions. The degree of relationship is often conditioned by their relationship

which they maintain with their sibling brother. 10

The study confirms the w~ll accepted idea today that the kpa has begun to

assume a greater responsibility in the family today. First of all, it is evident that the

Khasi father today remains more with his children than in the past and he exercises more

conscientiously his role as the father more than the kfli now does. Secondly, it is seen

that the kpa today, in the growing absence of the kiii, has taken upon himself the role of

being a bread earner, a disciplinarian and an administrator of the family affairs. Thirdly,

it is seen that the kpa today plays a greater role in decision making on matters related to
 239

his family. Therefore we see a growing authority of the kpa in the Khasi family today.

There is a general feeling that the kpa today must assume the role played by the kiii in

the past with regard to his own family and children. He has to fill in the vacuum left by

the kiii. This transition of role between the kpa and the kiii is taking place gradually and

it is bound to lead to greater changes in the Khasi society.

6. 7. INTERPRETATION OF THE GENEALOGICAL STUDY

The genealogical data from four kpohs (2 in Marbisu and 2 in Mawroh) based on

interviews with the eldest members of the lineages have yielded some interesting results

which are as follows:

a) There are distinctive differences between the earlier generation kflis and the

present one. The difference is seen especially in the quality of roles they played earlier

and do now.

b) The kiiis of the earlier generations, as far as they could recollect, were more

conscious about their traditional responsibilities. They maintained a close relationship

with the members of the kpoh through visits almost on daily basis. The earlier ldiis had a

great sense of attachment to their sisters' families especially that of the khatduh.

c) The succeeding generations of kiiis tend to make their visits to the family

members of their kurlkpoh less frequent or even occasional. Consequently the sense of
I

attachment and responsibility of the kiiis towards their kurlkpoh have diminished with

the passage of time.

 240

d) In cases where the kiiis are still bachelors or divorced from their wives, they

remain in the khatduhs ' houses even otherwise the frequency of their visits increases.

e) The study also shows that in the past a Khasi man's roles of being a kiii and a

kpa simultaneously always tilted towards the former while in the present generation, the

emphasis has shifted towards kpa-ship. With more emergence of nuclear families this

tendency is likely to be more favourable for kpa-ship.

t) The random graphs depicted as inset figures in the genealogical charts are

based on the descriptive data provided by the respondents to the investigator during the

interviews. These graphs clearly reveal a common phenomenon, namely, the

diminishing role of the kiii in the Khasi society down the line of generations.

The genealogical study has thrown a lot of light on the traditional institution of

kiii-ship as it was practised then and is practised now. The result of the interviews with

the oldest members of each of these kpohs has shown that there is a significant

difference between the kitis of the past and the present kitis in terms of image, authority

and influence.

6.8. SUMMARY OF ANALYSIS

The previous chapters have demonstrated that while conceptually the institution of kfti-

ship is still unaffected, the actual exercise of the kfli 's role has changed considerably.

Kiii-ship is gradually turning into an ideology of the past and kpa-ship that of the

present.
 241

First, the study shows that due to many socio-cultural and economic factors, the

traditional role of the kiii has been affected adversely. Christianity has been a major

influence on the Khasi society. By adopting this new religion, many of the cultural

traditions in the family have been affected. The law of inheritance enacted by the British

government has practically given the right of ownership of ancestral property to the

khatduh. In this manner the kiii who used to be the traditional administrator of the

ancestral property has lost much of his authority over his clan members. 11 Because of

these factors kiii-ship in particular has been adversely affected while kpa-ship has gained

more importance. Today the kiii as the present study has shown, does not wield as much

authority and influence over his kurlkpohling members as he used to do in the past. In

general, his authority is gradually waning away and has become nominal.

Second, the study has shown that the influence of the kiii over his nephews and

nieces is diminishing due to his inability to exercise his traditional role of being

regularly present in his sister's house and to supervise the affairs related to the

kurlkpohli"ng or to admonish his nephews and nieces. Physical absence has been

responsible to a large extent for the diminution of his authority and at times it has led to

weakening of kinship bond especially with the younger generation as familiarity

between the kiii and his nephews and nieces is on the decline.

Third. the study shows that while a Khasi man's role as a kiii in his sister's house

is diminishing his role as a kpa in his conjugal family is on the rise. This is clearly seen

in the quality time that he spends with his children than with his nephews and nieces.

His growing absence from his nephews and nieces implies an increased presence with
 242

his wife and children. This consequently has strengthened kpa-ship in Khasi society

today. In fact, the traditional role as 'biological' (as begetter only) father has practically

given way to his role as 'social' (nourisher) father. Thus a Khasi man today has become

less an uncle in his family of origin and more a social father in his conjugal family. 12

Fourth, the study shows that many Khasis today are of strong opinion that the

kpa should assume more authority and responsibility in his children's house than the kfii.

It is the feeling of many that the kpa is the natural guardian and disciplinarian of his

children on account of his consanguinal relationship with his children. Laxity in

exercising their roles on the part of the kni today and the influence of Christian teaching

on paternal responsibility are some of the factors that have accelerated this type of

thinking.

Fifth, the study reveals that in reality the process of transition in Khasi patriarchy

is already in motion and it is gaining momentum with the passage of time. There is a

gradual transition from patriarchy traditionally held by the kfli to the present form of

patriarchy centred around the father of the family. This phenomenon is equally prevalent

both in the urban and rural areas and across all sections ofKhasi people.

Sixth, this particular study also reveals that more Khasis today are of the opinion

that the kpa should formally assume the role of the kfii with regard to the affairs of the

family except those related to the kurlkpohling where the kfli is still considered the

authority. The verdict is that the kpa should replace the role ofthe kni in the affairs of

the i"ng-tnat (nuclear family).

 243

Seventh, the study shows that the image of the kpa is gaining more respect and

recognition and the kpa himself is beginning to assume all responsibilities related to the

family. He is no longer a nominal head but de facto the head and supervisor of his own

family. 13

Hence the present study clearly demonstrates that there is a change in patriarchy

in the Khasi family, namely, that there is a gradual transition of roles from the maternal

uncle to the father of the family.

6.9. IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS

This research has confirmed the main thesis about the transition in patriarchy from the kili to the

kpa in Khasi society today. This may have the following implications for the Khasi society in

near future:

a) The image of the kpa will be perceived in a better light. His role and status will be

better accepted and appreciated. The kpa will be seen as a natural substitute of the kili in matters

related to the family. With a better recognition of his status and authority, the kpa is expected to

exercise more authority and _accept more responsibilities towards his family.

b) The rise in status of the kpa is likely to affect the image of the kni further. In fact, the

present study has indicated that the status and role of the kni are experiencing a down-sliding

movement. In many cases the kili has become a stranger to his nephews and nieces. The bipolar

tension of roles between a kiii and kpa in a Khasi man has tilted in favour of the latter.

c) The changing patriarchy in Khasi families will probably be perceived as one decisive

step in the elaborate process of socio-cultural transformation of the society itself. In the long run
 244

the possibility of change in the lineage system cannot be ruled out. However, such a change in

the existing system calls for internal debate and deeper understanding of the Khasi culture and

identity.

NOTES

1
This is not smprising because we see that in the history of education among the Khasis, the Christians were the first
1elleficiaries of it In fact most of the Khasi luminaries in the early history were Christians. This proves the great
contribution that Christianity has made towards education of the Khasis.
2
Probably the Khasi Christians often have recourse to priests or pastors in order to resolve their disputes and quarrels
other than their Ienis. Moreover, their religious doctrines teach about reconciliation more than other religious do.
3
Internew with B. Lyngdoh (Upp. Shillong: November 12, 2011 ).
4
Interview with Dr. Baphershisha Kharjana (Mawprem: November 12, 2011).
5
The interviews conducted by the investigator with many persons also reveal that almost all of them agree that the
father today is closer to his children than their uncle. The father lives with his children and he assumes responsibility
to bring them up.
6
Moreover, Christianity is a male-<:entred religion and the emphasis on family life has been on the central figure of
the father. Paternal responsibility towards the children is an important teaching of this religion. The father is also
considered a family priest.
7
It is common Imowledge that fathers in the rural areas enjoy less authority, respect and influence than their
counterparts in urban areas. This is probably the reason why the people in rural areas feel that the kpa should replace
the klti and assume more authority in families.
8
This fact has been established by C. Nakane in her study on Matriliny among the Khasis. However, one cannot
generalize on this aspect for when the kpa is a responsible person and a man of integrity, he can still exert his
authority and so he is respected by his wife and in-laws. So even if it is the khatduh 's family, he can still command
respect and authority with regard to his family and children.
9
Interview with B. Lyngdoh (Upp. Shillong: November 12, 2011).
10
Interview with Dr. Baplrershisha Kharjana (Mawprem: November 12, 2011 ).
11
Cf. P. Passah, "Changes in the matrilineal system of Khasi-Jaintia Family", in Matriliny in Meghalaya, 16.
12
Cf. R Khark:rang, Matriliny an the March, 91.
13
However, it must be said here that in cases of a man marrying the heiress, the husband is often controlled by the in-
laws. The grand-mother or the brother-in-law (uncle) becomes a hindrance to his exercise of authority. Yet a lot of
change is also seen in these cases where at times the husband of the heiress commands the affairs of the fiunily. This
depends very much on the personality of the man or his ability to shoulder responsibility.
 245

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ARTICLES IN NEWSPAPERS

"Are Pnars, Khynriams part ofKhasi Race?", in The Shil/ong Times (July 17, 2001) 1.

Basaiawmoit, A "Ka iktiar u rangbah ha ka longing Khasi jong ka juk rriynta", in U

Nongsaiii Hima (February 26, 2008), 4.

 254

Bhattachaijee, T_ "Merits of traditional tribal institutions", in The Meghalaya Guardian

(Dec 11, 1998), 4_

"Dawa ka Mait Shaphrang na ki MLA ban wanrah aifi shongkha shongman", m

Mawphor (November 27, 2009), 3_

"Government to revoke order granting ST status to Mamgar community" m The

Shillong Times (March 7, 2012), 3_

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(October 3, 1997), 2.

IFP _ "Two Khasi villages make homes away from home in Manipur", in Kangla

(November 28, 2002), L

"Ka jingkitkhlieh jong u kpa ia ka ing la iakren", in Rupang (April 26, 1999), 4_

Karmakar, R "War ofthe sexes", in Sunday, voL 22, issue 16 (16-22 April, 1995), 48.

Khongwir, C. R "Ka kyrdan u magbah Khasi", in Dongmusa (October 24, 1991).

Kynjing, A S. "U shynrang Khasi u phong artylli ki pansngiat", in Rupang 10/59,

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"MSM for compulsory registration of marriages", in The Shil/ong Times (March 16,

2012), 2

"Need for Unity ofKhasi Race Stressed", in The Shillong Times (July 18, 2001), L

Rapthap, K "Hato u kpa u long u khlieh ka ing?" in Dongmusa (August 22, 1991 ), 11.

"Youth no longer adhere to traditional values", in 1he Shillong Times (March 12, 2012),

3_
 255

SEMINAR PAPERS

Basaiawmoit, E. R., "Attitudes towards the matrilineal system", presented at a seminar

on How the matrilineal system affects the Khasi family organized by the

Khasi Department, NEHU and sponsored by ICSSR-NERC, Shillong: May

27-28, 1988.

Gassah, L. S., "Ka kyrdan u rangbah ha ka imlang sahlang bad ka longing longsem",

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Lympung ki Seng Kynthei, Laitumkhrah-Shillong: December lOth, 1994.

Khonglah, C., "Kurnno ka jingshimjait na ka kmie ka ktah ia ka imlang sahlang jong ka

jaitbynriew: Ka rukom pynheh pynsan ia ki khun", presented at a seminar

on How the matrilineal system affects the Khasi family organized by the

Khasi Department, NEHU and sponsored by ICSSR-NERC, Shillong: May

27-28, 1988.

Laitflang, W. R, "Kumno ka jingshim jait na ka kmie ka ktah ia ka imlang sahlang",

presented at a seminar on How the matrilineal system affects the Khasi

family, organized by the Khasi Department, NEHU and sponsored by

ICSSR-NERC, Shillong: May 27-28, 1988.

Lyngdoh, M. P. R, "Ka kyrdan (main) u rangbah Khasi ha ka imlang-sahlang",

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Ka Seng Samla Week, Shillong: December 18th, 1989.

 256

Nongkynrih, A. K., "Ka jingpynheh pynsan ia ki khun ha ki ing Khasi haba shim jait na

ka kmie", presented at a seminar on How the matrilineal system affects the

Khasi family, organized by the Khasi Department, NEHU and sponsored

by ICSSR-NERC, Shillong: May 27-28, 1988.

Pariat, E. C., "How the matrilineal system affects the Khasi society?" presented at a

seminar on How the matrilineal system affects the Khasi family, organized

by the Khasi Department, NEHU and sponsored by ICSSR-NERC,

Shillong: May 27-28, 1988.

Pde, L. H., "Ka jingshim jait na ka kmie" presented at a seminar How the matrilineal

system affects the Khasi family, organized by the Khasi Department,

NEHU and sponsored by ICSSR-NERC, Shillong: May 27-28, 1988.

Syiem, I. M., "Some observations on the problem of change in Khasi matrilineal

system", presented at a seminar on How the matrilineal system affects the

Khasi family, organized by the Khasi Department, NEHU and sponsored

by ICSSR-NERC, Shillong: May 27-28, 1988.

Umdor, M. B., "Kumno ka jingshimjait na ka kmie ka ktah ia ka imlang sahlang jong ka

jaitbynriew", presented at a seminar on How the matrilineal system affects

the Khasi family, organized by the Khasi Department, NEHU and

sponsored by ICSSR-NERC, Shillong: May 27-28, 1988.

 257

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