G.R. No.

168338 February 15, 2008

FRANCISCO CHAVEZ vs. RAUL M. GONZALES

The Case

This is a petition for the writs of certiorari and prohibition to set aside "acts, issuances, and orders" of respondents
Secretary of Justice Raul M. Gonzalez (respondent Gonzales) and the National Telecommunications Commission
(NTC), particularly an NTC "press release" dated 11 June 2005, warning radio and television stations against
airing taped conversations allegedly between President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and Commission on Elections
(COMELEC) Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano (Garcillano)1 under pain of suspension or revocation of their airwave
licenses.

The Facts

On 24 June 2004, Congress, acting as national board of canvassers, proclaimed President Arroyo winner in the
2004 presidential elections.2 President Arroyo received a total of 12,905,808 votes, 1,123,576 more than the votes
of her nearest rival, Fernando Poe, Jr. Sometime before 6 June 2005, the radio station dzMM aired the Garci
Tapes where the parties to the conversation discussed "rigging" the results of the 2004 elections to favor President
Arroyo. On 6 June 2005, Presidential spokesperson Ignacio Bunye (Bunye) held a press conference in
Malacañang Palace, where he played before the presidential press corps two compact disc recordings of
conversations between a woman and a man. Bunye identified the woman in both recordings as President Arroyo
but claimed that the contents of the second compact disc had been "spliced" to make it appear that President
Arroyo was talking to Garcillano.

However, on 9 June 2005, Bunye backtracked and stated that the woman's voice in the compact discs was not
President Arroyo’s after all.3 Meanwhile, other individuals went public, claiming possession of the genuine copy of
the Garci Tapes.4 Respondent Gonzalez ordered the National Bureau of Investigation to investigate media
organizations which aired the Garci Tapes for possible violation of Republic Act No. 4200 or the Anti-Wiretapping
Law.

On 11 June 2005, the NTC issued a press release warning radio and television stations that airing the Garci Tapes
is a "cause for the suspension, revocation and/or cancellation of the licenses or authorizations" issued to them.5 On
14 June 2005, NTC officers met with officers of the broadcasters group, Kapisanan ng mga Broadcasters sa
Pilipinas (KBP), to dispel fears of censorship. The NTC and KBP issued a joint press statement expressing
commitment to press freedom.6

On 21 June 2005, petitioner Francisco I. Chavez (petitioner), as citizen, filed this petition to nullify the "acts,
issuances, and orders" of the NTC and respondent Gonzalez (respondents) on the following grounds: (1)
respondents’ conduct violated freedom of expression and the right of the people to information on matters of public
concern under Section 7, Article III of the Constitution, and (2) the NTC acted ultra vires when it warned radio and
television stations against airing the Garci Tapes.

In their Comment to the petition, respondents raised threshold objections that (1) petitioner has no standing to
litigate and (2) the petition fails to meet the case or controversy requirement in constitutional adjudication. On the
merits, respondents claim that (1) the NTC's press release of 11 June 2005 is a mere "fair warning," not censorship,
cautioning radio and television networks on the lack of authentication of the Garci Tapes and of the consequences
of airing false or fraudulent material, and (2) the NTC did not act ultra vires in issuing the warning to radio and
television stations.

In his Reply, petitioner belied respondents' claim on his lack of standing to litigate, contending that his status as a
citizen asserting the enforcement of a public right vested him with sufficient interest to maintain this suit. Petitioner
also contests respondents' claim that the NTC press release of 11 June 2005 is a mere warning as it already
prejudged the Garci Tapes as inauthentic and violative of the Anti-Wiretapping Law, making it a "cleverly disguised
x x x gag order."

ISSUE

The principal issue for resolution is whether the NTC warning embodied in the press release of 11 June 2005
constitutes an impermissible prior restraint on freedom of expression.
I vote to (1) grant the petition, (2) declare the NTC warning, embodied in its press release dated 11 June 2005, an
unconstitutional prior restraint on protected expression, and (3) enjoin the NTC from enforcing the same.

1. Standing to File Petition

Petitioner has standing to file this petition. When the issue involves freedom of expression, as in the present case,
any citizen has the right to bring suit to question the constitutionality of a government action in violation of freedom
of expression, whether or not the government action is directed at such citizen. The government action may chill
into silence those to whom the action is directed. Any citizen must be allowed to take up the cudgels for those who
have been cowed into inaction because freedom of expression is a vital public right that must be defended by
everyone and anyone.

Freedom of expression, being fundamental to the preservation of a free, open and democratic society, is
of transcendental importance that must be defended by every patriotic citizen at the earliest opportunity. We have
held that any concerned citizen has standing to raise an issue of transcendental importance to the nation,7 and
petitioner in this present petition raises such issue.

2. Overview of Freedom of Expression, Prior Restraint and Subsequent Punishment

Freedom of expression is the foundation of a free, open and democratic society. Freedom of expression is an
indispensable condition8 to the exercise of almost all other civil and political rights. No society can remain free,
open and democratic without freedom of expression. Freedom of expression guarantees full, spirited, and even
contentious discussion of all social, economic and political issues. To survive, a free and democratic society must
zealously safeguard freedom of expression.

Freedom of expression allows citizens to expose and check abuses of public officials. Freedom of expression
allows citizens to make informed choices of candidates for public office. Freedom of expression crystallizes
important public policy issues, and allows citizens to participate in the discussion and resolution of such issues.
Freedom of expression allows the competition of ideas, the clash of claims and counterclaims, from which the
truth will likely emerge. Freedom of expression allows the airing of social grievances, mitigating sudden eruptions
of violence from marginalized groups who otherwise would not be heard by government. Freedom of expression
provides a civilized way of engagement among political, ideological, religious or ethnic opponents for if one cannot
use his tongue to argue, he might use his fist instead.

Freedom of expression is the freedom to disseminate ideas and beliefs, whether competing, conforming or
otherwise. It is the freedom to express to others what one likes or dislikes, as it is the freedom of others to express
to one and all what they favor or disfavor. It is the free expression for the ideas we love, as well as the free
expression for the ideas we hate.9 Indeed, the function of freedom of expression is to stir disputes:

[I]t may indeed best serve its high purpose when it induces a condition of unrest, creates dissatisfaction
with conditions as they are, or even stirs people to anger. Speech is often provocative and challenging. It
may strike at prejudices and preconceptions and have profound unsettling effects as it presses for
acceptance of an idea.10

Section 4, Article III of the Constitution prohibits the enactment of any law curtailing freedom of expression:

No law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression, or the press, or the right of the
people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances.

Thus, the rule is that expression is not subject to any prior restraint or censorship because the Constitution
commands that freedom of expression shall not be abridged. Over time, however, courts have carved out narrow
and well defined exceptions to this rule out of necessity.

The exceptions, when expression may be subject to prior restraint, apply in this jurisdiction to only four
categories of expression, namely: pornography,11 false or misleading advertisement,12 advocacy of imminent
lawless action,13 and danger to national security.14 All other expression is not subject to prior restraint. As
stated in Turner Broadcasting System v. Federal Communication Commission, "[T]he First Amendment (Free
Speech Clause), subject only to narrow and well understood exceptions, does not countenance governmental
control over the content of messages expressed by private individuals."15
Expression not subject to prior restraint is protected expression or high-value expression. Any content-based
prior restraint on protected expression is unconstitutional without exception. A protected expression means
what it says – it is absolutely protected from censorship. Thus, there can be no prior restraint on public debates
on the amendment or repeal of existing laws, on the ratification of treaties, on the imposition of new tax measures,
or on proposed amendments to the Constitution.

Prior restraint on expression is content-based if the restraint is aimed at the message or idea of the expression.
Courts will subject to strict scrutiny content-based restraint. If the content-based prior restraint is directed at
protected expression, courts will strike down the restraint as unconstitutional because there can be no content-
based prior restraint on protected expression. The analysis thus turns on whether the prior restraint is content-
based, and if so, whether such restraint is directed at protected expression, that is, those not falling under any of
the recognized categories of unprotected expression.

If the prior restraint is not aimed at the message or idea of the expression, it is content-neutral even if it burdens
expression. A content-neutral restraint is a restraint which regulates the time, place or manner of the expression
in public places16 without any restraint on the content of the expression. Courts will subject content-neutral
restraints to intermediate scrutiny.17

An example of a content-neutral restraint is a permit specifying the date, time and route of a rally passing through
busy public streets. A content-neutral prior restraint on protected expression which does not touch on the content
of the expression enjoys the presumption of validity and is thus enforceable subject to appeal to the
courts.18 Courts will uphold time, place or manner restraints if they are content-neutral, narrowly tailored to serve
a significant government interest, and leave open ample alternative channels of expression.19

In content-neutral prior restraint on protected speech, there should be no prior restraint on the content of the
expression itself. Thus, submission of movies or pre-taped television programs to a government review board is
constitutional only if the review is for classification and not for censoring any part of the content of the submitted
materials.20 However, failure to submit such materials to the review board may be penalized without regard to the
content of the materials.21 The review board has no power to reject the airing of the submitted materials. The
review board’s power is only to classify the materials, whether for general patronage, for adults only, or for some
other classification. The power to classify expressions applies only to movies and pre-taped television
programs22 but not to live television programs. Any classification of live television programs necessarily entails
prior restraint on expression.

Expression that may be subject to prior restraint is unprotected expression or low-value expression. By
definition, prior restraint on unprotected expression is content-based23 since the restraint is imposed because of
the content itself. In this jurisdiction, there are currently only four categories of unprotected expression that may
be subject to prior restraint. This Court recognized false or misleading advertisement as unprotected expression
only in October 2007.24

Only unprotected expression may be subject to prior restraint. However, any such prior restraint on
unprotected expression must hurdle a high barrier. First, such prior restraint is presumed
unconstitutional. Second,the government bears a heavy burden of proving the constitutionality of the prior
restraint.25

Courts will subject to strict scrutiny any government action imposing prior restraint on unprotected
expression.26 The government action will be sustained if there is a compelling State interest, and prior restraint is
necessary to protect such State interest. In such a case, the prior restraint shall be narrowly drawn - only to the
extent necessary to protect or attain the compelling State interest.

Prior restraint is a more severe restriction on freedom of expression than subsequent punishment. Although
subsequent punishment also deters expression, still the ideas are disseminated to the public. Prior restraint
prevents even the dissemination of ideas to the public.

While there can be no prior restraint on protected expression, such expression may be subject to subsequent
punishment,27 either civilly or criminally. Thus, the publication of election surveys cannot be subject to prior
restraint,28 but an aggrieved person can sue for redress of injury if the survey turns out to be fabricated. Also, while
Article 201 (2)(b)(3) of the Revised Penal Code punishing "shows which offend any race or religion" cannot be
used to justify prior restraint on religious expression, this provision can be invoked to justify subsequent
punishment of the perpetrator of such offensive shows.29
Similarly, if the unprotected expression does not warrant prior restraint, the same expression may still be subject
to subsequent punishment, civilly or criminally. Libel falls under this class of unprotected expression. However, if
the expression cannot be subject to the lesser restriction of subsequent punishment, logically it cannot also be
subject to the more severe restriction of prior restraint. Thus, since profane language or "hate speech" against a
religious minority is not subject to subsequent punishment in this jurisdiction,30 such expression cannot be subject
to prior restraint.

If the unprotected expression warrants prior restraint, necessarily the same expression is subject to subsequent
punishment. There must be a law punishing criminally the unprotected expression before prior restraint on such
expression can be justified. The legislature must punish the unprotected expression because it creates a
substantive evil that the State must prevent. Otherwise, there will be no legal basis for imposing a prior restraint
on such expression.

The prevailing test in this jurisdiction to determine the constitutionality of government action imposing prior restraint
on three categories of unprotected expression – pornography,31 advocacy of imminent lawless action, and danger
to national security - is the clear and present danger test.32 The expression restrained must present a clear and
present danger of bringing about a substantive evil that the State has a right and duty to prevent, and such danger
must be grave and imminent.33

Prior restraint on unprotected expression takes many forms - it may be a law, administrative regulation, or
impermissible pressures like threats of revoking licenses or withholding of benefits.34 The impermissible pressures
need not be embodied in a government agency regulation, but may emanate from policies, advisories or conduct
of officials of government agencies.

3. Government Action in the Present Case

The government action in the present case is a warning by the NTC that the airing or broadcasting of the
Garci Tapes by radio and television stations is a "cause for the suspension, revocation and/or cancellation
of the licenses or authorizations" issued to radio and television stations. The NTC warning, embodied in a press
release, relies on two grounds. First, the airing of the Garci Tapes "is a continuing violation of the Anti-Wiretapping
Law and the conditions of the Provisional Authority and/or Certificate of Authority issued to radio and TV stations."
Second, the Garci Tapes have not been authenticated, and subsequent investigation may establish that the tapes
contain false information or willful misrepresentation.

Specifically, the NTC press release contains the following categorical warning:

Taking into consideration the country’s unusual situation, and in order not to unnecessarily aggravate the
same, the NTC warns all radio stations and television networks owners/operators that the conditions of
the authorizations and permits issued to them by Government like the Provisional Authority and/or
Certificate of Authority explicitly provides that said companies shall not use its stations for the broadcasting
or telecasting of false information or willful misrepresentation. Relative thereto, it has come to the attention
of the Commission that certain personalities are in possession of alleged taped conversation which they
claim, (sic) involve the President of the Philippines and a Commissioner of the COMELEC regarding their
supposed violation of election laws. These personalities have admitted that the taped conversations are
product of illegal wiretapping operations.

Considering that these taped conversations have not been duly authenticated nor could it be said at this
time that the tapes contain an accurate or truthful representation of what was recorded therein, (sic) it is
the position of the Commission that the continuous airing or broadcast of the said taped
conversations by radio and television stations is a continuing violation of the Anti-Wiretapping
Law and the conditions of the Provisional Authority and/or Certificate of Authority issued to these
radio and television stations. If it has been (sic) subsequently established that the said tapes are
false and/or fraudulent after a prosecution or appropriate investigation, the concerned radio and
television companies are hereby warned that their broadcast/airing of such false information
and/or willful misrepresentation shall be just cause for the suspension, revocation and/or
cancellation of the licenses or authorizations issued to the said companies. (Boldfacing and
underscoring supplied)

The NTC does not claim that the public airing of the Garci Tapes constitutes unprotected expression that may be
subject to prior restraint. The NTC does not specify what substantive evil the State seeks to prevent in imposing
prior restraint on the airing of the Garci Tapes. The NTC does not claim that the public airing of the Garci Tapes
constitutes a clear and present danger of a substantive evil, of grave and imminent character, that the State has
a right and duty to prevent.

The NTC did not conduct any hearing in reaching its conclusion that the airing of the Garci Tapes constitutes a
continuing violation of the Anti-Wiretapping Law. At the time of issuance of the NTC press release, and even up
to now, the parties to the conversations in the Garci Tapes have not complained that the wire-tapping was without
their consent, an essential element for violation of the Anti-Wiretapping Law.35 It was even the Office of the
President, through the Press Secretary, that played and released to media the Garci Tapes containing the alleged
"spliced" conversation between President Arroyo and Commissioner Garcillano. There is also the issue of whether
a wirelesscellular phone conversation is covered by the Anti-Wiretapping Law.

Clearly, the NTC has no factual or legal basis in claiming that the airing of the Garci Tapes constitutes a violation
of the Anti-Wiretapping Law. The radio and television stations were not even given an opportunity to be heard by
the NTC. The NTC did not observe basic due process as mandated in Ang Tibay v. Court of Industrial Relations.36

The NTC claims that the Garci Tapes, "after a prosecution or the appropriate investigation," may constitute "false
information and/or willful misrepresentation." However, the NTC does not claim that such possible false information
or willful misrepresentation constitutes misleading commercial advertisement. In the United States, false or
deceptive commercial speech is categorized as unprotected expression that may be subject to prior restraint.
Recently, this Court upheld the constitutionality of Section 6 of the Milk Code requiring the submission to a
government screening committee of advertising materials for infant formula milk to prevent false or deceptive
claims to the public.37 There is, however, no claim here by respondents that the Garci Tapes constitute false or
misleading commercial advertisement.

The NTC concedes that the Garci Tapes have not been authenticated as accurate or truthful. The NTC also
concedes that only "after a prosecution or appropriate investigation" can it be established that the Garci Tapes
constitute "false information and/or willful misrepresentation." Clearly, the NTC admits that it does not even
know if the Garci Tapes contain false information or willful misrepresentation.

4. Nature of Prior Restraint in the Present Case

The NTC action restraining the airing of the Garci Tapes is a content-based prior restraint because it is directed
at the message of the Garci Tapes. The NTC’s claim that the Garci Tapes might contain "false information and/or
willful misrepresentation," and thus should not be publicly aired, is an admission that the restraint is content-based.

5. Nature of Expression in the Present Case

The public airing of the Garci Tapes is a protected expression because it does not fall under any of the four
existing categories of unprotected expression recognized in this jurisdiction. The airing of the Garci Tapes is
essentially a political expression because it exposes that a presidential candidate had allegedly improper
conversations with a COMELEC Commissioner right after the close of voting in the last presidential elections.

Obviously, the content of the Garci Tapes affects gravely the sanctity of the ballot. Public discussion on the
sanctity of the ballot is indisputably a protected expression that cannot be subject to prior restraint. Public
discussion on the credibility of the electoral process is one of the highest political expressions of any electorate,
and thus deserves the utmost protection. If ever there is a hierarchy of protected expressions, political expression
would occupy the highest rank,38 and among different kinds of political expression, the subject of fair and honest
elections would be at the top. In any event, public discussion on all political issues should always remain
uninhibited, robust and wide open.

The rule, which recognizes no exception, is that there can be no content-based prior restraint on protected
expression. On this ground alone, the NTC press release is unconstitutional. Of course, if the courts
determine that the subject matter of a wiretapping, illegal or not, endangers the security of the State, the public
airing of the tape becomes unprotected expression that may be subject to prior restraint. However, there is no
claim here by respondents that the subject matter of the Garci Tapes involves national security and publicly airing
the tapes would endanger the security of the State.39

The alleged violation of the Anti-Wiretapping Law is not in itself a ground to impose a prior restraint on the airing
of the Garci Tapes because the Constitution expressly prohibits the enactment of any law, and that includes anti-
wiretapping laws, curtailing freedom of expression.40 The only exceptions to this rule are the four recognized
categories of unprotected expression. However, the content of the Garci Tapes does not fall under any of these
categories of unprotected expression.
The airing of the Garci Tapes does not violate the right to privacy because the content of the Garci Tapes is a
matter of important public concern. The Constitution guarantees the people’s right to information on matters of
public concern.41 The remedy of any person aggrieved by the public airing of the Garci Tapes is to file a complaint
for violation of the Anti-Wiretapping Law after the commission of the crime. Subsequent punishment, absent a
lawful defense, is the remedy available in case of violation of the Anti-Wiretapping Law.

The present case involves a prior restraint on protected expression. Prior restraint on protected expression differs
significantly from subsequent punishment of protected expression. While there can be no prior restraint on
protected expression, there can be subsequent punishment for protected expression under libel, tort or other laws.
In the present case, the NTC action seeks prior restraint on the airing of the Garci Tapes, not punishment of
personnel of radio and television stations for actual violation of the Anti-Wiretapping Law.

6. Only the Courts May Impose Content-Based Prior Restraint

The NTC has no power to impose content-based prior restraint on expression. The charter of the NTC does not
vest NTC with any content-based censorship power over radio and television stations.

In the present case, the airing of the Garci Tapes is a protected expression that can never be subject to prior
restraint. However, even assuming for the sake of argument that the airing of the Garci Tapes constitutes
unprotected expression, only the courts have the power to adjudicate on the factual and legal issue of whether the
airing of the Garci Tapes presents a clear and present danger of bringing about a substantive evil that the State
has a right and duty to prevent, so as to justify the prior restraint.

Any order imposing prior restraint on unprotected expression requires prior adjudication by the courts on
whether the prior restraint is constitutional. This is a necessary consequence from the presumption of invalidity of
any prior restraint on unprotected expression. Unless ruled by the courts as a valid prior restraint, government
agencies cannot implement outright such prior restraint because such restraint is presumed unconstitutional at
inception.

As an agency that allocates frequencies or airwaves, the NTC may regulate the bandwidth position, transmitter
wattage, and location of radio and television stations, but not the content of the broadcasts. Such content-neutral
prior restraint may make operating radio and television stations more costly. However, such content-neutral
restraint does not restrict the content of the broadcast.

7. Government Failed to Overcome Presumption of Invalidity

Assuming that the airing of the Garci Tapes constitutes unprotected expression, the NTC action imposing prior
restraint on the airing is presumed unconstitutional. The Government bears a heavy burden to prove that the NTC
action is constitutional. The Government has failed to meet this burden.

In their Comment, respondents did not invoke any compelling State interest to impose prior restraint on the public
airing of the Garci Tapes. The respondents claim that they merely "fairly warned" radio and television stations to
observe the Anti-Wiretapping Law and pertinent NTC circulars on program standards. Respondents have not
explained how and why the observance by radio and television stations of the Anti-Wiretapping Law and pertinent
NTC circulars constitutes a compelling State interest justifying prior restraint on the public airing of the Garci Tapes.

Violation of the Anti-Wiretapping Law, like the violation of any criminal statute, can always be subject to criminal
prosecution after the violation is committed. Respondents have not explained why there is a need in the present
case to impose prior restraint just to prevent a possible future violation of the Anti-Wiretapping Law. Respondents
have not explained how the violation of the Anti-Wiretapping Law, or of the pertinent NTC circulars, can incite
imminent lawless behavior or endanger the security of the State. To allow such restraint is to allow prior restraint
on all future broadcasts that may possibly violate any of the existing criminal statutes. That would be the dawn of
sweeping and endless censorship on broadcast media.

8. The NTC Warning is a Classic Form of Prior Restraint

The NTC press release threatening to suspend or cancel the airwave permits of radio and television stations
constitutes impermissible pressure amounting to prior restraint on protected expression. Whether the threat is
made in an order, regulation, advisory or press release, the chilling effect is the same: the threat freezes radio and
television stations into deafening silence. Radio and television stations that have invested substantial sums in
capital equipment and market development suddenly face suspension or cancellation of their permits. The NTC
threat is thus real and potent.

In Burgos v. Chief of Staff,42 this Court ruled that the closure of the We Forum newspapers under a general warrant
"is in the nature of a previous restraint or censorship abhorrent to the freedom of the press guaranteed under the
fundamental law." The NTC warning to radio and television stations not to air the Garci Tapes or else their permits
will be suspended or cancelled has the same effect – a prior restraint on constitutionally protected expression.

In the recent case of David v. Macapagal-Arroyo,43 this Court declared unconstitutional government threats to
close down mass media establishments that refused to comply with government prescribed "standards" on news
reporting following the declaration of a State of National Emergency by President Arroyo on 24 February 2006.
The Court described these threats in this manner:

Thereafter, a wave of warning[s] came from government officials. Presidential Chief of Staff Michael
Defensor was quoted as saying that such raid was "meant to show a 'strong presence,' to tell media outlets
not to connive or do anything that would help the rebels in bringing down this government." Director
General Lomibao further stated that "if they do not follow the standards — and the standards are if they
would contribute to instability in the government, or if they do not subscribe to what is in General Order
No. 5 and Proc. No. 1017 — we will recommend a 'takeover.'" National Telecommunications
Commissioner Ronald Solis urged television and radio networks to "cooperate" with the
government for the duration of the state of national emergency. He warned that his agency will not
hesitate to recommend the closure of any broadcast outfit that violates rules set out for media
coverage during times when the national security is threatened.44 (Emphasis supplied)

The Court struck down this "wave of warning[s]" as impermissible restraint on freedom of expression. The Court
ruled that "the imposition of standards on media or any form of prior restraint on the press, as well as the
warrantless search of the Tribune offices and whimsical seizure of its articles for publication and other materials,
are declared UNCONSTITUTIONAL."45

The history of press freedom has been a constant struggle against the censor whose weapon is the suspension
or cancellation of licenses to publish or broadcast. The NTC warning resurrects the weapon of the censor. The
NTC warning is a classic form of prior restraint on protected expression, which in the words of Near v.
Minnesota is "the essence of censorship."46 Long before the American Declaration of Independence in 1776,
William Blackstone had already written in his Commentaries on the Law of England, "The liberty of the press x x
x consists in laying no previous restraints upon publication x x x."47

Although couched in a press release and not in an administrative regulation, the NTC threat to suspend or cancel
permits remains real and effective, for without airwaves or frequencies, radio and television stations will fall silent
and die. The NTC press release does not seek to advance a legitimate regulatory objective, but to suppress
through coercion information on a matter of vital public concern.

9. Conclusion

In sum, the NTC press release constitutes an unconstitutional prior restraint on protected expression. There can
be no content-based prior restraint on protected expression. This rule has no exception.

I therefore vote to (1) grant the petition, (2) declare the NTC warning, embodied in its press release dated 11 June
2005, an unconstitutional prior restraint on protected expression, and (3) enjoin the NTC from enforcing the same.