24/9/2018

Development-induced Internal Displacement in Gambella Regional State: A Case Study

from Majang Nationality Zone (MNZ)

By: ASHINIE ASTIN TITOYIK

MA CANDIDATE AT CENTER FOR AFRICAN AND ORIENTAL STUDIES, Addis

Ababa UNIVERSITY, ADDIS ABABA ETHIOPIA

Abstract

There is a growing concern about the large-scale land acquisition and displacement of local communities in most of the
weaker and economically marginalized lowland areas in Ethiopia. Wider range of literature is filed against the act of
state toward its mobilization of new wave of private corporations to invest on the lands of the local indigenous people not
only in Ethiopia but also in different parts of the African countries. The disagreement among the proponents and
opponents is not particularly on opposition of states’ efforts to deliver economic and social services to the local
community but the way states inappropriately exploit the nature where these marginalized communities live for
development projects. Proponents highlight the economic opportunity for local communities that could benefit from the
income generated from the leasing or selling of the land as well as from employment creation. Further benefits could be
the stimulation of needed investments in new technology and infrastructure. In general, new investments in agriculture
sectors could facilitate the creation of preconditions for sustainable development .Opponents, in turn, highlight that first
effects of large-scale land investments show adverse consequences for the environment and local population. Large-scale
land acquisition for agricultural intensification, monocropping including high inputs of fertilizer and pesticides, forest
degradation, displacement of local populations, expropriation of land, increasing local food insecurity and increasing
poverty. This case study focuses on case of Majang people who live in Gambella region of Ethiopia. They are one of the
communities whom their settlement followed forested areas and their livelihoods are tied to forest products.
Unfortunately, the large scale agricultural projects that are implemented in this area failed to accommodate the mode of
the life of Majang people subjected them to displacement, dispossession and deforestation of more forest lands. The paper
contends that there is missing link in proper policy design and implementation that could appropriately address the
social, economic and cultural setting, which is responsible for failure of development activities in this area. The long term
consequence of displacement as observed in this area is therefore the abolition of poor’s local economic functions and
termination of their complete dependency on the nature. The study mainly depends on direct intensive observation,
documents, interviews and collection of case studies from the villagers affected by large-scale land acquisition. The study
found that inequalities between the indigenous people and Highlanders who came to the area in search of lands at various
times are increasing as the Majang continues to lease their traditional lands. The consequences of the development
activities that exclude the participation of the local communities in the development projects also created unequal power
relations. Policy direction should target spreading land leasing in the area and focus development that brings growth to
the entire community through social infrastructure and services.

Keywords: Development, Displacement, Land acquisition, Local communities, Majang, Gambella

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Development-Induced Internal Displacement in Gambella National Regional State: A Case Study from Majang
Nationality Zone (MNZ)

1. Introduction

Population displacement caused by the development projects is a common phenomenon in many regions of the
world. The term “displacement” can be understood in two different ways (Oakland,2013, Thomson,2014). It
may be used to refer to eviction of people from their habitual homeland without adequate compensation,
guarantees or mechanisms of social support, or to the initial phase of a process of resettlement (associated with
physical relocation of people from their homes) (Terminski, 2013:13).This displacement we are dealing with in
this paper is therefore a distinct, negative phenomenon related to violation of fundamental human rights in
name of development toward the local community by the state. The biggest problems associated with
development-induced displacement according to Terminski is more plosive in condition of failed states and
conflict torn countries with poorly-established principles of democracy, ethnic antagonism or practices of
discrimination against indigenous and tribal people, and low efficiency in the institutions of legal protection
(ibid 2013:2). Recently conducted research shows that the indigenous people, more than any time, are affected
by the implementation of large-scale land investments in many parts of the Ethiopian lowland areas. The most
problems associated with development-induced displacement are loss of access to the traditional livelihoods,
landlessness, negative economic and health consequences of the implementation of development projects upon
the indigenous people. An assessment done by Oakland Institute(2012) shows that the indigenous people in
many parts of the country including Gambella, more than any time, were affected by the large-scale agricultural
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projects that were carried out without the consideration of the impacts on the local communities. The study is an
attempt to understanding development induced displacement, and dispossession of local community in Majang

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 Nationality Zone (MNZ), Gambella National Regional State of Ethiopia. The development projects, particularly
large-scale land investments have severely affected mostly the weaker sections of the local society and their
environment. In the name of development, the state snatched land and livelihood from a large section of people,

Page | mostly marginalized ethnic groups. The aggressive land leasing of arable lands for investments in the lowland
3 areas of the country have invited debate from various academic institutions, experts, and policy makers across
the globe. It is assumed by large elites as program serving the interests of the ruling class than improvement of
the wellbeing of the local communities (Fana, 2016). Gambella region is repeatedly mentioned in different
studies and policy review articles as prime example of areas as such case is implemented. The debate on large
scale land acquisition in Ethiopia is by far a new phenomenon comes as a result of 2008 Global Financial crises
and Food crises. From then on there is a changing dynamic in debate on whether these investors will channel
the local communities into the national path of development or will more subject the people into dire poverty.
The main actors who took part in the “land rush” or “land grabbing” are national investors (some of them team
up in joint venture with foreign investors) and foreign investors leased who thousand hectares of lands in the
region. At the end it was found that large plots of lands have fallen under certain ethnic groups and rich people.
This growing concentration of land resource in the hand of the dominant class in Ethiopia at the expense of the
minorities and pastoralists is not a sign of progress but rather signify turbulent relations of classes in the future.
Whereas, the government is still leasing land without setup of mechanism to manage the growing conflict
among different groups in the region makes it complex. . Based on those consequences and because of
frequently non-existing or imprecise land property rights a Potential for conflict is emphasized (The Oakland
Instiute, 2011).

Gambella region is arguably taken by many experts as one of the unsecured regions in the country (Dereje,
2014). The recent conflicts are signs of the future crises of the exclusive development projects implemented in
the region. The government claims elimination of class division in Ethiopia but the large-scale investment in
the lowland areas creates it again. The debate hinges on the marginalized local communities whom their
livelihoods depend on forest and practicing small-scale agriculture in comparison with large commercial estates.
The potential of a reorganization of the economy on the basis of smallholder integration into commercial
markets has brought changes in the highland parts of the country but it could not repeat it here. The policy was
primarily designed to lead the farmers to a more sustainable economy capable of promoting growth and poverty
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alleviation.

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 But empirical observations show that these development projects are not transforming the socioeconomic
conditions of the local communities in the lowland areas. But they are becoming an instrumental agent to
subject the people again into serious predicament of negative impacts. The debate about the development

Page | projects such as large-scale land investments that have become instruments of the eviction of number of people
4 from their livelihoods from ethical and human rights perspective is widely gaining attention. The profit of these
large-scale land investments in terms of aggregated profit to the GDP is undeniable but in terms of local
community the damage is incurable. But the impact on local communities still remains exclusive, and a decision
on whether the development-induced displacement and dispossession should be officially avoided has not yet
got a solution.

The pressure on the local community in Gambella is an internal as well as external. Within the country there is
unidirectional migration from the highland to the lowlands of Gambella in terms of search for land, mine and
employments opportunity. Following breakout of the ethno-political war in RSS the Nuer refugees have
flooded again to Gambella . Therefore, the region is now sandwich in-between Nuer from South Sudan and
settlers from the highland Ethiopia. It is important to note that development should continue and land
management systems should be in place to facilitate these developments, but also to ensure equity and
sustainable development of the local community. The proponents of the cause of development-induced
displacement, dispossession and deforestation attribute the causes to international and national forces supported
by the state in aim to achieve fast national GDP. The explanations of dispossession, displacement and
deforestation are based in state, targeting its lack of capacity or will to protect its local people. For example, a
development strategy that is designed on the philosophy that the „investment climate‟ for private investors can
be improved by transferring land in their favor implies that a variety of livelihoods must be destroyed first as
the; cost of development‟2. Furthermore, the negative impact that these development projects bring on the local
community and their environment is always neglected by the policy makers. It is considered as sacrifice for
national development if people are affected on the way. Disappointedly, if any critics on the way are made its
totally judged as curse and even labeled as „terror‟ against the public and the state. More important issues that
are relevant for the development of these regions were neglected for national interests in the costs of the lives of
the local communities. As indicated by Lavers these regions in practice are allowed a lesser degree of
autonomy, in direct contradiction of the principle of self-determination that underpins ethnic federalism.
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2
Amit Bharduri(2015). “A Study in Development by Dispossession”. Jawaharlal Nehru University

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 (Lavers, 2012:223).The criteria set for these emerging regions to finish the evolution of being „emerging‟ to
„developed‟ is invisible and still remained an attainable within 27 years. How far have these regions fulfilled
the stages required to enter the FDRE political table is yet obscure. For the purpose of this paper, main

Page | contention is that deforestation of thick forests, dispossession of the local communities from their properties and
5 displacement of the local community for agricultural projects have been taken as successful way for the nations‟
swift flight into capitalist development. Because of this fact, the development projects have become the source
of developmental handicaps for the local communities. In fact, they are similar cases around the country which
my study will not able to cover. My focus shall be on the cases from MNZ in Gambella region to explain the
process of deforestation, dispossession, and displacement that is persuaded by the development projects,
especially large –scale land investment

2. General Background of the Region

Gambella Regional state is one of the nine national regional states of Ethiopia. It is located in the south west of
the country covering the total area of 34063 sq.km, and share long border with South Sudan; Benishangul
Gumuz; Oromiya Regional state and Southern People‟s, Nations and Nationalities Regional State (SNNPR).
The region has great potential of natural resources including the dense forest, arable lands, big river systems
such as Baro, Akobo, Alwaro ,Godere and Gilo. Tata Lake in Pinyudo and Burey Lake in Mangeshi woreda
could also contribute for tourist attraction if well promoted. One of protected areas found in the region is
Gambella National Park. This Park is the home of so many wild animals and birds. It is considered to be a
second Park in Africa with cross-border migratory animals next to Serengati in East Africa. The regional
potentials are huge for agriculture, both for commercial and small-scale farming, forestry, fishery,
manufacturing, industrial level exploration of natural minerals and mines and tourism. The region was framed
based on common cultural, ethno linguistics, social and geographical backgrounds. The five ethnic groups, who
are indigenous to region, are linguistically classified as Nilo-Saharan family and Nilotic speaking groups. These
five indigenous ethnic groups are Anywaa, Nuer, Majang, Opou and Komo. They are also significant number of
different ethnic groups from different parts of highland. According to CSA (2007), report the population of the
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3
Tom Lavers(2012:22) ‘Land grab’ as development strategy? The political economy of agricultural investment in Ethiopia Published in the Journal of
Peasant Studies 39(1): 105-132

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 region is now estimated to be 368,999. The settlement patterns of the region are it‟s structured into three
nationality administrative zones, with one special woreda and one city administrative council. The region is
recently hotspot for attraction of Large-scale investments projects. Many mega land projects such as Karaturi

Page | Company, which held 300,000 ha of land, which was later reduced to 200,000ha is found in this region. They
6 are in general, more than 600 hundred foreign and national investors, who acquired land in the region. The
region is endowed with abundance natural resources4. The majority of the people in the Gambela region make a
living from three key natural resources: cultivation land, grazing land and fish.(Dereje2006:245) The fertility of
land and plenty of natural resources makes it desperately coveted and volatile region. After the 2008 the region
has been targeted by numbers of domestic and foreign investors. There is highest stock of fish in
Alwero,baroAkobo and Gilo rivers. The Gambella regional Administrative council announced large
opportunities for investors to acquire agricultural lands in the regions is taken as one factor that accelerated the
deforestation and dispossession of the local communities.

2.1. THE MAJANG

The other underserved group accounting for the third largest in Gambella; belonging to the Nilo- Saharan
linguistic group, majority of the Majang who live in Majang Nationality Zone Godore and Mengeshi Woreda.
The Majang also live in in some pocket areas of Gambella Zuria/ Abol and Abobo Woredas though numerically
in small size.Other also live in other neighboring Ethiopian regions of SNNR (Benchi Maji ,Gurafarda and
Shako woreda,Sheka Zone ,yeki woreda) and Oromoiya region in Dembidlo and Ilubabor Zone. Shifting
cultivation is still widely practiced among the Majang in Gambella region. They slash and burn the forest and
cultivate it for two to three years then leave it for another forest site to do the same. What is important is that
this mechanism does not affect the forest as they slash only the leaves of the wood that the forest regenerates
itself within short time after they leave cultivation of that forestland. Other livelihood activities include
beekeeping, especially wild bee in the forest and hunting and gathering, with their lifestyle highly attached to
the forest and forest products. According to CSA(2007) report the Majang represent 4% of the total population
in the Gambella region. They had no political leaders in the past, the ritual tapa were responsible for leadership
of the society. But their authority being ritual leaders was restricted. (Stauder, 1970). Many things actually
have changed in life of Majang since the study of Stauder, and therefore has to be carefully used as references.
In resource management and land use, the Majang have an indigenous rule called “Jang”. The population of the
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4
Dereje Feyissa(2006),Decentralisation as Ethnic Closure with Special Reference to a Declining Negotiated Access to Natural Resources in Western
Ethiopia. Council for Development of Social Science Research in Africa, Vol.No,2, pp.243-260

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 Zone are sparsely populated of 74.6% are rural dwellers and 25.4% of the population live in urban areas. The
Majang nationality zone is located to the East of the region, consist of two administrative woreda. It is inhabited
by Majang people and others many ethnic groups who came to the areas in search of job opportunities and

Page | during the settlement program of Derg regime in 1985.This zone is characterized with tropical rain forest
7 resource. It is one of the coffee growing areas in the region.

3. General objective of the Study

The general objective of this study to explore the general risks of the internal displacement caused by
development projects on the local community in Majang Nationality Zone of Gambella National Regional
State. In general this study shall explore the governments‟ strategies and its effect on the displaced households
and finally draw policy recommendation on how to tackle problems associated with development projects.

4. Purpose of the Study

This case study is designed for two general purposes. The first purpose is to explore the effect of large scale
land investment projects on local community. This has significant impact on the policy makers to be aware on
the fact of people internally displaced because of development projects. To explore the plight of the persons
who were displaced and dispossessed by the development projects in relationship to the threat or risks such as
traditional livelihoods, economic, political, social, and cultural and rights. The second aim of this paper is to
show the academicians to that great attention among the researchers has to be carried out in among these
communities ,whom their entire life is subjected in to „existential threat‟ by the development projects. As
empirical findings has power to provide constructive dialogue with state policy makers toward addressing the
impact of deforestation, dispossession and displacement the large-scale investment projects have incurred on the
local community.
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 5. Methodology

This study applied qualitative approach. A qualitative approach is one in which the inquirer often makes
knowledge claims based primarily on constructivist perspectives (i.e., the multiple meanings of individual
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experiences, meanings socially and historically constructed with an intent of developing a theory or pattern) or
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advocacy/participatory perspectives (i.e., political, issue-oriented, collaborative. or change oriented) or both.
(Creswell 2003:18). The researcher collects the primary intent of developing themes from the data. In case
studies, in which the researcher explores in depth a program, an event, an activity, a process, or one or more
individuals (ibid 2003:15). The samples are purposively selected from the different background of the society in
order to get the important people who could give us more information of the ongoing investment projects in the
area. The case(s) are bounded by time and activity, and researchers collect detailed information using a variety
of data collection procedures over a sustained period of time (Stake, 1995).

For intensive fieldwork, starting from July 5 to 10 August 2018 two woredas from Majang Zone namely Godere
Woreda and Mangeshi Woreda were selected purposively for this study. In addition, a short visit was made in in
Itang Special Woreda to Komo village that is found in 10km away from Itang town in order to strengthen the
findings. The selection of these woredas, mainly Mangeshi , was underpinned by the fact that the two woredas
are the main focal areas of the recent rain-fed agricultural investments in the region where pressure on the land
resource is intensifying. In addition, I took Godere Woreda and Mangeshi Woreda as the main case study areas,
in-depth interviews with informants and focus group discussions with community members were conducted at
the village level. Furthermore, from these woredas, I carefully selected five villages (Qebeles) based on
investment concentration and proximity to development projects. These villages (Qebele) are Gubeti,Sonoy and
Duusi from Mangesi Woreda and the other two villages are Semuy and Gosini from Godere Woreda. This
Qebeles were chosen to show how large-scale land acquisition could affect local community. The Study areas
(Qebele) are alphabetically arranged as A, B, C, D and E for coding purpose.

5.1. Interviews

Table: 1. Composition of the interviewees

Areas Indigenous Highlanders Total

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Categories of interviews M F M F

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 1. Government officials 3 2 2 1 8

Page | 2. Investors - - 3 - 3
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3.Displaced communities 7 5 - - 12

Total 23

5.2. Focus Group Discussions (FGD)

Table: 2. Focus Group Discussions (FGD)

Areas Goshine Gubeti Kebele Shone Kebele Dushi Kebele Chemi Total
Kebele

Male 2 5 6 4 6

Female 4 3 5 2 5

Total 6 8 11 6 11 42

Among the villages mentioned above three of them, named Duusi, Semuy and Goosini were nominated in 2010
for the implementation of villagization program. Sonoy Qebele is added to the program in 2012 while Gubeti
was intentionally ignored from the program because of total displacement of the community. An interview I
conducted with Saparan a Shabu elder in Tulay, revealed that all the Shabuy people that were in Gubeti left to
Duusi or Yeri villages. The Qebele officials who were all Highlanders except Ermias Dabarsin who was
appointed as head of the Kebele said that there was no empty land to accommodate the Shabuy in the Qebele.
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There fear is that if villagisation program is implemented in the villages, it may cause conflict as the Highlander
refuse to give back any plot of land to the Shabuy. Generally, the FGDs conducted in these villages provided
vital information in the areas of assessing the negative impacts of large scale land acquisition on local
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 community‟s settlements, and traditional knowledge of their surrounding ecology. They also provided
comprehensive and coherent information about the planning and implementation of the development induced
internally displacement, local consultation; informal relations between large-scale investors and small-scale

Page | farmers. They widely discussed the challenge of slow-onset displacement of the indigenous communities ,the
10 influx and encroachment of highlanders to the forest land, land sales ,natural resource and land related conflicts,
the intervention of government and more other livelihoods ,socio-economic ,political and cultural issues. Many
other ranges of issues that are vital for this research were also raised.

5.3. Observations

It was my plan to gather piece of information for this research through observation. Therefore, during my field
trip to the study area, it was an important time where many of displaced communities were engaged in farming
at home. I was listening to the discourse of the local communities over the ongoing displacement, deforestation
and allocations of land to the investors in the area. The Majang people had traditional ceremony of drinking
local coffee together every morning and evenings. These occasions were helpful for my observation for they
raise wide ranges of social, economic, and political issues. Short trip was also made in Ashani Qebele and
Gumare Qebele to observe the large scale investment activities taking place in these areas. As part of the
research strategy of direct observation, my brief field trip from Metti town to Ashani village was interesting.
Partly, because the national investor called Markos has recently leased 3000 ha of the forest land for production
of sesames, banana, and beekeeping. His project is named Majang Agro-industry. Many Majang people are
engaged as laborers in the project. But I found that many of the Majang were unhappy as they say that the
investor had cheated the woreda and Qebele officials to acquire the land. Others claim that the amount of land
given to the investor‟s boundary is limitless and unknown. Because of this there was disagreement between the
investor and the local community. I saw that the farm was patrolled by Federal police not local police. A field
visits was also made for observation in Gumare village where Shakicho people live. In this village large-scale of
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land about 3000 hectares was also handled over to Indian investor to develop tea for export. The transfer of the
dense forest for the Indian investor was controversial between the community and the government. In 2014
local officials were sent to prison for being resisting the transfer of the land to the investor. Wondimu Girma,
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 the Godere woreda Rural and Agriculture office head, Ketema Dubale who is the resident of Gumare village
from Shakicho ethnic group and Dange Mengesha who is said to have participated in the team that was sent to
discuss the deals of land allocation to the investment were imprison as anti-development agents. The Shakicho

Page | people in Gumare feel the incidence of giving the reserved forest land to investors as an act of betrayal. They
11 emotionally complain about the Majang officials who allowed the forest to be destroyed. They say that the
Majang officials who are irresponsible have ignored them in decision of the allocation of the land. The tea farm
in this area is also guarded by Federal police. I was not allowed by the federal police to inter inside the farm.
They told me that any attempt of research on the project is not allowed

6. Conceptual Framework

The study of displacement by development is complicated by the fact that development is a notoriously
ambiguous term. It can refer to a social goal, an ideal of social well-being to which peoples, their governments
and international agencies aspire. It can also refer to a complex of social and economic policies, practices and
changes that lead towards achieving such a goal. However, development has also been a source of large scale
human suffering insofar as it has displaced people, evicting entire communities and denying families their
accustomed livelihoods. Here is the paradox- the tension between development as an ideal and development as
an actual process-with which we are confronted when development causes displacement. Development-induced
displacement refers to displacement resulting from development projects, programs, or other planned activities
that require, or will require, land acquisition or restrictions on access to land or other natural resources.
Infrastructure projects (such as construction of dams, irrigation projects, roads or highways, or urban facilities)
commonly require use of land resulting in displacement. But displacement also may occur in other projects or
programs (for example, resource extraction, and health, education, or conservation programs) that require land
or restrictions on access to land or other natural resources. The development of protected areas could also cause
displacement of people.

Cernea‟s Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) model arose in the 1990s in response to the risk of
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development projects was widely used as compass reversal to examine the consequences of the development
projects has on the local communities. He stressed that , unless specifically addressed by targeted policies,
forced displacement can cause impoverishment among displaces by bringing about landlessness, joblessness,
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 homelessness, marginalization, food insecurity, loss of access to common property resources, increased
morbidity and mortality, and community disarticulation. Later researchers in this area such as Downing and
others have added: loss of access to public services, disruption of formal education activities, and loss of civil

Page | and human rights. Rather, the model notes that, when taken together, these processes capture the reasons behind
12 many failed resettlement operations. The IRR model has been used as a framework for a number of studies.
Terminski(2013:13), who examined the ways displacement can take place stressed that displacement could be c
understood in two ways . It may be used to refer to eviction of people from habitual homeland without adequate
compensation, guarantees or mechanisms of social support or to the initial phase of a process of resettlement
(associated with physical relocation of people from their homes). Displacement may also be a distinct, negative
phenomenon related to violation of human rights, or the initial step in the resettlement process. For the sake of
the present paper the term „displacement‟ is understood as “slow-onset”, gradual and systematic displacement
of people from a place/environment to another one due state sponsored agricultural land investment.

They are multiple factors that cause development-induced internal displacement. Terminski(2013:16-21) gave
summary of eight categories of factors that causes of development-induced displacement(DIDR);these are
construction of dams, hydro-power plants ,irrigation projects, artificial reservoirs and canals ,development of
transportation's( constructions of roads, highways and rail transportation) ,urbanization, re-urbanization and
transformation of urban space, mining and transportation of resources(oil ,gold, diamond etc),deforestation and
expansion of agricultural areas., creation of national parks and reserves(conservation of nature),population
redistribution schemes ,other causes (creation of specific entities within a large surface of area, such as airports,
pots ,and landfill sites.)5 This paper took the impact of development projects such agricultural expansion to
analyses the general impact on local people in Majang Nationality Zone.

Thomson (2014) also associated the term “displacement” with two phenomenons as flight from violent context
such as people evicted from their homes to make a way for large infrastructural projects. The second is
association of the term with “forced displacement” with natural disasters such as hurricanes or earthquakes.
According to this view he reflected on the conventional categorization of displacement or forced migration into
three main types: These are conflict, development and disaster-induced presumed causes. Any form of
displacement without proper compensation, resettlement plans, and appropriate social guarantees should be
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treated as a violation of human rights

5
See,Terminiski (2013:16-21)

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 Therefore, population displacement as indicated in the above explanations “is an outcome of multiple sets of
factors”6. According to Hydmann(2000), there are many “push factors” leading to internal displacement that
can be aggregated into a range of overlapping categories; among these are natural and human-made disasters,

Page | ethnic or religious persecution, development, and conflict. Displacement is, by definition, forced and
13 involuntary and involves some form of de-territorialisation. It is commonly described as taking place within the
confines of a state (e.g. internally displaced person) or across an internationally recognized border (e.g.
refugee)7As it has been indicated by Ahsan (2016:1), “displacement due to mega-development projects
encompasses the loss of land, income and employment, social structure, traditional living patterns and culture,
and control over natural resources such as forests and rivers 8”. For many mega-development projects, cost–
benefit analysis has proven to be more important than the study of social implications of displacement. In a
democratic country, where displacement takes place by the government or private collaboration with
government, it is the responsibility of the government to take care of the displaced people by providing
rehabilitation and resettlement.

7. Overview of Ethiopian Industrial policy

In Ethiopia, the industrial demand in the modern times started during the establishment of a strong central
government, expansion of cities associated with the installation of railways and the strengthening of foreign
relations increased the demand for imported manufacturing commodities. This, in turn, encouraged the
establishment of import-substituting factories domestically and as a result modern manufacturing enterprises
began to emerge in the 1920s (Mulu, 2013). The 1950s are also marked by the start of a comprehensive plan to
stimulate and guide the country‟s industrial and economic development in general. Keeping with the political
ideologies governing the economic principles of the time, these successive regimes adopted different policies
for the development of industry in the country. Broadly, they can be characterized as the import substitution and
private sector-led (from early 1950s to 1974, the Imperial regime); the import substitution and state-led (from
1974 to 1991, the Dergue regime), and the export-orientated and private sector-led (since 1991, the Ethiopian

6
Frances, Thomson.(2014) “Why we need the concept of land-grab-induced displacement”, Journal of Internal Displacement Volume 4 No.2@JID

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Hydmann ,Jennifer ,2000,Managing Displacement –refugees and the policies of humanitarianism ,University of Minnesota Press
8
See :Reazul Ahsan(2016), “MEGA-INFRASTRUCTURE −INDUCED DISPLACEMENT IN EAST MALAYSIA:A STUDY OF SOCIAL
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SUSTAINABILITY”, University Technology Malaysia,Malaysia Sustainable Cities Program, Working Paper Series Retrieved from
https://scienceimpact.mit.edu/sites/default/files/documents/Ahsan.pdf accessed on 10June2017

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 People‟s Revolutionary Democratic Front, (EPRDF)-led government). But all these polices failed to bring
significant change in the lowland parts of the country, partly because the rulers priority was not to change and
bring development to the local community.

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These developments projects have created new challenges for community-based approaches, as the demands of
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agribusiness on the agricultural sector act as a countervailing force on notions of the importance of
environmental sustainability, equality, and livelihoods preservation9. Recently the debate on the expansion of
large scale land investment is hot issue in academic, development and aid organizations, politicians and the
community at large. There is a mixed view whether the investment brings meaningful benefit to the local
community or not. Proponents of large scale land investment argue that, the investment flow increase capital in
agriculture sector particularly in the developing world enhance infrastructure expansion jobs and skill, transfer
technological skills ,increase GDP and improve the socio-economy of the local community. For this case many
African countries have reformed their land policies to meet this demand. But the reform of land administration
is not only about creating an enabling environment for agricultural accumulation. It is also an issue of political
vision of the leading parties and rights of the communities attached to these lands. Robinson (2003:10 10)
pointed out that “in the 1950s and 1960s, the dominant view in development was informed by modernization
theory, which put crudely, saw development as transforming traditional, simple, Third World societies into
modern, complex, and Westernized ones.” Therefore, large-scale, capital-intensive development projects were
seen as main tool to accelerate the pace toward a brighter better future and „modernity‟ of state. In economic
terms, „modernity‟ encompasses industrialization, urbanization and the increased use of technology within all
sectors of the economy (Willis, 2005). In these years many of the African countries were getting dependence of
colonial policies. Then there was an urgency desire among the new liberated states to create new development
policies that could transform the economies. Therefore, large-scale investments, such state owned agricultural
farms, and large dams were constructed. The current development economic model of Ethiopia toward the
peripheral lowlands, where fertile arable lands available is continuum of the past political projects of the central
powers toward the lowland areas. These are not the first large-scale agriculture and irrigation schemes that have
been established in Ethiopia. In the mid- 1950s, the imperial regime created sugar and cotton plantations in the

9 st
Kojo Sebastian, Amanor (2012), Land Governance in the 21 Century: Framing the Debate SERIES Land Governance in Africa: How historical
Page14

context has shaped key contemporary issues relating to policy on land. International Land Coalition(ILC).Rome

10
W. Courtland Robinson, Risks and Rights: The Causes, Consequences, and Challenges of Development-Induced Displacement, An Occasional
Paper, 2003,pdf, www.google.com

14
 Awash Valley in the Afar Region11. Along with plantations came the building of several hydroelectric dams
and irrigation schemes along the Awash River. Amanor(2012) reminded us also of land reform in the 1950s
that were framed in terms of state interventions in assuring redistribution of land to achieve both efficient and

Page | equitable growth, by breaking up large estates (…) to promote agricultural modernization and investment in
15 productive land use rather than land speculation and rentier capital in land in Africa. He said that there was
eminent domain enables the state to gain land through compulsory acquisition for public purposes, often
expressed since independence as being in “the national interest” At this period in Ethiopia, the emperor had plan
of converting lowlands for ground of modernization and mechanized farms. During this period the Emperor
Haile Sellassie launched the Five Years Transformation plan,(1957-1961) the project to convert the lowland
areas was also put in place not necessarily to benefit the local community. As pointed out by Dunning
(1970:271) ,who studied the land reform announced by Haile Selalessie‟s government mentioned an important
points on the mission of the Ethiopian regimes toward the lowland areas. He mentioned two important points
that were made in the Five Year Development Plan (1957-1961) toward the lowland. The first statement made
on the plan toward the lowland was that “special attention” will be given to „unused‟ lands and “large-scale
modern farms producing for market”. And the second statement stated was that, the land tenure should be
improved by making private ownership “more secure”. The recent FDRE large-scale land investment is the
continuum of this long standing struggle to maintain the highland political ascendancy which has been well
established for centuries by exploitation of the resource of the periphery. The Haile Selassie‟s plan was to crave
the lowland target of large scale mechanized private owned corporations which are secured by the central state.
But the writer said that the plan was aborted for political challenge that emanated from unclear land tenure in
12
the country. The FDRE in the Five Years Transformation Plan (GTP) made a similar statement that the
lowlands will be facilitated for the destination of private investors. The Socialist Derg regime which took the
foothold of the Emperor to develop large state owned projects in these peripheral areas designated as
“uncultivated‟, „marginal‟, unsettled, unused and empty developed large-scale stated own estates. For example,
the Abobo Alwero dam and cotton mechanized farm, Tepi Coffee Plantation (now Green Coffee Share
Company) in the present Mangeshi Woreda were part of the Derg plan to develop large scale land investment.
Page15

11
The Oakland Institute (2016), MIRACLE OR MIRAGE?, MANUFACTURING HUNGER AND POVERTY IN ETHIOPIA. Avialable at:
www.oaklandinstitute.org. Accessed on July17,2017

12
FRDE(2010) Growth and Transformation Plan(GTP)/2010/11-2014/15

15
 Keeley (at el.2014:213) reported that the local impacts of these allocations of the investment lands are not
currently documented due to political sensitivities‟ to carry out such kind of research. But currently they are
well documented research findings that clearly indicate the impact of LSLI deals in Ethiopia in many parts of

Page | the country. The dispossession and displacement of the local agricultural producers from the land that has long
16 been considered a condition of successful capitalist development in Ethiopia not only contradicts the
constitutional decree that the pastorals and farmers have right not to be dispossessed of the lands but also totally
marginalize and hinders the local community from entering into the path of capitalism that the country
envisioned. As far as the economic models propagate that Ethiopia shall combine the available land and
human resources to reach the Middle Income countries, then the only way for the local community also is to do
the same thing when they have no capacity to do it now. The local communities may make to get access to short
term benefits as employees of the large scale land investment companies in the region but this cannot make
them competent in the economic transformation. The GTP (2010) document states on the large-scale
commercial farms as follows:

“Large-scale farming will be undertaken by private investors in lowland areas where abundant extensive land
exists will be expected and given due attention in the next five years. The necessary arrangements will be made
to increase the private investors’ participation by identifying areas that are not inhabited but are suitable for
agriculture. Exploratory studies will be done to determine which forms of agricultural production enterprises
are most suitable for each area identified. These areas and the data concerning them will be registered and
organized in a land bank. The necessary support will be given to encourage the participation of Ethiopian
investors. Efforts will be made to attract foreign investment in a manner that will be benefited for Ethiopia’s
agricultural sector development”. (FDRE, 2010: p, 25-26). 14

Between 2008 and 2010 the government leased circa 3.6 million hectares of land to domestic and foreign
investors15. For this reason various incentives were arranged to attract more investors to the sector. They are
also several procedures to be fulfilled before acquisition of land. One of the pre-requirements to be fulfilled
before getting a land is to have 30% seed money in block account which the local communities have not able to

13
James Keeley, Wondwosen Michago Seide, Abdurehman Eid and Admasu Lokaley Kidewa (2014) Large-scale land deals in Ethiopia: Scale,
trends, features and outcomes to date, London: IDRC
Page16

14
The FDRE(2010:25-26),Growth and Transformation Plan(GTP)/2010/11-2014/15. Draft paper. Ministry of Finance and Economic Development
(MoFED)
15
Thomson, Frances (2014: 50), Why we need the concept of land-grab-induced displacement. Journal of Internal Displacement, 4 (2). pp. 42-65.

16
 fulfill until now. This intended bureaucracy will continue to exclude those local communities from the market.
The policy rhetoric‟s of the state circles around “deliberate policy or practice of arbitrary displacement” of the
local communities in name of development. Therefore, the GTP investment plan remained “highlanders” plan

Page | of accumulation of lands and may be well defined as new program of land redistribution. The argument is that
17 some people might have benefited from short term salaries but in the long run these companies will became
instruments of one party. As the large-scale land investment companies become profitable they will widen the
economic gap between the local communities and the highlanders. Moreover, may grantee them more need to
expand the agriculture projects to dispossess, displace the local community and deforestation of the natural
forest in the region. In fact, these companies are focusing on high value export oriented products that are not
contributing for the food security of the area. The main contention of this paper is that such dispossession,
displacement and deforestation for development projects has in fact become the source of major developmental
impediment of the local communities.

8. The General Description of the Study Area

Cultivation in the region involves three farming systems: sedentary rain-fed cultivation, moisture cultivation,
and shifting cultivation (Dereje2006). Majang Nationality Zone is one of the areas in the region where
sedentary rain-fed cultivation and shifting cultivation is practiced. Recently, the Majang Nationality Zone has
got “Majang Forest Biosphere Reserve” status under UNESCO. It is fifth Forest Biosphere reserve in the
country. It is located in eastern part of Gambella Peoples National Regional State. It covers a total area of
224,925 ha of forest, woodland, agricultural land, rural settlements and towns. It is a unique ecology extending
from a humid highland forest bordering Illubabor zone of Oromia regional state and Sheka zone (Sheka Forest
Biosphere Reserve) of the SNNP National Regional State to hot lowland areas of Transitional Rain-forest and
Combretum-Terminalia woodland of the Anywa Zone of Gambella Peoples‟ National Regional State and the
Bench-Maji zone of the SNNP National Regional State.(Pact Ethiopia, 2012). The assessment of Pact Ethiopia
indicated that out of the land coverage of the Majang nationality Zone, 1.04 per cent already occupied by state
coffee farm, 4.54 per cent private owned coffee plantation and 0.03 per cent is water body (lake Bureyi)
(ibid,2012,p.12).
Page17

It is inhabited by the Majang people. The Majang people according to anthropologists are agriculturalists, and
shifting cultivators in the highland forests of south-west Ethiopia. They also specialize in honey production.
17
 Because of their economy, they use to settle in forested areas and are not found in open places. This may also be
the reason why they are spread out over a large of Ethiopia. Thus, these areas are considered important for the
study of the dynamics of agricultural investments, on the local communities‟ livelihoods. The Majang depend

Page | mainly on shifting cultivation and honey. In addition, the Majang also depend on other subsidiary livelihood
18 sources such as traditional gathering wild forest foods, wild herbs, firewood collection, house construction
materials, fishing, hunting, and handicrafts from the forests.

Map 1. MAP of MAJANG NATIONALITY ZONE(MNZ)

Source: Pact Ethiopia 2012

The demographic composition and quantity has been in continuous increase by highlanders from the north
Ethiopia and neighboring zones of SNNR.. These areas was predominantly inhabited by the Majang ethnic
group, although there is a moderate mix of Amhara,Kaffacho,Shakacho,Oromo and Tigray ethnic groups
mainly in Godere Woreda Eastern part of the Mangeshi woreda. CSA has provided unreliable ethnic statistics
figures of the zone in 2007. The CSA report indicated that they were only 16,000 Majang people who do not
Page18

speak their native language. The exact number of Majang is not unknown as many sources give varied result of
the statistics of the Majang population. For example, Jack Stauder(1971) an anthropologist gave report of
Majang population over 20,000 . Ethnologue estimated the total population of the Majang people in Ethiopia
18
 over 40,000. Desalegn Rhmato(2011) estimated the number of the people to 60,000 . But the total population of
the zone could be above 80,000(both Majang and the Highlanders). This area is under challenge of
deforestation, dispossession and displacement of the local communities from different channels. The actors to

Page | competition over resources in this area are not limited to government investments schemes but also local and
19 individuals actors who encroach to the forest land area serious threat to the area. The Majang people are not the
only original dwellers of the Zone, they also significant number of Shakicho(Donjiyeer) who live in Kabo and
Gumare kebeles. These people are also indigenous to the Majang zone but their presence in this area has been
undermined.

8.1. The livelihood conditions of the Majang People

There are three major livelihood categories in the Gambella Region including agro pastoral, cash crop (coffee
and honey) and cereals production; mixed agriculture livelihood. The region‟s main products for national and
international market such coffee, honey, spices and cereal crops are harvested from Godere and Mengeshi the
two districts of the Majang Nationality Zone. The people who migrated to this area at various times heavily
engaged in coffee and cereal productions. While the Majang, who are native inhabitants of the area, and the
Shekecho people who live in Kabo and Gumare kebeles are also engaged in honey production as the Majang
people. Some members of the community have begun to produce coffee and cereals and few livestock in
addition to the honey production. The Shekecho are also engaged in mixed farming beside honey production.
Livestock production is also significant activity in addition to coffee and cereal production by the Shekecho of
Godere district.

The Majang people number between 30,000 and 40,00016. They live on the thickly forested slopes of the south-
western edge of the Ethiopian plateau, between the Anywaa of the plains and the Oromo of the Highlands (Jack
Stauder.197117). Their way of life is markedly different from that of their neighbors, and is well adapted to their
habitat. The Majang are agriculturalists, and the structure of their society was loose and simple in the past. They
had no political leaders until the overthrown of the Derg regime in 1990s. The only individuals of authority
among the Majang were the ritual leaders whose influence was restricted and limited to the scope of the clan
territories. These ritual leaders were from „Melaneer‟ clan. Sato said these ritual Tapa also had significance role
of peace keeping and political leadership among the society. Shifting cultivation, beekeeping, hunting and
Page19

16
Majang ,retrieved from https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/13689/ET

17
Jack Stauder, The Majangir: Ecology and Society of the Southwest Ethiopian People (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971)

19
 fishing also provided the Majang with a livelihood. During the time of the Derg (pre-1991),the central
government did not only settled people from Amahara and Tigray without the consent of the Majang people on
their lands but also started large state-run coffee plantations began operations in the area.(Seyoum,2015).
18
Page | Moreover, land was cleared and people were displaced without compensation. As result of this, thousands of
20 laborers arrived from the Highlands to work on the plantations. Many have remained in the area, realizing that
productive land was available, and that services were also more available than in their home areas. According to
the data obtained from Godere district and Majang Zone Administrations more than 50 percent of the people in
the area are the people who originally came at different times through various means from resource poor and
degraded parts of Ethiopia. The same data indicates that about 30 percent, 12 percent and 8 percent are Amhara,
Tigray, and Oromo respectively, while around 3 percent came from other areas mainly highland areas of SNNP.
The latter group of people originally came to the area as daily laborers to work in coffee plantations that were
established during the Derg period.

The traditional and major source of livelihood for almost all the highlanders is obviously crop cultivation
mainly by clearing the natural forest in the area. Their nature of living demands such type of agricultural
activity. In fact, this in essence is destructive to natural forests such as that of Majang zone and its surrounding.
On the other hand the tradition and old-aged livelihood sources of the in particular and the Majang to a
significant extent have been forest related and forest dependent and natural forest friendly. The Majang way of
life and livelihood source at large. As indicated here the honey production has been their main sources of
livelihood. This zone is named after the indigenous people in the area and whose livelihood is mainly
dependent on forest and forest products. The Majang Nationality zone(MNZ) is one of the few parts of
Ethiopia that are still endowed with high forest cover, in which over 60 percent of the area is covered with
forest.(PACT Ethiopia,2012). However, the natural forests in the area are being affected through various ways
such as illegal occupation of forestland and misuse of traditional indigenous forest management system,
clearing dense forest for large-scale investments, legal and illegal logging, and corruption. Further, this process
of pressure on land and forests are also endangering the Majang people mainly due to lack of protection and low
concern to protect this vital natural forest in the area. While the Majang still describe forests as life, it is
imperative to raise question why they at the same time engage on land leasing that totally dangers their destiny
of survival? It has been proved that the livelihood system of the Majang area of Godere and Mengeshi districts
Page20

18
Seyoum Mesfin Seyoum(2015), Federalism at the Margins of the Ethiopian State: The Lived Experience of the Majang People. Addis Ababa
University

20
 is traditionally dependent on forest products. This presupposes that forests would be protected within these
traditional values. But the reverse of this perception of the community is going on against their surrounding
where there life is depending on. Still, crop and honey productions are the main means of livelihood. In most

Page | cases farming is practiced by hand tools and rarely uses animals for farming. People in this livelihood depend
21 on honey production as a primary means of subsistence Major crops produced in the area by the Majang are
roots crops, sorghum, maize, and sesame. Farmers in Godere and Mangeshi produce coffee and spices such as
ginger. In addition most of the Majang households in Godere are leading sedentary settlement patterns than the
Majang who live in Mangeshi woreda (no seasonal movement). Recently some of the Majang people have learn
how plough land using animal from the highlanders.

Honey production coupled with crop production and small livestock rearing are the main sources of the
livelihood of are becoming a new way of economic engagement in Majang Nationality Zone. In some kebele
seasonal fishing is also relatively practiced. The Jey River in Gelesha and Yobi River in Dunchay have
different fish species and the Majang community usually carries out fishing activity in these rivers. The
potential stock of fish resource in Yobi(gilo) ,Jey,oose,pajai,godare and kokori is not yet known. But, it is clear
that these rivers have high potential of various species of fish that should be exploited for market and diet. The
natural forest in the Majang zone has multiple uses for the indigenous people in particular. The forests in the
area are the sources of honey and other non-timber products. The Majang people in particular collect wild
edible plants and wood from the forests, and hunt wild animals mainly for food. The Majang have traditional
tenure rights on forest land in the area.

9. Case Studies
Page21

Map 2. The Map of Mangeshi Woreda and Study Area

21
 Page |
22

Source: Pact Ethiopia 2012

Cases of displaced persons of selected Kebeles in Mangeshi Woreda

A. Case Study 1. The Case of Shabuy people in Gubeti

In 1989 the Derg regime cleared the tropical rain forest in the current Mengeshi Woreda . Gubeti is one of the
villages in this woreda where the Shabuy people of and some Majang clans dwelt. I had a privilege to visit the
place they displaced around the forest near the Lake Burɛ. I conducted interview with those whom I met in the
area. One of the elder whom I interviewed was Saparan. They narrated the story of displacement to this area in
emotional manner as they were marginalized by the local leadership. They said that whole lands they used to
live in Gubeti were distributed by the local leader named Tariku Bekele, who also is highlanders to settlers. The
Highlanders who occupy the village however disagree with the claim that the land was taken by force and
redistributed to the Highlanders. Erimias Dabarsin, who is a Majang and the only remaining Majang man in the
village agree with the complaint raised by the Highlanders. He said that the Shabu people, whom the village
Page22

was their own, left the village by transferring their lands to Highlanders by money. The administration of the

22
 land in the village has been handed over to Tariku Bekele by Woreda officials. One of the interviewee in the
kebele told me how he came to power as follows:

“Tariku Bekele was appointed by woreda officials to administer our kebele. But he is not born in
Page |
this kebele nor is he Majang. He was from Kaffa. We complained but the woreda officials
23
refused to remove him from power. He was sharing money from land sales with the woreda
officials. He is the one that started to sell our lands to the highlanders. Our lands and forests were
given over to the highlanders by him. We also started to sell our „jang‟ because we feared that he
might sell them to highlanders. After he had finished selling the whole lands he then runs away
to his homeland.”(Interview, 2017)

The local administration has no plan and mechanism to protect the rights of the local community. This person
started to distribute the land to his relatives from the highland and when he finished his mission of the
distribution of the lands he went back to his home in the highland. When the forest is cleared the Shabu people
were allowed to live in forest adjust to Lake burey and around the Jean School. The Shabuy people interviewed
says that though they were included initially to participate in the project, they were later forbidden. The Project
manager responded that these people are lazy, that they don‟t want to work hard in the project. He said “you see
them drunk on the street; they sometimes steal the coffee from our store”. When the Shabu people are asked
why they don‟t work in the projects. They always say that the work is hard but the money or salary is small.

In this village the Shabu people beginning from post- 1991 the Shabu began to sell lands to highlanders. They
had in mind that land might be enough. They were pushed little by little to the forest areas by the laborers
coming from the coffee plantation projects. Twenty years later, I found only one Majang man in the villages.
All other families were scattered. He told me that they all sold their lands to highlanders and left to forest found
away from there. He directed me to the area in the forest called “tulay” then I found out that only five people
were there. They told me that they sold their lands for economic problems. Others as they told me have
migrated to Yeri village. One of them stressed an incident of forced displacement out of his land by the
Highlanders.

The Majang man who left in the village displaced is called “Ermias Dabarsin”. He is now the head of the
Page23

village. He got married to Shakecho girl from Kabo village. He lives right in the midst of the highlanders. But
his presence in the village is not appreciated by some of the Shabu people displaced to the forest area behind the
Lake Burey. They held a view that Ermias himself was selling lands using his power and used the money to
23
 build the house where he lives now. But Ermias refute their blame saying that he gave his lands to Highlanders
for sharecropping that he didn‟t sell his lands as other Majang did.

Page |
24 B. Case Study 2. Displaced Majang in Shone Kebele.

The Shone village is inhabited by the Majang people. The village is near the Green Coffee Share Company
(Teppi Coffee plantation) about 15 km from Gubeti village. The village account similar stories how the projects
laborers encroached to the local communities and the forests around. When this interview was conducted they
were about 98 Majang people in the village.The kebele head didn‟t tell me the exact number of Majang. He
showed me the list of the villagers, and total population number of kebele was 2414. The combination of gender
as indicated in the list was 973 male and 942 females. He said that the Majang account approximately 300
hundreds people. He confirmed that the Majang are highly mobile and that they easily abandon their homes and
leave to another kebele in search of new farm lands. This means that the rest may be highlanders. Majority of
them about hundred are children .The Majang man called Yimon Benti interviewed says that he had been
displaced by people who came from Abiy 4 .Abiy 4 is one of the settlement camps for the Coffee plantation
projects workers. When asked why the Majang sold their lands, he responded that they were either ignorant or
challenged with economic problems.

“He says that Woreda officials didn‟t stop those who sold their lands. We arrested some and sent them to court.
But the officials released them. We then kept quiet. At the end everybody sold his land and left to „tangamoy
,wani,and Odoy‟”.

Yimon himself left to Wani where infrastructure and public services are not available. He left his house and
children in the village. He said he left because land is not enough in Shone. Women and children I interviewed
complain about men who sell land without their consent.

C. Case Study 3. Displaced Majang in Duushi Kebele

In Dushi village I observed that deforestation was rampant. New settlements were still built across the forests. I
Page24

interviewed a highlander called “Wajira”. He is from Oromo ethnic group who was born there and lived with
Majang from his childhood. He was angry for the displacement of Majang.

24
 He says “these highlanders came yesterday they bought land with small money from the Majang. I tried to stop
many Majang people from selling out their lands but they refused. Those who bought lands from the Majang
were those who first came to work in the Coffee plantation. But since the salary paid is for them was small they

Page | left and encroached to the community forests.”

25

The Kebele head called Matiyos Mesin told me that the Majang left the Keble to Yeri. They were 420 Majang
people in the village according to the list in the kebele recorded. But when I observed the kebele they were less
than what is in the kebele records.

A woman called Merima Dargu case is shocking. Her husband is dead in 2016.After the death of her husband,
his relatives came and urged her to leave her house. When she resisted it they sold the land to highlander out of
her consent. She went to court in Kumi . The court gave order in her favor to get the land back but they refused
again.

She said “I’m now landless with my children.The Kebele officials did not support
me to get my land back.”

I observed that the role of the Kebele heads in the land sells was also high. Those who sold their land told me
similar stories that the kebele heads had share. Despite these horrific stories some Majang like Mattewos Mesin
in Dushi Kebele were found performing economically equal with the highlanders.

D. Case study 4 and 5 . Semuy Qebele and Gosini Qebele

I selected two Qebeles named Semuy and Gosini from Godere woreda(district) . Godere woreda is one of the
oldest Woredas of Majang Nationality Zone. It is also an area where Highlanders first started to migrate. The
displacement of Majang that is now spreading alarmingly to Mangesi district by the highlanders for
development purpose started in this Woreda. Semuy and Gosini are also Qebeles of Majang people which
hosted the Highlanders, which were brought from Amhara and Tigray regions during the Resettlement program
of Derg regime. Now after 30 years these Highalders have increased in number and begun to push the Majang
Page25

community that hosted them far away from their original places. In Semuy village the Tigirians who were
brought to the area settled in a place called “Sefera tabiya”. Their number was approximately 5000 when they

25
 arrived in this area. And the land they occupied was small than what they have now. The land was taken from
Majang without compensation. The elders in Semuy say that the Majang people were forced by the Derg Cadres
(Officials) to construct houses and clear land of cultivation for the Highlanders. In case of Gosini, the

Page | Highlanders were resettled in Akashi area. They were also some Majang people of Gosini viallge who lived in
26 Akashi. But, the in a process of time the Highlanders begun to displace the Majang people who were said to
have previously settled in the area. Another reason that attracted highlanders to Akashi area as they confirmed
in our focus group discussion was installation of wood sawing machine by the government. The forest that was
in Gosini was destroyed for timber production purpose. Both communities of the two Qebeles confirm that there
is no natural forest left untouched in these areas. The forests are totally destroyed. Only strong people who
didn‟t sell or partly gave their lands in form of share cropping to the highlanders were left.

10. Results and Discussions

10.1. The Impact of the development-induced internal displacement on the Majang people

A. Violation of rights to participate in development

It is stated in the FDRE constitution that:-

“Government shall provide special assistance to Nations, Nationalities and Peoples least advantaged in
the economic and social development” (Article 89/4).

The constitution further stated that, government shall has at all times promote the participation of the people in
the formulation of national development policies and programs; it shall also shall be duty to support the
initiatives of the people in their development endeavors ( Article 89/6)

The study also revealed that institutional settings in Majang Nationality Zone (MNZ) are not well organized.
Many of the institutions responsible for implementation of national policies, laws, rules and programs as stated
in the FDRE constitution lack capacity to involve people in decision-making regarding allocation of land to
investors. There is a total mismatch of duties and responsibilities of institutions and the actual practice on
ground. Often, the Majang were not recognized as land owners, and they are not compensated for the land that
Page26

is taken from them. Instead of the Majang to fight for their rights in an alien national legal system, as approved
in the constitution they withdrew from the new population centers, thus increasing the population pressures on

26
 themselves. Oftenly, lands that are designated as „free and uninhabited‟ by the state are already traditionally
occupied lands in jang system. In extreme instances, physical conflict break out between settlers and the native
peoples, as they may latter try to reclaim their heritage. Many studies indicated that the physical and cultural

Page | stresses placed upon indigenous peoples by state sponsored development projects can lead to major disruptions
27 to their culture, lifestyles, and welfare. While these pressures are not due to the agricultural projects alone, the
land investment is generally a major instrument of any externally initiated development project. Development
projects must therefore be taken careful account of the delicate situation of many indigenous peoples in isolated
areas. Beyond providing the local peoples with the necessary protection for the continuation of their current
mode of development, policy makers must also be sensitive to their desire to participate in their further
development. The local community must be prioritized for change not the land before the people. In general,
when people are displaced and dispossessed for development purpose, it can impede the right to development of
the local community.

B. Landlessness

Displacement often results in land being abandoned and occupied by others (UN-HBITAT, 2012, p.11). If
people are removed from their land they are also removed from the main productive resource. Both people‟s
commercial activities and subsistence livelihoods are removed. In this case the people lose both their natural
resources and their human-made capital. The Gambella regional States, 1995 revised constitution clearly to
protect the people the region from eviction. In Articles 41/4 and 45/2 it is enacted:-

“The Regional State peasants have the right to obtain land without payment and the protection against
eviction from their possession.”

Article 45/2 that

“All persons who have been displaced or whose livehoods have been adversely affected as a result of
regional state programs have the right o commensurate monetary or alternative means of compensation
including relocation with adequate state assistance”.

The constitution recognize the rights to obtain land freely, to be protected from eviction, and right to get
compensation if they are displaced or affected adversely by the state programs. In contrast, to the constitutional
Page27

recognition of the region, I found that one of the pervasive impacts of the development-induced internal
displacement in the study area is landlessness. In three of the villages in Mangeshi Woreda where I conducted

27
 interview and focus group discussions with the community; many of the respondent stated emotionally that they
have no land to raise their children. In Chemi and Goshini villages of Godere Woreda the respondent confirm
the same incident of landlessness. Many of the lands have either being sold to the highlanders or held in

Page | sharecropping form with the highlanders. The land that was enough for whole community is now fragmented
28 into small plots, where enough food crops are not even produced. The Majang who were interviewed confirm
that the change in land use by the highlanders is reducing the production of food crops. The highlanders focus
on producing cash crop such as coffee and chat. The Teppi Coffee Plantation (now renamed Green Coffee Share
Company) displaced the Majang people who live in the forest areas without compensation or any relocation
program planned by the government. In addition, the laborers that the project brought at several times to work
in the coffee farm later begun to leave their work in the coffee and encroached to the nearby Majang settlement.

C. Corruption and Clientelsim

In Majang Nationality Zone the local governments and courts did not only drastically fell into corrupt and
politically illegal decisions but also ceased to function altogether. The political authorities, local government
officials and members of the judiciary use their positions to protect or advance their own interests: illegal land
allocations, transfers and sales are common in conflict contexts. All case in Godere and Mangesi districts
confirm that the problems with local individuals abusing their positions of power and authority, including cases
of individuals lining their own pockets with money or goods from state or international organizations is
increasing. The authorities are blamed for making decisions at the expense of vulnerable populations they are
charged with serving, are already occurring. This “white collar” crime and corruption will likely become
increasingly entrenched and unmanageable as emigrants with money flow into the region. The powerful
investors have capacity to manipulate authorities. In fact they are with the risk of institutionalizing economic
power blocks to use financial incentives to gain or maintain control of individuals, groups or assets that serve
their interests. For example, an investor who leased dense forestland in Ashani Qebele of Mangeshi district
bought expensive mobile as gift to the Woreda officials to change the minds of the discussion makers for his
own interest.

Furthermore, the state‟s policies and laws failed to recognize the traditional land tenure rights of the
community. In addition, their management practices and their cultural values of the forest were also
Page28

undermined by the government. Both the Federal and Regional policies retracted the land ownership rights of
the local community clearly provided in the Federal Constitution. The FDRE constitution states that:-

28
 “Government has duty to hold, on behalf of the peoples, land and other natural resources and to deploy
them for their common benefit and development”(Article 89/5).

Despite the statement in the Federal Constitution which states that government shall change lands for the
Page |
common benefit and development, the communities are excluded by the corrupt authorities and investors. Under
29
the current Constitution, the Gambella National Regional State of Ethiopia the people can also own land. The
institutional arrangements at different levels are weak, inefficient and poorly organized to implement policies,
and often there is a total mismatch of duties and responsibilities of institutions. Recommendations for
sustainable use of the forest and for minimizing environmental risks of development activities are forwarded.
Development-induced displacement often comes hand in hand with egregious corruption. The policy
implementation bodies may use or threat of violence to force people from their homes, undemocratic imposition
of projects, and systemic failure to uphold obligations to fairly compensate resettle and rehabilitate displaced
peoples. They may receive bribes and mismanage the resources of the community for personal benefits. Due to
the increasing demand of farm land among the settlers, the major embarrassing, dispossession and displacement
of the Majang started in post-1990s when the Majang persons started to sell their lands to highlanders in
Qebeles nearer to the Coffee Plantation projects and Metti town.

During my trip to Mangeshi I observed many highlanders were still heading to forest in search of lands. Their
presence in Kumi Kebele for example has revived the interest of the local communities for producing of more
lands. The farmed land has almost expanded more than double of farm land in the past five years. It should be
noted here that many of them who got lands for sharecropping from the Majang were doing well in production
of food crops such as corn, durra, rice, millet and other cereal crops. But, the Majang people who had sold away
their lands to the Highlanders had left to others settlement, where they had been forced to clear new lands for
farming were affected severely. In a positive sense, if peaceful co-existence among the Highlanders and
indigenous Majang is supported carefully by the government, the area could be changed to opportunity of
growth. At the cost of the Majang community in all cases, the Kebele officials from Majang took an opportunity
of the land clients and begun to allocate land by money to them across the forest areas. This more vivid in some
of the villages that where adjacent to the Green Coffee Share Company. The development induced
displacement had affected the general conditions of the tribe in regarding to its culture, natural resources, socio-
Page29

economic, religion and politics in terrible manner. Another challenge which strengthens my concern is the
continuous immigrant‟s fellow to the Zone who are strongly supported by the government. Many of those

29
 investors who acquired lands in Yeri village are said to be predominantly from retired military Generals of
EPRDF (ethnically Tigerian and Amhara).

The case of Green Coffee Share Company (formerly Teppi Plantation Project) is clear evidence that large –
Page |
scale investment can directly or indirectly causes displacement of the local communities. For example, three
30
Qebeles that were formerly inhabited by the Majang people in Mangeshi woreda were replaced gradually by
Highlanders who were working in the Coffee plantation project as daily laborers. The first Majang village that
encountered total displacement and dispossession is Gubeti kebele (its former name was Daasɛ). It is located
inside the coffee plantation area where 100% of Majang households were totally dispossessed by the
Highlanders

The regional constitution does not allow transaction of land by individuals as commodity. But this makes us to
question the local government institutions‟ capacity to enforce laws in this fragile community. Majority of the
local community leaders were found policy-illiterate. They have no knowledge of the government rules and
laws. In general, the development projects that were installed by state in this area have increased the
involvement of the Kebele officials in distribution of land for money purpose have facilitated the displacement
of the Majang people out of their original lands. Seyoum(2016) further indicated that the Majang were
deceived by their neighbors who came from the others highland parts of the country later to find themselves
that their land had gone out of their hands to the newcomers19.

D. Loss of traditional livelihoods and Food Insecurity

Michael Cernea lists food insecurity as one of the fundamental problems facing displaced people and
contributing to their impoverishment. Livelihood in this sense is defined as the full range of means that
individuals, families, and communities utilize to make a living, such as wage-based income, agriculture, fishing,
foraging, other natural resource-based livelihoods, trade, and bartering20. Development-induced displacement is
also associated with difficult access of displaced people to food. This can be considered the most negative
consequence of landlessness and of inaccessibility of common resources such as common agricultural land,
Page30

19
Seyoum Mesfin(2016:2) “Ethiopian ethnic federalism: Without a space for ‘indigenous people?”. University of Western Cape ,South Africa

20
This policy, ‘Displacement and resettlement of people in development activities’, was revised in April 2015 and replaces an earlier policy revision
issued in May 2014.

30
 pastures and rivers (Terminski, 2012). The Shabuy people are removed away from their traditional access to
Burey Lake in Gubeti. The Shabuy people used to catch fish from Burey Lake, using traditional wooden-boats
and modern one that was donated to them by Majang Livelihood project that was implemented by EEMYC. The

Page | Highlanders who came from Amhara region recently to the area have now dominated the territory of the Lake
31 and have blocked the Shabuy access to the Lake. They built an Orthodox church near the Lake and renamed it
“Gedame Korontos Hayiq”, mean „Monastery of Korontos Lake‟. The Shabuy are prohibited by the
Highlanders from catching fish which the Shabuy see as an alternative source of income and food. The study
discovered that acute impoverishment, typified by inadequate or outright lack of food, malnourishment and
unbalanced diet was a major challenge that confronted the displaced Majang, consequent to the loss of their
livelihood. This finding echoes the suggestion about food insecurity and malnutrition being part of the
fundamental problems displaced people always have to grapple with, and which contributes to their
impoverishment. Many families have no enough food to feed their children. Traditionally, the Majang use to
extract various types of plants useful for food from the forests. As the natural forest is changed for large-scale
agricultural purposes, those people who were directly depended on these forest resources were directly affected.
Indeed, the traditional livelihoods such as root crops and other several species of wild fruits are still considered
as main foods. Moreover, the Majang respondents still stress that they are wild fruits that can be extracted from
the forests are not only for consumption purpose but also for medicinal value. These traditional resources from
the forests still have more than nutritional values to Majang it is also their identity. The Majang said that all
things that tied the Majang to the forests were destroyed by large-scale land investments.

According to Seyoum:

“the Majang also obtain and prepare various kinds of medicine from the forest. They also used wild
fruits, vegetables and nuts such as gamiak tree (nut), aime (fruit), mushrooms, yam (kawun), jongee
(spinach-like greens) for food. Indeed, wild edible plants and animals are part of the regular meal of the
Majang. Wild food plants are without doubt valuable foods in time of famine and crisis.” (2015:13)
Seyoum in his recent study on Majang has witnessed the importance of the forest as source of traditional
livelihoods for the people. The rapid destruction and land use change in the area has direct impact on the
livelihood of the community.
Page31

31
 E. Health and social problems

As the environment is progressively degraded or deteriorated in pretext of development projects, the local
communities are subjected into high health risks. Among the categories of people particularly vulnerable to
Page |
health risks associated with development-induced displacement we can list children, women and the elderly
32
(Terminski, 2012). But in case of minority groups in which the majorities are uneducated, the entire community
could cumulatively be exposed into serious health risks. The new arrivals, as well as the construction of large
scale development projects, often have invited serious health and social problems, including disease, alcohol
abuse, sexual abuse and unemployment upon the local community. Paradoxically, the state pledged
improvement of infrastructure, job opportunity, technological transfer and change of socio-economic condition
of the local community. Instead of the large scale development projects of the state to bring benefits pledged by
the state to the local community, it became an instrument to destabilize traditional lifestyles and can take a
heavy toll among relatively isolated indigenous peoples.

“Many people dead when the forest in this area was destroyed. Many got headache, they
shivered and finally dead without medical treatment. There were no medical assistants. If anyone
is infected with this disease he was destined to death. Because of this problem many people left
our village far away”. (Interview, 10 July 2018)
Malaria(busa) is one example of a disease that is known by the Majang to have been spread to remote areas
through the destruction of forest for large-scale coffee farms. Furthermore, ill health can also result from the
disruption of traditional cultivation patterns, and hence, traditional nutrition. During my interview with Majang
elders in Gubeti and Sonoy villages the Majang people witnessed the fate of many people who were infected by
unknown diseases and dead. Busa(probably malaria) is here and then mentioned by the Majang informants as
one of the killer disease that happens as result of the destruction of forests. The fear of death made many
Majang people during the massive clearing of the dense forest in Gubeti and Sonoy to abandon their habitual
places. The rapid destruction of the forest does not only have effect on the natural environment but also has
potential to disturb the health of the indigenous inhabitants. Therefore, possession of the peoples concerned
over the lands which they traditionally occupy should be recognized. In addition, measures should be taken in
appropriate cases to safeguard the right of the peoples concerned to use lands. Not only that, the exclusive rights
of access for their traditionally lands in which they obtain subsistence and traditional activities has to be granted
Page32

by the state. In particular, attention should be paid to the situation of nomadic peoples and shifting cultivators in
this respect. For example, the Shabu people who live around the Burey Lake in Gubeti village were nomadic
people. A sociolinguistics survey conducted by SIL on Shabuy people revealed that though the Shabuy have
32
 close social ties to the Majang people, their language is distinct 21. Traditionally, the Shabo are hunters,
gatherers, and beekeepers, and they still pursue these activities from the village (Schnoebelen2009, p.3). I
stayed in Tulay for a day located in the outskirts of one of the largest coffee plantations (Green Coffee Share

Page | Company) in the Ethiopia. Though, the people in the village only worked in the coffee plantation very
33 occasionally traditional lives still entirely depend on the forest products and hunting. When they are alienated
from the forest for development purpose, their life was totally collapsed. Therefore, the rights of these peoples
concerned to the natural resources pertaining to their lands should be specially safeguarded. These rights
include the right of these peoples to participate in the use, management and conservation of these resources. The
interview I conduct with the local communities further revealed that many of the affected Majang were
experienced deteriorating health conditions. Many give evidence of several types diseases and pains, which they
say were not found in that area previously. Even many deaths were reported by the interviewees who attributed
their condition to lack of access to potable water, poor sanitation and lack of health post, amongst other things.
The study found that a number of victims development induced displacement were affected by HIV. TB is also
reported in many cases among the respondents. It becomes a common to observe several problems related to
transmission of various epidemics, marriage breakdown and family disintegration which are highly increasing
among the Majang community. Furthermore, stealing honey and bee have become a common phenomenon,
which threatens the traditional jang management. This was common in Semuy and Goosini villages of Godere
Woreda. The Majang elders in these villages pointed out cases of stealing honey. They say that the thieves were
the children of some of the residents of the villages who sold away their farm lands to the highlanders. Majang
spiritual leaders also attributed several problems associated with the newcomers to the area. They say that many
of the Highlanders have an evil eye and witchcrafts. They say that many of them have bewitched many youths
especially the girls. They further claim those who are bewitched inter into various ill-behaviors and activities
including prostitution, theft, drunkenness and many more social and spiritual problems. Many types of
diseases were also associated with bewitchment, but most of the time the diseases were medically confirmed
different case. The claim by the spiritual leaders is difficult to prove but it can show us that the Majang now
associated many of its problems with the presence of the newcomers.

F. Inaccessibility to basic services

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21
Linda J, Hussein M, and Jillian N(2015) ,Sociolinguistic Survey of the Shabo of Ethiopia ,SIL International . Electronic survey report 2015-019

33
 Mohan Mathur (1998) recommends that loss of access to basic public services be added to the eight recurrent
risks which were outlined by Cernea. The government effort to deliver social services such as schools, health
centers and provision of drinking water to the community is not undermined. In all of the three kebeles in

Page | Mangeshi woreda as well as that of Godere woreda, the community responded satisfactorily that the
34 government has provided them social services. But the problem with the local community is the displacement
and dispossession to unserviced area. The teachers‟ interviewed in Mangeshi and Godere all confirm that the
Majang students are not learning in the schools. They also confirmed high rate of drop out, class repetition and
school breakdown among the Majang students than the highlanders‟ students. As the Majang families
abandoned the originally villages, their children are forced to walk long distance to attend school. This has
direct effect on the academic performance of the Majang students. MOE for example, had taken school
proximity as one of the standard measurement of education quality in the country.

G. Marginalization

Marginalization takes place when people lose their economic power and get caught in a spiral of downward
mobility. Skills, obtained before resettlement might not be useful for the new location, thus severely impacting
the applicability of acquired human capital. Economic deprivation and marginalization can already begin
before displacement has taken place due to the decrease in investments in services and infrastructure in areas
which were chosen for development projects. Not only economic marginalization can occur but also
psychological and social marginalization. This is for example the case when the social status of people is
deprived. People can lose their confidence in themselves and the society as a whole. A feeling of injustice may
arise and vulnerability may be deepened. Their self-image may be negatively affected due to their victimization
and the coerciveness of displacement. The host community may also perceive them as a socially degraded
people. They can be seen as strangers and denied entitlements and opportunities (Cernea, 2000).The Majang
people in Yeri and Gubeti are facing the pressure of marginalization by the settlers who took away their lands.

“When they came here for the first time, we gave them food to eat. Then we allowed them to
Page34

cultivate our lands. When they get money they started by our lands little by little. Now that they
all the farm land they cannot consider us as people. They despise us. They treat us as
newcomers”(interview with Saparan ,10 July 2018)
34
 The Majang have been pushed out, excluded in every economic activity that is carried out by the Highlanders in
the area.

Page |
35 11. Regional Insecurity and development of ethnic Conflicts

Inter-ethnic conflict in Gambella region does occur with frequency, and this is clearly a factor that also
contributes to vulnerability of the population. Study conducted by UN to prevent and manage land conflicts
revealed that in a period of insecurity, land-related disputes often increase.(UN-HABITAT 2012). The study
shows that land ownership in the study areas is still largely guided by the principle of communal ownership
called „jang‟22. Land belongs to families and clans, and the heads of these families and clans hold the land in
trust for all members. However, the absence of a corresponding improvement in customary lands administration
in the face of increasing demand for, and commercialization of, land in the study areas has resulted in a number
of land disputes. Without proper record-keeping on land transactions, proper demarcation of land boundaries,
and the enforcement of rules on land usage, land disputes are more likely to occur frequently. Since land
administration should serve the needs of society. It should be able to deal with these changing trends in land
acquisitions in order to forestall the occurrence of land disputes, which invariably tend to revolve around the
terms of the original transfer, boundaries and proprietorship. But land has subjected the community in Majang
Zone, particularly in the study area were engaged in disputes at different levels as follows: Among the types
land disputes in the study area are:

11.1. Intra-ethnic conflicts

A displacement of the local population increased competition and tension with people in the receiving areas
over access to land and resources or stimulate ethnic clashes in MNZ. Insecure land ownership of farmers
allows the Ethiopian state to decide free and in cooperation with international or domestic investors about the
location and size of the land acquired. Since ,1950s the Majang continued to lose their jaŋ” forestlands without
Page35

compensation (Stander 1970). After losing their main source of income, some migrated to new forest areas

22
‘jaŋ’(jang) is customary land ownership of the Majang people.

35
 where they say could enable them to get honey production, and some became daily laborers on the farms. The
large-scale development projects have also brought several social and economic crises cultural changes due to
immigrant workers. The villagers in our focus group discussion mention of increasing behavior of theft, murder

Page | and related crimes. The criminal activities are increasing, as there are many people with unknown background
36 coming to the coffee plantation project areas. Furthermore, the increasing influx of the migrants from the
highland to this area is not only breeding crimes but also becoming a potential driver of bloody conflicts. It is
currently, creating conflicts between different clans within the Majang ethnic groups. They are more than 70
clans and sub-clans in the Majang community. As mentioned earlier, the Majang traditional forestland
administration system was jang, a system which was neither accepted openly nor rejected by the government.
The Majang still consider this type of land tenure system as effective, though they know that the constitution
designated such lands as property of state. Concerning the administration of land in the Majang society, they
were not written guiding rules. But only one form of land tenure system was available. This traditional land
tenure system of the Majang people had ad hoc rules which were passed orally from generation to generation. It
is communal form of land ownership. A “jang” most of the time was belonging to single clan or more groups of
clans based on their historical reasons. The jang is a forest land passed over from generation to generation to be
used for hunting, trapping game animals , collection of wild fruits ,herbs ,tubers, honey and making hives. But,
when the government started to implement the land policy that large hectares of land must be transferred to
investors, some of the clans started to sell their jang lands for individual before the government gives it to
investors. They feared that government may give their land to any investor from the highlanders without
compensation. By process of time some clans finished their jang lands away to the highlanders. They then
started to move gradually to the jang of the other clans who might have not sold their lands. Therefore, the
conflicts started among clans over land within the Majang people. The conflict is not limited to groups‟ level
conflicts, but they are widely spread across individuals, family and relatives levels in the Zone. The court
reports in the zone show that land disputes cases are the highest cases in the zone.

11.2. Inter-ethnic conflicts (Conflicts between the indigenous Majang and the „Highlanders‟)

Majang Nationality Zone (MNZ), used to be one of the peaceful areas in the region. But as more people
discovered that this area is suitable for growing coffee, they start to acquire more land through purchasing from
Page36

the indigenous Majang people. Others encroached illegally to the unused forestlands. The government also
leased vast hectares of land to private investors. This condition moreover facilitated doors for thousands of
people to migrate from the highland to this area for search of job opportunities. The Majang used to live
36
 relatively peacefully together with the highlanders, who were resettled in these areas during the Derg regime.
However, with the increasing number of highlanders‟ pressure on the forestlands, and hostility of the central
government toward the lowland local communities, a new tension among the Majang and the Highlanders has

Page | emerged in this area. The Majang blame the highlanders of destroying larger amounts of forest to cultivate
37 coffee. This is destruction of the ecosystem as the Majang say is a threat for their cultivation. There are little
efforts to restore the relationship between the Majang and highlanders. The Majang now feel threatened at both
sides; at one side by the highlanders at local level, and on the other side by the federal government at national
level; who both want to take large-scale of lands for agricultural investment.

Broadly speaking, the migration of Highlanders to Gambella region should be analyzed from two broad
perspectives. The first perspective is that the Highlanders who migrated from different parts of the country to
Gambella region and particular to Majang Nationality Zone bring opportunities for development of the region,
and second is that the continuous follow of the highlanders without proper mechanism to manage further access
to natural resources such as land, forests, water and employment opportunity is challenge to the likelihoods of
the local community, politics and security. The federal government held a view that the local communities do
not want the arrival of the highlanders to the area and that the federal government has to protect the rights of the
highlanders from local atrocities. But this view has led the federal government to undermine the rights of the
local communities from the dangerous pressure of the increasing population. For this case the highlanders has
been perceived as an agents of the government not ordinary citizens who want work peacefully with the local
communities in the region. All the Majang people interviewed gave account of the fear of the government is
high as to have sided with the highlanders during disputes. The area has to be neutrally approached to solve the
ongoing disputes. For example, following the uncontrolled land leases in the MNZ, the land disputes are
growing between the Majang people and the highlanders. The access to natural resources is inviting contentions
that have developed into full scale fight between the Majang and Highlanders in 2014. Land is over politicized.
Historically, land politics in Ethiopia has conceived diversified demands and interests for centuries among
different groups. Instead of dealing with the roots causes of the land conflicts the government has either used
force or imprisonment to cool down the conflicts from further escalations .But ,many of the communities in this
area stress that the federal government has been partisan to settlers from the highlands . Furthermore, the
victimization of the local communities has been under estimated or totally ignored by the federal government.
Page37

In fact, the environment of the Majang people is rich for coffee plantation, agriculture and other economic
activities such as beekeeping that have sustained their livelihoods for generations is at the heart of the senseless

37
 human suffering after the encroachments of the highlanders continued .The FGD in Dushi village give us an
account of the story of the conflict happened in 2014. I summarized it as follows23.

In July 2014, Highland community attacked and murdered 6 Majang men at Yeri village. In retaliation, 16
Page |
Highlands were killed at Gogok village adjacent to Yeri. The communities slaughtering of each other worried
38
both regional and federal governments. A peace and conflict resolution team composed of high level
government officials were dispatched to the area and numbers of meetings were held with conflicting parties.
Sadly, some migrants openly vowed and declared their decision to fight Majang indigenous people at the
meeting with high level government officials.
On 5 September 2014, as the Highlanders vowed earlier, they chopped and murdered Ramdhik, a Majang man
with Machete at Goshini village. Angry Ramdhik‟s brother attacked highlanders and wounded two people the
following night in Goshini village. Two days later, another Ethiopian highlander killed a Majang man and left
one wounded. On 9 September 2014, unidentified person murdered 6 Highlanders at Goshini village 24. The
killer was suspected to be from Majang. The absurd killing continued unabated without intervention from both
regional and federal governments.

The worst of its kind took place on Ethiopian New Year-11 September, 2014 when Highlanders randomly
murdered 18 Majang men with spears, machetes and bullets at Goshini village and Meti town .This minority
community slaughtering took place under close watch of Ethiopian federal police and they were siding with
highlanders.

The Majang officials the narrated what 2014 violence in Majang Nationality Zone as follows:

“We reached to the area after two days; the dead bodies were still unburied. We talked to the
Federal police to tell us what exactly happened and their response was detaining some of us
from the Majang officials. The pointless ethnic conflict could have been brought under control
had the government listened to various signals, warnings and reports from the community. For
sometimes, we the concerned Majang community representatives have been calling for the
regional government to intervene, take immediate action and measure to ease tension. Instead,
regional authorities who were concerned for maintaining their positions rather than responding
to signs of conflict put deaf ear to escalating situation and potentially dangerous tension. The
regional governor and other high level officials, nonetheless, visited the area after pressure from
federal government and intimidation and threats from Ethiopian highlanders. The response,
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23
FGD with Majang students from Dushi kebeles in Godere wereda.

24
FGD with Majang students from Goshini kebeles in Godere wereda

38
 however, was too late and could not stop loss of innocent lives, displacement, destruction of
properties and mistrust among communities25”.
While in the area, the regional government response was to arbitrarily detention of the Majang people whom
some of the escaped the killing at Meti town to nearby church. Though, some Majang were appointed in place
Page |
39 of the detained ones, they still had no power to handle the situation. It should also be equally noted about the
Highlanders that since the Majang are totally evicted in some of the Kebele they themselves are now in tension.
Therefore, while looking at the Majang Vs Highlanders divide more focus should also be given to the handle
the conflicts happening among themselves especially in among Amahara,Tigrians and Shakicho who grabbed
large scale of lands in Yeri forest. The Mangeshi Woreda security officers gave us an account of murder across
the Yeri forests among the Highlanders community. Moreover, less attention by the government has been given
for inter-ethnic conflicts among the highlanders across the Majang zone forests. Many highlanders lands are
said to have been plundered by the highlanders by themselves. One investor named Kinfe(retired soldier from
Tigray) in Godere woreda has been cheated by the authorities in Yeri villages. He says that his land has been
cleared by unknown people. When he brought the case to woreda officials, they did not solve his problem.

It should be noted that not all Majang who run away to forest were participants in the violence, but for survival
sake. They trust the forest more than the protection of the government. But, those who flee to save their life to
forest were labeled as “Shifta”or bandits. Those who were also found on the road were detained and
interrogated at ethnic basis. This generalized criminalization of Majang by the authorities made them to feel
marginalized by the government. The conflict was solved by force instead of dealing with the root cause of the
problems. According to witness many innocent highlanders also suffered displacement from their homes. And
many of them were revenged by angry Majang whom their relatives were murdered in Metti by the highlanders.
Following the broke out of violence in Metti Town, it is said that some of the Majang revenged some
highlanders in Yeri and shone village. But the Majang people in Dushi,Kumi and Goshune were protecting
massive numbers of highlander living in these kebele from revenge. Some of the highlanders in rare occasions
were also reported to have hidden the Majang people in Metti town during the violence inside their homes.
Many highlanders were beaten by the murders for hiding the Majang in their houses. This conflict show that is
not all ethnic based but have elements of politics and economic roots related to prolonged land resource
grievances.
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25
Summary of the discussion with officials in Majang Nationality Zone (25,August,2018)

39
 11.3. General Factors for cause of 2014 ethnic conflict in Majang Nationality Zone:

a. Environment and Encroachment into Forestland

Page | Majang Nationality Zone is characterized by fiercely competition over natural resources. The major driver of
40 conflict particularly in Majang Nationality Zone is forestland. The local people complained that the highlanders
and investors had indiscriminately cut trees to clear land for farming. The local people had been resentful of
such acts for, as they said, it affected their economic life and traditional livelihoods. Not only were their
beehives destroyed when trees were cut but they were also left with few trees on which they hang beehives to
produce honey. The migrant-settlers, in turn, acknowledged the felling of trees to clear the land for cultivation
but said they did so selectively, leaving bigger trees untouched. It should at this juncture be affirmed that a
sizeable proportion of the original forest cover has been lost due to the continuous process of migration and
settlement in the study area. There is a dense forest in Majang Nationality Zone, which, according to the
information obtained from the Zonal Bureau of Agriculture, covers 63 %of the total land size of the zone.
(Dereje, 2014:4)

b. Politicization of villagization program

The rumors that villagiazation program is planned by Majang officials to evict Highlanders was propagated by
some highlanders elites in Metti town. As testified by the MNZ authorities, there was a misinterpretation of
facts regarding this issue. The Federal and Gambella regional state decision to implement villagaization
program in the region including Majang Zone where highlander occupied the whole Majang lands acted as a
point of dissatisfaction among the settlers. The highlanders see this program as an agenda of the Majang
officials to take back land and redistributed to Majang people. The perceived this program as instrument to evict
them out of the lands they bought from the Majang people. This has been one of the major factors that fuelled
tension, triggered violent clashes, eventually leading to the displacement of some of the settlers. The
villagiazation program was started by the federal government and regional government in 2010 to collect the
indigenous ethnic groups in the region who disadvantaged because of the sparely and scattered settlement.
Dereje(2014:5) gives as an account of conflict between Highlanders and Majang related to villagisation as
Page40

follows:-

40
 “Indeed some of the villagisation sites fall within the newly emerging Highland settlement areas amidst
traditional Majang territories. As the Majang politicians sought to implement the nationwide
villagisation program, the Highlanders in some of the villages confronted them where the tension

Page | quickly erupted into violent conflict” .

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The Majang case was different from the other indigenous groups in the region. The people were gathered to
sedentary villages by Derg, since then they had enjoyed better life in sedentary villages. However they enjoyed
life in sedentary villages, the coming of FDRE to power has complicated and disrupted the life of Majang in the
villages. Furthermore, the problem of the Majang that started in post-1991, in unclear land policies and laws
implemented in the area ended up in displacement of the community. Consequently, massive number of
highlanders took the advantage of the weak local governance to grab lands, displace and dispossess the Majang
people from their homes out to areas where they do not get services. When the regional government tried to
bring back the displaced Majang to villages the Highlanders saw this act as strategy for the Majang to claim
back sold lands. The settlers consider all the actions taken against them as „ethnic targeting‟ and plan of Majang
to plunder their properties. The author can also testify to the role of the Highlanders‟ Woreda officials and
cadres in politicizing ethnicity and escalating the conflict. The officials were accused of showing partisanship,
favouring their own kin. The Highlanders however, deny such allegation stating that not all Majang who are
living and working in the Woreda were targeted but only the „outlaws‟. The Majang officials in the woreda
were also accused of showing partisan to their ethnic group in cases of land disputes. This also fueled violence
among the Majang and Highlanders. In general both the Majang officials and the Highlanders failed to provide
binding solution for the growing ethnic-based differences in the area had contributed for the conflicts.

C. Legal:

The breaching of contractual agreements over land by the settlers and the local population had also become an
issue of conflict in the area. There have been many cases to breach of contract registered in Woreda courts. The
Majang people blame the courts as institutions sided for the rich highlanders. There have been cases where
some members of Majang families sold land to the settlers but other claimants, mainly wives and grown-up
children, refused to recognize the deals and took the case to the courts in Godere Woreda. The settlers
complained that the courts have shown partisanship, favoring the local population, telling them to either make
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repayments or return the land to the original holders. Refusal to hand over the land back to the local population
by the settlers resulted in armed clashes with the local police and militia.

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 D. Economic:

Due to difference of the levels awareness and economic capacity the Highalnders in Majang Zone had attained
rapid economic growth. Their life in a short time improved, control markets and government offices invited
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jealousy that it kindled amongst the local population. The economic disparity continued to widen as the
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Highlanders continue to grab more productive lands from the Majang. The „illegal‟ sale of land by the local
people to the ever-increasing migrant population has diminished the land available to the local farmers to such a
degree that Majang families failed to provide land to grown-up children. The growing land scarcity raised the
issue of retrieving land that had been passed onto the migrant settlers‟ years before. The settlers, in turn, refused
to return the land, which they said, they have developed for years and on which they were completely
dependent. Such a polarized position further widened the rift between the two communities become point of
conflict.

12. Conclusion and Recommendations

Prominent researchers such as Crenea, on displacement and involuntary resettlement has not been a plea against
development projects, but instead created solid theoretical and empirical arguments for the cautious approach of
modernization. There is growing concern along the implementation of development projects to involve and
consult with the poor. Vulnerability and loss due to involuntary displacement are not simply material, as the
traditional principles of compensation would advocate. The greater problem is the destruction of social, cultural
and institutional contexts of the displaced population. This loss often cannot be quantified, and the method of
cost-benefit analysis offers an insufficient and precarious compensation of the persons affected by induced
development. The study explored the impact of development-induced internal displacement on vulnerable
groups. As found in this study more is yet to be done by researchers to explore the possible relationship between
landlessness, conflicts, poverty, and displacement; dispossession‟s based on issues of support systems, earning
capacity and access to opportunities that sustain their lives. I tried to discuss the general conditions of displaced
people in Majang nationality zone because of development projects. Five study Qebels were purposively
selected to examine the problem of the local communities. Moreover, the case study areas were selected
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purposely to demonstrate the consequences of development projects upon the local communities. The focus of
this study was to explore the internally displaced local communities, the causes of the displacement, the
contributors for the displacement, the impact of displaces and its consequences and to look at how displaces are
42
 vulnerable to large-scale land investment context. The study reveals that development projects that consume
large amount of land and its environment can contribute to direct and indirect displacement of the local
communities. It also put the livelihoods of the people in risk and impedes the development of the local

Page | communities whereby it further breeds insecurity, environmental, socioeconomic, spiritual and political
43 problems. Several challenges were attributed to the displacement of the local community by large-scale land
acquisitions in the area were mention by the local communities interviewed. Among the challenges were
inabilities of the projects to integrate the local communities with other community working in the projects areas,
women and children fell into unbearable burden who were formerly responsible to collect various fruits from
the forests, and providing children with food at home. Moreover inter-ethnic tensions and conflicts, loss of
access to natural resources, deforestation, and inaccessibility to basic services, physical and health risks, and
food insecurity are some of the found risks of development-induced displacement in Majang Nationality Zone.
The government plans to allocate large scale lands for investment in the area created land insecurity among the
indigenous. The Green Coffee Share Company‟s laborer had gradually displaced indigenous minorities that
were living in Gubeti, Sonoy,and Duusi to more areas where they have no accessibility to basic services. This
further had negative effect on traditional land tenure of the Majang people. Consequently, the study found that
the role of local community in contributing for the displacement and dispossession of the local communities. It
also found that a large number of studied community have been directly affected by loss of livelihood activities,
traditional institution, social network, education, transport and health service access and financial capability.
Due to the growing land demand and migration to the area the Majang found themselves in difficult political,
economic and social problems. The pressure on the land breeds ethnic conflicts that resulted in loss of life,
mistrust among the people and destruction of properties. The government failed to see the connection between
individual interests as cause of conflict from ethnic interest as triggered of conflicts in the area. The 2014
conflict in Majang Zone was initially started at individual level but later developed to group level. The large-
scale development projects in the area have less contributed to the well-being of the community and perceived
as an instruments of the government to grab more land by the local community. A lack of specific policy and
programmes for vulnerable groups is also a matter of concern in this area.
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 13. Recommendations

But for the long term solution to the problems of internal displaced local communities can be seen in the
following ways:
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44 1. The state authorities should define “local community interest” in their national laws, policies,
regulations and any project which is approved for public interest must meet certain specified, pre-
determined criteria to ensure that it truly is in the national interest of the majority as well as the local
people.

2. Any project approved for developmental purpose need to be evaluated with certain indicators to assess
whether the project first will brings an overall improvement in well-being for the local people or does it results
in more harm than good to the people and their environment.

3. The Majang peoples who were directly affected by development projects should have the right to
involvement in the decision making, management and control of such resources.

4. When the government‟s authorities feel that the displacement is inevitable, in that circumstances utmost
priority should be given for just and adequate rehabilitation provides immediately for displaced local people.
Government should prioritize on provision of the infrastructure to the local community.

5. Federal government has to strictly follow the principles of appropriate „Consultation‟ and „Prior Informed
Consent‟ from the local people who are going to be displaced by the developmental activities. Local
communities must be informed of their rights. There should also be mechanism to allow investors to clear only
an area where they can able to produce than destroying the whole forest without production. Most of the
investors who acquire large-scale of lands in Gambella region for example have destroying the forests later to
leave the fields without production.

6. Comprehensive, inclusive environmental and social impact assessment must be conducted to determine the
appropriate compensation for the displaced peoples. The environment and social impact assessment should be
carried out in active participation of the local community. When the local communities refuse as the project
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may hurt their life in the future the government should not go ahead with the program. The uncultivated lands
according to Majang customary land tenure are not lands without owners. All lands are owned communally by

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 „jang‟ members. To designate the forest lands that they are “empty, uncultivated, marginal and unsettled” can
jeopardize the livelihoods of the Majang people.

7. The local people‟s economic empowerment. One of the mechanism that should be devised to reduce risk and
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further internal displacement of the local communities is to create economically-sound projects that provide
45
local communities active role in participation and say in decision making. The financial participation through
distributions of shares in business could be considered to promote better share of benefits from the projects. The
local community has to be integrated and encouraged to increasing their participation in the development
projects.

8. Strengthening institutional capacity of the local government and local communities. By this the Qebele and
woreda institutional capacity to monitor and enforce laws, rules and regulations has to be strengthened. With the
growing population in the areas the kebele officials who are not educated are subjected to bribery and
misappropriation of the land to the highlanders. Some kebeles officials were issuing identity cards for
Highlanders who are at their homeland through their relatives in the area. There must be strong accountability in
allocations of lands in the kebele level.

9. The Majang traditional land ownership should be strengthened. Finally, the rights of special vulnerable
groups such as Majang people, women, and children must be taken into account. These are the some of the
possible solution we can think of for bringing solution to the problems of displaced. Although it may be
difficult to stop the migration of people, government policies should be designed to help in averting and
controlling the adverse effects of inappropriate development strategies

10. Inter-regional cooperation is also required to promote reconciliation between the warring parties. By way of
cultivating traditional mechanisms, community peace-building groups should be created that could develop into
cross-border community peace building institutions.

Legal assistance.

There is always asymmetric access to information and power between the displaced and the displacers. The land
policies, articles and regulations must be made known to the local communities. Many Majang people complain
that the legal procedures in the woreda are weak; that those who sell or buy lands are not made accountable.
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The lawlessness in the area has contributed to the displacement of the local community. In most of the

45
 interviews conducted with the community, all agree that those who misappropriate land were not imprisoned.
They say the court judges are bribed by money.

Page |
46 Acknowledgments

The case study has been part of field visit to Majang Nationality Zone (MNZ) in 2018. Along the way, I have
received an invaluable help from several people and institutions. First and for most, I must acknowledge the
contribution of Dr Samuel Tefera my principal teacher and friend who has encouraged me to go forward on this
critical and sensitive subject that has not been studied well. I have benefited tremendously from his scholarly
support. Secondly, I would like to express my profound gratitude to my friends and officials in Mangeshi and
Godere woreda who provided me car for my field visits in The Majang nationality Zone. There are other
friends, colleagues and scholars whom I have the privilege knowing and working with them whose expertise,
kind assistance and companionship have been very helpful towards. At last but not least I thank Mr.Elias
Gedamu who gave helpful comment on my paper.

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