A NtrW HISTORY OF PRE,ACHE.

R
TFIE,SE,RMON AND AT]DIE,NCE.
Studiesin Earfu ChristianandB2gntine Homilaics

EDITED BY
VOLUMB I

MARY B. CUNNINGHAM
AND

PAULINE ALLEN

$
s

BRILL
LEIDEN.BoSToN.KOLN
l99B
This book is printed on acid-freepaper'

TABLEOF CONTENTS

of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Library Acknowledgements .... vii
Preacherandaudience:studiesinearlyChristianandByzantine
homiletics / ed. by Mary B' Cunningham and Pauline Allen' Abbreviations... ix
D. cm. I
Incfudes bibiiographical references'andindex'
ISBN 9004106812(cloth : alk' paper) Introduction
l. Sermons,Greek-Byzantine Empire-History and criticism' and PaulineAllen
Mary B. Cunningham ..... I
History-
2. Sermons,Greek-History and criticism' 3' Preaching
-Early chuich, ca. 30-600 4. Preaching-History -Middle Ages'
600-i500. 5. Preaching-ByzantineEmpire-History' I'Corran' Reflectionson Problems Raised by Early Christian Preaching
Mary Cunningham. II. Allen, Pauline' AlexanderOliuar,O.S.B.,translatedbyJoseph
BV42OB.89BP741998 Munitia,S.J. .....2r
I
251'.009495-dc2 98 17575
CIP
Hermas the Prophet and Hippolytus the Preacher:
The Roman Homily and its Social Context
AlistairStewart-Sykes ......33

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - ClP-Einheitsaufnahrne

Origen the Scholar and Pastor
Preacher and audience : studies in early Christian and Byzantine AdeleMonaci Castagno,translatedb7 FrancesCooper . . . . 65
-
homiletics / ed. by Mary B. Cunningham and Pauline Allen'
Leiden ; Boston ; Koln : Brill, 1998
The Three Cappadocians on Beneficence:A Key to Their
rsBN 90 04-10681 2
Audience
A n t h o r y , t M u e d i t h , S J. ...8g

ISBN 90 04 106812 John Chrysostom: Extraordinary Preacher,Ordinary

Audience
WendltMayer ....Io5
@ Cop2ight l99B b1 KoninkLijleBill NV, Iziden, The Jt[etherlnnds

ALLights reserued.No part 0f thispublicationma1bereproduced, transkted,storedin Forms of Communication in the Homilies of Severian of
a retrizualslstem,or tran.rmittedin an1form or b2 arrymeans,electtonic, Gabala: A Contribution to the Reception of the Diatribe
. mechanical, photocopling,recordingor othmuise,withoulpior witten as a Method of Exposition
Petmission from thePublisher.
Karl-Hein< [Ithunann, translatedb2John Cawte . . . . r3g
Authorizationt0 phltlczp)titemsfor intcrnalor personal
usen grantedb2 Bill Proaidedthat Proclus of Constantinople: A Popular Preacher in
the appropriatefeuarepaid directfuto The Coplight
Center,222 Rosewood Diae, Suite910 Fifth-C entury C onstantinople
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VI TABLE OF CONTENTS

The Sixth-Century Greek Homily: A Re-assessment

Allen
Pauline 20r
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Anastasiosof Sinai: SpeakingandWriting to the People \
of God
josepltMunitia, S.J. 227 The editors and contributors to this volume acknowledge with grat-
itude the financial assistancewhich they have received in the course
StJohnDamascene:Preacherand Poet of their work from the British Society for the Promotion of Byzan-
AndrewLouth . 2+7 tine Studies, Australian Catholic University, the Leventis Founda-
tion, and the Australian Research Council.
Andrew of Crete: A High-Style Preacherof the Eighth
Century
Mary B. Cunningham 267

Historicity and Poetryin Ninth-Century Homiletics:The

Homilies of PatriarchPhotiosand Georgeof Nicomedia
Ni*i%ironis ...... 295

Homiletic Activity in ConstantinopleAround goo

Theodora Antonopoulou 317

Indices
Biblical Index 3+9
Index of Ancient Authors 352
Index of Modern Authors 355
SubjectIndex 36r
 ABBREVIATIONS

Beck(r959): Beck, H.-G., Kirche und theologische l;iteratur im

b1t
<antinischen Reich(Munich, r 959)
ABAW: Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften,Philos. - philol. - hist. Kl.
BHG: Halkin, E (edJ, Bibliothecahagiographica graecq z
vols. in I pt. (Brussels,3'd ed. 1957)
82z: 81<antion
B4 B7<antinisclte ftits chrift
CCSG: CorpusChristianorum,Serfus&aeca
CPG: Geerard, M., Clauis Patrum C,raecorum, 5 vols.
(Turnhout, rg7+-87)
DOP: Dumbarton OalcsPapers
GCS: Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller der
ersten dreiJahrhunderte (Leipzig)
Eusebius, Schwartz, E. (ed.), EusebiusCaesariensis, Historia
H.E.: ecclesiastica,
GCS z (Leipzig, r9o3-B)
JZS, /(S.; Journal ofTheologicalStudies,New Series
LSJ: Liddell, H.G. - Scott, R. (edd.),Jones,H.S., rev.,
with a Supplement (Oxford, 1968)
Olivar (r99r): Olivar, A., In predicaci1ncristianaantigua,Secci6n
de teologia y filoso{ia r8g (Barcelona, I99r)
Migne,J.-P. (ed.), PatrologinC'raeco-Latina, I6r vols.
(Paris,r857-66)
PO: Graffin, R. - Nau, E et al. (edd.), Patrologia
Orientalis(Paris, r9o4- )
SC: Sourceschr6tiennes
 INTRODUCTION

Mury B. Cunningham and PaulineAllen

Parameters

It is our intention in this volume to bring together a seriesof studies

on Greek-speakingpreachersand audiencesfrom the beginning of
the second century to the beginning of the tenth century. To be
emphasisedis the fact that the chapters which follow represent a
collection ofcase-studies,rather than a handbook on Greekpreach-
ing. The available material has to a certain extent dictated the focus
and scope of each of these studies.The complex question of the
origins of Christian preaching such as its indebtednessto pagan
rhetoric, Jewish exegetical method, the diatribe, and wandering
philosophers, could not be addressedsystematicallywithin the com-
pass of the present work, and we have also deliberately left aside a
discussion of preaching in the New Testament period, on the
grounds that this is adequately treated in New Testament scholar-
ship itself. Our chosenterminus of the beginning of the tenth cen-
tury recognisesthat preaching in the later Byzantine period needs
a study of its own-one which we hope will be forthcoming.
'homily',
We have adopted a broad understanding of the term
which includesworks prepared beforehand or deliveredimpromptu
at ceremonieswhich had somekind of liturgical content, but which
were not always held in a church building.' However, we also take
cognisanceof the 'desk-homily', which was written in homiletic
form Uut was intended for private reading or study, partly because
distinguishing betr,r'eenthese two types of homily is often very diffi-
cult.z At the same time we have tried to be sensitive to what seems
to be a consciousattempt in the manuscript tradition, particularly

'
Seein generalM. Sachot,'Homlie', Reallexikonf)rAntite (rgge),
undChristmtumr6
r48-75.
For a case-study of the problematic involved see E. Junod, 'Wodurch unter-
scheiden sich die Homilien des Origenes von seinen Kommentaren?', inJ. van Oort-
E. Muhlenberg (edd.), Predigt in dtr Atun lGrche(Kampen, rg94), 5o-Br.
 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM AND PAULINE ALLEN INTRODUCTION

concerning works from the seventhcentury onwards, to differenti- ment of Christian discourse,and in turn to the transition from late
'homily' (6pil.io) and 'sermon' (l"6yog antique to mediaeval literature, must then also be acknowledged.6
ate or Syxcirptov).Conse-
'sermon' is The gaps in our knowledge here cannot be denied. Not only has
quently, the word often used for the later festal homilies
which appear in this volume, both becausea distinction seemedto preaching before Origen not been studied extensively,but both the
exist in the minds of preachersand scribes,and becausesuch com- fifth and sixth centuries,for example, which are crucial in terms of
positionsbearlittle resemblanceto the more informal, unstructured the quantity of surviving homiletic output, have so far received only
exegeticaldiscussionsof scriptural texts which we are inclined to a patchy treatment.
call homilies. Further investigationis neededif we are to determine As many of the chapters which follow will demonstrate, the
whether the transition from homily to sermon found in western problems facing anyone engaged in the study of Greek homiletic
preaching, characterisedin part by a shift to vernacular language, literature between the second and the tenth centuries are often
has a parallel in early and middle Byzantine literature.3 acute. To be mentioned especially are the number of homilies
which are still unedited, and the unreliability of many printed texts,
often accompanied by the insecure attribution of homilies to au-
Statusquaestionis thors. Location and dating of homilies under these circumstances
is frequently impossible. Despite the pioneering work of Albert
With few exceptions, the homilies and sermons discussedin this Ehrhard in identifying and classifying manuscripts in which Greek
volume have hitherto been studied only from the point of view of homiletic literature is transmitted,T we are still not as well informed
the preacher, that is, generally for the information which they con- as we would like about when and how homiletic collections
tain on theological or exegetical method.a In the wake of recent (homiliaia)came into being, and the extent to which existing liturgi-
work on orality and socialhistory it has come to be recognisedthat cal collectionscontaining homilies influencedpreacherswith regard
preaching in the period with which we are concerned here was an to choosing the content and style of their compositions. In other
interactive process,in which the audience played a role as well. words, the fortuitous selectivity of much of the homiletic material
Many of the studiesof Dom Alexander Olivar, whose magisterial transmitted to us imposesa certain caution. A further consideration
book on early Christian preaching appeared in r99r, testified pre- is that tasteschange:whatwas popular and appreciatedin the tenth
cisely to this process.sThe centrality of the homily to the develop- century,for instance,and found its way down to us, doesnot neces-
sarily engage a modern reader or hearer, and conversely we must
3 On developmentsin preachingin the WestseeJ.Hamesse-X. Hermand (edd.),
assumethat a vast body of homiletic literature did not survive be-
De I'homilieausermon,Histoiredelapridicationmidiiaala,
Actes du Colloque international de
causecontemporaries or later compilers did not understand or ap-
Louvainla-Neuve (9-rr juillet rggz), Publicationsde l'Institut d'Etudes M6di6vales, preciate it.
ltxtes, Etudes,Congrds,vol. 14(LouvainJa-Neuve,rg93). For all the attendant difficulties, however, the study of preacher
a NotablerecentexceptionsareR. MacMullen, 'The preacher'saudience(AD
'Preachingand the 35o- and audience is flourishing at the present time. At the rgg5 Oxford
4oo)',JZS,"MS.4o (r989),5o3-rr; M. Cunningham, community', in
R. Morris (ed.), ChurchandPeople in B24ntium, Society for the Promotion ol'Byzantine International Patristics Conference for the first time a Master
Studies.Twentieth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Manchester, 1986 (Bir- Theme was devoted to the topic, and at the Nineteenth Interna-
mingham, rygo), zg-47;and P Rousseau,'The preacher'saudience a more optimistic
view', in AncimtHisnry'tin a ModernUniuersiry, FestschriftEdwinJudge, forthcoming.
tional Congressfor Byzantine Studiesin Copenhagen the following
s See,for example, 'La duraci6n de la predicaci6n antigua', Liturgica (1966),r43-
3
B4 \=Scipta etDlcumentar7); 'Preparaci6n e improvisaci6n en la predicaci6n patristica',
in lQriakon,FestschrftJohannes 'Uber
vol. z (MiiLnster,rgTo),736-67;
@msten, das Schwer-
gen und die Riicksichtsnahme auf die schwache Stimme des Redners in der " SeeAveril Cameron, Chistianitl,andtheRhetoicof Empire. TheDeuelopment of Chrir
altchristlichen Predigt',Augustininnum tian-Disc.ource,
Sather ClassicalLectuies 55 @erkeley,iggr).
zo (rgBo), 267-74;'Lesr6actions6motionellesdes
fidtles pendant la lecture solennelle de l'6criture, dans l'6glise des Pdres', in Meru .^7. LlbertieJerung
und Bestanddeshagiogr-atriischtn
uoi hii";ittbrnen Literatur tlergrirchischen
htrcheuondenArfingenbis4m Endedes16.
concordetaoci.Pour Mgr A.G. Martimort d l'occasionde sesquarante ann6es d'enseigne- Jahrhundzrls, 3 vols,Texte und untersuchungen
ment et desving ansde la Constitution<<Sacrosanctum Concilium>(Paris,tg9g),452-7. 5o-z (Leipzig I g37- 52).
 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM AND PAI]LINE ALLEN TNTRODUCTTON 5
4

year severalcontributors to this volume presentedpapers in a ses- bishops such as Andrew of Crete, a metropolitan (George of
sion on Byzantrne preaching.The Copenhagen congresswas fol- Nicomedia), and bishops like the Cappadocians.When he was still
lowed by a colloquium on Preacher and Audience in Oxford, a priest or presbyterJohn Chrysostom also preached, as did the
funded by the Leventis Foundation and the British Society for the presbytersSeverian of Gabala and Leontius of Constantinople. In
Promotion of Byzantine Studies, and supported by the Catholic addition we discover that the office of chartophylaxor archivist
Chaplaincy of the University of Oxford and by Campion Hall. could also accommodate a preaching role, like that assumed by
Since r99r the Australian Research Council has funded various Constantine of Constantinople or the monk George of Nicomedia.
projects concerned with the theme of preacher and audience. Fi- Less expected perhaps are the monastic preachers, especially
nally, E.J. Brill has recognisedin its present seriesthe importance Symeon StylitestheYounger who began his homiletic career at the
which needsto be accorded Christian preaching from all periods of age of nine or ten, and the hieromonkJohn Damascene. In the
history. tenth century the Emperor Leo the Wise, and two public officials,
Anastasiosand Leo Choirosphaktes,composedand delivered their
own sermons. Furthermore, both at the beginning of the Roman
The questionof thepreacher house-churchesand in Constantinople around 9oo A. D. we en-
counter lay people in preaching roles: on the one hand we have
IdentiEt Hermas, freedman, prophet, and leader of an early Christian com-
munity in Rome on the basisof his position ashead of a household;
Given that a great number of Greek homilies are either anonymous and on the other, the tenth-century preachers Nicetas David the
or pseudo-epigraphic, it is often difficult or impossible to identify Paphlagonian and the anonymous layman who eulogised the Em-
the person who delivered them. The caseof the scoresof addresses pressTheophano.
which have been wrongly transmitted under the name of John To be able to identify homilists by name, however, is but a first
Chrysostom is well known.s Less familiar is the problematic of step in establishingtheir identity as preachers.Many of them were
Timothy, possibly a sixth-century preacher from Jerusalem or also grammarians or highly-trained rhetoricians who brought the
Antioch, whose corpus and location are both uncertain. Even when skillsof thesedisciplinesto their task aspreachers.As Adele Monaci
we know that we are dealing with homilies from a historical person Castagno points out in her chapter on Origen, the model of
who can be named, we are rarely absolutely certain of the extent preaching which this former grammarian espousedwas that of the
of his homiletic corpus, asMary Cunningham's chapter on Andrew school,where pupils listen to the teacher,reflect on the lesson,com-
of Crete shows.A concomitant problem to which we are alerted by pare it with others which they have heard, ask each other about
Alistair Stewart-Sykes is that particularly in the early period it is not points which are still unclear, and finally succeed in acquiring the
always certain what is to be classified as a homily. ability to search and find by themselves. Andrew Louth suggests
When a systematicinvestigation into the identity of Greek-speak- thatJohn Damascene,on the other hand, regarded the homily as
ing preachersbetween the secondand the tenth centuriesis under- little different from the theoloeical treatise.
taken, however, it reveals a broad range of speakersthat may seem
surprising.We find the expected patriarchs likeJohn Chrysostom,
Proclus, Severus of Antioch, Gregory of Antioch, Anastasius of Circumstancesof deliuery
Antioch, and Photios and Nicholas I of Constantinople, arch- The homily was commonly, but by no means always, delivered in
the course of eucharistic or non-eucharistic liturgies which were
'
It has also received detailed attention: e.g. from J.A. de Aldama, Repertonum conducted severaltimes a week, depending on the location of the
Pseudochr2sostomirum,Documents,Etudes et R6pertoires publi6s par l'Institut de Recher- community. To some extent the circumstancesof delivery were de-
che et d'Histoire des Textes ro (Paris, 1965); and S. Voicu, 'IJne nomenclature pour les
anonymes du corpus pseudo-chrysostomien', B2< 5t (tg9t), 297-3o5.
 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM AND PAULINE ALLEN INTRODUCTION

termined by the genre of the homily: for instance,if the liturgy cel- from George of Nicomedia only panegyrical homilies.While up to
ebrated the feast of a martyr whose remains reposed in a martyrial the fifth century we encounter many catechetical homilies com-
shrine outsidethe city,the preacher was accompaniedin procession posedby preacherslikeJohn Chrysostom, from the fifth century on
to the shrine and addressedthe faithful there. These were the cir- thesebecome scarcer,whether from a decline in catechumensor a
cumstancesin which some of the homilies ofJohn Chrysostom and lack of interest on the part of the compilers of collections.To some
Severusof Antioch were delivered. Given the decentralisation of extent many homilies are exegeticalin that they comment on or use
the early Roman communities, the house-church provided the lo- biblical texts, but the biblical scholar Origen stands out as a
cus for preachers such as Hermas and Hippolytus, while we have preacher who is fundamentally exegeticalwhen addressinghis com-
to think of monastic settingsfor Symeon Stylites andJohn Dama- munity. Again, many homilies have an ethical component, even if
scene.Large or small urban churcheswere used in the majority of it consistssimply of a warning againstthe moral perils of attending
casesfor preaching, and, asWendy Mayer warns in her chapter on horse-races,but some homilies, particularly those delivered in mo-
John Chrysostom, we must not forget that the places of preaching nastic circles,are completely ethical in content and may be assigned
were many and varied even for the one homilist. On certain occa- to the ethical genre.The controversial and theological genres are
sions the imperial palace was used for preaching, as for example sometimes difficult to differentiate, as in the case of the chris-
when Gregory of Nyssa delivered his funeral orations on the little tological homilies of Severus.A further genre which is represented
PrincessPulcheria and the Empress F(P)lacilla, or when the Em- in this volume is the occasional, best illustrated by Photios of
peror Leo the Wise delivered his homilies. Among special circum- Constantinople, most of whose surviving homilies belong to this
stancesmay be cited the Second Council of Constantinople in 38I, category.
which provided the impetus for Gregory of Nyssa to preach to the
assembleddignitaries, and the claims of Clprus for ecclesiastical
autonomy, which prompted the monk Alexander to deliver his en- Rhetoric
comium on the Apostle Barnabas.In connection with specialocca-
sions, too, Theodora Antonopolou points to a homily of Leo the Rhetoric, taken in the broad senseof aiming to convince by speech,
Wise which was pronounced asan after-dinner speechin the palace is used by all the homilists examined in this volume, including
'rhetorical'
in honour of St Demetrius before the commencement of the pro- Hermas, who does not appear to have had a classical
cessionand liturgy in honour of the saint. Engaging as all these education. However, because many of these homilists, notably
examplesmay be, however,they are exceptions.Very often the cir- Hippolytus, the Cappadocians,John Chrysostom, and Severusof
cumstancesor even the general location of a homily remain un- Antioch, were rhetoricians, and Origen was a grammarian, we
knowable, as is the casewith many of the sixth-century homilies sometimes find a hieh degree of rhetorical technique in their
adduced by Pauline Allen. preaching.eAmong the influences from the schools of rhetoric,
Adele Monaci Castagno identifies the primacy assigned to the
hearer in the hermeneutical process,the exaltation of the orator
Genre (that is, the Logos), and the recourse to emotions to persuade the
Many different genresof the homiletical art are representedin this hearer to conversion.As a simple example of the influence of rheto-
volume. Possiblybecauseof the purpose behind the compilation of ric we may cite the manner in which the preacher provides guide-
the homiletical and liturgical collections in which many homilies lines for the listeners at each transition in the homily. Other stan-
survive, festal and panegyrical compositions predominate. From
Proclus of Constantinople, for example, we have mostly only festal =' See K.-H. Uthemann, 'Die Kunst der Beredsamkeit in der Spitantike: Pagane
homilies, from Andrew of Crete mostly festaland panegyrical, and Redner und christliche Prediger', in LJ. Engels H. Hoffmann (edd.), Handbuch
"rr'ezas
der l;iteratunuissenschaften (l{iesbaden, -7
rygi), 327 6.
 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM AND PAULINE ALLEN INTRODUCTION

dard tricks of the rhetorical schools,such as anaphora, antithesis, impediment and not an aid to comprehensron.
repetition, synkrisisand prosopopoiia, and structural elementslike One of the preacher's rhetorical ploys which we find time and
the proem, the narrative and the digression,were used by rhetori- again in the homilies acrossour chronological spectrum in this vol-
cally trained preachers in the service of the Christian message.This ume is polemic, directed usually againstJews,pagans,and heretics.
results in a blend of the classical and the Christian: the Cap- While it may be true that some of Proclus's apostrophes of Jews
padocians are a famous early example of this, while Andrew of indicate their presencein the church, anti-Jewishpolemic is used
Crete, with his mystical vocabulary and typological imagery, is a more often as a vehicle for Christian self-identiry and as a compre-
later instance. hensive and symbolic form of polemic against all enemies.
In elucidating the homiletic method of Severian of Gabala,
Karl-Heinz Uthemann argues that early Christian preachers were
deeply influenced by the diatribe, which was originally a form of Subject-matter
discourseintended to transmit answers to concrete life-situations
and to lead the hearer to new ideas and behaviour. What then Although the subject-matter of homilies can be influenced up to a
comes to prevail in the homily, as it did in the diatribe, is the per- point by the genre of the composition, there is an almost limitless
sonal element of dialogue in which there is a calm discussion, variety of topics to be found, even within the one homilist, as a
achieved,for example, by addressingthe audience as 'brother' and glance at the huge corpus ofJohn Chrysostom will prove. The wide
'we',
changing to or by introducing fictitious interjectors who de- range of subjectstackled by a preacher like Origen is typical: scrip-
liver brief dialogues, during which the preacher remains mostly ture and its interpretation, human beings among demons and an-
passiveand enters into the role of a hearer, and consequently of his gels, poverty and wealth, sexual ethics, ascetical and devotional
audience.In thesefictitious dialoguesthe charactersof the biblical practices, and the afterlife. The christological controversies after
narrative, too, can take on a life of their own, as they do in the the fourth century and the developments in the liturgical cycle from
homilies of Leontius of Constantinople.Anastasiosof Sinai usesan the fifth century onwards provided further material for the homilist,
imaginary interlocutor in his so-called homilies, which are rather as we see from numerous homilies against Arians, Eunomians,
treatises,written to be read rather than spoken. Nestorians, Monophysites and Chalcedonians, and from the in-
It is difficult to generalise about the style of the homilies dis- creasing treatment of the Virgin Mury. Particularly from the sixth
cussedin this volume, even if most of their authors were well edu- century on more attention is paid to angels, devils, and miracles.
cated. The learned Origen adopted a simple, undecorated style, The extraordinary case of Anastasios of Sinai gives us precious
perhaps partly because of the fact that he usually spoke ex tempore; glimpses of the questions which a seventh-centurypreacher was
in Proclus we find a close relationship between rhetoric, theology askedto address:moral problems, sacraments,faith and its defence,
and comprehension;inJohn Chrysostom we have a broad range of sexuality and procreation, human physiology, and the afterlife.
styles, and in Severian a rhythmical, literary prose directed ad The subject-matterin the homilies ofJohn Damasceneis from time
hominem. For his part Leontius of Constantinople is fond of using to time unusual, in that he usesquite substantial extracts from other
rare and new words, and his homilies have a folkloristic tone. The literary sources,including his own. In Andrew of Crete we have an
later preacherstreated in this volume,John of Damascus,Andrew uncontroversial homilist who addressesprofound topics. Both
of Crete, and George of Nicomedia, employ a high-flown style,in George of Nicomedia and the Emperor LeoVI used older literary
George'scasea quite exaggeratedone, which made him popular in material among their subject matter, such as homilies, saints'lives
his own time but ironically has been criticised by modern scholars. or oral information. In theselater homilists we find allusionsto or
We must therefore avoid jumping to the conclusion that in late an- quotations from the Fathersas well as the customary use of the Bi-
tiquity and early and middle Byzantium the high-flown style was an ble.
IO MARY B. CUNNINGHAM AND PAULINE ALLEN INTRODUCTION II

Exegesis Preparation, redaction, and transmission

In the question of exegesis,too, there is a variety of stylesamong Although in his studies Dom Olivar has informed us about the
the Greek homilists from the secondto the tenth centuries.In addi- preparation, or lack of it, among preachers, it is still apposite to
tion there is some evidence for changes in exegetical approach. deal with the question here with specificreferenceto the homilists
Among the preacherstreated in this volume Hermas is exceptional treated in this volume. Related to the question of preparation is
in that his involvement with scripture is slight; he regards himself that of the subsequentredaction and transmissionof a homily.
as a prophet, as the unmediated voice of the Holy Spirit, and his It is not always possibleto divine how a homilist prepared him-
'charismatic'.
exegesismay be describedas While the compositions selffor delivery,but, as it happens,we are reasonablywell informed
of most other preachersare to a greater or lesserdegree bound up about the working habits of many of the homilists discussedin the
with scripture, and particularly with the passageswhich had been following chapters. We know, for instance, that Origen almost al-
read out in the course of the liturgical celebration, the homilies of ways spoke extempore, the implication being that stenographers took
Origen are significant in their systematiccommentary on scripture down his words. Anthony Meredith concludes that the Cap-
and their justification of the allegorical form of interpretation. All padocians probably edited their pieces after the event, smoothing
three Cappadocians use scripture extensively both for ideas away signs of oral delivery, and this was presumably true also of
and exemplain their preaching, a practice followed by John Severian,at least for the collection of homilies which he prepared
Chrysostom,whose compositionsare often cited as examplesof the in Gabala and brought with him to Constantinople in order to
so-calledAntiochene or literal school of exegesis.More often than make his fortune. InJohn Chrysostom we seemto be dealing with
not the first part of John's homilies is devoted to a verse-by-verse avarlety of methods, the seriesof homilies on Hebrews, for exam-
exegesis,after which he draws out the ethical application of the ple, being apparently redacted posthumously on the basis of the
passageconcerned. Festal homilies, such as those of Proclus of preacher's notes. Severusof Antioch, likeJohn of Damascus,usu-
Constantinople,are commonly underpinned by quoting from scrip- ally prepared himself beforehand, although there are one or tlvo
tural verseswhich support the theme of the feast. Sometime after examples in his surviving homilies where Severus was asked to
the Council of Chalcedon in 45r the manner of exegesis,at least speakoffthe cufl The Emperor Leo may have used notes,the final
among certain homilists, develops to include the fanciful, and it is redaction then representing a subsequentreworking of his text.
not unusual to find literal and allegorical (spiritual) interpretation Because,as we have already indicated, the date and rationale of
juxtaposed without comment or apology.Examples of this practice the compilation of homiletical and liturgical collectionsis not really
are found in Timothy of Jerusalem/Antioch, Severusof Antioch, known to us, it is not easyto follow or account for the transmission
and Leontius of Constantinople. Along similar lines, Andrew of of the homilies which have come down to us. In some cases,how-
Crete exploitsall three of Origen's exegeticalcategories the literal, ever,we can be reasonably certain of the circumstancesof trans-
the moral, and the allegorical. In George of Nicomedia, however, mission. Ttre CathedralHomiliu of Severusof Antioch, for example,
it is spiritual exegesis,embellishedwith detailsfrom apocrypha and which according to imperial edict should have been committed to
the Fathers,which usually predominates.From the end of the ninth the flames because of the perceived heresy of their author, owe
century we wltness another development, in which exegesisgives their survival to the fact that they were translated into Syriac at an
way to more or less abstract narrative, while the rhetorical treat- early date.With regard to Leontius of Constantinople, the manu-
ment of old, well-known biblical storiestotally prevails in homilies. script tradition suggeststhat his homiletic corpus) or at leastpart of
it, circulated as such in Constantinople, while we can be almost
sure that the homilies of Symeon Stylites the Younger were trans-
mitted after being redacted by another hand. The homilies of An-
I2 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM AND PAULINE ALLEN INTRODUCTION r3

drew of Crete continued to be used as liturgical readings and per- The chapters in this volume, many of which examine individual
haps also as private readings in monasteries,whereas the homilies preachers from this angle for the first time, bring to light new meth-
of Photios which were written for ephemeral occasionsdid not cir- odological problems. For example, Karl-Heinz Uthemann asksto
culate widely. The special collections which were made of tenth- what extent the diatribal style employed by preachers such as
century homiletical compositions, the most blatant being the Severianof Gabala obscuresthe reality of preacher-audienceinter-
Panegtrikoncompiledby the Emperor Leo for the preservation of his action. By employing an informal and conversational method of
own works, ensured the transmission and survival of their authors' discourse,frequently inventing imaginary interlocutors, preachers
products. may be inventing a dialogue which did not really exist. The fact
that many homilies cannot be dated or located preciselyalsomeans
that their audienceswill remain obscure.Highly rhetorical sermons,
The audience such as those belonging to the festal and panegyrical genres,while
sometimesindicating the socialcomposition of their audiences,may
While the question of the preacher is more easilyaddressed,in that do so in such a generalized and conventional way that we must
his preoccupations and style are revealed in the surviving homilies once again ask whether thesereferencesare purely rhetorical.
themselves,the audiencemay in many casesbe difficult to glimpse. In spite of suchproblems, a surprising amount of evidencehas
Some preachers, mostly in the earlier period and including such emerged in the chapters of this volume. In summing it up, we are
famous examples as Origen, the Cappadocian Fathers, John tempted to employ the categories of information suggestedby
Chrysostom and, in theWest, Augustine, provide a wealth of infor- Wendy Mayer, including audience composition, location, circum-
mation about the people who listenedto them preach and how they stancesand interaction between audienceand preacher.In summa-
reacted. As Wendy Mayer points out, however, the problem here rizingthe evidence, it will become clear that audiences in some pe-
is to avoid generalization and to take into account the variety of riods are much more visible than those in others" but even so. that
settingsand audienceswhich one preacher might encounter.Other a surprising amount may be learned even from the most rhetorical
preachers,however, including most of those who flourished after and literary homilies.
the seventhcentury, includingJohn Damascene,Andrew of Crete,
George of Nicomedia and Leo VI, provide few details about their
audiencesin their high-flown and predominantly festal sermons. Audiencecomposition
Nevertheless,information about audiences may still be gleaned
from these texts and it is just as important to explore the circum- Perhaps the first question to ask of individual audiences is the status
stancesof these sermons' delivery,the nature of the congregations of the Christians who composed them. While Hermas and Hip-
and how they interacted with their preachers. polytus preached mostly to recent converts from both Gentile and
To date, the study of preachers' audiencesin various periods is Jewish backgrounds, Origen aimed his homilies at Christians who
still in its infancy and methodology is therefore still evolving. had for the most part been convertedfrom paganism. Catechumens
Whereas some studies have been anecdotal, usefully amassing a also play a major role in the audiencesof second-through fourth-
wealth of exampleswhich reveal many aspectsabout the audiences centurypreachers.JohnChrysostom'saudiencesseemto havebeen
which attended daily or weekly liturgies,'o others have attempted made up mostly of orthodox Christians, but the cultural and reli-
systematicallyto determine the sociaimake-up of congregations." gious diversitywhich existed especially in Antioch in the late fourth
century forms an important backdrop to many of his homilies."
'o
J. Bernardi, La pridirationdespiresCappadociens.
Iz pridicateuret sonauditoire(Paris,
''
r968). E van de Paverd, St John Chrlsostom. The Homilies on the Statues.An Introduction,
" SeeespeciallyMacMullen (rg89),5o3-rr;for the West:Rousseau(forthcoming). Orientalia Christiana Analecta z3g (Rome, rggr); R.L. Wil.ken, john Chrltsostomand the
 r4 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM AND PAULINE ALLEN INTRODUCTION r5

WhereasJews, heretics and other ideological adversaries are ad- he attempted to preach to each of these groups.The majority of
dressedabusively in homilies of all periods, it is only occasionally, preachers,however, seem to have assumeda reasonabledegree of
as in the caseof Proclus of Constantinople, that we can in fact infer ur.derstanding in their audiences;we can only guesswhether this
their presencein the audience. In the sermons of later preachers, reflected the actual abilities of most members of the audience or
such as Andrew of Crete, George of Nicomedia and Photios, it is whether homilies were generally directed only to an educated few.
clear that the congregationsare composed only of long-standing, The presenceof non-Greek speakersin congregationssuggestsan-
orthodox Christians.Turning to the problem of social class,it is othei interesting problem, especially for homilists of the fourth
interestingto note that whether or not the wealthier and better edu- through the sixth centuries. The likely reception of John
cated members of society did in fact form the majority in urban Chrysostom's homilies by a mainly Gothic-speaking audience or
congregations,preachersfrequently addressedtheir orationsmainly Severusof Antioch's by a rural Syriac-speakingcongregation can
to them. The presenceof an emperor or empressin a congregation only be guessed.That audiencesincluded the elderly arrd young,
could also occasionallylead the preacher to addressonly that ex- male and female can be deducedevenfrom suchhigh-stylesermons
alted personage.In addition to the leisured classes,however, con- as those of Andrew of Crete and George of Nicomedia' On the
gregations usually included tradesmen such as shop-keepers,arti- other hand, it is clear that some audiences,such as those of John
sans, and business-men,as well as soldiers and working-class la- Damascene,were composed mainly of monks.
bourers. Exhortations to exercisecharity and give money to the
poor were directed at all of these social classesand, as Gregory of
Nyssa admits, some may have felt that they were too poor to help I-ocation
others.Nevertheless,it is striking that the poorest sectorsof society,
the indigent and beggars,are never addresseddirectly by preachers, Where homilies were preached is all too often impossibleto deter-
suggestingthat they remained outside the church doors and were mine, owing to the lack of precise records in associationwith indi-
regardedby both preacher and congregation only as objectsofpity. vidual *orkr. Nevertheless, that a variety of possible locations for
Slaves,in constant attendance on their owners, frequently formed preaching existed is evident, including most commonly the cathe-
part of the congregation, but it is possiblethat they were relegated dral or other churches within a city, outlying parish churches,
to the back of the church.'3The levelsof education, or to be more martyria and monastic foundations. It is likely that churches in dif-
precise,oral and literate understanding in audiencescan only be ferent locations attracted a variety of audiences: in the city one
guessedat in most periods.'4Origen's deliberateclassificationof his might expect a mixture of wealthy citizens, tradesmen and slaves,
audience into bellatores,'infirmiores
and simpliciores
revealshis recogni- while in the country a congregation might be composed largely of
tion of differing levelsof comprehension and it is to his credit that peasants.In the secondcentury we have the interesting phenome-
non of 'house-churches';the fact that the preacher in this context
might also be the owner of the house suggestsan entirely different
Jeus: RhetoricandReali.tlin thektte FourthCentury,The Transformation of the Classical situation from the more neutral setting of public churches later. It
Heritage 4 (Berkeley-LosAngeles-London,r9B3).
'3 SeeMacMullen (rg8g),5ro. is possiblethat Origen's conception of the church as a school re-
'a On orality and literacy in Byzantium seeR. Browning, 'Literacy
in the Byzantine flects in part the still informal setting of ecclesiasticalworship in the
world', Blpntine andModernCruk Sndies+ (tgZB),39-54;M. Muliett, 'Writing in early third century. By the fourth century however, it is clear that homi-
mediaevalByzantium', R. McKitterick (ed.),The UsesofLiteracl,in Ear!;,tMediaeaal Europe
(Cambridge,rggo), 156-85.For the West,where many more studieshave been doni,
lies were being delivered in the wide open spacesof monumental
seeM. Parkes, 'The literacy of the laity', in D. Daiches A.K. Thorlby (edd.),Literature church architecture. It is now that the issuesof audibility and visi-
and WesternCiuili<ation:The MedieualWorld(London, 196), 555-77;M. Clanchy, Froz bility of the preacher begin to be mentioned in the sources.John
Memor2to Witten Record: Englandro66-13o7(London, rgTg);B. Stock, Z/zzImplications oJ
Literaclt: Witten Languageand Models of Intcrpretationin the Eleuenthand Twelfth Centuries
Chrysostom's desire to be heard led him to preach from the ambo
(Princeton,rgB3).
 IO MARY B. CUNNINGHAM AND PAULINE ALLEN TNTRODUCTTON 17

in front of the sanctuary; whether he did the same in smaner tion. Even at an early period, however, preaching took place in
churches or martyria probably depends on their size and interior morning and evening non-eucharistic services,as well as in extra
proportions. The fact that Proclus preached mainly in teaching sessionsto catechumensor monks.'b It is also clear that
constantinople in the fifth century suggestsless variable circum- preaching in all-night vigils often occurred before the great domini-
stancesand locations for his homilies. The 'private foundations, cal or marian feasts,and sometimesbefore the feastsof saints.Fes-
mentioned in Eglptianpapyri, where Anastasiusof Sinai'shomilies tal sermons may often have been intended for this liturgical setting
and QrcstionsandAnsuersmay have been delivered, were probably and by the eighth century such sermons were frequently preached
frequented by lay people as well as monks. That they mav have of- in succession,forming trilogies on one subject.'7The question of
fered a more informal setting than what might be foundin a stan- who attended thesevarious servicesand whether the audiencesat
dard parish church is suggestedby the uniquely pastoral concerns eucharistic serviceswere composed of lessdevout lay people than
covgled- in the fumtions and Ansuers.John Damascene preached those at all-night vigils must remain speculative. It is important to
mainly in a monastic setting, but this is scarcely revealed by the note, however, that the sermons which we know to have been
style or subject-matter of his festal sermons.This leads us to ask preached during the night addressmen, women, old and young, as
whether genre is in this casemore important than location; in con- if a wide cross-sectionof the population was actually present.That
trast to the ethical and personal injunctions found in monastic these people, standing through the night in expectation and prayer
catecheses,John'sfestal sermons conform with the conventions of before the coming feast, were probably more pious than most
this already well-developed genre. Finally, it is interesting to com- Christians seemsa fair assumption,but again, we must be wary of
pare the sermons of various early tenth-century laymen ind patri- imposing our own valueson men and women of the past. It is possi-
archs and to ask whether the locations at which tir.r. *... ieliv- ble that many Christians in the turbulent eighth and ninth centuries
ered may have contained entirely different audiences.The homilies sought consolation and divine assistanceby regularly attending all-
that Leo vI preached in the palace would have excluded the mass night vigils and daily offices and thus, that homilies delivered in
of people who might normally be found in the Great church of such serviceswere heard by almost as many as were those associ-
Constantinople. ated with the eucharistic liturgy. Another interesting problem is
presentedby the so-called'occasional' homily, such as some of the
works written by the Patriarch Photios in the ninth century. These
Circumstances homilies commemorated a specific event, such as the survival of
Constantinople in the face of an attack by the Rus in 86o, and were
By defining'homilies' asworks which were delivered at ceremonies delivered, presumably to a large and mixed audience, in the Great
which had some kind of liturgical content, we must also ask pre- Church. One can only speculate about how many citizens of
cisely when this preaching took place and whether servicesat differ- Constantinople would have gathered for these occasionsand how
ent times of day were attended by certain groups of people. It is they would have responded to the homilies.
clear from. early liturgical sources that homili., *.r. iraditionally
preached in the course of the Divine Liturgy on Sundays, in
the
first half of the service .ul._d Lflurgy of theword' immediately
after the Gospel reading.Is It isF9
this liturgical setting which accounts
for the exegetical natule.of early homilies; tf,ey seekto expli_
lany
cate the divine word which hasjust been read out to'the congrega-
^ _'6 R. Taft, SJ., Thz Liturgt of tfu Hours in tfu East and West.The Originsof thzDiaine
Ujtceandi* MeaningforToda2(Collegeville,MN, 1986),39, 168, r7o, rgo, 2r2.
'i C. Chevalier, 'Les
'5 ^ trilogies homil6tiques dans l'6laboration des Ibtes mariales,
EE. Brightman, LiturgiesEasternand Westernl(Oxford, fig6), passim. 65o-85o',C.regoianum rB (1937),36r-78.
 IB MARY B. CUNNINGHAM AND PAULINE ALLEN
INTRODUCTTON rg

Interactionbefuteen and audience

Breacher terms.This probably reflects in part the trend in homiletics towards
the high-style,panegyrical preachingwhich prevailed in the middle
our final question concerns various aspectsof preacher and
audi- and late Byzantine periods.
ence interaction, including the techniqr., ,,r.dty preachers
to en_
gage their audiences,evidence of congregationsi behaviour
influ-
encing preachers and in addition, whether such interaction
ex- Conclusions
tended outside as well as inside the church. Many of the chaprers
in this volume deal extensively with the first of these topics: rhetori-
cal devicessuch as dialogue and diatribal interjections'to the The primarypurpose of this volume is to stimulate further research
audi- in the fields of early Christian andByzantine homiletics. It will be
ence, the use of everyday imagery or exempra, ind familiar topoi arl
must have helped to engage an audience-which was expecting observedthat many of the studiesoffered here raisemore questions
to than they are able to answet thus suggesting many avenues for
some extent to be entertained. It is reasonableto urrrr-. that
the future investigation. As we stated earlier, the problems of unedited
presence of lively dialogues in the homilies of, for example, proclus
and Leontius of constantinopre in the fifth and sixth centuries and inadequatelyedited homilies, aswell asthoseof attribution and
was dating, represent the first areas which must urgently be tackled.
popular with contemporary audiences.As for audience
behaviour Another interesting and complex question is that of transmission:
influencing the preacher,the evidencebelongsprimarily,o
rh. .u._ just as important as the recovery of authentic texts is the study of
lier centuries. Many of the homilies of orifen, nurl
Jr cu.ru..u their later transformations, aswe seeespeciallyin the caseof works
chrysostom abound with exampresof behaviour from
lndJo!3 like the forcstionsandAnswersof Anastasiosof Sinai. As we attempr
the audience which the preacher finds distracting irr.trairrg
up- to interpret the evidence,examining the circumstancesof delivery
plause, laughter or grumbling; there is evidence
thai'on -u.rf o..u- the preacher'srelationship with his audience and related questions,
sions a preacher might alter his discoursein response
to ,.i.tior^ we are confronted by problems of methodology. It is well known
from the audience or again, that he might .hotre
not to uit., it. that late antique and Byzantine texts must not be taken at face
Homilies which *.re pieu.\ed ex tempo"re obviously ,.pr.r.rrt tfr.
best sources for this type of informaiion; those value. The problem of the 'distorting mirror"B affectsreligious as
*rrr.h were pre- well as secularliterature and the perspicaciousscholar musi always
pared beforehand or edited after the event rarely
indicate the dy- ask how much of the material in a homily represents a rhetoricar
namics of a particular occasion.The eviderr..
fo. interaction be_ commonplace as,for example,in the caseofdiatribal conversations
-tu9r" preachers and audiencesoutside the confines of the church with audiences,and how much reflectsreality. certainly it is possi-
buiiding is more scarce and can- only really be
glimpsed through ble to acquire a certain knack at distinguishing fact from fiction, but
homilists' ethical injunctions to their congregations.John
chryso- it is also always necessaryto remain on otr"h guard. Another re-
stom's awareness.ri,',uny peoples'prop.irit|
to atteid in. ,t .u,r. lated problem is that of genre, a largely artificial construct which
or the racecourseleadshim toieprimand them
on numerous occa- may or may not have been recognized by earlv Christians and
sions,while Leonriusof Constaniinopleupbraids
his congresation Byzantines themselves.whereas cirtain homiletic genres such as
for behavingwith improprietyat their..ruti". r; g...,
wtir.%,rr.. the.exegetical,the festal and the occasionaldid undJubtedly come
sixth- and sevcnth-cintury preachers such as
S"eve.rrs
of intioch to be distinctly defined, it was possible to combine and overlap
and Anastasiosof sinai alsoaddressspecific
questions.i-...riay, theseforms in many differentways.The modern scholar should not
it is striking that suchissuesceaseto pieoccupy
preachersafter the become obsessedwith separating one genre from another, for ex_
seventh century. Ethic^al injunctions do appear
regularly in the ample the theological treatise or ,desk-homily, from the spoken
homilies of Andrew of crete and Georg.^ot Ni.orir.aiu,
to'tute
just two examples, but they tend to be
&pressed in very'g.rr"rul 'l
Byzantineliteratureasadistortingmirror,,InauguralLecture,Uni-
-versrry
of'Oxford (Oxlord. rg73).
",Yu:go,
 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM AND PAULINE ALLEN

word. It is clear that to contemporarypreachers such asJohn Dam-

ascenethis distinction did not exist;furthermore, it was possiblefor
a work to transform itself from one genre to another, depending on REFLECTIONSON PROBLEMSRAISEDBY EARLY
the circumstancesof its transmission.Finally, we end with a plea CHRISTIAN PREACHING
that in addition to homilies, scholars will in future examine other
sourceswhich may shed light on the preacher and his audience. Alexander Olivar, O.S.B.
Letters, uitaeof saints and collections of miracles may all provide Translated byJoseph Munitiz, SJ.
important evidence; even monastic typika, a largely untapped genre
with respect to preaching and spiritual reading in monasteries of
the later Byzantine period, may provide vital information. The his-
I. ON rHE eRESENtttfl"":;;ESEARCH INro PArRrsrrc
tory of individual homilies did not end at the moment that they
were preached; above all, these were texts which continued to edu-
cate both lay and monastic Christians throughout the Byzantine
preachingas a newphenlm(nln in hisnry
Christi.an
period.
The practice of preaching among the early Christianswould proba-
Finally, a few words are needed to explain our system of translitera- bly have made its appearance quite naturally even without the ex-
tion. With our primary aim being to confuse both Patristic andByz- 'go and make disciples of all nations...
plicit precept of Christ to
antine scholars as little as possible, we have decided to use both teaching them to observe all that I have commanded you' (Mt
latinized and hellenized versions of proper names) except when an z8:r8-zo). Admittedly, referencesto the need to preach the Good
anglicized version, such asJohn Chrysostom orJohn Damascene, News of salvation to all the world recur constantly throughout the
is more widely known. The somewhat arbitrary line which we have New Testament(e.g. Mt 4:zg; g:95; 2+:r+; Mk r : r4; I g:I o; | +:g; r 6:I 5-
drawn between the two is the beginning of the seventh century a I6; Lk 2+:+7iActs r5:7; 2oi2+;I Thess r:5, etc.),but the new revela-
time when most scholars would agree that the Byzantine period tion called out to be proclaimed, explained, and appropriately dem-
properly began. Thus, we refer to Proclus, Severus of Antioch and onstrated, so as to appear believable to those wishing to accept it in
Leontius of Constantinople, but Anastasiosof Sinai and Maximos faith. On this acceptancewould depend their salvation (Mk 16:r6).
the Confessor.We hope that our readers will not find the two sys- And in fact preaching of the euangelium,'evangelization'in the
tems of transliteration jarring, but instead that they will immedi- strict Christian sense,began to be practised by the apostles and
ately recognize names with which they are familiar. their disciples even before the four Gospels and other texts later
included in the canon of the NewTestament had been written, let
alone recognized as canonical and inspired. The church was in exis-
tence well before the appearance of the NewTestament, so that the
early Christian preachers could support their arguments only from
the Old Testament when they began to proclaim the revelation of
Jesus Christ. The themes that were required (I Cor 9:16) to be
preached to new converts-such as the kingdom and the grace of
God (cf. Acts 20:24)-constitute a completely re* -.rrug.l not an
explanation or commentary of an already existing text.
This starting point has to be borne in mind bJcauseit is likely
.
that the New Testament sprang from early Christian preaching,
22 ALEXANDER OLIVAR, O.S.B. EARLY CHRISTIAN PREACHING 23

rather than the other way round. Admittedly, once the NewTesta- course of liturgical celebrations, and from an early date it took on
ment had become establishedas part of the canon of sacredscrip- a sacred character and function, being particularly linked yrith the
ture, preaching tended to become a commentary on these texts. priesthood.Thus the speechesof the Fathers differed substantially
However the original Christian instruction precededscripture asan from those of profane speakers.This is a difference that has sparked
historical realiry just as the church existed before any of the New the attention of most scholars,both ancient and modern, and yet
Testament writings had seenthe light of day. the consequences,in so far as they affect the form of the homily,
As far as I can see,this stateof affairs raisesno specialproblems, probably still require further investigation.
from the point of view either of history or of theology. However, In my opinion, historians who consider formal aspects of early
problems begin when one tries to specifywhat can be said to consti- preaching must bear in mind the pastoral intent of this form of
tute the distinctive formal character of Christian preaching. It is communication, especially as this brings to light its human interest.
clear that the preaching undertaken by the apostlesand the early Many homilies are difficult to categorize because of their specffic,
church did not intend to propound somenewphilosophical system. personal character. It can be seen that even those authors who
However, it did try to make known certain truths that seemednew spontaneously or deliberately select a particular form of speech
at the time. The audiencethat listened to the Apostle Paul speaking tend to combine this with others from the classicalrepertoire, or do
on the Acropolis soon realized this (Acts I7:I6-32); when he men- not keep strictly to the rules, moved by the freedom of the true ora-
tioned the resurrection from the dead, they thought he must be tor. Thus it is common in the Fathers to find the exhortatory mode
'foreign 'kerygmatic'. One and the same homily
speaking of divinities', unknown previously, and they combined with the strictly
'this new
wanted to question him about teaching' that sounded may well belong to various branches of rhetoric, or to none of the
strangeto their ears. Early preaching was essentiallymissionary in acknowledged types.
character, and revolved around historical events concerning the
figure ofJesus,believed to be theWord of God, and as Son of God
What has beenpreseruedfromancizntChristianpreaching?
equal to God. Here there was something quite new and unique.
The messagewas unique and was concerned with a complex set As is well known, a considerable quantity of homilies and biblical
of truths, capable of many practical applications.But did it require commentaries, the latter either forming a complete seriesor scat-
one or more individual forms of preaching?Of course,it was inevi- tered by the immediacy of the spoken word, have been preserved
table that each homily should be marked by the personal character, thanks to the efforts of shorthand writers and authors, some of
speechand thought of the speaker,and that the latter had to adapt, whom wrote out their homilies beforehand or revised the texts cop-
even if unconsciously, to the needs of the audience or of the cir- ied down as they spoke,intending them to be edited and published.
cumstances;thesefactors would have their effect on both the con- All this homiletic literature constitutes one of the church's richest
tent and the form of the homily. However, if the message to be legaciesfrom the early centuries. It provides an eloquent testimorry
preached by the early Fathers of the church held something new in to the pastoral effort of these spiritual shepherds,some of them
the history of oratory, in so far as it dealt primarily with explana- eminent thinkers and gifted orators, to make accessibleto the ordi-
tions of the Christian creed, scripture and sacraments,the formal nary faithful the supernatural truths of revelation.They tried to be
aspectof this preaching owed an incalculable debt from its begin- faithful to the sublime nature of the spoken Word of God, without
ning to the art of rhetoric that was pre-Christian. It was in the tech- diminishing the divine mystery, difficult as this may be to anyone
nique, the rules and the practice of establishedoratory that most who attempts to bring revelation closer to human understanding.
ancient preacherswere trained. Thanks to the preservation of these homilies, it is possible to
^
But Christian preaching normally went hand in hand with the lorm a real appreciation of the lively contact, almost a dialogue,
administration and reception of the sacraments.It tookplace in the that took place between the speakerand an enthusiasticcongrega-
24 ALEXANDER OLIVAR, O.S.B. EARLY CHRISTIAN PREACHING 25

tion. Of course not all homilies reflect this stateof affairs, nor were disseminatingthe words of lesserknown speakers.The latter some-
all reactions equally enthusiastic: congregations differed, as did the times took stepsthemselvesto ensurethe survival of their works, or
speakers.In the world of the Fathers one could find all sorts of an enterprising shorthand writer may have intervened.The net re-
preachers, some more eloquent than others, some more given to sult is that homilies of unequal value have come down to us, and
rhetorical forms, some preferring a more simple or personal ap- this in itself is a great advantage because there is much to be
proach. Some were more inclined to invite their listeners to con- learned from lessdistinguishedpreaching, with regard to both form
template the grandiosemystery of the economy of salvation,others and content: such works had a part to play for the good of souls.
took a more practical and moralistic line. It is not possibleto gener-
alize very much at this point. On the whole the East, whether What hasbeenlostfromtheearfupreaching?
Greek or Syriac, has a different style from the Latin West, and
within the corpus of Patristic preaching, different centuries also Initially it doesseemsurprising that such distinguishedecclesiastics
have different influences. To give one example, the rhetoric that as Athanasius of Alexandria and Hilary of Poitiers seem to have
distinguishes the Byzantine output from the second half of the fifth Ieft no evidenceof their pastoral preaching. Perhapsthesebishops
century cannot be compared with the preaching of the fourth. It and famous writers were not outstanding speakers,but it is also
would be invidious to speak of decadencewhere different styles, possiblethat their works failed to survive becauseno precautions
different areas) and different epochs are involved. Each of these were taken. Thus, even though the homiletic works of the Fathers
found its own great exponents.If the term'decadence' is to be used make up a large segment of our Patristic inheritance, the likelihood
at all, it should be used lesswith reference to the quality of different is that we are left with only a small proportion of the vast preaching
speakers,and more in relation to the content of the preaching: the work that was undertaken in the course of the early centuries. On
latter tends to figure lesshigh in the minds of the listeners when the one hand we know that from very early on, all bishops or the
their tasteis inclined to exuberant rhetoric. Again, decadencetends priestsstanding in for them (not to mention other speakerswho on
to be linked to a lack of originality. I have the impression that after occasionspokein church)were required to expound the faith with
the great christological controversiesa certain wearinessbecomes regularity to the faithful; on the other hand, we have precise refer-
evident in the preaching of the Greek East.In the LatinWest a sim- encesto homilies that were known to exist.but have sincebeen lost.
ilar lack of originality, showing itself in a great dependence on the
earlier Fathers, especiallySt Augustine, follows the establishment What hassuruiued ideaof earfupreaching
sffices togiuea clearand adequate
of the northern peoplesin the Roman empire and the birth of what
would eventually be Europe. This lack of originality brings with it Fortunately)despitethe losses,enough early homiletic literature has
a falling-back on the facile and simplistic; exhortation takesprece- survived for us to be able to form quite an adequate picture of the
dence over the explanation of revealedtruths; this leads in its turn preaching of the Fathers,both the good and the lessgood. We pos-
to the formation of an individual style of piety, which will be the sessexamplesof preaching that is poor, at times lacking in rhetori-
distinguishing mark of the western world in the centuries that fol- cal good taste,and simple, but even more so of outstandingpreach-
low the Patristic era. ing that testifies to the best pastoral oratory of the Fathers.We can
As I have said, in each style one can find outstanding orators, know what was the pr.u.hitrg of such men as Melito of Sardis,
and these deservedto be transmitted to posterity. However other Hippolytus, Gregoryof Nazianzus, Basil of Caesarea,Gregory of
Nyssa, Proclus of Constantinople, Hesychius of
homilieswere preserved,many coming from lessgifted speakers.lf Jerusalem, and
Severusof Antioch. In addition we can learn of prelchers likeJohn
the words of preacherslike Origen,John Chrysostom, and Augus-
Damascene and other masters of Byzantin. .ioqrr.n.e, Eptre-
tine were avidly welcomed and treasured,there were scribes('pub-
along with other Syriac Fathers, and representatives of Latin ora-
lishers' we would call them today) with a professional interest in
 EARLY CHRISTIAN PREACHING o,7
26 ALEXANDER oLIVAR, o.s.B.

tory like Ambrosius, Cromacius of Aquileia, Gaudentius of Brescia, writing in Latin, Greek or in one of the oriental languages.And it
Maximus of Turin, Peter Chrysologus,Zeno of Yerona, Fulgentius is a fact that new homilies are continually being edited for the first
of Ruspe,and Caesariusof Arles; from among the Popesthere are time, and we know of many others that await their first edition.
Leo I and Gregory the Great. The three namesI mentioned earlier,
Origen,John Chrysostom, and Augustine, seem to me superior to Presentstateof research
all the others, and thanks to the efforts of shorthand writers their
words occasionally come acrossto us as if we were hearing their A remarkable feature of homiletic literature is that a great number
voicesrecorded on tape (to use a remark made by the modern his- of works are either anonymous or pseudo-epigraphic.Many of the
torian, FranqoisDolbeau, with referenceto some of the homilies of great Patristic authors, and severalwho are not so well known, have
St Augustine). However, the lacunae remain: we lack the material had numerous homilies attributed to them, and these are to be
to recreate the preaching that would have taken place in normal found in the older editions added on to their genuine works. Much
parishes, in so far as this may have existed, and even more regretta- scholarlywork has been done in recent yearsin identifying the true
bly we have little idea of what normal simple catechesiswould have authors of theseworks, and in liberating other authors of falseattri-
been like, despite a few rare examples.Nevertheless,no historian butions, but much still remains to be done.
can really doubt the efficacy of that early preaching however mod- Thanks to the advance in editorial techniquesand to the gener-
est and humble it mav have been. ally high standards of new critical editions of homilies, new fields
of researchhave been opened up for theologians,philologists, and
historians. Perhaps I may mention the only major editorial work
Are therehopesof discouering of earfuhomileticliterature?
moreexamples that remains to be completed in the area of Latin homiletic litera-
The searchfor ancient texts receivednew impulse in modern times ture: the collection of forty homilies In Euangeliaby St Gregory the
with the efforts of the Benedictine Maurists and proved to be very Great. Although I believe work has begun, these homilies are still
successful.With the drawing up of modern cataloguesof manu- unpublished,probablybecause of the great number of manuscripts
script collections,both public and private, and the spreadof greater and the textual problems involved in the tradition; there should be
facilitiesfor the study of manuscripts,great progresswas made. But lessproblem with stylisticquestions,given the highly personal style
even in our own day it has been possibleto make major discoveries, characteristicof this author.
like that of a large batch of unpublished Augustinian homilies, only
partly known up to now) in the municipal library of Mainz. This Modernhistoryof earl2preaching
fortunate discovery,due to FrangoisDolbeau, can be paralleled by
that made early in the twentieth century by Dom Germain Morin The study of early preaching has attracted many and on the whole
with MS 4o96 from the Library of Wolfenbtittel. Both concerned excellentscholars,their interestbeing directed to either the content
major homilies of Augustine; as thesetexts referred to very specific or the form of this preaching.The latter aspect began to receive
historical circumstances and were linked to isolated events they attention with the work ofJoseph Bingham in the early eighteenth
were.not considered suitable for more general spiritual reading in century (OrrytnuEcclesiasticae,or TheAntiquitiu of theChristianChurch,
later times, and were not generally preserved.The same may be Book XI! chap. iv) and has been studied rightup to my own work
said of severalAugustinian letters, discoveredonly a few yearsago, m this decade (ht predicaci1ncristianaantigua[tggt]). However, the
byJohannes Divjak. It is understandable that such literary works material is so rich that the possibilitiesfor further investigation ap-
pear endless,whether for historians, philologists, or theologians.'
are preserved in a poor manuscript tradition. However, their dis-
covery raisesthe possibility that similar finds remain to be made,
^
connected with Ausustine himself or with one of the other Fathers A considerable number of studies concerned with early Christian preaching have
appeared since the publication of my own work in rggr; some ofthese having particular
28 ALEXANDER OLIVAR, o.s.B.
EARLY CHRISTIAN PREACHING 29

Homi-lies provide vivid pictures of the early church, but also serve have referred to some of the types of scholars that have been active
as sourcematerial for uncovering the thought processesof the early in this research-philologists,historians,theologians but other cat-
Christians.They carry us to the starting point of biblical exegesis egories need to be added-philosophers, archaeologists,liturgists,
becauseit is clear that the interpretation of scripture was born with specialistsin cultural history, and experts in different forms of spiri-
the early homilies.The outstanding homilies of thesecenturiesde- tuality. The four-yearly Oxford International Congresseson Patris-
velopedpai passuwrththe great theological controversies-against tic Studies, attended by hundreds of specialists,demonstrate the
the Gnostics,on trinitarian topics and on christologicaldefinitions. diversity of interest to be found in the writings of the Fathers, and
They lie at the foundation of Christian theology and mark what is in particular in their homiletic works. The early biblical and liturgi-
perhaps the most interesting epoch of church history.The mutual
cal movements that began in England and Germany (I am thinking
influence of homilies on the dogmas of faith elaborated by the first of the Oxford Movement, especially ofJohn Henry Newman, and
councils, and the repercussionsthat the definitions had upon the also of Johan Adam Mohler) early in the nineteenth century and
development of catechetical works and on the spiritual formation then found a new development in the twentieth century helped to
of the ordinary faithful, these are problems that await further care- focus the attention of Christians on Patristic sources.It is not sur-
ful investigation by scholars.
prising that exegetesand theologians of our own day have had a
specialinterest in the preaching of the Fathers.
A significant example of this trend has been the substitution of
TO pREACHTNG
II. Parnrsrrc PnnecrrrNc AS A CHALLENGE the traditional Roman Breviary by the new Liturglt of theHours, to
TODAY
which I had some contribution to make, introduced after Vatican
Council II. At present I am one of those collaborating on a new
The contextof theproblem edition of the Liturgt of theHoursin two cycles, i.e. a two-yearly sys-
An interest for the early preaching in the church, and indeed for all tem of biblical and Patristic readings. Those responsible for this
the works of the Fathers, has become a feature of our time. We work have had a specialconcern that each epoch of Christian spiri-
tuality should be represented by a selection of texts. However, it
was found that pages taken from the Fathers of the church, mainly
referenceto the history ofPatristic homiletics may be noted here.M. Sachot, 'Homilie', from their homilies, were by far the most numerous.When texts of
ReallexiknnfirAntikeund ChrisUnnm16 (rgg4), 4B-75;,J.Hammerstaedt, 'Improvisation
(D.Christlich)', ibid., t7 (1996),rz57-84; P AIIen W. Mayer, 'Computer and homily: mediaeval and later authors were presentedfor scrutinv thev often
accessingthe everyday life of early Christians,' VigiliaeChistianae47 $ggg), z6o-8o; P had to be rejected,mainly becarsi they failed to .o...rpo.rd to the
Allen W. Mayer, 'Chrysostom and the preaching ofhomilies in series:a new approach spirit of the present-day liturgy, such as we put it (or should put it)
to the twelve homtlies In Epistulamad Colossmses (CPG 44gg),' Oientalfu ChristinnaPeiodba
6o (1994),zI-g; P Allen-W. Mayer, 'Chrysostom and the preaching of homilies in into practice today and indeed always.
series:a re-examination of the fifteen homilies In EpistulamadPhilippenses (CPG
VigiliaeChristianae 'The homilist and the congregarion:4qz),'
49(rgg5),27o-89;P Allen, a case-
study of Chrysostom'shomilieson Hebrews,'Augustinianum 36 (1996),389-4zr;K.-H. Dffirencesbeftreen
ancientand modernpreaching
IJthemann R.E Regtuit J.M. Tevel (edd.),Homilinepseudo-chr2sostomicae: Instrummtum
studiorum, uol.r editioprinceps,
CCSG (Turnhout, r994), and cl the review of this work by About a millennium and a half separate today's preaching from
SJ. Voicu, Jahrbuchfir Antilu und Chistentum38 (1995), r9B-9; K.-H. Uthemarrrr, that of the Fathers.The chansesiniircumstances ind in p.io..rr-
'Bemerkungen
zu Augustins Auffassungder Predig. Signal einer kulturellen Wende,'
Augustinirznum
pations that have overtakenChristianity and humaniry in general
36 (1996), r47-Br;E. Mtthlenberg-J. van Oort (edd.), Predigtin dn alten
Kirche(Kampen, r9g4); EX. TovarPaz, Tractatus,snmonesatquehomiline:eIculti;uodelgenno during this longperiod have been enormous, and have madJthem-
literariodeldiscursohomiliticom la Hispania tardoantiguayaisigoda(C6ceres, r9g4); C. Colpe selvesfelt in both the form and the content of preaching. Even if
aal.(edd.), Spiitantikeund Christentum.BdtriigezurReligions-undGeistesguchichtedergrizchiscfun
I{ultur und,liailisatianderKaisu<eil(Berlin, r99e); and finally, in the autumn of rggz the
many in today's world feel the necessity,or at least the urge, to re-
Istituto PatristicoAugustinianum, Rome, organized the IX Seminario di perji<ionammto in turn to the sourcesofour civilization, we are the inheritors of trans-
Studibatristicie tardoantichion the theme of 'Retorica antica classicae cristiana'.
30 ALEXANDER OLIVAR, O.S.B. EARLY CHRISTIAN PREACHING 3r

formations that have overtaken both theology and spirituality dur- ous social intercourse, and similar preoccupations demand to be
ing this long period of time. However, we cannot forget that despite expressedby today's preachers.But it can happen that such topics
all thesechanges,and irrespectiveof the judgement one may wish acquire an excessiveor overriding importance in many sermons,to
to passupon them, we are still proclaiming the same truths, even if the exclusionor detriment of what used to be the essentialpurpose
our preaching must take into account the new conditions that influ- of Patristicpreaching*the proclamation and explanation of revela-
'economy'
ence it. It is the same scripture that we have to explain, and they tion and of the of salvation. Clearly the early church
are the same moral principles that we have to inculcate among men pastors were constant in their exhortation to the faithful to observe
and women who remain essentiallythe same. upright moral lives, with particular stresson the need for charity.
Blrt parainesisor admonitiowas never the principal element in the
preaching of the Fathers;for them a homily was concerned above
The lessonsto be karned b1tmodernpreachingfromtheFathers all with the proclamation of the mystery of God revealed in Christ
The spirituality of the modern world, with its own rich history for Jesus.
an inheritance, tends to reject, resume, and recreate, rather than to
invent anew: it tends to benefit from the past and combine earlier studyof ancientand modernpreaching
The needfora comparatiue
insights.This has led to the co-existenceamong Christians of differ-
ent forms of spirituality, whether peculiar to groups or to individu- The following points are offered by me in the hope that they may
als.But a consequenceof this has been a splitting of Christian spiri- serve for the comparative study of preaching in our own day and
tualiry in seipsadiuisaso to speak, when in reality it ought to be one, in that of the Fathers.
so as to avoid calling in question the harmonious vision of revela- r. For the Fathers, the homily was an integral part of the liturgy
tion. In his inner life a Christian cannot servetwo lords at the same and formed an organic whole with the celebration of the sacra-
time. Such a problem did not exist in the era of the Fathers.Admit- ment. This meant that the homily normally took on a festivechar-
tedly, there were different tendencies, particularly in the approach acter,and to my mind this is one of the aspectsthat makes Patristic
to philosophical thought. But the realism and humanism character- preaching so attractive.The beauty of this preaching is a function
istic of the Antiochene School gave way before the transcendental of its sacramentalpurpose, rather than a consequenceof the un-
spirituality of the Alexandrine School, which gained the upper doubted eloquence of the great Christian orators. As Ambrose of
hand and was adopted even by the Antiochenes in their biblical Milan puts it: Platoquodpotuit sermonisnitoremadhibuit,apostolus
autun,
exegesis.The spirituality of the Fathers was one, whereas in our qui habebatspiitum, reuelauitm2sterium('Plato showed what he could
own days different schools of spirituality have formed an uneasy of the splendour of eloquence,but the apostle,who possessedthe
alliance ever since the early Middle Ages, as can be seen for exam- spirit, revealed the mystery') (De NoeYIII).
ple even in the western liturgy. It is understandable, therefore, that z. Using a neo-Platonic framework (to generalize somewhat) the
the liturgical and Patristic movements, which tend to go together, Fatherstended to speakto their congregationsof the world as if it
are doomed to have little or no successexcept among certain select were an image of a superior realiry all the more real becausemore
groups. spiritual. The cosmoswas valued by them as being a figure of the
On considering the practice of preaching today, my impression paradise 'lost but regained' (or regain-able)by Christ. It seemsto
is that one other factor can have a negative influence on our pasto- me that this approach deservesto be borne in mind given the eco-
ral practice: I refer to the preoccupation with socialproblems when logical preoccupations of our own day.
this becomesthe soleor at leastthe predominant concern in homi- 3' In their preaching the Fathers frequently turned to typological
lies.Themes like the defenceof human rights, the equality of rights means of interpretation when explaining sacred scripture, a tech-
for all persons,freedom and mutual respect,the need for harmoni- nlque that they had learned from scripture itself. It was a system
 ALEXANDER OLIVAR. O.S.B.

that fitted admirably the neo-Platonic ideas already mentioned.

Tlpology, and occasionally allegory, with its reference to the fu-
ture, gave to their preaching, as it can to all preaching, an eschato- HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE
logical character,which is very appropriate in a Christian context. PREACHER: THE ROMAN HOMILY AND
'better
The concern for a world' transcendsthe immediate social
ITS SOCIAL CONTtrXT
and material preoccupations, and allows one to rise, by means of
'anagogic' reality, to the appreciation of eternal values.
an
Alistair Stewart-Sykes
4. The ecclesialelement is essentialin the thought of the Fathers,as
it is in the NewTestament: full human development and realization
is only possiblewhen one is a member of the Body of Christ. To be The object of this study is to examine Hermas and Hippolytus, two
'created in the image and likenessof God' means to be created in preachers from Rome, from roughly each end of the second cen-
the image of Christ, so that each person comes to full realization tury. I hope through this examination to seehow preaching devel-
when, through the sacraments and a virtuous life, the image of oped in this time, to note socialdevelopmentswithin Roman Chris-
Christ is complete.All human beingscome together inJesusChrist, tianiry and in each instance to see how the social status of the
whose image and likenessthey bear, and here is to be found the preacher and his audience affected the interaction between them.
foundation of charity. The choice of preachersis limite d by the evidencesincethere are
no other extant homilies from Rome in this period. There is a re-
port of Christian worship in Rome at around the middle of the
second century from the pen ofJustin, as part of which he tells us
that after the readings the president (nqoeottirg)gives a word of
vou0eola xal nq6x].qorE,encouraging imitation of the good con-
tained therein,' but none of the content of this preaching is pre-
served.Although the choice of preachers is thus forced upon us,
Hermas and Hippolytus are interestingboth in their own right and
as representativesof differing social settingsand periods within the
Roman church.
The nature of preaching before Origen has not been studied
extensively,largely becauseof the high degreeof uncertainty about
the identification of homilies in this period. Therefore in each case
it will be necessaryto justify my recognition of the texts as homi-
letic. Whereas the homilies of this period have not been studied as
homilies, and it is certainly the casethat there have been no studies
on either of theseauthors asDreachers.their works have been stud-
ied as sourcesof social information. In each caseI shall seekto go
beyond the actual homily which is under examination in order to
gather information, hoping thereby to explore the relationship be-
tween preaching and its social setting.
The origins of Christianity at Rome were almost certainlyJew-
-]--
I ApoLt.67.
 HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER 35
34 ALISTAIR STEWART-SYKES

By the end of the secondcentury the Roman church had moved

ish.' Paul met Prisca and Aquila first in Corinth, at which point
they were already Christians.There was an expulsion ofJews from towards organisation on the basisof a monarchical episcopate,but
Rome under Claudius due to the disturbanceswhich were taking we shall note below the extent to which the diversity and indepen-
place in the synagoguesbecause of difficulties arising from the ar- dent nature of the congregations remained. It was now that the
rival of Christianity as a party in RomanJudaism, and it is reason- church of Rome began to own common property, and so only at
able to suggestthat Prisca and Aquila were expelled from Rome as this time that some uniformity began to be imposed.s Not only
a result of that decree.3But whereas the first beginnings of Chris- Hermas at the beginning of the second century butJustin in the
tianity in the capital were Jewish, gentile congregations rapidly middle, imply the decentralized nature of Roman Christianity.
grew up as a result of immigration from the eastern empire. The Justin statesthat worship might take place in a number of houses
effectof this immigration on Roman Christianity is perhaps under- throughout the city; as a teacher of Christianity he was himself ap-
appreciated. Although Roman Christianity was originallyJewish, parently independent of any ecclesiasticalcontrol. Even at the be-
within a very short period other forms of social grouping besides ginning of the third century, Roman Christianity remained broadly
the synagogue had become part of Roman Christianity. decentralized.
This theological diversity is reflected in the various churches of A result of the location of the church in private houseswas that
Christian Rome. A variety of churchesis greeted in Paul's letter to ministry derived from the position of the householder.This pro-
the Romans, and Hermas showsa concern that the leaders(always vides an important key to the social and the ecclesial setting of
in the plural) of the churchesshould have some common mind and Hermas. By the time of Hippolytus, and in responseto the chal-
unity among themselves.This diversity derives from the manner in Ienges which the Roman church had faced in the intervening pe-
which the Roman church began.That is to say,Roman Christian- riod, there was movement towards a more ordered ministry. How-
ity did not come about as the result of any individual or organised eveq this took place over an extended period and so, even at the
missionary effort, but in some casesit grew out of the synagogue time of Hippolytus, congregationscontinued to possessa degreeof
and in others it came with the immigration of a seriesof teachers. independence.
The result of this was that each congregation continued to be iso- Thus, although in examining two preachersfrom the first centu-
lated from the others.This isolation was heightenedby the fact that ries of Christian Rome one expectsa degree of contextual continu-
the congregations held no property because the meeting places, ity since both are in the same city, it is possibleto exaggeratethe
generally houses,belonged to individuals.Thus there was not only extent of this continuity. Each was preaching in his own circle, and
diversity on a theologicalbasis,but there was organisationalvariety that circle might be entirely independent of any other. Diversity
as well, since although all Roman churches were broadly speaking could be socialaswell astheological,and the preacher might reflect
based on a household model. there were variations in the kind of the congregation closelyboth in his preaching and in his own social
household.a status.Nevertheless,I hope in this paper to note differencesin the
preaching of Hermas and Hippolytus which indicate development
in homiletic practice rather than simply social distinction; these
'
On the Jewish origins of Roman Christianity, see L.W Barnard, 'The early differenceswill reflect those developmentsin ecclesialorder and in
Roman church,Judaism, andJewish-Christianity', AnglicanTheological Reuieru49 Qg67), theology which took place at Rome in the courseof the secondcen-
37t-84; J.L. Jeffers, Confict at Rome:Social Order and Hierarch2in Earfit Christianig
(Minneapolis,iggr), 3-rB. tury.
3 For a discussionof this decree seeH. Leon, TheJerusofAncientRome(Peabody,
J.
repr. r9g5),z3-7 and references.
a That is to say that in addition to the domestic household, the synagogueand
school were founded on a household model. See H.O. Maier, The SocialSettingof the
MinistrltasRfiuted in theWitingsof Hermas,Clement
andlgnatius(Ontario, rggr), r5-z8. A. ' P Lampe,
Die stadtrdmischen Chisten in den ersten beidenJahrhunderlaz (Ti.ibingen,
Brent, HippofutusandtheRomanChurchin theThird Century, (Leiden, rg95),4or-2, seeksto
r g B T ) ,3 r o - r .
make an unnecessarilvsharp distinction between the household and the school.
 HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER 37
3b ALISTAIR STEWART-SYKES

Hermas theProphet church and his prophecy is difficult to characterize.We may be sure
that he was not leader of the house-churchsolelyon the basisof his
The first preacher to be examined in this chapter is Hermas, which possessionof the prophetic charism, sincechurch leadership in this
is the name we shall give to the author of the rambling document context is at least partly dependent upon ownership of the prop-
known as the Shepherd.The preaching of Hermas, who identifies erty, given that leadership in the church reflects the leadership
himself as a Roman, may be dated to a time around the turn of the models of the Graeco-Roman household.This point is significant
secondcentury.6Hermas thus representsRoman Christianity at an in the light of Jeffers's attempt to depict Hermas as espousinga
'charismatic leadership'Jeffers
early stagein its development. The absenceof formal offices within charismatic type of leadership.BBy
the church in this period is noticeable; rather than officesthere are is referring to a type of authority legitimation described byWeber.
individuals who perform leadership functions. The plurality of lead- A charismatic leader legitimateshis authority solely on the basisof
personal revelation. However, it is not the casethat Hermas was a
ers and their titles, as well as the references to unity, all suggest a
context of a variety of house-churches,which would be in keeping lharismatic leader of this tlpe) even though he was a prophet.
with the pluralistic origins of Roman Christianity. Rather Hermas's leadershipwas based at leastin part on the tradi-
'Traditional leadership' is
One must ask in this context who would act as the preacher.At tional criterion of household leadership.
the time ofJustin the preacher is the ngoeotdlg,but this may repre- another model of legitimation of authority recognised by Weber,
sent only the Christian community which Justin knows. Hermas based on the traditional recognition of a particular figure as one
was himself a Christian leader; although he did not actually identify who exercisesauthority simply becausehe always has exercisedit.
himself as such, that is the clear implication of his addressto his Given that Hermas was a traditional leader because he was the
children.7 His oixoE was his church, and on the basis that house- head of his household, the question is whether his status as a
ownership led to house-leadershipwe may assume that he was prophet derived from his social status, or whether his prophesying
leader of a Christian community because of his position in his representeda secondary but necessaryqualification. Since others
household. Howeveq the social status of the head of a household in his congregation were, as we shall see,lilewise wealthy, it would
does not represent the only qualification for Christian leadership; appear that the latter was the case.
Hermas was also a prophet. Young points out not only that he was Jeffers is concerned to build up a picture of Hermas as a charis-
the recipient of revelations which he communicated to his oizoE matic leader in contrast to the ecclesial,bureaucratic organisation
and to the church at large, but also that the depiction of his pro- of I Clement- Bureaucratic legitimation is a third model identified
phetic activity representsthe exact opposite of that of the false byWeber. However, the need to contrast Hermas the prophet with
prophet depicted in Mandater r; that is to say,he was careful to give Clement the bishop and the somewhat uncritical use of Weber's
way to the elders,he made his prophecy a public rather than a pri- typology have ledJeffers to ignore or downplay the traditional as-
vate affair, and he was not concerned with divination but with pro- pectsof Hermas's leadership and to perceivehis prophecy asbeing
claiming the messageas he had received it. occasionalonly. He acceptsthat Hermas was a prophet, but states
The relationship between Hermas's leadership of his house- that he was not a 'congregational prophet' since he spoke only oc-
casionally. Although there is evidence for non-congregational
prophecy, linked to the receiving of visions and revelations,e the
o
There has been extensive discussion of the dating of Hermas. However, the dis- form of Hermas's vision reports is, as we shall see,homiletic, and
cussion has been transformed by the work of G.M. Hahnemann, The Muratoian Fragment
and theDeuelopmentofthe Canon(Oxford, rggz), and in particular his chapter on the dating
of Hermas $4-72). There is little point in repeating his extensive arguments here.
7 So S. Young 'Being a man: the pursuit of manliness in the Shepherd of Hermas', " Jeffers (r99r), r5z-8.
e T e r t u l l i a n , D eA n i m a g , t e l l s o f a q : r o b a b l y M o n t a n i s t ; p r o p h e t e s s .w h o s e e sv i s i o n s
Journal of Earj Chistian Studiesz (tggg),237-55. Maier (r99r), 63-5 argues for a household .
durtng the liturgy and makes reports on them; significantly this takes place after the
arrangement for Hermas's church without making it explicit that Hermas is hirnself
assembly.
such a leader.
3B ALISTAIR STEWART-SYKES HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER 39

since he whs a leader of his people, we may continue to seehim as That Hermas's prophecy functions in this parainetic manner
a congregational prophet. may be gathered in the first instance from the content of the teach-
According to MandateI I, the true prophet speakswhen the spirit ing which he givesto the assembly.Hermas concentrateson warn-
of prophecy is opened to him; Hermas thus attempted to make ing his congregation against the dangers of wealth and of double-
himself a permanent vesselof the Spirit so that it might speak mindedness.However, although prophecy may be parainetic, not
through him. As leader of his oizoE and as prophet, Hermas did all parainesisis prophetic. Nonetheless, Hermas's messagesmay
not present a picture of charismatic leadership but rather of tradi- properly be characterised as prophetic through an examination of
tional leadership allied to a charisma. It was becauseof his status their form. Here we begin with the work of Aune, who, following
as a congregational prophet that he attempted at all times to make Reiling, has exhibited prophetic speechforms in Hermas.'4
himself the vessel of the Holy Spirit so that God might speak In the VisionsAune notes four oracles of salvation andjudgement
through him. He differed from the true prophet described in Man- on the basisof the commissioning formula at the beginning of the
date tt only in that he did not speak occasionally.But the true oracle and the shift in the courseof the oracle to the secondperson
prophet who speaksoccasionallyneed not be leader in the congre- plural, which indicates that the prophet is now addressing his audi-
gation. It is clear that at Corinth there were several who had mes- 'exhibit many featuresof the
ence.'SAune notes that theseoracles
sagesfrom the Spirit to the congregation. Thus the distinction style of the Hellenistic-Jewishhomily'.'6 He admits that if Hermas
which is to be made is notbetween Hermas and the congregational had not prefaced these oracles with a commissioning formula it
prophet, but between the prophetic leader and the occasional 'virtually impossible to distinguish them from homi-
would be
prophet. Hermas did not hold an office as prophet,'o but his pro- letic..... parainesis'.Could this not be because as oracles they are
phetic activity was allied to his headship. homiletic parainesis?Aune goes on to suggest that the Christian
In characterising Hermas as a prophet it becomes possible to homily was a sourcefor Hermas's prophetic rhetoric and diction.'7
understand his addressesas homilies. This is becausehis intention Is it irot rather the casethat on grounds of function, content, form
in addressing his congregation is to strengthen them, to exhort and style we are actually dealing here with homilies?
them to ethical behaviour, and to declare to them what God desires In the MandatesAune notes two short oracles of assurance,spo-
of them. This is parainesis,which represents one of the determining ken by the angel of repentance (in the first person), through
criteria of prophecy in the NewTestament," where prophecy is to Hermas (in the second person plural).'8 Similarly, the angel of re-
be identified with pastoral preaching.'" However, prophecy in the pentancedeliverssix parainetic'salvation-judgement' oraclesin the
ancient world is a complex phenomenon. It may be divided into Similitudes.'s Aune insists that only on the basis of a messenger-for-
two sub-typeswhich are called the 'parainetic' and the 'mantic'.,3 mula may thesebe labelled as oracles and that the shift to the sec-
In studying Hermas as preacher and labelling him a prophet it is ond person plural is not in itself sufficient to enable us to recognise
important to note that he was a parainetic prophet, in other words, an oracle. He concludes that oracles are preservedin Hermas but
one who delivers guidance to his congregation.Thus, Hermas as a
prophet may be described as a preacher.

'o '4
J C. Wilson, Towards a Re-Assessment
of theShepherdof Hermas(Lampeter; rg93),92 _ D. E. Aune, Prophec2in Earl2 ChristianiqtandtheAncizntMediterraneanWorld(Grand
notes this valuable ooint.
\apids, r9B3),zgg-3ro, tollowingJ. Fieilng Hermasand ChristianPropheclt: A Stub 0f the
So U.B. Miiller, Prophaie und Predigt im Neuen Tistament: Ibrmgesehichtliche EleaenthMandatz(Leiden, rg73), r66-7o.
Untersuchungm <ur urchristkchmProphetiz
(Gi:tersloh, rg75),z3-3r. 's These are Vis.
2.6-8, Vit. S.+, Zar.3.8.r r-3.g.ro, Vi"s.
4.2.5-6.
'" D. Hill, '6 Aune (1983),
New Tistament Prophec2
(London, rgTg),ro3. 3o3.
'3 Following the terminology of R.P
Vande Kapelle, 'Prophets and Mantics,, in '7 Aune (r983),3o4.
R. Smith-J. Lounibos(edd,.),PaganandChristianAnxiel(Lanharn, rg84),B7-rrr.Asimi- 'o These areMand. 12.4.5-7, Mand. e.6.:rg.
lar distinction is made by T,w. Gillespie, The First Theologinns:
A studlt in EarQ christian 'e These arc Sim.6.v4, Sim.
9.23.5,Sim.9.24.4Sim.9.zB.5-8, Sim.g.gt.g-32.5,Sim.
Prophu2(Grand Rapids, 1994),15o-6. 9.33.r.
 +o ALISTAIR STEWART-SYKE S HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER +I

that a degree of literary artifice is added in the production of the Kugr,ovxai. Qtl.oooe tcE Swol.crgcrrito0 ('Fear the Lord and keep
work. The rhetoric of the prophet is, he suggests,influenced his commandments': Eccl rz:r3). Then, starting with QoBrl0ltl,
through the rhetoric of homiletic. Again we may suggestthat this Hermas proceeds to a general treatment of fearing the Lord, in-
is the caseprecisely becausethese works are homilies. If they are cluding the assertionthat those who keep the commandments will
not, then there is no evidence by which homiletic influence may be live to God:
shown, becausethese very oracles provide the evidence by which 'Fearthe Lord and keephis commandments'.
one might recognise a homily in early second-century Rome. In
'Hellenistic-Jewishhomilies', Aune is follow- If youkup thecommandmenlr of God you will be strongin everlthingthat
characterisingtheseas you do. I{ youfeartheI'ord you v4)ldo all thingswell. This is thefearvtlth
ingThyen, who identifies a number of works as homilies and then whichyou shouldfear, and be saved.Do notfearthe devi..If youfearthe
proceedsto describetheir style as that of a homily.'oThe circularity I-ordyou will havepower overthe devil becausethereis no powerin
inherent in this argument has been noticed lrrany times, but if we him.Wherethereis no power,thereis nofear...
are correct in identifying these prophecies of Hermas with his (Mandate 7. rz)
preaching then we may study the style of these oracles as that of the The Mandatuconcludes with a reworking of this text, before a gen-
preacher and, moreoveq seekother homilies in Hermas's writings, eral application:
no longer being dependent solely on messengerformulae but seek-
ing secondperson plural addressesand homiletic functions. himandleeps
SofeartheLordandyou shalllivefor him. And whoeverlfuars
hiscommandmentsshalllive to God. (Mandate
7.4)
We may note moreover the extent to which these identified ora-
cles are nearly contiguous. Five of the six prophetic oracles identi- This is a homily of the proemic type, a homily which begins with
fied by Aune in the Similitudesare in Similitude9. Taken out of their a scriptural citation and then goes on to treat the citation by divid-
context they are fairly insignificant; each is an oracle in that it be- ing it into sections for exegesis.I have italicized the repeated
longs in the context of the angel's explanation of the parable of the phrases from the text, to clarify the extent to which this oracle is a
mountain. Similarly, the two oracles discovered by Aune in the treatment of the original text.
Mandatesboth appear in Mandate rz. This entire Mandatemay thus Although this Mandateis addressedto Hermas, the fact that it is
be read as a single homily. These oracles are not oracles in isolation built upon a scriptural citation implies that it is suited for homiletic
like those to be found in Old Testament prophets, but are worked use.The fact that the homily treats of scripture is no reason not to
into a more extended piece of prose. count it as a product of a prophet since one of the functions of the
The presence of an addressin the second person plural, com- prophet was to expound a text.22Even so, it must be noted that
bined with parainetic content and a continuous prose style, may Hermas does not normally concern himself with scripture.This is
therefore be accepted as evidence for Hermas's homiletic activity. not becauseprophecy excludes the use of scripture but because
Thyen labelled Hermas's writings aspartially homiletic on the basis biblical texts did not yet possessa clear canonical function within
of the presenceof ethic aJparainesis."He suggestedthat this reflected the church. Exegesismoved to the centre of prophetic activity only
Jewish synagoguepreaching, and we have seenhow this suggestion when a working canon had been established;conversely,the move-
was picked up by Aune. There are now stronger grounds to suggest ment towards an authoritative text helped to endanger the pro-
that more or less complete homilies are preserved for us in phetic phenomenon.23In the case of Hermas, there are occa-
Hermas's writings.
More controversially,we may observethe manner inwhichMan- '" 'Utterance
D.E. Groh, and exegesis: biblical interpretation in the Montanist
date7 employs scripture. It begins with a citation, @opqOqrr,rov crisis', in D.E. Groh R.Jewett(edd.),The LitingText: Essa2sin Honor of Ernest W. Saunders
(Lanham, r9B5),73-95.
23 This is
not to say that it is simply the canon which endangers prophecy, rather
"" H.-fhyen,DerSilderJildisch-HelbnistiscfunHomllrz(Gottingen,rg55),notablyz3-4. that prophecy is a victim of the movement towards authority in early Christianity which
"' Thyen (t955),4-+. gave rise to a canon. So H. Paulsen, 'Die Bedeutung des Montanismus fur die
 AO ALISTAIR STEWART-SYKES THE PROPHET
HERMAS THE PREACHER+3
AND HIPPOLYTUS

sional referencesto scripture, but the authority of scripture is on a Abstainfrom muchbusiness andyou will not sin.Thosewho do a lot of
par with the authority of the prophet. business,sina lot. (Sim.4.5)
The use of scripture in Mandate7 is thus an indication that it was Hear the kind of deedsby which evil desirebringsdeathto the ser-
put to homiletic use.Two further arguments may be adduced for vantsof God. Firstof all is the desirefor the wife or the husbandof an-
the hypothesis that the Shepherdis constructed from only slightly other,and extravagantwealthand too much food and needless drink
and muchluxury and foolishness. All luxury is foolish,and needlessfor
redacted homilies. First, we may note that the Visionsthemselves
the servantsof God.Thesethen arewickeddesiresand bring deathto
would appear to have been addressedat somepoint to a congrega- the servantsof God.
tion. Hermas, in describing his visions, three times addressesto (Mand. rz.r.3-rz.z.z)
himself to dbel,Qoi, (Vis.2.4,g.r.r,4.t.t), and at Vis.g.3.t he tellsthe
ancient lady that he intends to announce thesevisions to the breth- That this should be the message,rather than the conventional
ren, in order that they may rejoice the more and know the Lord. parainetic topic concerning the compatibility of wealth and salva-
These aims are surely homiletic aims. Secondly, we may note tion, is a clear indication thatthe parainesisrs not conventional, but
Hippolytus's report from the Book of Elchasai that in the reign of one which is closelybound up to the socialsituation of Hermas and
'social
Trajan a secondrepentancewas preached."+If this is a referenceto his audience.'sRiddle describesHermas's parainetic aims as
Hermas, then it is clear that thesemessages were receivedin an oral control', and links this idea to the control exercised by the Roman
and ecclesialsetting. church over other jurisdictions.'6 This is unfair: the unity which
On the basisof the foregoing argument itwould appear that sub- Hermas desiresis a unity between the house-churcheswhich make
stantial parts of the Shepherd of Hermas consist of homilies edited up the Roman church at his time. Nonetheless,Hermas's message
only slightly with a view to inclusion in a literary work. We may is a social message and it is delivered with the authority of a
therefore consider them as reflections of Flermas's preaching. For prophet.
the purpose of this chapter, Mandaten and Similitudesz and 4 will It has already been suggestedthat Hermas was a householder
be used.Mandater2 has a plural addressin the secondperson, thus and that in this respect he was head of his church. However,
indicating a homiletic address. Similitudz4, although addressed to Hermas revealsmuch elseabout himself, which enablesus to locate
Hermas, contains generalconclusionswhich would suit a homiletic him socially. He was a freedman, since he alludes to his earlier slav-
delivery. Similitudez does not show any direct evidence of homiletic ery; he was moreover involved in agriculture, since he makes fre-
delivery though its messageconforms to that which Hermas is told quent allusions to viticulture, and in Visionz is seenfarming his own
to preach at Similituderc.+.2-3. land. He had become wealthy, but appears to have lost his wealth
(Vis.3.6.7;Mand.3.5).This latter statementrequires a somewhat
Say to everyonethat they should not ceaseto do right. Every man guarded interpretation.Jeffers suggeststhat his wealth was never in
shouldbe takenout ofdistress,for whoeveris in needand suffersevery
fact great, but that what he did possesswas lost.'7 Nevertheless,
day is in greatanguishand need.
Hermas remained a householder and leader in the church. which
(Sim.
rc.4.2)
implies that he continued to possessat least somewealth. It is clear
The messagein thesehomilies is a simple one, that businessshould from his prose that he was not a well-educatedman; this is consis-
be put aside when it stands in the way of the religious life, that the tent with his agricultural profession and status as a freedman. We
congregation should be concerned with the religious life rather than may perhaps revive a suggestion of Zahn that Hermas was one of
the life of luxury and that they should show pity for the poor.

"5 C. Osiek, Rich and Poor in the Shepherdof Hermas:A Social-Exegetical

Inaestigation
(INashington,rg83),gr.
HerausbildungdesKanons',Z{glliae ChristinnazgzQgTB),rg-52andJ.L.Ash,.The decline 'o D.W Riddle, 'The messagesof Hermas: a study in social control',
ofecstatic prophecy in the early church', Theological
Studizs37 Qg76),zz7-52. Journal of
Religion
7 Qgz), 56r-77.
"a Hippolytus, Han 9.13.4;the word employed is eriqyyel.ioOct.
"7 Jeffers (tggt), zz-4.
 STEWART-SYKFI,S
HERMASTHE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER 45
AT,ISTAIR
44

those whose property was confiscated by Domitian and restored by messageof Similitude4; this was a messagewhich would be appro-
'frajan
in the form of land.'8This explanation is consistentwith priate if directed to an audience of freedmen, but lessso if delivered
Hermas's own statementsabouthis formerwealth, his insideknowl- to slavesor to the aristocracy. Hermas's involvement in viticulture,
edge about business a"ffairs,and with his continuing agricultural which may be illustrated from his preaching at Mandate n.5-3,
work.'9 where the image of xegapr,aof wine is employed in support of his
Hermas was thus a freedman of at least moderate wealth. Who pneumatology, again implies a background in business:
then are the wealthy about whom he preaches?It would appear When a man fills a greatmanypotswith goodwine and a few of them
that they were members of his own congregation and like him, rep- arehalf emptyhe goesto the the potsand doesn'tworry aboutthe full
resentedfreedmen and businessmen.Thus, Hermas did not preach ones,because theyarefull. He worriesabouttheemptyones,afraidthey
aboutthe wealthy, but addressed himself directly to them.3oThese might go sour,becausehalf-emptypotsgo sourquicklyand the flavour
of the wine is ruined. So the devil goesaround the servantsof God,
wealthy people were probably not aristocrats, since evidence for temptingthem all.Thosewho arefull of faith opposehim powerfully'..
aristocratic interest in Christianity is thin in the earlier part of the (Mand.12.5.3-4)
second century. Although a Christian aristocratic circle may have
existed at Rome, it was not connected to Hermas's congregation. One should note in this context Hermas's invective against rauQq
Hermas was interestedin those nol.l.o ng<ioooweg('wheeling and ('luxury'). It is true that this representsa conventional theme of the
dealing')rather than in people possessedof inherited wealth. Clem- diatribe, but it is nonetheless appropriate given the conspicuous
ent may well have been connected to the imperial circle, but consumption for which freedmen are known in this period.3'?The
Hermas was not.3' weight of this evidence may be set againstJeffers's suggestion that
The case for describing Hermas as a freedman preaching to this passagerepresents polemic aimed only against imperial freed-
freedmen is strengthened by an examination of his preaching. We men) as representedby Clement. The rich described here are the
have seen that the importance of God over businessis the primary freed businessmenof Hermas's congregation;thesepeople bear the
responsibility of charity and assistingthe poor.
-f. The rich man hasmoney,but he is poor asregardsthe Lord. He is con-
"o Zahn, Der Hirt desHermasUntersucht (Gotha, 1868),134-5.
2e In view ofthe fact that Hermas is a householder,Jeffers(tggt), zz-4, overstates cernedabouthis riches,and hisprayerand praiseto the Lord is tiny,it
his casein attempting to seeHermas as an 'ordinary' Roman Christian, who criticizes is weakand smalland totallypowerless. But when the rich man helps
the corruption of the hierarchy from outside. There is no hierarchy as such, and the poor man and supplieswhat he needs,he believesthat what he does
Hermas is moreover an insider.Jeffersadopts a somewhat naiVeview of the evidence will find a reward from the Lord.
becausehe is trying to force it into a strait-jacketofhis own devising,contrasting charis- Blessedare they who have wealth and understanding! Becausethey
matic order in a low-born congregation to bureaucratic order in a well-born congrega- know that their riches are from the Lord, and becausethey understand
tion (r5z-Band pasim). There is no evidencefor such a conflict in second-century Rome
betweencharismatic and bureaucratic systemsof government;we shall note below that this they will be able to servethe Lord well.
a bureaucratic systemof government only comes to Rome in the early third century (Sim.2.5,rc)
There is also no evidence for any correlation of high social status and bureaucratic
government, nor for its corollary of low social status and 'charismatic' government. It is necessary to ask whether these poor were inside or outside of
'charismatic' Hermas's congregation. Lampe here perceives a division within the
Quite the oppositeis true if Corinth is in any way tlpical; here the leaders
were those of high social status,who were therefore also 'traditional' leaders. So G. congregation between rich and poor, andJeffers, for whom Hermas
Theissen, 'Social stratification in the Corinthian community: a contribution to the soci-
ology of early Palestinian Christianity', in The SoeialSatingof PaulineChristinni6t(Eng. is a poor man preaching against the rich freedmen typified by
trans.)(Philadelphia,rgBz),69-r r7.Insofar asHermas may be describedasa charismatic Clement, thinks that Hermas had his own congregation in mind.33
leader,which despitehis statusas a prophet is perhaps doubtful, we may note that the
correlation continues in Rome. We may thus see that social status does not impinge
upon systemsof authority in the way thatJeffers suggests.
3o So Osiek(1983),rz7-3r.
3' On freedmen,seeOsiek
3' For this evidenceseeJeflers(r99r), z5-8,who is inclined to the idea ofan aristo- $gB3),e7-gz.
33 Lampe (rg87),74;Jeffers
(r99r),rr5-9.
cratic interest in Christianity late in the first century, and Osiek (rg83),gz-5 who is not.
46 ALISTA I R STEWART-SYKES HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER +7

Both scholarsfail to notice that the poor must be outside the con- Hippolytus thePreacher
gregation since no words are addresseddirectly to them. Hermas's
preaching is directed to the wealthy about wealth, and is about the In turning to Hippolytus as our second representativeof Roman
poor rather than to the poor. It is thus far more convincing to iden- preaching, I shall focus on a homily extracted from amongthe ca-
tifz the poor with people who do not belong to the congregation of tenaeon the Psalms.37 Despite Hippolytus's fame as a preacher-on
Hermas.34Hermas displays no real interest in the poor except as one occasionhe had Origen in his audience-38 this text appearsto
objects of assistance;he is instead concerned with the salvation of be the only homily which survives in a substantially complete form
the rich, who may be saved through the exercise of charity and in its original language. It is for this reason that I have chosen to
through the offer of a second repentance.35Hermas's proclamation examine this homily.so
of a second chance for repentance thus has a social function. It Additional problems are causedby pseudonymity. Leaving aside
helps to sustain the support grven by the congregation to the poor works of a different period altogether which are attributed to
since the rich Christians who have lapsed from the fullness of the Hippolytus) we must face the fact that many of the works still at-
religious way of life are thereby given another chance to return, tributed to him were written by two separate authors.4oNeverthe-
and so to continue their social support. less, these may propetly b. characterized as Hippolytean works
Finally it is important to note that Hermas's style of preaching since they derive from a single school. In the light of this study I
is consistent with his social setting. His rhetorical style is straightfor- hope to suggestwho in fact was the author of this homily. For the
ward and entirely free of artifice, even to the point of being clumsy. moment, however, we may accept that it derives from the
Not only was he himself not highly educated, but it is likely that his Hippolytean school on the basis of the attribution to Hippolytus in
hearers also belonged outside the 6lite cultural circles of Rome. the Spiac version) and on the basis of theological and linguistic
A point of particular interest which emerges from Hermas's parallels from elsewherein the Hippolytean corpus.4'
preaching is the social cohesion of the preacher and his audience.
Hermas was a relatively well-to-do freedman, preaching to a circle
of people in similar circumstances.36 It was becauseof this homoge- 37 In P Nautin, Iz dossierd'Hippojtc et fu Milinn danslesfoil)ges dognat:iqueset cful les
neity that Hermas was able to addresshimself so directly to his con- hisnrimsmodernes (Paris,rg53), r66-83.
3u Eusebius,H.E.Yl.r4.ro;Jerome, W III. 6r.
gregation.The artlessnessof his preaching is not only an indicator 3s There .are other potential candidates.J.C. Salzmann, Izhrm undErmahnm:<ur
of his level of education, but of the nature of his relationship with Geschichte in dm nsttn dreiJahrhunderten
deschris.tlilhenWortgottesdimstzs ffiibingen, Igg4),
his hearers. Furthermore, Hermas's preaching represenls the 38r-6 suggeststhat Hippolytus's Commentary onDanielcontainshomileticelements,which
may be so,but sincethe homiletic elementsare buried in a literary text it would be less
unmediated proclamation of the word of God. Involvement with
instructive in an attempt to explore the interrelationship of the preacher and his audi-
scripture is slight, but participation in the life of his congregation ence.A homily on David and Goliath is extant in Georgian, but I have refrained from
is profound. Hermas's direct confrontation ofcongregational prob- using this becauseit is not extant in its original language.
ao Until recently the argument has been over the question ofwhether there is one
lems enablesus to perceive accurately the nature of that .o.rgr.gu-
author or two in the Hippolyean corpus. This argument is now firmly settledin favour
tion. of two; there is no need to recapitulatehere, but I will assumethat there are two authors
in the corpus. The existenceof a list of works on a statue thought to be of Hippolytus
meant that thosearguingfor dual authorship within the corpuswere obliged to attribute
all of theseworks to one of the two authors, a procedure which has brought great diffi-
cultiesin its wake. However, Brent (rg95)has argued persuasively that it is not necessary
for all of the works detailed on the statue to be the work of one or the other author;
rather, the statueis the property ofa school, ofwhich both authors were leaders;there
may indeed be other authors in the 'Hippolytean' corpus besides.The authors will, for
34 the sakeof convenience,both be called'Hippolytus' even though it is improbable that
Osiek (1983),r33. the first author bore that name; when a distinction is required, they will be referred to
35 Lampe (1987),75-6
36
as the author of the Elntchusor as the author of the ContraNoetum.
Osiek(1983),r33. 4' Nautin (r953),ro3-5.
 HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER 49
ALIS TAIR STEWART-SYKES
48
After this short interruption, Hippolytus turns to probatio (In Ps.
The outline of the homily is as follows: Inhis proemium(In Ps.t),
g-r7). He wishes to show the spiritual nature of the Psalms, which
Hippolytus stateshis intention of demonstrating the Ouvaplgof the
in his narratio he has already attributed to the work of the Spirit,
Psalms.We shall explore the meaning of this term below.
and does so by pointing out that even the order, the number and
Hippoly.tus then turns tohrs narratio(In Ps.z-). He tells the story of
the titles show signs of inspiration. His fundamental interest, as set
the removal of the ark of the covenant toJerusalem, where it was
out in the narratii,is that the Psalms are both inspired and yet lend
met by choirs under four choirmasters,together representingall the
support to order in the church. This is clear from his interpretations
nations of the earth. This story indicates the proper manner in
of tir. titles, which show that his concern goes far beyond the titles
which worship should be offered to God. Here Hippolytus states
themselves to the place of prophecy in the church and the role of
that it was given to the tribe of Levi to appoint singers, which they
the clergy:
did, and that herein lies the origin of prophecy. Moved by the
,Psalm of the wine-vat'. what are thesevats, unlessthe
Spirit, each sang a hymn to God; when the Spirit fell on Asaph the Another title is
otherswere silent, and respondedwith'Alleluia'. From this account blessedprophets? For just as the vat receivesthe sweetwine from the
Hippolytus deduces that naweE ofrv rinryxoor iylvovto ('everyone crushedgrape, andjust astherein it is boiled and fermented, Iikewisethe
Holy Spirithows into the prophets, as Christ was crushed like a grape,
was obedient'). In the same way, Hippolytus suggests,Paul writes
and'.delightsthe heart' juit as doessweetwine.This is easyto seebe-
that prophets should glve way to one another. It is in this manner causethelide showsthe meaning of the Psalm and the Psalm showsthe
that the church should be organised. The worship of the church, meaning of the words which are to be interpreted. For it is added'from
whilst containing prophecy, should remain well ordered. In the the mouth of babies and infants you have found praise'. christ says
,You have revealed these things to suckling infants'. He is speaking to
same way, the worship of Israel demonstrated both the practice of
prophecy and order in worship. the prophets, becausethey are sharersin the Holy Spirit living as chil-
It is interesting that Hippolytus should focus on the order of Isra- dr.r, fui fro..t evil, and so they build the glorious schoolof grace.Rightly
did David sing about them.
elite worship in this way, and moreover that he should seethis form 'Song of understanding'. What does 'under-
Another his the title:
of worship as akin to prophecy. Not only does Israelite worship standing' denote but this? Beloved,to understand is to avoid sin, to con-
represent the origin of prophecy for Hippolytus, but praise is the fessto God, to begin by speakingof sin and so to be justified. That the
work of the Spirit, who moves (6xootog zr,vodpevoE) and leaps on title intends the forgivenessof sin is proved when it goes on to say
.Blessedare thosewhoseiniquities are forgiven and whosesinsare wiped
individuals (6ox[gtc ro nveOpc) (In Ps.4). Hippolytus appears to
recognise authentic prophecy as the work of the Spirit and implies out. Blessedis the man to whom the Lord imputes no sin''
'Psalm of Ascents'.What does this mean?
here that the actions of a prophet under the influence of the Spirit Again, another title is
Which 'ascents'? Are they the stairs to the sanctuary built of stone?No
may be involuntary. Nevertheless,he is equally determined that 'ascents'
indeed! By he means the clergy, the living successorsof the
order should be maintained in the worship of the church, just as fathers of old, who praise God and manifest the mystery of the doxol-
eritcxrarE BQeqero6'Iogcrrll. ('Israel was well-ordered') (In Ps.). 'Unless the Lord build
ogy.That this is the caseis shown by the verse:
This point of view is highly significant, given that Montanism rep- the house,in vain do the builders labour'. The apostleclearly showsthat
'Those who minister
resenteda recent threat. it is right to call the clergy 'ascents'when he says,
The narrat'iois followed by abrief egressio (In Ps. B), consisting of well gain for themselvesgood standing'.
(In ps.rz_r4).
a short diatribal interruption:
Let those who think themselveslearned attend and although they dare At the end of hisprobatio Hippolytus exhorts his hearers faithfully to
not praise, let them still be forced to say: 'You have been studying since accept the lessons from on high. He has shown the 6tvcpr.g of the
your youth!' Psalms (In Ps.ry). From here he goes on to a second, shorter probatio:

Ignorance, says Hippolytus, leads to false teaching, but faith leads

to learning.
 ALISTAIR STEWART-SYKES HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER 5I
50

...Letusturn to thereadingwhichtookplace.Two Psalms werereadto The manner in which the homilist divides his subject-matterand
usandit is necessary to statewhy theyarethefirst.The Psalmsarewith- indicates the content of what is to follow also indicates a homiletic
out title, for the first showsthe birth of Christ,the second,his passion.
context. Hippolytus doesthis at In Ps.2,as he proceedstohis narra-
It wasnot necessary to givethem titlessincewhenevertheWord is pro-
claimedby all the prophets,theWord is its own beginning.It criesout tio, at In Ps. B as he moves tohis probatio,at In Ps. 9 as he recovers
thus and says'I am the beginningand the end, the alpha and the from the diatribal interruption which he has inserted at this point,
omega'.Sowhenblessed Davidspokein theSpirittherewasno needof and at In Ps.tB as he goes on to deal with the first two Psalms. Be-
a title.Thus, after this proof, it is clear that the Son of God is pro- fore this, however, he exhorts his audience, again employing the
claimedat thebeginning; throughthesePsalms is betokenedtheWord, first person plural (In Ps. ry), to remain faithful to the truth ex-
theWisdom,the only-begotten Sonof theFather... pressed in the true meaning (6uvcrpr.g) of the word of God. A1-
(In Ps.fi-zo) is lost, one can seealready that the
though the end of the homily
The work may be recognisedas a homily on a number of grounds, homily is leading towards a triumphal conclusion.The work is in-
including the reference to a reading preceding it.a' In addition to tended to strengthen the audience in its faith. This is not simply a
this, we may note the manner in which the author addresseshimself theological treatise, because it has a pastoral intention. It is in-
'Beloved,
to his audiencewithout introduction. The homily begins, tended to be heard, and so the preacher provides guidelinesfor the
we are under a compulsion to demonstratethe true meaning of the listeners at each transition, as recommended by the rhetorical
Psalms'.Rondeau suggeststhat the homily is not complete at the schools.
beginning on the grounds that the verb which which the homily At the beginning of his homily the preacher setsout his objective
begins is in the aorist (6o1opev),and therefore assumesthat some- of demonstrating the Ouvapr,tg of the Psalms.Auvcrptgis employed
thing preceded it.a3However, Nautin demonstratesthat the aorist by rhetorical writers to mean the persuasive effect of oratory,45or
is commonly used at the beginning of a work. Hippolytus is speak- of individual units of a speechsuch as the choice of sounds.ab The
ing under the constraint of various factors which have already taken sourceof this usageis probably Plato, who discussesthe 8rivaplEof
place. Moreoveq as Nautin points out, the introduction is a good words with reference to their construction;47insof r as the discus-
one; it addressesthe audience and setsout what the work is to be sion concernsthe rhetorical appropriatenessof the choice of words,
'mean-
about. It is thus entirely suitable as an introduction to a homily.aa it is almost possibleto saythat 8uvotrllghere is equivalent to
Having begun with an addressto his audience,the preacher ad- ing'. In view of what follows, we may interpret Hippolytus as in-
dressesthem directly throughout the work. Frequently he usesthe tending an investigation into the nature of the meaning and author-
hortatory subjunctive in the first person plural as he moves from ity of the Psalms;a8the clue to this is to be found at In Ps.14 where
sectionto section of his homily: 'Now let us turn to the subject' (12 he stateswith regard to one of the Psalm titles that flycrq nqoyqcQn
Ps.z), 'Now let us apply ourselvesto the subject' (In Ps.9),etc. The rov Qcrl"pov8elxvuor.xoi 6 q'al,pogrlv buvopr rdrv Egpqveupcrttov
preacher does not lose sight of his audience. Although this phe- ('the heading showsthe (meaning of > the Psalm and the Psalmthe
nomenon of exhortation in the first person plural is to be found in meaning of the words to be interpreted'). Thus, the discussional-
other genres besideshomilies, it provides further proof here that most concernsthe canonicity of the Psalms,since the meaning de-
this represents a homiletic text, given the forthright introduction rives from its persuasiveforce, and the correct interpretation of the
and the liturgical setting.
4s So Lucian
at QLomodoHistoria Conscibendasz734 states that an essential skill for
a writer ofhistory is OtvcprE Eppqveurrxrl.
a" Nautin (rg53),roo. 40 Insihtto Oratoicall.ry.3-4, with reference to ps-Isocrates; Dionysius
Quintilian,
+: M.:J. Rondeau, 'Les pol6miques d'Hippolyte de Rome et de Filastre de Brescia of Halicarnassus. De Combositione rz.
concernant le Psautier', ReuuedcI'histliredesreligions17r (r967), r-5r.
4a P Nautin, 'L'hom6lie d'Hippolyte sur le Psautieret les oeuvres deJosipe',Reaue 4d Cf. Nautin (r953), r66 where the word is translated 'sens
consistent et vrai'. A
deI'hisniredesreligionsr79 (r97r), ry7-79, 46. similar use of br-rvo.prg
is lound ar In Pr. t3.
 AI,ISTAIR STEWART-SYKES HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER
52 53

Psalmsassurestheir place in the literature of the church. one Psalm has been weakened so as to lead the soul astray and an
Having said that he intends to demonstrate the buvaplg of the error should not be considereda new heresy'.He wishesto demon-
Psalms,Hippolytus goeson to say,Oril6vog xl"tlp6vounqog dntrrrlv strate the Psalms' true meaning and that is their spiritual signifi-
qu1frEori6dnl"avqgcrigeoeogxaw(g vopr.lopevqE. Herein lies a crux cance. Quite why the error is not to be considered a heresy is un-
'Puisque
of interpretation. Nautin translates: plus d'un psaume est clear. It may be that Hippolytus believes that as a result of his
bris6 pour tromper les Ames, et qu'une h6r6sie nouvelle passepour preaching the error will not survive to attain the status of a heresy;
non mensongdre'.40Inother words, he suggeststhat Hippolytus is certainly In Ps.g implies that he believeshimself to have triumphed
preaching becausein accordancewith a new heresy,some Psalms over those committing the error; nevertheless,the connection with
'broken'; this 'breaking' he interprets as a breaking away
have been what went before is unclear.
from the body of the text which includes the titles of the Psalms. Hippolytus clearly has some theological movement or debate in
Rondeau seeksto emend the text at this point from xl,op6vou ('bro- 'new heresy' which
mind and Nautin thus suggeststhat there is a
ken') to xhovou;r6vou('driven out'), and interprets the text asstating breaks offthe titles from the texts of the Psalms.This should hardly
that Psalms have been driven out of the canon because they have provoke a homily and it is also noticeable that there is little direct
been consideredwithout inspiration. Thus, she translatesthis pas- 'heretics'. Nautin argues his case on the
engagement with the
'puisque ce n'est pas un seul psaume qui est r6fut6 pour
sage as grounds that this representsthe main emphasis of the homily, given
abuserl'dme et qu'une erreur n'estpas consid6re6comme une nou- that a significant amount of time is devoted to the titles. Certainly
velle h6r6sie'. Rondeau thus suggeststhat there are people who he is right that we should interpret the introduction in the light of
deny inspired statusto the Psalms.so the contents of the homily; however, he pays insufficient attention
Nautin, however, suggests that the emendation proposed by to the narrative of the installation of the ark inJerusalem and the
Rondeau is highly conjectural, in that the manuscript support for singing of the choirs. It is, as Hippolytus himself says,the narratio
this reading is minimal, consisting of one conjectural emendation (iorogi,cr)(In Ps.B) and, as such, it is central to the interpretation of
of one damaged manuscript, as compared to what is otherwise a the homily.
unanimous witness across the stemma, and that it is difficult to The fact that a large section of the homily is devoted to the titles
imagine a scribe mistakenly making the alteration. Here he is cor- of the Psalmsdoes not mean that this representsthe central point.
rect; there is no need to resort to conjectural emendation when a The section of the homily which concerns the titles of the Psalms
perfectly meaningful text is presented by the almost unanimous is probatio; as Hippolytus himself says, it is 'a demonstration
witness of the manuscripts. But Rondeau's emendation is in fact (dn66er.lr.g) which concerns all of the Psalms' (In Ps.rB).The titles
unnecessary for the interpretation which she wishes to impose on are inspired and lend support to the correct interpretation of the
the text. It is possible for xl.cro, especially in the passive,to have the contents. If we accept that this is probatio,we may likewise perceive
metaphorical meaning of 'weakened' or 'eneryated'.s'Hippol)'tus that it is not the central objective of the homily; instead it is in-
intends to demonstrate the force and authority of the Psalms,rather tended to prove Hippolytus's central point, that the Psalms were
than to weaken their witness.Kl,olp6vouis used in this unusual way inspired and yet that inspiration was not detrimental to ordered
to contrast with 6rivapr,g. worship. It is not the breaking off of the titles that represents
The opening sentenceshould thus be translated:'We are obliged, Hippolyus's primary concern. For this reason, he advirts fre-
beloved,to demonstratethe true meanins of the Psalms.More than quently to problems of prophecy even inhis probatio.
Nautin's second argument in support of his characterization of
the heresy is that an anonyrnom pr"fu." survives which raisespre-
ae Translation in Nautin (1953),substantiallyrepeated in Nautin (rg7r).
5o Rondeau(1967),zr.
cisely the same issuesas does Hippolytus, namely the Davidic au-
s' Josephus,BellumJudairumIII.7.tg; Aristotle, PhlsingnomonicaBoBa (of eyesight); thorship of the Psalms, the function of the titles and the order of
Josephts, Wta 43.
 ALISTAIR STEWART-SYKES HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER 55
54

the Psalms.This, Nautin argues,bears witness to the same heresy false pericopae,ts also notably anti-prophetic, and in particular is
against which Hippolytus ranged himself' However, given that this opposed to women prophets. As such, it may be seen,as anti-
pieface cannot be dated, there is no guarantee that it is not itself Montanist.
dependent upon Hippolytus's homily, or indeed on the preface of The historical context of the early third century thus offers an
Oiigen, which was itself dependent partly upon the same source. appropriate settingfor the homily, given the the debate concerning
Rondeau's description of the context of our homily is thus to be the statusof the Psalms,the nature of inspiration and the place of
preferred. Her explanation of the heresy is that Montanism had prophecy within the church. As a result of this controversy,the sta-
taused a reaction which was heretical in itself, and that as a result tus of the Psalterwas uncertain and Hippolytus was thus concerned
of this, the inspired statusof the Psalmswas brought into question. to defend its place in the worship and the theology of the church.
Rondeau's evidence is the narratioof the installation of the ark in In defending the inspired statusof the Psalms,Hippolytus was will-
-
Jerusalem. We have already noted the significanceof this passage. ing to stray slightly in the Montanist direction against those who
Hippolytus is concerned with the place of prophecy in the wished to deny the possibility of prophecy entirely. He was at-
church, which led to the questioning of the statusof the Psalter.In tempting to drive a middle line between the Scylla of Montanism
view of the centrality of the narratio and the points which and the Charybdis of those who denied the prophetic gift alto-
Hippolytus draws out concerning order in the church and the place gether. It is interesting that this relatively mild attitude towards
of prophecy, we may lend support to Rondeau's case that these Montanism is similar to that displayedat Elenchus B.rg and ro.z5-6.
issuesemerged as a reaction to Montanism and that, in the course Some support for our dating of the homily early in the third cen-
of this process,the inspired status of the Psalter was questioned. tury may be gained by examining the question of authorship. If
Two additional pieces of evidence may be adduced in support of there are two main authors in the Hippolytean corpus, the first of
this hlpothesis. whom is contemporarywith Zephyrinus and Callistus,and the sec-
First, Pap2rusOx2rlyttnchus5 has been dated to Rome at around the ond of whom is a contemporary of the later Pontianus,then it must
end of the secondcentury and it has been shown to be a witnessto be possibleto show that the latter of the two is not responsiblefor
the suppressionof Roman prophecy as a result of the reaction to this homily. Nautin suggestedthat the author of this homilywas the
the Montanist threat.s2Not only would Hippolytus's report of Isra- secondauthor of the corpus.The basisfor this argument was essen-
elite worship appear to fit into this milieu, but likewise his stresson tially stylistic, although it is also the case that the exegesis,which
the inspired nature of the Psalms may fit this context. On the uerso tends to the symbolic and the mystical, resemblesthat of the author
of Pap2rusOxyrhlnchus5, the name of David can be discerned, to- of the ContraNoetummore than that of the Elenchus,whichis primar-
gether with a mention of the Spirit. The papyrus is badly damaged ily literal. He suggeststhat in fact the heresy attacked is the heresy
here and it is impossible to make any reconstruction with confi- of the author of the Elenchus.Thisis clearly not tenable. In fact, the
dence,but perhaps there is some indication here that the role of the author of the Elenchusis not beyond allegorical interpretation, nor
Psalmsand the David's inspired statusas a prophet was alsoat issue is the author of ContraNoetumaverseto literal exposition.s4In par-
in this controversy. Secondly, one must note the arguments about ticulaq the theme of the seventy-two nations is ireated in Eleichus
the'false pericopae'in the pseudo-Clementineliterature. Brent sug- Io.3o-3I as it is in this homily.ssWhile takins into account the dif-
geststhat the argument about the Psalmsmay be similar.53Itis cer- lerent exegeticalmethods,it is alson...rrr.f ro nore that this does
tainly the casethat Homily 3, which largely concerns itself with the representa homily and that a different kind of exegesismay there-
fore be expected from that to be found in a scientihc work.

5" A. Stewart-Sykes,'Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 5: a prophetic protest from second

sa So note the
century Rome', in E.A. Livingstone (ed.),StudiaPatrirtica3r (rgg7),196-2o5.Text in B.P .- comments of M. Simonetti, BibkcatInterpretation
in theEarfu Church
Papli: PartI (London, IB9B)' (En_g-
trans.) (Edinburgh, r9g4), z8-3o with regard to the Comnnntar2
onDaniell
Grenfell-A.S. Hunt, The Oxlrlg'tnchus
r) -Brent
53 Brent (tgSS),g:S. lgg5), z7z.
 ALIS TAIR STEWART-SYKES HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER 57
56

Further arguments may bq adduced in favour of an attribution that the Elenchus revealsa firm interest in the concept of succession,
to the author of th e Elenchus.56The christology of In Ps.t6 is that of showing that different lines of successionexist and that the ortho-
the Elenchusrather than that of the ContraNoetum,as is the use of the dox successionis the true successionof the teaching of the apostles.
term 6qog at In Ps.I7to mean a canon of interpretation. Neverthe- Although the author of the ElenchusopposesCallistus who, if he did
less,Brent goeson to note that oixovoplcris employed at In Ps.3 to not act as monepiscopzs, at least held a leading place among the el-
'plan of salvation', a senseunknown either to the author of Roman congregation, he nonethelessalsobelongsto the
mean ders of the
the Elenchusor to the author of the ContraNoetum;thus, he suggests movement towards clericization ashe claims to be a 6la6o1og('suc-
that a third author is at work here.sTIt is certainly not impossible a cessor')of apostolic teaching and the priestly office. It is a similar
prioi for there to be more than two authors of the corpus, but just claim to that which is made in the homily for the clergy.
u, on" author may employ different exegetical methods in different The fundamental idea of 6rc6o1r1('succession')derives from
contexts,another may occasionallyuse a term in an unaccustomed philosophical literature, and it is clear that the church of Hip-
way. We have already observed that this preacher is rh-etorically polytus was founded on a scholasticmodel. As the preacher states,
trained, and the use of oizovopla to mean plan, or plot, of salvation all people in the church are learners (pcr0qtol.)(In Ps.r7).The de-
reflects the use of the term in the rhetorical schoolsto mean the tailed explanation of the Psalmtitles which occupiesso much of the
arrangement of a plot.s8 homily is likewise an indication of the fundamentally scholastic ori-
Altlough the authorship of the work is thus uncertain, the entation of our preacher.This preacher moreover is clearly the pos-
christology and the attitude towards Montanism indicate that its sessorof a high degree of rhetorical education; the homily is con-
author certainly did not write the ContraNoetum.Thereis no con- cerned with exegesisand employs the technical language of the
vincing evidence which points to an author in the age of Pontianus, interpretation of texts. Since literary criticism was on the borderline
and much which suggests a contemporary of Callistus and of rhetoric and philosophy, this philosophical interest may explain
Zephyrinus. On grounds of theology and dating we may identify his emphasis on the concept of 6r.c6o1{.The preacher's under-
this preacher with the author of the Elenchus. standing of philosophy renders his identification with the author of
This part of the third century representsa very interesting time LheELenchus even more attractive.
in the development of Roman Christianity. The early period was The homilist's interest in ecclesiastical order may also have a
a time of pluralism, but towards the end of the secondcentury,Vic- social basis.The question arisesas it did with Hermas, of whether
tor attempted to enforce his will as something of a monepiscopus, al- Hippolytus's rhetorical and philosophical qualifications were of
though he was apparently not altogether successfulin this. Even so, secondary or primary significance for his leadership of the church
this is an indication of what was to come. By the time of Pontianus, and whether the preaching office was still bound up with the social
the processbegun underVictor had been completed. BeforeVictor and economic statusof the preacher.
there is no reliable successionlist at all, whereas after Pontianus it It is easierto describethe socialprofile of the congregation than
is fixed and accurately dated.ss it is to describe that of the preacher. Eusebius tells us that in the
This homily was thus preached during the period of change, period of Commodus families of wealth and high birth became
which may provide an explanation for Hippolyus's statement, in Christians.6o Similarly, Irenaeus informs us that it this time some
the context of his argument for ordered worship, that the clergy are members of the imperial household were Christians.6'That this
the successors(6lc6o1or) of the fathers of old. It should be noted processcontinued is confirmed byTertullian's statement that there
were Christians in the Palatium.6'Lampe notes that at the time of

56 Brent (r995),335-8. 6o
57 Brent (rgg5),338. Eusebius, H.E.Y.zr.r.
o' l.1L
5B Dionysius of Halicarnassw, De Comp.25. IV3o.r
59 Brent (r995),452. "' Apol. g7.4;Ad Scap.4.7.
 ALISTAIR STEWART.SYKES HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER
5B 59

Septimius Severusthe number of oriental senatorsincreaseddra- Nor did the role of teacher necessarilyimply high social status:
matically, and suggeststhat this may b9 the cause of the higher so- mafiy immigrant teachers,such as Epictetus and Manilius,Toor'g'-
cial standing of Christians at this time.b3It is important to note that nated as slaves.That patronage continued to be practised in the
the congregation of Hippolytus was endowed with a statue at this Hippolytean community in the period of the ApostolicTtaditionindi-
time, which must surely indicate wealth among the congregation. cates that our preacher may have been dependent on a patron,T'
The Acta Petri provrde further evidence that Eusebius's assertions and thus that there was no longer a direct link between intellectual
were not without some basis in fact.baTo this we may add the wit- leadership,socialleadershipand liturgical leadershipin the Roman
nessof Clement, valid for his own period rather than that of the congregationsof this period. The absenceof any explicit socialcon-
first centurv that a number of equestres had listened to Peter's tent and ethical imperatives in Hippolytus's preaching may indicate
ci'^,
preaching.bsThe prosopographical studiesof Lampe provide fur- that he was obliged to avoid displeasinghis patron. On the other
iher evidence for Christian social advancement at the time of hand, it is perhaps more likely that this absenceresults from the
Commodus.66 important role played by scripture in his preaching.
The main evidenceforwealth in the congregation of Hippolytus Nevertheless,there can be no doubt that our preacher was a so-
comesfrom a later period in the congregation'slife than that of our cial and moral conservative. He betrays this in the manner in which
preacher,but a degree of social continuity acrossthe period is not he ranges himself against the arriuisteCallistus and, in particular,
improbable, not least because the congregation continued to be against the latter's views on marriage between people of different
Greek-speakingand easternin origin. The author of Elenchuswould social status; 7t this is an attitude which was typical of the 'extreme
likewise appear to have been an immigrant. Lampe suggeststhat statusconsciousness'of the early empire.73As in the liturgy, so in
the story of Callistus'slife as a slaveis told second-hand and thus society,everyone should know their place! The author of Contra
that he came to Rome only in the third century as a representative Noetum,who succeedsto our preacher's school, would himself ap-
of Greek education.bTLampe suggeststhat the number of immi- pear to have enjoyed high social status.He had dealings with the
grants found in his prosopographical studiesmay account for the imperial householdT4and, moreover, he betrays his own social atti-
continued use of Greek in Christian Rome throughout the second tudes in his description of some Montanists as simple and ill-edu-
century.68Our preacher continued to preach in Greek, which may cated.Ts
imply that he, an immigrant) was preaching to an audience of im- We may conclude that the preaching of the author of the Elen-
migrants. This suggestsa degree of social continuity between chusdrsplaysa limited social homogeneity between preacher and
preacher and audience, similar to that observed with respect to audience, in that both are immigrant in origin. Beyond this it is
Hermas and his congregation. difficult to be certain, but there are indications that the qualifica-
But in contrast to Hermas and his congregation, this continuity tion of a preacher in this Hippolytean school went beyond social
need not extend beyond ethnic origin to social status.Whereas qualificationsand required an educational component. Social con-
headship of a school could well be linked to ownership of the pre- trol was no longer brought to bear by the wealthy through the exer-
mises,teacherscould merely be supported by feesor by a patron.be
'1o
SeePliny,"M1L LVr99.
63 7' ,The
Lu-p. (r987), 96. . ^For the evide.rceofp"aironagein the Hippolytean school,seeC.A. Bobertz,
b-+ Acta Petri 2.4 tells of senatoresand equeshesamong the Roman congregation.
rore ol patron inthe CenaDominicaofHippolytus'Apostoli.c Traditinn,,JTS,N.S.++(tggg),
bs 17o-84.
Clement, Adumbrationesin Episnla Peti Prima 5:tg.
66 7' At Ref,IXtz.
L a m p e ( r g B 7 ) .2 9 5 - 6 .
07 'social mobility
Lampe (r987), 295. , .1' -So P.R.C. Weaveq in the early Roman empire', in M.I. Finley
bb (edJ.Sladres in Anrientsocreftl-ondon, 1974).r3B.
Lampe (r987), z96.
bg /+ Accordineto Eusebiusat H.E. Yl.zt.
U.Ney'rneyr,DieChristlirhmlzhrerim.(ueitenJahrhundert(Leiden,r9B9),2rg,notes
75 Comm.in ban.IY.zo.
the different ways in which Graeco-Roman teachers organised themselves.
6o ALISTAIR STEWART-SYKES HERMAS THE PRoPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER 6I

cise of liturgical functions, but rather through the exercise of pa- than as prophets; when Hippolytus refers to the reading of the
tronage. Psalms which preceded his homily he makes it clear that scripture
was read in the assembly.He states that all are to listen with faith
to the meaning of the scriptures.Hermas, as we have seen, uses
Conclusion exegeticaltechniques,and in one of his messagesrefersto scripture,
but this practice standsout as exceptional. More often his preach-
Finally, it is necessary to compare our preachers, their messages ing takes the form of a direct oracular address.
and their audiences.The preaching of Hermas represents the These two approaches reveal the way in which preaching had
unmediated voice of the Holy Spirit. This is not to say that developed in the century which separates the two preachers.
Hermas's preaching has no referenceto scripture, but the amount WhereasHippolytus is positivein his rhetoric concerningprophecy,
of this is slight and the preacher's exegesismay be described as we may assumenonethelessthat the messageof the preacher was
'charismatic'. This is prophetic preaching, and it corresponds to heard in silence and that the worship of his church was well-or-
what we know of the practice of the earliest Christian communities dered. Hippolytus's preachingreveals many of the devices of a dia-
elsewhere.In contrast, Hippolytus's preaching is closely bound up tribe, but the interruption is not from from an imaginary opponent
with the use of scripture, which supplies him with his narratio,while who is present, and so typifies the audience, but from an outsider.
the text which has been read out in church supplies him with his The rhetorical questionsare purely rhetorical. The use of diatribal
peroratio.Inaddition to these main texts, there are frequent scrip- techniques -reflectsthe scholastic ideal of Hippolytus and his con-
tural citations. The whole homily may thus be described as gregation.Tb
exegetical. This structure derives in part from the nature of Prophecy came under attack at Rome and preaching techniques
Hippolytus's community as a school, since part of the scholastic developed as did order. As we have seen, this process occurred as
enterprisewas the study and exegesisof a text. In pagan schoolsthe a result of the Montanist crisis,when order within the church was
texts studied were Homer and the classical orators, whereas for perceived to be under threat. Prophecy was still known at Rome at
Hippolytus they are Moses and the prophets, in this case David' the time ofJustin,TTbut the Hippolytean community now used the
Hippolytus's preachirtg is exegetical because of its school setting, language of prophecy to describe exegetical preaching.is
whereas Hermas's social setting is that of a household, and there- Hippolytus addressed the concerns of his audience less directly
fore the study of texts plays a less signfficant role. Although the than did Herrnas. Again, this may reflect the differing social status
school represented a sub-grouping of the Graeco-Roman house- of their audiences,but it also revealsthe importance which scrip-
hold, Hermas and Hippolytus represent different ways of being an ture had assumedin the preaching of the church. Scripture now
oixoE, and this difference is reflected in their different usesof scrip- controlled preaching. It is difficult in this context to determine
ture.
Howeveq it is probably also the case that Hermas's and 7o On diatribe as
a scholasticform, see especiallvS.K. Stowers. TheDiatibe and
Hippolytus's different attitudes to scripture reflect the various ap- Paul'sIztter to theRomans(Chico, rgBr). Seeaho k.-H. Uthemann's chapter in this vol-
proaches which obtained in the church as a whole between the be- ume.
77 Dialows Bz.
ginning and the end of the second century. Although the canon was
not absolutely settled at the end of the second century the chal- ^,tB .A.7."4t:'Let noneofyou be late in the church,the placewhereteachingisgiven.
lhen it shall be given to the speakerto say that is useful to each o.re; yo,, -ill h...
lenges of Marcion and Montanus had given rise at least to a work- things which you do not think of, and profitirom things which the Ho\'Spirit will give
ing canon, and had forced people to pay careful attention to the you th.roughthe instructor. In this way your faith will 6e strengthened about the thtgs

text. Hippolytus thus typifies the attitude of his generation. This Io"^vvtll have heard' (translation and citation following GJ. Cuming Hippolttus:A'fixt
Jor Students fBramcote, 1976]).Cfl here the comments of R.A. Kydd, Charismatic Gfts in
generation of Christians listened to scripture as exegetes rather lheEarQCiurch(Peabody.lgb+1, 59, who believesthat this passage..G.. ,o the coniinu-
mg practice of prophecy.
6z ALISTAIR STEWART-SYKES HERMAS THE PROPHET AND HIPPOLYTUS THE PREACHER 63

whether the concerns of Hippolytus were shared by his audience.

He reflects the concerns of the Roman church early in the third BtbhograPfui
century, especiallyin maintaining order and preserving the puriry
of doctrine in the light of the recent challenges,but there is no evi- PrimarltSources
dence that his audience shared his concern.Justin's description of
preaching, which may be situated mid-way between Hermas and Herrnas:
Hippolytus, appearsto indicate a mediating position between ethi- Brox, N. (trans.),Der Hirt desHermas(Gottingen, rggr).
cal exhortation and the scriptural homily, in that scripture is read, Dibelius, M. (trans.),Der Hirt desHermas(Ttibingen, r9z3).
but as a source for moral guidance and of models for imitation.Te Joly, R (ed. and trans.), Hermas:It pasteur,SC 53 @aris,znd ed., I968).
Another distinction which emergesbetween the two preachers
Hippolytus:
lies in their rhetorical style. Hippolytus relies on classicalmodels,
Nautin, P., h dossierd'Hipplbte et de Meliton danslesfoikgu dogmatiques
et
whereas Hermas shows no sign of a rhetorical education. The (Paris,
chealeshistoriens
modernes rg53), I66-83.
unmediated voice of the Holy Spirit expressesitself through
Hermas in an unsophisticated manner, whereas Hippolytus's
learned reflectionson scripture accord with the canons of classical Sources
Secondar;t
rhetoric.
The most interesting element to emerge from this study, how- Brent, A., Hippol2tusandtheRomanChurchintheThirdCentug2 (Leiden, r9g5).
ever, is the social homogeneity of both audiences and also of
Jeffers,J. L., Coffict at Rome:SocialOrderand Hierarclgtin Earfu Christianig,
preacher and audiencewithin this setting.This implies that despite f l \ [ i n n e a p o l i sr,g g r ) .
the movement towards the establishmentof an episcopatein the Lampe, P., Die stadtriimischmChristenin denerstenbeidenJahrhunderten,Wis-
course of the second century, Roman Christianity remained to a senschaftlichelJntersuchungen zum NeuenTestament 2, Reihe IB (Tti-
great extent a collection of individual Christian communities, gath- bingen, r9B7).
ered for reasonsquite distinct from doctrine.This indicatesthat the Nautin, P, 'L'hom6lie d'Hippolyte sur Ie Psautieret les oeuvresdeJosipe',
church, in its household and scholasticmanifestations,followed the Reuuede I'histoiredesreligianst7g QgTt), rg7-79.
model provided by the synagogue,another manifestation of the Osiek, C., Rich andPoorin theShepherd of Hermas:A SocialExegeticalInuestiga-
household in the ancient world. Synagogueswere bound together tion, Catholic Biblical Qparterly Monograph Series r5 flrVashington,
at Rome above all on a linguistic and geographical basis.oo r983).
The church at Rome in the second century thus followed the Rondeau, M.-J., 'Les pol6miques d'Hippolyte de Rome et de Filastre de
way laid down by the synagogueand as a result, the preacher and Brescia concernant le Psautier', Reauede I'histoiredesreligionst7r (196),
I- 5I.
his audience shared a social and a linguistic background. It is this
factor which led to easvcommunication between the two.

7e It may be suggested that Hippolytus saw scripture providing a model lbr imita-
tion in that the worship of Israel represents the worship of the church. But this is a
rather more comolex use of the exemolum than is found in the conventional Hellenistic
parainesisto whichJustin appears to refer.
bo The evidence is collected and discussedby Leon (rgg5), 135-6. It is also possible
that the collegia exercised some influence here, since, as PE Esler, Communit2and GospeL
in Luke-Acts(Cambridge, r987), r93, points out, they are notable for their social homoge-
neltv.
 ORIGEN THE SCHOI-AR AND PASTOR'

Adele Monaci Castagno

translated by FrancesCooper

ChronologtandLiturgt

Origen's preaching took place at Caesareain Palestine; he was or-

dained priest there by Bishop Theocritus and remained there from
zgz onwards,when the breach with Bishop Demetrius made it im-
possibleto return to Alexandria.t The town of Caesareawas an
important cultural, trading and administrative centre. The large
and influentialJewish community had a prestigious school there,
where between zgo and z68 they taught the most important mem-
bers of Palestine'srabbinate.3The church that welcomed Origen
could boast illustrious traditions (Acts Io), but its later story,before
Origen arrived, is obscure, apart from a mention by Eusebius on
the Quartodeciman controversy.4
InJerome's Epi:tk 33 we find a detailed list of Origen's writings;
as many as 5oo homilies are mentioned, of which, unfortunately,
we only possesshalf, and most of those not in their original form.
Very few homilies have come down to us in Greek (twenty onJere-
miah and one on I Samuel3:25);the others have survived in Latin
translations either by Rufinus of Aquileia or byJerome.s
Some cross-referencesamong the various groups of homilies

'
With the necessary updating I here sum up A. Monaci Castagno, Oigene
prediratore
e il suopubblico(Milan, rgBT).
' P Nautin,
Origine.Sauit, sonoeuare (Paris,rg77), 4z9-go.
' 'Caesarea Maritima
._ J.A. McGuckin, as Origen knew it', Aigeninna fuinta
(Leuven,r99z),3-25.
4 Eusebius,H.E.Y.z3.
. 1 O" the reliability of the translations:Monaci (1987),zg-43;M.\Nagner, Rufnus
the._Irahtatlr(\Nashington, 1945);H. Marti, Ubersetler du Augustin-.(eit:
Interpretati.on
zton
Jelbst4ugnissen (Munich, rq74).The attribution to Origen of the fifty-nine homilie s on
Psalms(c{.CPG r4zg).tridiiionally held ro be byJerome 0l Peri. Omelie origcnianesui
Jalmt.Clntibutoall'identifralione dcltesto/a/rza.Studi e Tesriz8g fly'aricanCiry. rg8o;.ha"
aroused many reservations(P
Jay, J6r6me d Bethl6em: les Tractatus in psalmos', in
YM. Duval 1id,.),ftn)meentre't'\ciiainta I'O*nt, Actes du Colloque de Chintilty (Sept.
Igatr),publidspar YM. Duval (ParisrgBB),
367-8o);but the discussionis still open.
 66 ADELE MONACI CASTAGNO ORIGEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR 67

allow us to reconstruct the following order of preaching: the first According to EusebiuS,'7the homilies were given during the
were those on the Psalms,then the prophetic books, and lastly the yearsaround r+5; modern scholarshave proposed slightly different
historical books.6The reasonsfor this suicessionare not easyto see. dates,but all are concentratedin the period between z3Band 2+8.'B
It is possiblethat, in the church of Caesarea,there was already a
three-yearcycleofcontinuous reading of scripture,and that Origen
began to preach when the cycle had reached the Psalms.Followins Thepreacherand his audiznce
the ordolectionumaccording to the Septuagint,he would have contin- The natureof preachingand its taslts
ued with the prophetic books, and then begun the cycle again by
commenting the historical books;7there are, however, no other Origen was the first Christian writer to reflect systematicallyon the
indications that an ordolectionum existed in the third century. I think nature and tasksof the didaskalos,whomhe frequently compared to
it probable that Origen had conceivedthe systematiccommenrary fire: a priest who upbraided and rebuked sinnersbut was not able
on the scriptures as an educational process aimed at both the bap to elucidate the scripturesand promote a deeper understanding of
tized and the catechumens,and organized so as to offer a continu- the true faith was like a fire that burned without illuminating; in the
ous commentary within the three large sections of scripture. He same way, he who taught the mysteries of the Law and discussedits
would have chosen to begin with the Psalms and to leave the histor- inner secretswithout attempting to correct sinswas like a fire that
ical books for last, because he believed the latter to be more illuminated without burning.'e The requisites of the ideal priest
charged with mystery and thus more difficult to understand.B were a literal knowledge of the Law, the ability to interpret it spiri-
Some elementsof liturgical practices emerge from the homilies: tually, purity of body and soul, sagaciry and lastly the ability to
Wednesdaysand Fridays were fast-days;sonly on Friday'o-as well communicate the Law.'o He who was able to diversify his teaching
asSundays,obviously-was the Eucharist celebrated.The preaching according to the different moral and intellectual maturity of his
was conducted in assembliesthat took place severaltimei a week,i hearers,following the suggestionsof St Paul (I Cor r-3; Rom ry:t-z)
during which a lector read the scripture;'zthe preacher,surrounded on the question of different spiritual foods, had this gift." Origen's
by other members of the clergy,I3gave the homilies, which ended chief preoccupation was with the simplices, who might be damaged
with a doxology,'4 and the invitation to those present to stand and by untimely contact with the 'mysteries of knowledge'." The
pray.15Itis difficult to deduce the averaselensth of theseassemblies didaskaloswas responsible for saving their souls, and must answer to
from the homilies, becauseboth the lengttiof the reading com- God on the day of judgement.23
mented upon and the length of the homilies varied consid-erably. Origen insisted a good deal on the identification of the didaskalos
Nevertheless, the frequent mentions of the lack of time availablei6 with the prophets and the apostles,all three being considered to be
would appear to indicate that a maximum time-span was allotted. the instruments of a sinsle revelation because they announced

"_
ll_on.Ier,YIII.3; Hom.Ea.Yl.4; Hom. Is.Xy.6; Hom.Reg.6;Hom.In.IV.6.
7 Nautin ''
(t977), 3go-4og. Eusebius, H.E.W.z6.r.
o Monaci (1987), '6 Nautin
e Hom.Ia.X.r.
59-62.
'e Hom. Qg7), 4oa.ig\-44;Monaci ftg}7),64.245-7.
Ex. XIII.a.
'" C. Cel.VIII.zz;
Hom. Is.Y.z. ll Hom.Ia.YIt; 'who Hom.Ex.IX3.
" Hom.Nm.XIlI.t; Hom.Ex.YII.5. " Like Moses, went out ind told the people' (Num rr:24);like Christ, who
'2 Hom."A&n. XX.r. t9 tjre.anostlesin the houseand outsideto the multiiud.
'3 Hom.Iud.lII.z. lnofe 1fr,lttz:iO;; tiLe paul, who
dealt.with the deepest mysteries among the perfect and reserved for the others the
'4 Hom.1s.IV3; Hom.Lc. moral teaching (I Cor z:6), so must the didaskalos
XXXVI. behave (Hom.Nm. yl.r; Hom. It.
's H. crouzel, 'Les XVI.e).
- doxologiesfinalesdeshom€liesd'origine selonle texte grec et
lesversionslatines',Augntinianum zo (r9Bo),95-ro7. " Hom.E1.It.
'6 Hom.La.ll:: Him. In. '3 Hom.
XV6. Ps.XXXVI, llI3; Hom.Ps.XXXVII, l.z; Hom.Ex.X3-4; Hom.Ea.ll.z.
 68 ADELE MoNAcI CAsTAGNO oRrcEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR 69

Christ.'+The preacherwho explained the scripturesmight demand that the preacher who sought the deeper meaning in scripture
to be listened to because'it is not my voice, but Christ's' (non mea found it thanks to an illumination, and succeededin communicat-
vox est,sedChristi)."sIn this view, preaching like prophesy and the ing it in full only if the hearer was worthy of an analogous illumina-
Gospel, was the fruit of divine illumination;"b it was conceived as tion.3aAccording to this communication model, in the last analysis,
Christ's entering into the soul of him who spoke as well as that of true understanding depended only partly on the explicit word, and
him who listened,to open both of them to the understanding of the sophisticationof form thus took a secondaryplace.
Word.tT The simple and undecorated style35characteristic of Origen's
Origen felt deep sympathy above atl with the prophets;'B like the preaching was also due to the fact that he improvised his homilies:
prophets, the didaskaloimust teach, convert, judge and, like them, for example, after the very long reading from I Sam 25-8,30Origen
they were subject to the same discouragement, persecution, unjust asked the bishop to tell him which part of the reading he wanted
accusationsand isolation. The true masters- observed Origen - commentating. In one case Origen defined his homilies as
were very few in number and, when they appeared, everythingwas 'extemporaneus sermo'.37In other instances,the development of
done to silence them, so that they could benefit no-one.2sIt is evi- the argumentation itself gives the impression that the address was
dent that Origen comprehended the old prophets in the light of his begun without first drawing up an explanative plan: at the begin-
bitter experienceas a misunderstood and persecutedintellectual. ning of the homily, he promised that he would explain parts of the
reading of the day, with which in fact he did not deal.38In other
cases,the preacher took up themes from the previous reading be-
Formsand metlndsofpreaching cause, realizing that he had spent too long, he had had to cut out
some explanations.39The only example of a homily that is more
Origen's explicit declarations about rhetoric were dominated by carefully prepared is Homily XIII on Ezekiel, on a theme explicitly
extreme diffidence that was rooted in philosophical critique of pla- requestedby'some bishops'.
tonic stamp. Although stylistically ornate discourse was recognized Recent studieshave evaluated Origen's relationship with rhetoric
as sometimes being of use when it served the truth,3o more fre- not only on the basis of the l.6lr,g,but also of the other elements, the
quently what prevailed was disdain for the 'effeminate, art of ar- nd0og and the d0oE,that constitute classicalrhetoric. These studies
ranging words,3l because too frequently this was put at the service have attracted attention to some aspectsof Origen's discoursethat
of falsedoctrines.32Theeleganceof this type of discoursewas con- show the influence of rhetoric: the primacy assignedto the hearer
trasted to the simplicity of that of the apostles,the missionary work in the hermeneutic process; the exaltation of the orator, that is the
gf ,!9 latter being founded not on eloquence but on the power of Logos, who speaksthrough scripture and through the preacher in-
the Holy Spirit speakingthrough them.33Indeed, Origen believed terpreting it; the use of emotions to persuade the hearer to be con-
verted. In this view, Origen's homilies were thus a continuation, in
'+- an amplified and Christianized form, of the model of the chreia,
Hom. Ps.XXXVI, lIl.g; Hom.Nn. Xl.7; XII.5.
'5 Hom.Ios.Y.z.
Ier. XlX. n; Hom. Ios.YIII 4 Hom. Gn. tX. 4 Hom.Nm. XXVI.3. 3+ Frg.I Cor.II, tz-r5.
12 !_"*.
27^ Hom.lazXIX.ro; XXIX.r4. t:.
2u v Peri, 'Geremia ._ J. Borst, Beitriige4r sprachlich-stilistischmund rhetorischmWilrdigungdts Ongma
secondo origene. Esegesie psicologa della testimonianza (.r':ersrng,
rgr3), gr; R.P Ghellinck, Patristique et MoTmAge,vol. z (Brussels,ry47),$5;
profetica', Aeuun48 lg74), r57. f. Husson-P Nautin (edd. and trans.), Origine,Homiku surJirimiz, SC z3z (Paris,1976),
'e Hom. IerXX.B; Hom. Ps.
XXXV\IIL3. t89-gt; H. Crouzel, Origineet la philosophie (Toulouse,196z),rz6-8; W Schtitz, Dar
so Hom.b.y.7.
chrutlicluGlttcsdienstbeiOrigmes(Stuttgart, rg84), r r4-g.
3' Hom.Ea.Ill.g. 3o Hom.Ra.G., GCS, z8g.zo.
3' Hom.Ios.YII.7; Hom.h.XYI.z. 31^Hom.la. Mll.5; Olivar (r99r),68.
33 Frg.I CorIII rg-zo,in C.Jenkins(ed.),'Origen on I Corinthians,,JZS 3o Hom..Nm.XX.t.
9 (r9o7_B),
2Zr-47;Zbg-72;5oo-r4; ro (r9o8-9),zg-5r;Hom.E<.I.tz. 3e Hom."lr'z.VII.r; Hom.Lc.XlX.
7o ADELE MONACI CASTAGNO ORIGEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR 7r

rhetorical excerciseswhose aim was to interpret a saying or an an- cluded among these.45It is difficult to have a precise idea of the
ecdote attributed to an eminent personage.4o numerical size of the church of Caesarea;sometimes Origen de-
Alongside the rhetorical aspect,we must not forget the didactic scribed the spread of Christianity in the empire in triumphalistic
one. Origen had been a grammarian in Alexandria, and a funda- and topical terms.4bHowever, when he spokeof the local situation
'We are a
mental aspect of that profession was to read and comment texts; he said that the Christians were a minority in the city:
and indeed his homilies all consistedof an annotated reading of a "non-nation", we in this city who are the few believers'.47Origen
biblical text. Origen followed a constant plan: he first went over the just as frequently preached to catechumens48as he did to the bap-
'yesterday or the
content of the lectioinbroad terms, offering a general interpretation tizedfe among these, some had left paganism only
of it, before going on to a more detailed explanation of the text; in day before';5oothers had been Christians for more than a genera-
this case,too, it was not a word for word explanation, but rather he tion. SometimesOrigen mentioned the question of baptizing chil-
selectedcertain points of the text that were particularly significant. dren,Sland he consideredthe family to be the source of Christian
Some other aspectsalso emerge from the homilies that reveal the education.5tThere was sometimestension between the Christians
grammarian rather than the preacher: the philological care for the of older conversion to Christianity and the newly converted.53
sacred text, for how the words were written, for their order in the Origen's preaching unfortunately grvesus very little information
text, for the figure of speech of biblical style.ar Origen preached about the status of his audience. He only occasionally referred to
with the synopsis of the translations that he had collected into the people belonging to certain privileged social classes54 and the less
Hexaplato hand; this allowed him, where the edification of his hear- fortunate social groups were almost never mentioned.ss He fre-
'the business of the
ers would benefit from it, to point out the differences between the quently exhorted his audience to abandon
'worry-
other versions and the Septuagint, and to re-read parts of the text world, love of money' (negotia saeculi, amor pecuniae) and
and thus facilitate the job of following his often difficult interpreta- ing about profits' (sollecitudode lucris)sb,not to crowd the courts
tion.42 to contend ownership of a small fieldwith relatives, not to succumb
to avidity and take a small field from a neighbour, not to request,
aswas the custom under the patronage system,the protection of an
The audience

Origen almost always preached to those converted from +5 Hom. Gn.III.I.

paganism;a3,r.ry rarely did he make mention of those converted +6 Hom.Ea.IY.l; Hom.Lc.YI; Hom.El.ltr; Hom. Is.IY.z.
from Judaisrn44 and it is not clear whether the Ebionites are in- 41 Hom. Pt.XXXVI.l.t.
48 Hom. Ps.XXXVI,I.I; Hom.In L,LIL6; Hom.E<.YI.5; Hom.I-c.XXII; Hom. Ios.
IX.g etc. For the orsanization of the catechumenate,the most important text is C. Cel.
IILjr which, ho*.i.., is subject to diverseinterpreta tions;statusquaestionisinH.-J.Auf
4o KJ. Torjesen, 'Influence of rhetoric on Origen's Old Testament homilies', der Maur J.Waldram, 'Iiluminatio Verbi divini-Confessiofidei-Gratia Baptismi. Wort
OigenianaSexta(Leuven, r9g5), 13-26. Glaube und Sakrament in Katekumenat und Taufliturgie bei Origenes', in H.-J. Auf
4' Hom.Ier.Y.t3;Hom.Nm.lII.3; Hom. Gn.XIII.4. der Maur-L.Bakl<er (edd.),FidesSacrammti-sacrammtuiFidei. Studiesin Honoui of P
42 Borst (r9r3), Smulders(Assen,rg8r), 4r-95.
7-B;Nautin (r976),rz3fl
43 Hom.Ios.IX.3; IY.r; Hom.Ea.XI.g; Hom.Ier.XVIII.8; Hom.Lc.XYII; Hom.Ex. 4s Hom.1or.XXVI.z; Hom.Iud.IY.z; Hom. Gn.XIII.4; Hom.Ex. XIII.3 etc.
YIII.4; Hom.E4l.tz. 5o Ho,m.hr'IY.5.
4+ Hom.1os.V 6; the evaluation ofN.R.M. de Lange is diflerent: OrigmandtheJews. 5' Hom.II.XIV. However, it is possiblethat the problem ofbaptizing children was
Shtdiesin Jewish-Christian
Relationsin Third-Cmturl Paistine (Cambridge"-London-New posed also when an entire familv was converted to Christianiw.
York-Melbourne, 1976),rz. His hypothesisis that much of the Christian community 52 Hom.Iu.XI3; Hom.Lc.XXXU.
consistedof those converted fromJudaism. However, he doesnot quote passagesfrom 53 Comm. Mt. XIVz6; Comm.Rn.IX.4.
Origen to support his statements.Origen's works of a non-homiletic nature are richer 5a Hom.Ex.Xll.z; Hom.Ios.X3: Hom.C'2.XITI.3.
in allusionsto those converted fromJudaism, and include numerical evaluations.See t: Except in Hom.Nm. XIVz where they are presentedin a very negativeIight.
G. Sgherri, Chiesae sinagoganelleoperedi Origme(Milan, ryBz), z9z-5. \o Hom.Ei. XTI.z.4; IIom. Ios.I.7;IVz andpassin.
,7q ORIGEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR no
ADELE MONACI CASTAGNO IJ

influential man57 a centurion, a governor,a rich man. His insistent respectedthem, they contributed to church upkeep, but they were
denunciation of avidity, though, apart from being a toposfrorn noi committed to repressingtheir sins.66
homiletical teaching, perhaps indicates that there was a prevalence On the one hand, Origen spoke to the simpliciorain aggressive
'sheep', 'beasts'and
of economically active persons,who bought and sold goods, who terms, defining them, even if synbolically, as
might aspire to important offices,who frequented the courts to set- -an insult certainly felt to be worse than the others 'women'; on
tle their disputes, and who were able to make donations to the the other hand, he never failed to expressthe highest appreciation
church.suOne thinks naturally of shop-keepers,artisans,negotianres, for those who dedicated themselvesfully to studying and meditating
of whom there must have been large numbers in Caesarea,a ciLy on the Word. This aspectof his preaching must have causeddiscon-
with thriving trade and industry.seOrigen often complained of the 1ent,becauseOrigen reproachedhis audiencefor this as well.67
behaviour of the faithful during his homilies: the audience was of-
ten distracted, they only rarely came to church, and often they
came for the social relations rather than to listen carefully to the The main themesof Origen'spreaching
Word of God.6oOrigen held that the church was corrupted com-
pared to the persecutedchurch of his youth, which was smaller but What interest has this story for me?
more pious.b' He thought of the church as consisting of a very At the centre of Origen's preaching there was always scripture
small number of bellatores, whose weapons were rigorous mystical and the problem of how it was to be interpreted. Origen was not
exaltation and total dedication to the Word of God, and a mass of willing to limit himself to giving an explanation of the literal mean-
irfirmiores, 'whether through age, whether through their sex, ing, since he held that the didaskalos was, first and foremost, distin-
whether through decision' (siveper aetatem, sive per sexum, sive guished by his ability to penetrate and teach the hidden meaning
per propositum).b'Among the nol"l"oi, the simpliciores,b3 t1r.r. ,".r. of the Word of God. Origen also intended to comment on the en-
people whose minds were not able to conceive anything lofty or tire scriptures,and not only those books that his audience showed
deep, no spiritual thought, but in whom, nevertheless,the passions they knew and appreciated most: EstheqTobias, the Book of Wis-
of the flesh were dead. These people were not able to raise them- dom, the Psalms,the Gospels,and Acts. He also intended to deal
selvesto spiritual awai:eness,but could carry out works of justice with the more obscureand difficult books: Genesis,Leviticus,Num-
and respect God's commandments, 'which serve the simpler life' bers, before which-Origen said the soul of the sirnpliciores drew
(quaesunt simplicioris vitae ministeria).6+Nevertheless,most of the back, as though it were not a suitablefood for them.68The peculiar
were not only 'beasts',but 'carcassesof beasts'(Lev 5:z-
simpliciores traits of Origen's preaching were his attempt to persuadehis audi-
'roll in ence that allegorical interpretation was necessary,his urgency to
3); to touch them made one unclean, since they the dirt of
sin'.b5They went to church, they knelt in front of the priests,they find the most suitable ways and the best words to make himself un-
derstood, and his need to communicate a method of study and re-
search. His homilies gave aclear illustration of the vast and diversi-
57- Hom. Ps.XXXVII, II.tt; Hom. Ex.I.5; Hom. IerXY.6. fied range of resistancehe met and showed clearly that, though the
58 Hom.Nm.XXIl.4;Xl.g; Hom. Ios.X3.
se Becauseof the insistenceon the ban against dedicating oneselfto the military
allegorical interpretation of scripture was accepted and promoted
career,one may presume that soldierswere among thoseptesent: Hom.Ier.XY.6; Hom. within small and sophisticated circles of intellectuals, outside of
Ex.XI. 4; Hom.La.Yl.6; Hom.Nm.XX.4. these groups it was still misunderstood and, more frequently,
bo Hom. Gn.X.z;XI.z; Hom. Is.Y.z;Hom.
Nm.II.4 Hom.Gn.XI3 Hom.I;a.lX. g; fiercely opposed.
Hom.Ios.l.7;Hom.Ex.XII.z; XIII.z,3.
I' Hom.Iu.IY.3.
6'Hom.Nm.XXY.a.
66
Hom. Ios.X.g.
l, C. uf Hattrom, FidesSimpliriorumAccordingn
OrigenofAlexand.ria(Ekenas,
rg84).
67
l+ Hom.Nm.XXlI.t; seealso:ibid.,XXII.4 XXIV3; Hom. Ct.l.t. Hom. Ps.XXXVI,Y.I.
6s Hom.h.IlI3. 6B
Hom.Nm. XXVII, t.
 ADELE MONACI CASTAGNO 75
74 ORIGEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR

The most explicit battles were those fought against the exegesis 'friends of the letter' (amici litterae); he imagined their
who were
of theJews, on one hand, and of the Gnostics and Marcionites on objections and their possiblecriticism of his allegorical interpreta-
'amici
the other. In Origen's view, thesehad in common the use of literal tion.T8It is difficult to be clearer about the identity of these
interpretation: the former used it to defend the validity of the Law litterae'; they certainly included some Ebionites, but these must
and to deny the divinity of Christ;6e the latter to introduce the divi- have been rather few in number;7ethe Judaizers, who remained
sion between the God of the OldTestament and that of the New.7o fully or partially faithful to the Law;8o teachers of more conserva-
The latter were guilty of a double interpretative perversion, since tive theological training;8' Christians who succumbed to the fasci-
they erred even when they interpreted scripture allegorically.Tl 1tt nation of heterodox propaganda, of whom there must have been
neither casedid Origen provide an in-depth refutation: rather, he many.
gave his audience a stereotlped image of both the former and the The strategy adopted by Origen was a dual one: on the one
latter. Unlike what transpires from Origen's other works, an en- hand, he left a certain spacefor literal interpretation, above all in
tirely negative portrait of theJews emergesfrom his homilies: im- the moral field, holding up personagesand situations from the Old
mersed in the futile and frustrating study of scripture, materialist, and NewTestaments as exemplaforhis hearers;82on the other hand,
not particularly intelligent, ridiculous, cruel and warmongering.T' though, he subordinated doctrinal orthodoxy and membership of
From this standpoint, Origen's homilies were an expressionof that the church to the acceptance of the allegorical interpretation of
teaching of disdainTsthat, in the following century, was to lead to scripture.B3Only this interpretation could respond effectively to the
the anti-semiticpreaching ofJohn Chrysostom.The various hereti- crucial question raised by many scriptural texts: what interest has
cal movementswere presentedin a generic way;74no detailed expo- this story for me?Ba
sition of the respective doctrines accompanied the stereotypical In the homilies, the allegorical interpretation was only partly in
repetition of the iriad - Marcion, Valentinus, and Basilides.7s'Even function of the construction of a theological system; it was used
the hereticswere presented in a traditional way: their successwas above all to build up an immense symbolic repertory of the spiri-
depicted as the fruit of both an excessivemoral laxityTo and the tual growth of the soul, its progressive detachment from passions,
deceptive exhibition of 'the chastity of the devil' (castitasdiaboli).77 and its drawing close to God.
Origen portrayed theJew and the heretic as completely negative Behind the intransigent face of the allegorist was hidden the gen-
models of interpretation of scripture and used them above all as a erous impulse of the didaskalos,whodid his utmost to make his hear-
syrnbolic weapon in a clash in which both contenders were within ers penetrate into the laboratory of exegesis.Origen never pre-
the church. Origen's battle was above all against the Christians sentedhimself as the jealous guardian of a constituted knowledge;

6s
Ho*. Ex.Y.4YII.7; Hom. Ps.XXXVI,Y3; Hom.1s.VI.6; Hom. Re.L.I:B; Hom.
Nm.XYIII.4; Hom.Ia.III.3; IV7; Hom. Gn.III.6.
7o Hom.Nm.YlI.4; XXVII.z; Hom.Ier I.r6; IX,.r; Hom.Lo.Y.t; Hom.1o-r. X.6. 78 Hom.Ex.XIII.z: 'Hoc divinare magis est quam explanare'; Hom.Lu.VII.4: 'Cur
7' Hom. Ps.XXXVI,lY.t. vim facisScripturae?';Hom.In. Lr; XVI.z.4; Hom. Gn.VII.z; XIII.3.
72 Hom.1os.XIVr. 7-s Hom. Gn.III.4; Hom. Ier XIX.rz.
73
J, Gageq The Origin: of Antisemitism.Attitude TowardJudaismin Paganand Christian lo Hom.In.IlI.3;X.z; Hom. IerXIl.g; Hom. Ios.XX.6; Hom. Gn.Y.5.
Antiquifii(Oxford, r9B3), 15-6. o' Hom.Lu.YII.4; Comm.Mt. S. r5 HJ. Carpenter, 'Popular Christianity and the
74 With the single exception of Hom. Gn. I.r, tn which he confutes the critique of ;
theoiogiansin the early centuries',JZS, "MS.14(1963),2g4-3ro.
Apelles, disciple of Marcion, of the biblical account of the ark. o" Hom.Iu.'N.6; Abraharn as exemplum of hospitality: Hom. Gn.Vr; Moses,Aaron,
75 The generic presentationof the Gnostic doctrine is a peculiar trait of the homi- andJeremiah aspriesdy models.The homilie s on Luke are the richcst in literal exegeses
lies; I do not think that this means that the Gnostics no longer representeda threat to with a moral slant: Elizabeth, MaryJohn the Baptist, Anna, Simon,Joseph, andJesus
Origen's church (asis maintained by A. Le Boulluec, Lt notiond'hirisiedansla littirature himself. become examoles who can illustrate the virtues of a Christian life: chastitv.
grecqlte lIIe-IIIe sbclef,vol. z fParis, rg85], 5o9-r3). humility, renouncing the world, paternal love, filial love.
7o Hom.E4. III.3.6; VIII.z.
77 Hom.Ier.Y.r4;Hom.Ea.YII.3. 13 Ho . Nn.XIII.z; Hom. La. VII.5; X.I; Hom. Ier.XVIII.9 andpassim.
"4 Hom.Ier.I.z.
70 ADELE MONACI CASTAGNO ORIGEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR 77

rather, his interpretations were the temporary and perfectable fruit indispensibleto their survival.Those who consulteda fortune-teller
of a continual research in which everyone was called upon to col- or went to a sorcerer were guilty of idolatry.89
laborate. Hence his invitations to reflect on the Word of God, not As is known, De principiissocontains two complete treatises dedi-
only during the short spaceof the liturgical office, but also at home, cated to hostile powers; in that work, written in Alexandria more
in solitude, going back over it in one's memory, questioning the than twenty years previously, Origen had tackled themes such as
teachersif somepoint remainedobscure.BsThe model that Origen the origin, nature and end of the hostile powers; he had also gone
had in mind was still that of the school, where the pupils listen to deeply into the problem of how the intervention of the devil could
the teacher,reflect on the lesson,compare it with previous ones,ask be reconciled with the free will of human beings. In Deprincipiis,the
each other about points that are still unclear and, after a certain devil and his helpers were the abstract protagonists of a theological
time, succeed in acquiring the ability to search and find by them- problem; in the preaching, though, they acquired a psychology, a
selves. behaviouq concrete aims: they were astute, ambiguous, elusive,
proud, envious, and they operated complicated strategiesto make
the human being sin.g'Whereasin ContraCelsumthe demonic was
The humanbeingamongdemons
and angels concentratedin certain placesand entities,such asthe gods and the
temples,in preaching, the vision of an entire world belonging to the
The dominant theme in the fight against sin was presented in the demons emerged, within which it was the Christians who had to
homilies as a fight against the devil and his power: 'the devil's ar- conquer ground, starting above all from themselves. It was inside
rows abound in all places, every land is full of them' (sagittae the human being that the decisive battle took place against the de-
diaboli... omnibus in locis abundant, omnis terra ipsisrepleta est).86 mons of sin, evil beings who only acquired an important part in the
The pessimismwith which Origen appearedsometimesto evaluate homilies.e' Origen described to his audience a satanic world that
the presence of evil in the world did not go as far as to throw into was like a well-organized army: at the head was the devil who was
doubt the defeat of the 'devil and his angels' (Mt z5:4r) by the superior to the others for evil and for the quantity of misdeeds; im-
cross.BTAlthough the theme of the providential charicie. oi evil mediately beneath him were a fairly limited number of principes
and suffering did occur in his preaching,B8it was above all the devil whosejob it was to promote one specificsin; at the base,an infinite
and his angels who held the scene.They are very frequently on the number of demons who, under the command of the former and
preacher's lips, first of all in connection with the many links that the divided into ranks, induced human beings to commit the various
newly-converted still maintainedwith the habits and beliefs of their types of sin. To defeat anger, lust, or avarice was, in the real sense
previous religion. Their interest in magic and astrology pushed of the word, to subtract nourishment from the corresponding de-
Christians to consult the Chaldeans, the augurs, the haruspices, mon and to place him in a condition whereby he could no longer
who were able to read the stars, the flight of birds, the movement act.93
of entrails. Behind these ranks of professionalsof the future, the
preacher glimpsed an arrny that was much better organized and
oe
much more dangerous:the demons who manipulated thosetools in Hom.1os.V6; YII.4; Hom.In L,III.4-5; Hom.Iud.lI3; Hom. Is.YII.z; Hom.Nm.
XII-XIX (on Balaam's prophecies).
the intent of receivin.ghonour and worship, and the sacrifices s" Depr IILz.3; A. Monaci Castagno, Il diauoloe i suoiangeli.77stie tradilioni (secoli
LIII) (Florence, 1996),353-6.
e' The evil kings of the Old Testament are often consideredsymbols of the devil.
KingJabin: Hom. Iis. XIVz; the Pharoah: Hom. Ex. I: and passim;Nebuchadnezzar:
B5 Hom.E<.XlI.z; Hom.Nm.XI.4; Hom.Ex.lll.z; Hom."ry'm. XXVII.rr.
Hom.Nm. XXVz; Hom. IerXIY.g; Hom e2 Origen (perhapsaware that they might be a novelty for his audience)made a
B6
Hom. Ps.XXXW,III.3. complete presentation ir Hom. 1osXV5, citing various passagesfrom scripture and a
BJ
Hom.Ios.VIII.z-4. of theTweluePatrinrchs.
BB Jewish apocryphal writing, The'lTstummts
Hom.Nm.III-XIV s3 Hom.1os.VIII.Z.
 7B ADELE MONACI CASTAGNO ORIGEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR 79
Although Origen devoted a great deal of space in his preaching gels,on which they could count also for the subsequenttrials that
to the work of the demons, he also frequently put his audience on awaited them. Guardian angelswould be their faithful companions
their guard against an excessivelymechanical and simplistic inter- at dramatic moments of their earthly existence and beyond: at the
'desert' of
pretation of their activiry above all with regard to their real inci- moment when, like the ancient Jews, they faced the
dence on the moral life of the individual. He knew how the insis- temptation,'o' and in the supreme trial of death, during their souls'
tence of the litterati on the extent and dangerousnessof demonic heavenly voyage and at the time of judgement,Io3 1|t. beneficial
activity could spread the idea among the simplicioresthat the devil powers would live in them and feed on sacredwords and concepts,
alone was responsiblefor sin, and that his power could not be con- rejoice and sufferwith them and for them for all their achievements
trasted with the righteous will of the human being;e+indeed, some and weaknesses along the path of virtue;'oa they were actively
very popular writings, like the older ApocryphalActs,esreflected and 'smaller' ones, that rs the simpliciores,
to whom the
present for the
helped to spread ideas of this tlpe. The preacher avoided commit- preacher spokeinparticular,'osofferingthem the knowledge ofcon-
ting himself to a defence of free will similar to that conducted in De tinual and prompt assistencein the fight against evil:
principiis,in which he had held a dialogue with the major philosoph-
Come, angel, receive the old man who is converted from his ancient
ical and theological currents of his time; he preferred to entrust the error, from the doctrine of demons... and, receiving him like a good
defence of human freedom to scripture itself, made eloquent by his 'little'; although he is old he
doctor, restore him and instruct him; he is
way of interpreting it. The stories in scripture of innumerable bat- is born today; he is an old man not yet grown who is a boy again; and
tles, sieges,massacres,and destruction, became symbols of the when you have receivedhim... call your companionsto help you in your
harshnessof the battle that the Christian mustjoin against the de- ministering, so that together you instruct in the faith those who were
mons) with the weapons of the spirit; the victory of the Israelites, once deceived.too
syrnbol of the new elected people led byJoshua, a Christ figure,
was the pledge and at the same time the demonstration that the Pouerfftand Wealth
batde could be won.e6
It was a battle which human beings were not to fight alone; the In Origen's preaching, there was no shortage of strictly pastoral
spaceoccupied by the demons in Origen's preaching was counter- themes; the analysis of these may cast a better light on the portrait
balancedby that occupied by the angels.eTThe preacher'sreflection of a community, and also on that of a didaskaloswho had to leave
did not dwell on the nature of the angels, but repeatedly took up the school for progredimtes,the environment he found more conge-
their multiple functions, painting them in glowing colours. It was nial, and who was forced to tackle concrete problems.
the good angels who governed nature and delivered it from the The first of these themes was the proper approach to take to-
power of the demons,g8and it was again the angels-after Christ's wards wealth. Origen aimed his preaching in two main directions:
coming-who guided the peoples,eethe churches,'ooand individu- he tried to console the poor so that they could bear their situation
als.'o'Renouncing the godsopened up the possibilityfor individuals patimter, in view of future goods, the only eternal and indestructable
to come into contact with an efficient and orsanized world of an- ones;Io7 secondly, he almost always interpreted the passages from

sa Depr.Ill.z.t.
s5 Monaci (r996),ge-roo. 'o"
Hom.Nn.XYII.4.
eo L. Perrone (ed.), il cuoreindurito del Faraone.Origenee il probtnna 'o3 Hom.Lu.IX.4; Hom.Ier.XYI.4 Hom.
._ del kberoarbitrio Nm.Y.g; Hom.l"c.XXXV Hom. Ps.XXXVI,
(Bologna,rggz). VII.
e1^Hom.Ea.I.7:'Omnia angelissunt plena'. 'o4 Hom. XXV5.
ss Hom. In X.6; Hom. Ios.iXUf.z; hom. Nm. XI.+; XIVz. to5 Hom."ADn.
Iud.Yl.z; Hom. Gn.YlIl; Hom.JVm.XXIV3.
ss Hom.Ez.XlII.t. 'o6 Hom.E1.1.7.
'oo Hom.Nm.XI.4. 'oj Hom. Ps.XXXVI, ll.z; Hom. La. IX.4; Hom. Nm. VIII.T; XXVII.ro; Hom. Ex.
ror Hom.Nm. XI.5.g; XX.3.
VIII.6.
 Bo ADELE MONACI CASTAGNO ORIGEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR BI

scripture dealing with the themes of poverty and riches, or with for their own well-being, did he not enjoy the protection of the rich
thoseofdiseaseand health, in spiritual terms.'oBAlthough he never and powerful Ambrose? Was it not the latter who had made avail-
dealt with the question in philosophical terms, as he did for exam- ablelo him copyists,tachygraphersand all the rest he needed for
ple in the fourth book of his Commentary on the Psalms,toehe his work? Could theseriches not have been better used to alleviate
aimed to present the idea (first Socratic and later Stoic) that good the suffering of the poor? But we have already seen that the accep-
was synon)irnous with virtue rather than with economic and physi- tance by the community of those who-in what was apparently a
cal property, and that evil was not material poverty but sin. completely unproductive way dedicated their lives to studying
The allegorical interpretation allowed him to elude the problem scriptureswas a source of tension and discontent.I13
of the exacting ideal of evangelical poverty. Only the priests were
required to put it into practice, and towards these the preacher
usedharsh words."o After having recalled Christ's words to his dis- Sexualethicsand marriage
ciples (Lk 4Bg), he continued:
I trembleto saythesewords.I denouncemyselffirst of all, I accusemy- Origen's preaching must be understood against a background of
self:I pronouncemy sentence; Christsaysthathe who possesses some- the problems he faced.Whereas some held that virginity alone was
thing and he who 'doesnot giveup everythinghe possesses' is not his the distinctive mark of salvation,"4others interpreted Paul's words
disciple.What shallwe do?How may we readthesewordsand explain (I Cor 7:35)in a rigorous sense,above all in relation to the problem
them to the people, we who not only do not give up what we have, but of second marriages, excluding the remarried from the church."s
want to acquire what we never had before we came to Christ? Perhaps
But Origen was also exposed to diametrically opposed attitudes
we can hide what is written and not communicate it because our con- 'In the church we are now seeing
science chides us? I do not want to become guilty of a dual crime. I con-
which were equa\ unacceptable:
fess, and I do so openly before the people who listen, that I know I have second,third,'fourih marriiges, not to mention higher numbers'."6
not yet put into practice that which is written.rn Betweentheseopposing tendenciesofexcessiverigorism and rather
generalized moral laxiry Origen, inspired by moderation, at-
We know, through Eusebius, the ascetic regime of life to which the
tempted to give someconcreteindications: the entire line of reason-
Alexandrian subjected himself;"2 nevertheless,in the embarrass-
ing in the homily on ChapterVII of the First Letter to the Corinthi-
ment that he admitted to his audience,alongsidemodesty and rhe-
ans was an attempt to find the optimal balance between the need
torical artifice we can perhaps glimpse a hint of truth: the aware-
to protect and enhance both the value of marriage and that of vir-
ness,that is, that in the eyesof his audience even his situation was
ginity: for Origen, the former did not necessarilylead to perdition,
not free of contradictions. The contradiction of wanting to be,
but nor did the latter automatically lead to salvation. The married
through and through, a 'disciple' of Christ and an intellectual,
man who carried out'the works of marriage in an orderly way and
while embracing all that this condition implied in the way of privi-
at the opportune time',"7 and who behaved with rectitude in other
legesand the concrete use of the available economic r.ro.r...i. He
spheres,was as unreproachable as the chaste man.
who exhorted his faithful not to trust in the powerful of the earth
From other passagesof Origen's preaching, it appears that he
castdoubt on the legitimacy of sexualrelations,evenwhen circum-
scribedby the necessarylimitations. From the exegesisof somebib-
'oB
Hom.La.IILB; Hom. Ps.XXXVI,V.4; Hom.,Mrz. XVI.5.
'os_Philomliaz6;E.Junod(ed.andtrans.),Or@ine,Philocaliizr-T.Surlelibrearbitre,SC
zz6 (Paris,1976),g7-roz. II3
Seen. 67 above.
"o Hom.1s.VIL3; Hom.Ea.IlL7. "4 Origen addressedhimself above all againstthe castitas diaboliof the followers of
"' Hom. Gz.XVl.5. Marcion: Flg. I Cor VII, r}-zo; Hom. E<.YII3; Hom. &.X.+; Hom. Ia.l.5.
"' Eusebius,H.E.Yl.3.to: he had soldhis library asa grammarian and contented "5 These are excessivelyrigorist Christians: Frg.I Cor VII, B-:z Hom. Ier.XX'4.
himself with four mites a day, given to him by the buyer; he fasted, lay down on the "6 Hom. Lr. XVII.
bare ground, and dedicated himself day and night to meditation ott sciiptr.e. "' Frg.I CorVII, r$-zo; Hom. Gn.IlI.6.
Bz ADELE MONACI CASTAGNO ORIGEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR B3

lical passagesin particular (Ez cz7; Job q:4-5; Ps 5o:7), the idea practices
Asceticand deuotional
emerged that impurity was linked to carnal relations and to birth
as such. He deliberately left those passagessurrounded in mystery. Origen's preaching faced his hearers with a radical alternative be-
'fhe
occultam2steriaand the secretum"Bto which Origen alluded could tween God and the world. Conversion required severingties with
only be the pre-existenceof souls and their incarnation, both as people and interests that had characterized their previous life; it
punishment and as the means for purifying their original sin. This meant abandoning the searchfor profit, the love of possessions, the
idea cast a negative light onto the entire sensible world, and indi- avidity for riches and earthly honours, to dedicate themselvesin full
cated first and foremost the sexual sphere as the most important to studying and meditating on God.'2o Naturally, one had also to
arearnwhich the different but complementary motives concerning leavethe horse races(equorum cursus)and the assemblyofgentiles
the impurity inherent in the sexualact intersected:the sexualact in (conventusgentilium)'z'. Nevertheless,these were rather sporadic
itself; and the sexual act as a necessarypre-requisite of the soul's 'spirit' of things than to the
themes; indeed, more attentive to the
entrance into the world of purification. Over the prudence dictated ways and forms through which they appeared, Origen went so far
by the need not to scandalizethesimplitioreswere superimposedthe as to saythat holinessshould not be sought in one place rather than
(even
tensions deriving partly from the specific sensitivity of the man in another, but in actions and behaviour: if you are at home,
who, in his preaching, more easily revealedhimself; on one hand, even if you are in the forum-and what am I saying, in the forum?
he who spoke had, since his youth, made aradicalchoice for virgin- even ifyou are at the theatre, have no doubt that you are in a sa-
ity and felt a profound aversion towards the act that he held to be cred place if you are at the service of God (etiamsi in domo sis,
the most carnal of all earthly acts;on the other hand, he felt himself etiamsi in foro - et quid dico in foro? - etiamsi in theatro inveniaris
to be a pedagogue of even the simpler persons,and a man of the verbo Dei deserviens,in sanctiste essenon dubites).'"t
church aware of the theoretical and practical impossibility of vir- Although the alternative between God and the world was pre-
ginity as well as of the potential danger of preaching in that sense. sentedin radical terms, no encouragement to follow severeascetic
He did not always succeedin reconciling this contrast into a coher- practices was given. On the contrary, Origen put his audience on
ent picture; for example, the position taken by Origen in his homi- their guard-at least at the beginning of the ascetic life-against
lies on the Letter to the Corinthians, in responseto the encratic and practising fasts that were too rigorous and that could be danger-
heretical tendencies that were rife in the church, revealed in full his ous.''3The preacher did not fail to remind the faithful to come to
fragility when confronted with what he had said elsewhere, con- church every day,"a to give 2lms,I25to contribute to the mainte-
cerning the different types of salvation related to the different de- nance of the clergy,"b to do penance."T He constantly recalled the
greesof chastity that each had maintained in life. On the lower step interior and spiritual meaning of each religious practice; neverthe-
were thosewho had remarried once or more than once; on a higher less,even if the devotional practice was complete, it only consti-
step were those who had only married once and those who had
remained virgins; nevertheless,these were not at all on an equal
plane; matrimony was considered as a remediumconcupiscentiae and "o Hom.Ex.lll3 XlI:; Hom.1os.VII.5; Xl.z; Hom.Ia.Yl.t.
I2r Hom.La.Xl.r.
thus did not possessthe perfection of virginity."e '"' Hom.La.XlI.t
'23 Hom."Ahz. XVII.9; XXIV3; Hom.Lu.Xl.t.
"4 Hom. Gn.X.4 Hom.ln.IX..,.
'21 Hom.ht.II.4;IX.4;X.z; Him.
Gn.XI.z; Hom.Nm.XI.g; Hom.Ex.lI3.
"o Hom.1os.X.r; XVII.3; Hom.Nm.XI.t.z.
'21 Hom.Ex.X.3; Hom.Lc. XXXV; Hom.Ex. X.r;
VI.g; Hom.h.lll.4; XIVr; XV
z; Hom. Ios.XXI.t. Origen incites the prieststo more rigorous supervision,and to apply
excommunication more frequently: Hom. Ier.XlY.4; Hom..Ios.VII.6; K. Rahner, 'La
"8 Ho-. Za.VIIL3. doctrine d'Origdne sur la p6nitence', RecherchesdeSciences
Religieuses
g7 Qg5o),4j-g7;252-
"e Hom.Nm. Xl.z; Hom.Lu. XYI.z. 86;4zz-56.
B4 ADELE MONACI CASTAGNO ORIGEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR B5

tuted the first step towards perfection. The szmplicioresdrd not go havefalleninto a worselife?Wouldit havebeenbetterfor themto think
'their fire
asbeforethat 'their worm shallnot die' (Is 66:24)and that
beyond that step: their knowledge lay in the iustitiaeopeibusIn this
shallnot be quenched' (Mt 3:rz)andthatthechaffwillbeburnedin an
way even the more simple personswere not excluded from the'in- unquenchable fire.'35
heritance of the saints', even if the reward they would obtain was
a lesserone.t'B The truth about punishment, on which Origen several times gave
veiled hints during his preaching, was that everyone would be sub-
jected to the fire, but that it was a spiritual fire, more painful than
The beginningand theend:thedfuult choicebehneen
silenceand theruord material fire, but that it cleansedeach person of their impurities,
making them worthy of salvation.'3bThus the pain was very severe)
Origen's presentation of the punishment and the rewards reserved but not eternal, and its aim was salvation.
for human beings in the future world is of particular interest. It Hints on that doctrine were never explicit; Origen more often
allows us to evaluate his behaviour when he preached about afairly preferred to hide his ideas behind the harshnessand apparent in-
'the
delicate argument on which his ideas-I am referring above all to eluctability of biblical dictates, citing eternal fire' of Matthew
the non-eternity of the pains of hell and the universality of salva- 2S:4r, the outer darkness of Gehenna.'37 These quotations were
tion - took a very different direction, not only from that of the frequently on the preacher's lips, but they were never interpreted in
'babes in his usual style,never related to the context in which they appeared.
Christ', but also from the more traditional theology.'2s
Like all preachers, Origen was convinced that fear of the pains To be salutary they had to remain impenetrable, like the letter un-
of hell was a useful spur to progress along the pathway towards illuminated by the spirit. Here lies the subtle and, in a senseironic,
perfection;'3oindeed, he frequently expressedregret that many of ruse of the preacher: in allowing his hearers,faced with the opacity
his hearers did not feel sufficieflt fear,r3lboth becausethey hoped of the reading, to be deceived by their very carnality, by their usual
in the intercession of the prayer of the saints to save them from way of understanding scripture literally. Nevertheless,if we look at
Gehenna;'3t and becausethey gave too much credit to those who his preaching, as it were, Origen behaved towards the sirnplices with
held that the goodness of God would saveeveryone from the eter- far fewer precautions than we should expect on the basisof some of
nal flames.'33Origen also believed fear to be an imperfect form of the affirmations he made in ContraCelsum.Here, Origen observed
relationship with God: the spiritual person sought salvation because that, in order to adapt itself to the temperament of the multitude,
of love for God and not fear of his punishments.'34In a long com- the Word must express unpleasant things in obscure words 'that
mentary onJer 2o:7 ('O Lord, thou hast deceived me...'), Origen must inspire terror in thosewho otherwise are unable to tear them-
went so far as to sustain the utility of deceit in the aim of salvation: selvesaway from the whirlpool of sin'. Thus, he concluded, we have
been forced to hint covertly at things that are not suited to people
How many who believe themselves to be wise, after having found out
the truth about punishment, I mean having seen through the illusion,
of simple faith and who need simple discourse.'38
He himself did not scrupulouslyobservethis rule and in his hom-
ilies he attempted to give just to those very simplicesthe more pro-
"o Hom.Re.L.1.5; Hom.Nm. XVII.4; XXII.T; Hom. Ps.XXXVI,Y.I. found teachine whose utility he denied in ContraCelsum.Thrsvacilla-
"e The homilies allow us to study the much-discussedproblem of Origen's esoteri-
cism from a privileged standpoint; this accusationwas already made by his contempo- tion in Origen-'spreaching is an indicator of the acute tension be-
raries, and has been taken up again many times: Pamph., Apol.pro Oig.,Pruef.,PG ry,
54BCand 557A;statusquaestionrb: H. de Lubac, Recherches darclafoi. TioisitudessurOrigine, '35
SaintAnselrneet la philosophie
chritiznne(Paris,rg8o), 4o-B; Nautin (tg76), r7z-g. Hom. Ier.XX.z-.
'3o Hom.La.Y.tz; XII.7; XVz. '36 Finite nature
of the pains'.Hom.Ier.Y.4;YlI.z;XII.z; XX.6, g; Hom.Ex.XIIL4;
I3I Hom.Ln.XI.7. Hom.Lc.XXII; Hom. Ps.XXXVI,LL.4; Hom.ti.YtIt.4; Hom. Ios.YIII.5; Hom.Nm.XlX.
'3' Hom.La.IV.B. 4.
'33 Hom.Ez.y.5. '37 Hom. Ier XIl.5; Hom.
Nm. lX.5; Hom..Ios.XIVz; Hom. Ex. YIII.4 and passim.
'34 Hom.Ios.lXl: XVII.z: Hom.ht.XI.z. I36
C. Cel.Y.t",.
 oRIGEN THE SCHOLAR AND PASTOR 87
86 ADELE MONACI CASTAGNO

but that
tlveen two needs that he judged to be of equal importance, BibliograPlgt
fear and the eternal na-
were in total contradictitn: on one hand,
be indispensible
ture of punishment for the wicked appeared to
other' there Primarlt Sources
itr.-., ne.errury for true conversionof conduct; on the
vision
*u, u' equally sirongly felt need to promote a more spiritual Werke,GCS,vol- zg: Baehrens, W'A' (ed'), Homilien zum Hexateuch
love rather than fear. In Origen's Origenes
of Coa ii.t tn. ti*pitit, one of "n Exodusundlzaiti-
n 7", tbersetlung,erster Teil: Die Homilieszu Genesis,
first.the-need to
oreaching, first one and then the other emerged: cus (Leipzig,rgzo) = CPG r4rr, r4r44t6;zweiterTeil: Baehrens'W'A'
outside by coer-
iorrrr.* p""opl. and change their moral life from pa.), Oi fro*;t;* <u Numeri,Josua undJudicu (Leipzig, rgzr)
= CPG
.io", ,ft." tirat of progreisively opening their minds to the truth
'burning', then the 'illuminating'' r4r9, r4zo, r4zr.
und io seeking: firsi the ,rot. 33''nu.niens, W.A. (ed.), Homitizn .u SamuelI, zum Hohenliedund zu
the "Fropheten,
Lastly, we must ask ourselvet *hat type of welcome Origen den Kommentar zum Hohenlied, in Rufns und Hieronltmus'
received: cold, not to say hostile, if we believe the declara- 1925)= CPG 1423,r+32, r+37QnIsaiam),438 (In
pr*.n., (Iberset4ngen(Leipzig,
of a lack
iior* of tn. preacher himself, who sometimescomplained Ieremiam),44r (In Eaechizlem),r 433.
felt he was a vic-
of understa"ai"g and of the isolation of which he vol. 4g:'Rauer, M. (ed,.),Die Homilien <u Lukas in der Ubersetlungdes
never-
tim. There was rhetorical exaggeration in these statements; Hierorj,musund dit griechischenRestederHomiliznunddesLukas-Kommentars (2.
theless, a question mark remaittt o.,et whether, despite his efforts' Auflage) (Berlin, 1959)= CPG r45t-2.
his preaching was still perceived 5 t9o difficult and too detached ,rol. 6: Klostermann, E. (ed.), Jeremiahomilien,Klageliederkommenta\
after =
from the concrete needs of daily life. on the other hand, even ErkliirungderSamuel-undKiningsbiicher(Leipzig rgor) CPG 1438, t439,
his investiture as a priest at caesarea, origen continued to be first t+23-
terms directly prinziialli, E. (ed.), Omelirsui Sahni,Biblioteca Patristica (Florence, Iggr)
and foremost a schbhr, and perhaps never came to
with the duties inhereni in thi pastoral care of the ordinary faithful' = CPG r4z8.
It is significant that Origen's homilies were subsequgntly appreci-
ated ii selectedcircles iomprising-by definition if not in fact-
,saints' and 'the perfect'. It ii indeed from the cultivated monasti- SecondarlSources
cism of the late fourth century that the first translations of origen's
und rhetorischmWilrdigungdesOngr
Borst,J., Beitrage7ur sprachlich-stilistischen
homilies emerged, and could thus be known in the west. Equally
nas(Freising,rgr3).
significant is th"efact that Origen's preaching was later rediscovered 'Wodurch unterscheiden sich die Homilien des Origenes von
uid rr.*ly appreciated in periods in which, more than at others, the Junod, E.,
seinen Kommentaren?', in Muhlenberg, E.-van Oort,J' (edd'),Predigt
need was fefti"r u new relationship with scripture, for a more culti-
in derAlten Kirche(Kampen, rg94), 5o-Br.
vated and spiritual religion. I am alluding to the religious rebirth of Monaci Castagno, A., Origmepredicatore e il suopubblico(I\4ilan, r9B7)'
the twelfth i.ntrr.y when, again in the monasteries, there was very Nautin, P., Origine.Sa uie,sonoeuare (Patis, tg77).
lively interest in origen's homilies, which again were copied and O'Cleirig, P,'Topoi of invention in Origen's homilies', Origeniana Sexta
pubiished;'3e and, still lateq in the humanist era, it was Erasmus (Leuven, ry95),277-87
who publishe,l the first critical edition of Origen, and who particu- Nautin, P.-Husson, P (edd. and trans.), Origine,HomdlizssurJirhn'i'e,vol'
larly admired his way of preaching.I4o r, SC z3z (Paris,1976),Ioo-gl
(Stuttgart, r9B4).
bei Origenes
Schiitz, W., Der christticheGottesdienst
Tbrjesen, KJ., 'Influence of rhetoric on Origen's OId Testament homi-
lies', OrigmianaSextapeuven, 1995),r3-26.
r3e Leclercq, 'Origine au XIIe sTdcle',Irmikonz4 (t95t)' 4e5-9'
J.
'+o "A. Godin,-Erasme,Iecteur
d'Oigine (Geneva, rg8z).
 THE THREE CAPPADOCIANS ON BENEPTCNXCE,:
A KEY TO THEIR AUDIENCES

Anthony Meredith, SJ.

Introduction

Anlone endeavouringto approach the subjectof the Cappadocians

and their audience is immediately faced with a seeminglyintracta-
ble problem. First of all, there are three writers to be addressedand
not simply one. Secondly,although even taken together they can
hardly compete with Chrysostom in the copiousnessof their re-
mains, they did leave a large body of homilies behind them. This
alone servesto remind us of the large part played by the homily in
the life of the Christian of those days. It served as the principal
mode of instruction as well, as we shall see,of exhortation not only
to the moral life, but also for general beneficence.For Basil we have
at least forty-six surviving works in this genre, including the nine
Homilieson the SixDals of CreationfCPG zBgS).His friend and fellow
pupil from Athens, Gregory of Nazianzus,left behind him, perhaps
revised and conflated for the benefit of posteriry forty-four (or
forty-five) homilies, while Gregory of Nyssa left about the same
number, though in his case,even more than his brother's, much of
what he preached took the form of seriesof homilies on biblical
texts,as for example fifteen on the Song of Songs(CPG 3rB5),eight
on Ecclesiastes (CPG 3r57)and eight on the Beatitudes(CPG 3r6r).
As to place, length and mode of delivery we are much lesswell
informed. As far as Basil is concerned it seemsfair to suggestthat
the vast majority of his discourseswere delivered in Caesaria itself,
whether as a priest, for those connected with the famine of
368/9'
or as a bishop for the rest after 37o. Many of Gregory of Nazian-
zus'shomilies belong to the relatively brief period of his stay in the

'
Evidence for a severefamine in Cappadocia is derived largely from ecclesiastical
wrrters; in Basil, Izttersz7 and 3r; Gregory of Nyssa, ContraEunomiumltog; In Basilium
Jratrem(CPG 3rB5), in O. Lendle (ed.), C,regoiiNlsseni Opua, vol. ro (Leiden, r99o),
tz4.rz; Gregory of Nazianzus,Oratio4g.34,g5.
go ANTHONY MEREDITH, S.J. T H E T H R E E C A P P A D O C I A N SO N B E N E F I C E N C E 9I

capital, prior to and after his tenure of the seeof Constantinople, hundred homilies are ascribed to him-may mean that they were
and appear to have been delivered in the Church of the Anastasis,' very carefully composed and subsequentlyread aloud or at least
the place where the relatively small Nicene congregation gathered recited.
for regular worship. It is lesseasy to be precise with regard to Greg- How long did each homily take? On the assumption that what
ory of Nyssa'ssermons.It has been argued that the fifteen homilies has survived does represent substantially what was once preached,
on the Song of Songs were initially preached before a religious and on the not implausible assumption, based on current reading
community.3The funeral orations4on the little PrincessPulcheria of a modern Greek speaker,a column of Migne would take about
and on the EmpressF(P)lacillawere presumably court homilies de- three minutes to deliver. This means in effect that Gregory of
livered before Theodosius in 383 and 385 and are, predictably for Nyssa's lament for the Empress Flacilla would have lasted for only
such a semi-pagan occasion, replete with motives that derive from about twenty-five minutes, which seems reasonable enough. It is
classicalantiquity, as for example the sombre figure of a cruel fate.s when we are faced with Gregory of Nazianzus on Basil that we
We have also from Gregory the funeral oration on Bishop Meletius need to pause and wonder if the piece was ever preached at all. It
of Antioch, who died in the middle of the Council of Constan- occupies one hundred and twelve columns in Migne, volume 36,
tinople.We must assumethat this noble work was preached before which means in effect fifty-six columns of Greek, about one hun-
the assembled'r5o'bishops.As to the remainder of his homilies, we dred and seventyminutes, little short of three hours.
are very much in the dark. The language and style of all three writers is considerably less
Another subject upon which speculation must take the place of perspicuous than is that of Chrysostom. Basil and Gregory of
hard evidence is the actual mode of delivery.Were they read from Nazianzus certainly had elaborate education in rhetoric. Basil prob-
a prepared text, aswas the casewith Newman's Anglican sermons, ably studied under Libanius in Constantinople rng4B/g and a cor-
'off respondencebetween the two men, of somewhat doubtful authen-
or were they delivered the cuff or ex temporelWeknow that
when Origen arrived in Caesarea he was provided with steno- ticiry survives.'oThereafter Basil and Gregory made their joint way
graphers;6Chrysostom seemsto have preached extempore-ifwe are to Athens and remained there for five years until 356.The leading
to credit that account of him in Socrates Scholasticus,Tand the figures in the world of rhetoric were to be found there, Pro-
same was apparently true of Augustine,B but have we any right to haeresias,a Christian, forced byJulian to resignhis post in 362, and
assumethat it is also true of the Cappadocians as a class?The fact Himerius, a master of the so-calledAsianic styleof oratory a some-
that they certainly lack the liveliness and immediacy of what jerky style made up of extremely short cola." Gregory seems
Chrysostom's extremely copious productions9-no less than nine to have been particularly taken with this style, which he also found
in the secondcentury sophist,Polemo, to whom we are told he was
much attracted. The effects of this style and its impact upon Greg-
" Anastasismay have been the name of the building or of the loyal Nicene congre- ory can be particularly studied in the opening of his sermon On the
gation in Constantinople that worshipped there between 379and 3Br. It is discussedby
to the text of Homily 4z in SC 384 (1992),9. Theophan2.'2 Gregory of Nyssa's rhetorical training took place, by
J. Bernardi in his introduction
3 SeeB. Cahill, 'The date and setting of Gregory of Nyssa'sCommentary on the
Songof Songs',JTS,N.S.3e(rgBI), 447-6rfora usefuldiscussionof the highly complex
issuesinvolved. tested to by De incomprehmsibilitate
Dei (CPG 43rB); SC z8bt QgTo),244.5.See further
a The three funeral orations (CPG 3r8o-z) havebeeneditedwith avaluable preface Wendy Mayer's chapter on Chrysostom in this volume.
'o For
by A. Spira, C'regoriiJtryssmiOpera,voI. g (Leiden, 1967),343-9o. . the correspondence,genuine or spurious,cf. Basil, lzttzrs gg5-g;and for his
s For the distinctly pagan motif of en'vycompare Himerius, Or.YIII.z and Greg- mstruction by Libanius, probably at Constantinople, seeGregory of Nyssa,Izttn
ry.4
ory, In Melztium,443.12;In Pulchtriam462.15;In FhcciLlam4Br.z. and Gregory of Nazianzus.Or. 4g.r4.
b SeeEusebius,.FLE VL36.I. " For Himerius cf. Eunapius, VitaeSophistarum 4g+.
7 H.E. VL4; cf. J.N.D. Kelly, Goldm Mouth. The Storl of John Chr2sostom, Asceti'c, . " Cf. CPG 3oro. The importanceof Polemo[n] of Laodicea(c. A.D. BB-r45)can
Preacher.Bishop(London 1995),57. be gaugedboth from the extensivenotice on him in Philostratts, Vitaesophistarumsgo-44
8 SeeH. Chadwick, 'New sermonsof St. Augustine',JTS,N.S. and from the enthusiasmfelt for him by Gregory ofNazianzus, a fact preservedfor us
47 $996),72.
9 For example, the existenceof pickpockets in Chrysostom's congregation is at- by the Souda. He may a.lsohave influenced Meiito of Sardis.
92 ANTHONY MEREDITH, S.J. THE THREE CAPPADOCIANS ON BENEFICENCE 93

his own admission,at home at the hands of his brother Basil.'3His helping those lessfortunate than oneself was not a peculiar[tChris-
sryle is sufficiently elaborate, it is more periodic than that of Greg- tian ideal. It had been recognisedand praised in the ancient world;
ory of Nazianzus and is therefore normally classedasAttic in inspi- wealthy persons took upon themselvesthe expensivebusinessof
ration. He is certainly capable on occasionof rising to heights and providing public services('liturgies')for the benefit of the commu-
of using tricks of assonance,as in his homily On Benefcence (CPG nity at large, and in the second century, above all, this habit of
zB4B). large-minded good will is to be found in figures like Herodes
Although the reactions of the actual audience are at this length Atticus, a second-century sophist of whom Philostratus writes,'8
of time hard, if not impossible, to imagine it is, I think, possible to 'He
that Herodes used to say: who would use his wealth aright
recapture something of the atmosphere and nature of the congre- ought to give to the needy that they might ceaseto be in need ... he
gations addressed, simply by recalling the fact that all three used to call riches that did not circulate and were tied up by parsi-
-appadocians employed a very refined and elevated style and used '-
mony "dead riches" an idea not far from Basil's advice not to
arguments which would have been lost on a poor and inarticulate allow money to be unproductive.'g Although the great age of mu-
urdi"n... Both Basil and Gregory of Nyssa are witnessesto the fact nicipal beneficence seemsto have become a thing of the past by the
that there existed at their time of writing a native language of time Basil urged it upon his hearers,'oenough of the spirit seemsto
Cappadocian.'4Unfortunately even K. Holl was unable to discover have remained to make it accessibleto a moderatelv wealthv con-
anything about this speech;'sbut if T, Mommsen is correct in say- gregation.
ing that in the imperial era Greek would have been as little under-
stood in Cappadocia as was French in the Brandenburg of Freder-
ick the Great,'6 then it follows that the majority of the inhabitants Basil of Caesarea
would either have heard the Cappadocians uncomprehendingly or
not heard them at all. The only audience remaining would, there- Basil'streatment of beneficencewhich we shall here be concerned
fore, have been drawn from the land-owning aristocracy of with, occurs in the course of Homily 6, In illud: Destruamhorreamea
Cappadocia, that is by those who were members of exactly the (CPG z85o) on the text from Luke r2:r8, 'I will destroy my barns
same class as that from which Basil and the two Gregories was and build others'.2' And out of the obvious attack on avarice
drawn. A remark at the opening of Basil's third homily on the Sar mounted by our divine master, Basil produces a 'precisely articu-
Da2sof Crealebz suggeststhe presence of labourers at his discourse, lated piece of social propaganda'.'" His brother treats the same
which may argue a lesssophisticatedaudience than has been sug- theme in his homily Contrausurarios (CPG 3r7r).The clear evidence
gested. in the homily to the severe conditions at Caesarea resulting from
In the absence of the hints about the nature of audience re- famine allow us to date this particular piece to the year g68/9 to
sponse,which we find in some ancient preachers, we are compelled which both the other Gregories refer in their panegyrics of Basil
to seek some light on this matter from the nature of the various and elsewhere.That being the case,we must assume that at the
motives offered by the three for the Christian duty of generosity to time of delivery Basil was still a priest, not yet a bishop.The Migrre
the poor.'7It is important to note at the beginning that the duty of

Cappadocianson poverty and wealth', in P Allen-R.Canning-L.C ross(edd,.), Praln

'3
Gregory of Nyssa,Iztter ry. ana in theEarj Church,vol. r (Melbourne, rgg8).
'a Evidence for such a dialect or language is to be found in Basil, On tlu Hol2 Spiit .SptnlualiQ
'"
VitaeSophistarum 2r (54).
(CPG z83g), 29.74and in Gregory of Nyssa, ContraEunomiun(CPG 3135),2.4o6' 'e Cf.
'5 'Das Fordeben der Volksprachen in Kleinasien in nachchristlicher Zeit', PG y,z69F.
" Cf.J.H.W.G. Liebeschuetz,Antioch(Oxford, ry72), ry5-6.
z (Ttibingen, rge8), e3B-48.
Aufsiitp lur Kirchengeschichte
Gesamelten '' PG
'6 SeeT. Mommsen, TheHistory . 3r, z6r-77: rro. 322in PJ. Fedwick (ed.),Basil 0f C;esarea,
Christian,Humanist,
dRome,vol. 5 (London, IBg4), ch. B. Ascetic
| (Toronto, rgBr),XXVII-XXVIII.
'7 Cf. the general discussion by M. Sheather, 'Pronouncements of the
"" P Rousseau,Basil of Caesarea(Berkeley, rg94), r3B.
 ANTHONY MEREDTTH, S.J. THE THREE CAPPADOCIANS ON BENEFICENCE
94 95

text occupieseight columns of the Greek and on the criterion men- avenueto personal profit. Basil'sstricturesare reminiscent of those
tioned above this means a homily of about twenty-five minutes. we find in the prophet Amos in chapter z.
Basil begins his homily by outlining what on the face of it ap- A particularly vivid section follows, in which Basil produces a
pears to be a rather unusualjuxtaposition of images.Jobwas tested synkrisis,or comparison, between the ludicrous obsessionwith gold
by ill fortune; the rich man is equally tested by his wealth and good on the part of the rich and their ignorance of the sorrows of the
fortune. His temptation is always to want more and never to be poverty at their door.'5 He describesin a very dramatic fashion the
satisfiedwith what he already possesses-asort of spiritual dropsy real hardships of the poor who are compelled to bring their own
'crescit indulgens children to the marketplace in order to sell them and so alleviate
of the type made famiiiar by Horace: sibi dirus
hydrops'.23The first motive, therefore, that Basil places before his their own dire poverty and hunger. Basil seems not to regard the
hearers is freedom from the diseaseofgreed. selling of children into slavery as something morally offensive, or if
At this point Basil proceeds to remind the congregation of the he does, he does not endeavour to dissuadethe rich from buying
gluttony that often assailsthe wealthy man, that is not simply the slaves.His aim, on the contrary is to use this particular example in
collection of wealth by the wealthy, but its use for the pampering order to move the hearts of his hearers to pity. 'Does not sorrow
of the body and spirit. The sharp attack on wealth adopted here touch you and do you take no notice of nature?', he asks.t6
makes it a little improbable that it was addressedto the poor, who At this point in section5 Basil returns to the theme of the useless-
are hardly tempted to store things up or to use them for their own ness of static gold and reminds his congregation a little later that
gratification. The rich man is to try to emulate the divine generosity none of us is the actual owner of what we think we possess,but
and further to remember the fact that, exalted though his position merely hold it in trust from God. This recallsthe theme of steward-
may seemto him to be, he is little more than a steward of his fellow ship previously mentioned and prevalent in the New Testament.
slaves.Perhaps we have a reference here to the parable of the un- This notion of stewardshipseemsto be a radically Christian theme
just steward told in Matthew rB:23,where the man who had been and has no parallels in the corpus of classicalliterature. It is only at
forgiven much failed to treat his debtors with a like generosity as he the end of the homily that we meet a dire ct reference to the parable
had himself received.It should be noted that frequent though the of the sheep and goats from Matthew 25:3r.
references to slavesand their sorry condition are in Basil, we no- Doubtless the central purpose of inducing the rich to contribute
where find him advocating the abolition of the system. Perhaps his generouslyto the needsof their lessfortunate neighbourswas better
political shrewdness made him aware of the impracticability of served by leaving the most powerful appeal to generosity to the end
such a suggestion. of the homily. It is indeed slightly odd to find io explicit an appeal
Section 3 reminds the hearers that they must imitate the earth to the parable of Dives andLazarus in Luke r6:19, unlessit isim-
and be productive and not simply amass wealth, which of its very plied in the description of the ignorance on the pirt of the rich of
nature is unproductive and dead. The ancient attitude to wealth, the sorry state of the poor in seition
4.
which persistedwell on into modern times,was that it was usefulfor Any attempt to assess the distinctivenessand originality of Basil,s
purposes of exchange,but was itself 'dead'. The notion recurs at contribution to rhe general theme of care for the poor is difficutt.
leastin the writings of his brother at Contrausurarios Despite Rousseau'silui.n, mentioned above, thai Homilv 6 is a
rg7.r2 and Hom. 'precisely
in eccl.4.g.It is discussedby StThomas Aquinas.'4 Basil'sinjunction articulated piece of socialpropaganda', the vast majority
to his hearers to be fruitful by generosityis like, even if it does not
depend upon, the language of Herodes Atticus quoted earlier. Fur-
ther, we are to be careful not to make the misfortunes of others an U9. example of Midas-lite obsessionwith gold seeGregory of Nyssa,
- ".,. lrTilu.
in Erclesiasten,IV3
(CPG 3157),in P Atexander @dj, GregoruNrimi Opera,uot.
:i!,!ry
b \Leroen,l9o2),343.rofl.
"3 Carminall.z.r3. ,,,'l_lG^St,_s6gA.Forthesaleofchildrenasslaves,cf.Basil,HomiliasuperpsalmosXly
(z) (CPG z836); PG zg,277P..Against this Basil hardly proteits at all.
"4 SummaTheologitaerta, ttae.7\.
go ANTHONY MEREDITH, S.J. THE THREE CAPPADOCIANS ON BENEFICENCE 97

of the arguments adduced by Basil are well worn themes,that may would have been made up of cultivated Greek speakers,there is one
be paralleled in pagan sources.This is true of the idea of fascination particular moment in the homily which suggeststhat some of his
with wealth as a sort of disease,the general appeal to beneficence, hearers may have been cultured, but were not particularly well off
the thought of the steriiity of wealth by itself rotting in coffers. It 'But
At 98.13 he imagines an interlocutor objecting to his appeal:
is perhaps in the thought that even the rich man is levelled to the I am poor as well'. To this he does not reply that this is nonsense,
condition of the poot not, as in Horace, by the common fate of 'Give
but rather: what you can'. The homily openswith a reference
death that awaits all altke,27but by the stewardship and no more to the gradual nature of all successfuleducation.We are to begin
that we exerciseover God's property that Basil introduces a more our moral journey with fasting,but should realisethat the essential
distinctively Christian accent.Even so,we hear nothing here of the purpose of fasting is the self-mastery which is the doorway to puri-
idea so common in Gregory of Nyssa of all human beings sharing ty of spirit, which in its turn prepares the spirit for generosity.The
the common face of God, all being made in his image. whole spiritualizing of the ascetic life that we find here is highly
characteristic of Gregory and finds an obvious parallel in his spiri-
tualizing of the idea of chastity in his treatise On uirginit2.
C,regoryof Nyssa He now turns his attention to the actual plight of the poor and
of the captives, perhaps the result of a Gothic raid on the country-
The first of Gregory's two surviving homilies On loueof thepooror On side.It is to such as thesethat the true faster should extend his help,
benficence(CPG 3I69)would probably have taken about twenty-five so controlling his own greed and alleviating the sufferings of others.
minutes to deliver.'BWecan onlyhazarda guessas to the time and The well off should be aided in this by the thought of the honour
place of delivery but the vivid description of the condition of the they will gain by their good deeds-the theme of philotimiawehave
poor and of the captives suggesta situation not dissimilar to that already encountered and seen clearly expressedat 97.rc. The de-
outlined by Basil and a date of gGB/g.2sIf so, it more than suggests scription of the state of the poor and homelessthat follows seems
that the priestly ordination of Gregory must be placed sometime to me surprisingly vivid, as does the plea of the not so wealthy that
before the probable date of the homily. A further remark in para- follows. The citation of the poor widow and her mite from Mark
graph z (g2.ry)about homilies delivered on the two preceding days r2:+2 that occurs at gB.2oalso strikesa realistic note.
about the need to control the desiresof the flesh suggestsa Lenten At this point Gregory lends force to his plea by reminding his
address.The style of the homily is lesselaborate and periodic than hearers that becausethe poor bear upon themselvesthe very face
we find in Gregory's more carefullywrought dogmatic and spiritual of God, they ought never to be despised.What is not quite clear is
writings; on two occasionshe employs the device of assonancewith whether the appeal is made to the natural divinity which each pos-
which to adorn his message;on one occasion the pun is hard to sessesin virtue ofcreation or to that conferred on us by the Incar-
reproduce in English (ro4.r4r): but on the other (ro6.z4) he writes nation. It is true that at 99.r3 a clear referenceis made to the para-
of the rich man in the parable of Luke r6:r9ff that he who had ble of the sheepand goats (cf Mt z5:3rff), but the whole run of the
once been adorned with fine linen (puoooE)was now constrained passageis theocentric rather than christocentric.Indeed the general
within the dBuooog, meaning both 'without fine linen' and 'the tendency of Gregory's writing points in that direction. It is to the
abyss'. imitation of God that he directs us, above all to the imitation of
The following are the principal ideas broached by Gregory to God asthe sourceand model of all active beneficence.At loz.r6 he
persuade his listeners.Although I am assumingthat the audience exhorts his listenersto the imitation of God 'as far as this is possi-
ble', a common theme in him, as the notes of Van Heck ad loc.indi-
'7 CarminaI.4.t3. cate; but also one that had become familiar through the citation of
"u A. Van Heck (ed.), GregoiiJ$sseniOpera,vol. 9 (Leiden, 1967),93-ro8. Plato, Theaetetus 176,whether from a florilegium or from actual fa-
2s Seeibid.,96.r7ff.
 ANTHONY MEREDITH, s.J. THE THREE CAPPADOCIANS ON BENEFICENCE 99
98

miliarity with the text.3oGod as both the source and pattern of two parables of the sheep and goats and of Lazarus employ scrip-
active benevolenceis quite surprisingly held up on at least four oc- ture, they do so in such a way as to concentrate the attention on the
casionsin this passage3'and on the last two God is referred to as need to imitate God-a distinctly Hellenistic motif, rather than on
'inventor of beneficence',a phrase that Gregory himself seems finding Christ in the plight of the needy; and in the caseof Lazarus
the
to have invented as a sort of parallel to his description of the devil on the blindnessof the rich both to their own transienceand to the
'inventor needsof others.Throughout the homily the appeal seemsto be ad-
as the of vice'.3'What is of particular interest is that it is
not to God's redemptive activity in Christ that reference is made dressedto the universal inwardness of the Christian spirit more
but to his minute creative care for the universe. The citations and than to its expressionin particular actions,whether thosebe fasting,
exemplaare drawn from the natural order, from the OldTestament virginity or active charity. If these were the motives thought by
and from Plato, in order to enforce his lesson. Creation, not re- Gregory likely to make an impact on his audience, it suggeststhat
demption, God not Christ are here, as elsewhere, the leading his hearers were composed of cultivated recent converts from pa-
thoughts in the argument. ganism, perhaps even catechumens,rather than of ordinary Chris-
The final section from Io4.I4 onwards to the end is an attack on tians.That thought seems,if this is true, to determine the shape of
both the luxury and the ignorance on the part of the rich of the his arguments. Of the successof his appeal to their pockets, we
conditions of their poor neighbours.33Almost necessarilyGregory have no means of knowing.
is compelled to use the parable of Dives andLazarus (Lk 16:rgff),
with which to illustrate his point (cf. ro6.z and z3). Most of the sec-
tion, however, is devoted to an elaborate description of the wealthy C,regor1,tof JVazian<us
houses,diet and clothes of the very rich. It is hard to know how
realistically we are meant to take these diatribes. Similar portrayals Gregory's Sermon 4 De pauperumamore35 occupies upward of fifty
occur in his homilies on the Lord's Prayr, The Beatitudesand on columns, and would have taken on the computation above referred
Ecclesiastes.At the end of the homily occurs a passagewhich would to approximately ninety minutes to deliver. This is possible, though
have suited better a homily on the brevity and uncertainty of life unlikely, given the much shorter lengths of the homilies on similar
than a direct appeal to beneficence.It is basically a stern reminder topics delivered by the other two Cappadocians. It seemsnot im-
to remember one's end and the shortnessof life.3a probable that the single piece we have before us may represent the
Although Gregory appeals to scripture and to the actual condi- artificial conflation of several homilies, preached on the same ur-
tion of the poor as motives for generosity,the whole tone of his gent topic on different occasions.The lack of clarity surrounding
addressis more 'humanistic' than that found in Basil. Althoush the the actual date of this homily and its place of delivery echoed in
the PG edition, perhaps reinforcesthis suggestion.
3o Fo. a discussionseeH. Chadwick, Reallexikonfiir One of the principal differencesbetween this addressand those
Antikeund Christmtum7 (tg6g),
t r3r-6o s.z. of the other two is its adhesionto the strict rules of Asianic rhetoric.
3' Van Heck (r967),roo.7;r6.ror; r5.ro2,r2. These he doubtlesslearnt from Himerius at Athens and via him
32 On the devil as 'inventor of evil'-a characteristicGregorian phrase-cf. Or.cat.
from Polemo, whose influence on Nazianzus was noted by Souda.
zt; 26, ztndIn Basiliumfrahem; Lendle (rggo),r, r4.25.
33 Gregory seemsto haverather enjoyedportraying luxury as at Hom. De oratione The tone is staccatoand is marked, especiallyat the beginning, by
4
dominica(CPG 3r6o),J.E Callahan (ed.), C,regorii Opera,vol. 7.2 (Leiden, rggz),
J,fitsseni the frequent repetition of the word xcl,6v. A list of admirable vir-
54.8; Hom. I De bearitudinibers (CPG 316r),J.E Callahan (ed.),ibid., vol. 7.2 (Leiden, tues is offered, including faith, hope and love and retirement or
tggz), B5.r; and Hom. 4In Enlesi.ttsten, Alexander (1962),338.e3.M. Alexandre has
shown the importance of the p arable ofLazarus: 'L-interpr6tation de Luc r 6:rg-3r chez seclusion.All these,however,take a secondplace to the great ideal
Gr6goire de Nysse', in Epeknsis(Parts,rgTz),425-4r.
31 LSJ give only one caseof the use of naqobr.x6gin a secular author, V Vettius
Valens,an astrologicalwriter of the secondcentury A.D.; Gregory usesit for the brevity
35 Cf. CPG
of life here at Io7.I5 and in De animaet resurrectione
(CPG 3r4g), PG 46, r4gB. 3oro; PG 35, 857-909
 THE THREE CAPPADOCIANS ON BENEFICENCE IOI
roo \ ANTHONY MEREDITH, S.J.

of Qr,),av0qornicr, which finds its supreme expression in the love of generosity, which is not only the source of our lives but also of the
the poor (section5). ability we have to know God and in the processto become our-
Oddly, Gregory addresseshis audience as oupn6vnrsE,or fellow selvesdivine-a characteristicallyGregorian idea.The call to imita-
poor. But he speedily destroys any impression that it is to the really tion and the need to exercisestewardship should lead us to even-
'poor' he clearly means 'poverty in handednessin our own dealings and, above all, to obey the call to
poor that he is appealing. By
grace'. The appeal to Qr.l.crv0gonlcr is followed by another pagan help those in distress(sectionz7).
motif, the appeal to Qil.orr,pi,cr-afavourite theme with the second- At this point Gregory addressesan objection to Qil.o,v0qorn[4,
century sophists,above all Herodes Atticus, whose life, eloquence coming from those who made the strange claim that the relief of
and wealth receive ample coverage in the pages of Philostra- poverty somehow interferes with the educative purposes of God.
tus'sVitaeSophistarum 25.With the exception of the reference to pov- Poverty is here treated as a beneficial, if painful, element in the
erty in grace)we are very much in a Hellenistic atmosphere. (re)educationof the human race (sectionsz9-3o). It is hard to tell
At this point Gregory moves on to a more evidently Christian how widespread such a view was. In some respectsit is reminiscent
argument for generositybasedon the thought of Romans rz:5, that of Origen's idea of the educative providence of God, or Augus-
we are all one in Christ, and are therefore all members of the same tine's view that slavery is a consequenceof the fall and of sin.3b
family (B).To this is added the more rhetorical topic of the terrible Whatever its provenance, Gregory rejects it. He argues that the
physical sufferingsof the poor, the sadnessesof the bereaved and wealthy may be as sick in the mind as the poor, and further that
sorrowingparents at the illnessesand deathsof their children (g-rg). temporal prosperity is in no sensean indication of divine favour.
Genuine though the grief may be, the artificiality of its rhetorical Job in the OldTestament andLazarus in the New indicate the op-
trappings is hard to admire. Again the influence of pagan rhetorical posite (section g4).Itlooks as if he had not quite made up his mind
technique is palpable. Overdone they may be, but there is a genu- about the respective values of riches and poverty.
ine feeling in all this. Section r3 endswith a movingplea: 'What ear The extensivecoda of the sermon (gS-+o)is simply a list of bibli-
can bear the sound, what eye endure the sight [sc. of the poor] ?' cal exhortations to and biblical examplesof generosity.Sections35
The address now moves on to two themes we have already en- to 37 are drawn from the Old Testament and 38ff are from the
countered in Gregory of Nyssa, and which must have been suffi- New. This heaping up of one scriptural reference after another is
ciently common as arguments. Gregory begins (sections14 and 15) peculiar to Gregory of Nazianzus.Of particular note are the exam-
by reminding his hearers that they and the poor share a common ple of the purse of Christ and the apostlesinJohn rz:6 and the
making and calling by God in Christ. But despitethis commonality practice of Peter and Paul illustrated from Galatians z: ro. The final
of nature and vocation the rich allow themselves the extremes of paragraph of the homily (+o) it a spirited appeal to practise mercy
luxury, while conveniently forgetting or ignoring 'the poor rnarr at rather than sacrifice, to reverence the poor in the members of
the gate'. The effeminate luxury of the rich is well sketchedin sec- Christ, not with ointment like Mary, nor with a tomb like Nicode-
tion r7 and may represent the stock in trade of the orator, as we mus, nor with precious gifts, like the Magi, but with practical and
find similar ideas and language in the third and fourth of Gregory merciful charity. In this way those who do good to the poor will be
'received
of Nyssa's HomilfusonEcclesiastes. The strange feature of Gregory of into everlastingdwellings' surely a referenceto the para-
Nazianzus's treatment is the total absenceof any reference to the ble of the uniust steward of Luke r6:q.
parable of Dives andLazarus of Luke 16. Its place is taken in sec-
tions zo and zr by a discourseon the frailty and brevity of human
existence- a classicalmotif
In section 23, Gregory provides a more distinctively Christian
motive for the practice of generosity, which he finds in the divine 3o Fo. a full treatment of Origen's educational system, see above att H. Koch,
Pronoia und Pai.deusis(Berlin-Leipzig rg3z); cf. Augustine, CiU of GIdXIX.2S.
 ANTHONY MEREDITH) S.J. THE THREE CAPPADOCIANS ON BENEFICENCE IO3

Conclusion approach of his brother who on severaloccasionscensureshim for

naivety.39
At this distanceof time it is hard for us to assessthe effectivenessof Our present resourcesoffer us no way of assessingthe reaction
these three homilies. Frigid and artificial at times though they may of the Cappadocian audiencesto the addressesthey heard. In this
appear to us) we need to remember that in a societywhose powers they are unlike Chrysostom, who gives us fascinating insights into
of entertainment were different from our own, the sermon and the the behaviour of his hearers,their applause,the existenceof pick-
speechwere artistic forms aswell as vehiclesfor the spread of news pockets among them and the rest. Of the Cappadocian audience
and propaganda. It is more than likely that some of the audience we can say that they were probably cultivated and understood the
had shared the benefits of the largely rhetorical education enjoyed elaborate diction they heard. The existence side by side in their
by the Cappadocians in Constantinople and at Athens. Doubtless homilies of motifs drawn indiscriminatelyfrom classicaland Chris-
they would have expected to hear something that came up to the tian sourcesis an index of their unconsciousdesireto fuse the basic
standardslearnt earlier. Nor were they disappointed. But not only sources of their own education and inspiration.aoThe highly
in form would they have been flattered.The appealsto beneficence, wrought, literary character of their homilies probably owes some-
'becoming like God'
to the love of honour and to would have been thing to the fact that they themselves almost certainly edited their
familiar to them from pagan rhetoricians. Even the vivid descrip- own pieces, and would have removed from them precisely those
tions of the plight of the poor need not have been specifically roughnessesof expressionand popular reaction which often accom-
Christian then or now. pany the spoken word.
Apart from the extensive use of scripture, both for ideas and for
exempla, there is one area which does seem on the face of it to speak
in distinctly Christian accents.Each of us in virtue of our creation BibliograplA
sharesin the 'image and likenessof God' (Gen r:26). Further than
that, in virtue of Christ's coming among us, we all share in the Primary Sources
same body and the same destiny,views clear from Matthew 25:3r
and Romans r2:5. In that important sensethe Gospel is a great lev- Basil of Caesa"rea:
eller: slaves, no lessthan freemen, are equal. Although Plato at lnws Even now the only complete collection of Basil's writings is to be found in
PG. The fifteen exegetical homilies on the Psalms (CPG z836) are in PG
776ff. had insisted on the need to treat slavesproperly, he had also 'subjects
29, 3-3g+; the twenty-five homilies on of the day' are in PG 3I,
insisted that the slave is not quite the equal of the freeman.
r63-619.His ktters are edited by Y Courtonne, 3 vols. (Paris,rg57).
Epictetus, himself a freed slave, hardly surprisingly, takes a more
enlightened attitude.3T It is only when we compare Gregory of
Gregory of Nazianzus:
Nyssawith either of them or indeed with Basil and Augustine, that
The forty-four (forty-five? ) homilies are all in PG 35-6; a considerable
we can appreciate his boldness. For whereas Basil and Augustine3s
number have also been edited and translated in SC, that is r-3 Qol. z4);
both regard slavery as a result of original sin, Gregory in his fourth
+-S (gog); zo3 @7o);z73r (z5o) (theseare the five so-called TheologicalOra-
homily on Ecclesiastesdevelops a sustained attack on the whole tionsandare also edited byAJ. Mason, TheFiueTheological Orationsof C,regor2
institution, though he never becomes socially divisive enough as to of Nasianlus,Cambridge PatristicTexts r fCambridge, r8gg]), gz-7 $tB);
recommend a total end to the practice. Even so his outspokenness
on the theory may have served to distance him from the cautious

3e Cf. Iztter zt5.

+o On the whole topic of Cappadocian Hellenism, see most recentlyJ. Pelikan,
37 SeeDis. I.r3.3. ChristianiEandClasical Culture:TheMetamorphosis
ofNatural Theologrin theChishanEncoun-
38 On ttu HoQ Spirit(CPG z93g),zo.5t and CiE of GodXIX.z5, respectivety. terwith Helltnisrz(New Haven-London, rgg3).
ro4 ANTHONY MEREDITH. S.T,

3B-4r (358);+23 6B+).The l*tters are edited by P. Gallay, z vols. (Paris,

r964).

JOHN CHRYSOSTOM: EXTRAORDINARY PREACHER,

Gregory ofNyssa:
The majority of the homilies are in PG 46 and most of them have been
ORDINARY AUDIE,NCE
superbly edited in the Leiden Corpus (Gegorii JVlsseniOpera).The eight
Homilieson Ecclesiastes are edited in vol. 5; the fifteen On theSongof Songsin Wendy Mayer
vol. 6; the five On theLord'sPra2erand the eight On theBeatitudesinvol. 7.2;
the homilies on beneficenceand the panegyrics on the princessesand on If one wished to push to its limits the study of how a preacher and
Meletius in vol. g, and the homilies on various saintsin vol. ro. his audience operated, one would find it dfficult to go pastJohn
Chrysostom. In this famous individual the rare coincidence of a
rich body of evidence,a remarkable preacher, and a diverse range
Sources
Secondary
of audiencestranspires.Yet little advantage has been taken of the
'Antike Beredsamkeit opportunity that is provided by this large body of material for ex-
Beck, H.-G., und byzantinische Kallllogia', Anfike
ploring the acts of preaching and listening in more than a superfi-
undAbendland 15 (1969),gr-ror.
cial way. So vast are the possibilitiesand so little have they been
Bernardi,J., La priditation desPires Caltpadociens.
Il pridicateuret sonauditoire,
explored, in fact, that it is at present difficult to present a clear pic-
Publicationsde la Facult6desLettres et Scienceshumaines de l'Ijniver-
sit6 de Montpellier 3o (Paris,1968).
ture of the situation in this case.To assistin understanding why so
Fabricius, C., 'Der sprachliche Klassicismus der griechischen Kirchen- important a preacher and so vast a body of material have been so
viter: ein philologischesund geistesgeschichtliches Problem', Jahrbuch little explored and to demonstrate the complexity and scopeof the
evidence which is available, specific aspects and details are only
fir Antilu und Chistenhtmrc jg67), 187-99.
Fedwick, PJ. (ed.), Basil of Cauarea:Christian,Humanist,Ascetic,3vols. (To- lightly touched upon in the following discussion.The focus lies
ronto, rg8r). rather with explaining in brief how the present view has been
Meredith, A.,The Cappadocians (London, rgg5). reached,with defining the context within whichJohn and his audi-
M6ridieq L., L'irfluencede la seconde sophistique
sur I'oeuurede GrigoiredeAj,sse encesoperatedand with delineatingthe preacher-audiencescenario
(Rennes,r9o6). in its broadest outlines.To this end the current stateof the question
Norden, 8., Die antikeKunstprosauomVI. Jahrhundertu. Chr. bis in dte,(eit der is first presented, a range of perspectivesis next defined, and the
Renaissance, vol. z (Leipzig-Berlin, rgog). five main categories into which the evidence falls are then de-
Pelikan,J., ChistianiE andClassicalCulture:TheMetamorphosis ofNaturalTheol- scribed.Finally, attention is drawn to particular areaswhich would
ogStin theChristianEncounterwith Hellenism(New Haven-London, rg93). benefit from more immediate investisation.
Rousseau, P., Basil qf Caesarea (Berkeley, r994).
Ruether, R.R., Gegoryof Nalian4us. Rhetorand Philosopher (Oxford, 1969).
Spira, A., 'Rhetorik undTheologie in den Grabrede Gregors von Nyssa', The Statusfuaslionis
StudiaPatristica9, Texte und Untersuchungen 94 (r966), ro6-14.
It is only in the last two to three yearsthat the foundational scholar-
ship regarding the date and provenance of the individual homilies
ofJohn Chrysostom has been challenged.'Aithough the implica-

'
Titwardsa New Asses.s-
oJtheHomiliesof StJohn Chry.ro.stom.
W N'Iayer,TheProaenance
What(Brisbane:Univcrsity of Queensland, PhD thesis,rggti).
mentof WhereHe Preached
 106 WENDY MAYER rO7
JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

tions of that researchfor the use of this preacher's homilies as an below also contain elements which require a more sensitiveanalysis
historical sourceare substantial,insufficienttime has elapsedfor the of the information. In addition. it should be remembered that due
findings themselves to be subjected to scrutiny or to become ab- to the conservatism of architectural forms, which can seethe shape
sorbed into the literature. Abrief, critical overview of the secondary of a building persisting for a lengthy period after its function has
literature is therefore essential,if the field is to be viewed in per- changed, archaeological remains can also be prescriptive rather
spective. A review of the primary sourcesprovides an opportunity than descriptive.
to discusssome of the problems which attach to the use of this The sources that are essential to the recovery of what actually
broad range of material. occurred at Antioch and Constantinople at the time of John
Chrysostom are both textual and archaeological. The riches that
are avatlable, in comparison to the other casespresented in this
Thepimarlt sources volume, are considerable. Not only have approximately one thou-
sand of Chrysostom's own homilies and writings survived,4but
When assessingthe primary source material, it is important that a there also exist the testimonies of historians and other preachers
distinction be made between those sources which state what was and orators who were contemporaneous or very nearly contempo-
ideally the case,or prescribe a norm, and those that record actual raneous with him. While the greater number of these documents
practice. While the gap between the two statescan be negligible, it provide information relevant to circumstances at Constantinople,s
can also be significant. Whether there is a discrepancy between the a significant number also provide detail regarding the situation at
two or whether the two neatly coincide, determining the relation- Antioch.b Concerning the archaeological evidencewhich is relevant
ship between what was said to be the case and what was actually to the issues of preaching and listening, at neither Antioch nor
the case,is of importance. Constantinople has excavation of the late fourth-century churches
The source material which falls into the first category tends to be and martyria been extensive. Sufficient remains have been uncov-
textual. One example is the Constitutiones apostolorum, an idealised ered, howeveE to permit reasonable certainty in some casesand
clurch order originating in the vicinity of Antioch in the late q7os,
which refers to the protocol observed when more than one frolmly
is preached at a synaxis.zAnother example isJohn's own treatise on
the priesthood, in which he devotesa sectionto describine how the a See CPG
43c5-+72.The treatisestend to idealise rather than describe actual
duties which attach to the office of preaching ought to b. up- practice.
s The main sources comprise the ChurchHistorirsof Socrates (CPG 6oe8) and
proached.3 By nature, however, all evidence from the early centu-
Sozomen(CPG 6o3o),the VilaOl2mpiadis,selected orations ofGregory ofNazianzus (Or
ries of the christian church is incomplete or informed by political 20,22-34,36-42),Gregory ofNazianzus's Carmmdeuitasua(CPG 3o36),the homilies of
or rhetorical agenda, with the result that many of the sourcis listed Severian of Gabala, the Wn lohannisChrysostomi of 'Martyrius' (CPG 6517),and the
Dinlogusde aitaIohannisChrysostomi of Palladius (CPG 6o37).Reliable texts of the tr4ld
Olynp., Gregory's Orationes and Palladius'sDinlog. are published in SC. A corpus of
homilies authentic to Severianis currently being assembledand prepared for publica-
see alsor Allen-w Mayer, 'chrysostom and the preaching of homilies in series:a new
tion by K.-H. Uthernann eta/.Due to the untimely death of Florent van Ommeslaeghe,
lpproach to the twelve homilies In ep;.stulam ad cotossensu(cpG 4433)', orientalia
'chrysostom editor of the 'Martyrius' Vitn,a cornpletetext of this important document is as yet un-
chri:tinnaPeriodba6o (rg94),^zr-3g^;^eaede,m, and the preacirii!of homilies available.For a rlis6115si6n of the relationship between the material provided by Socra-
rn senes:a re-examination of the^fifteenhorntlies In epistulnmadphikppenws(cpG
'Thi 4432),, tes,Sozomen,'Martyrius' and Palladius,seeJ.N.D.Kelly, GoldmMouth. TheStor2ofJohn
tr/igikaz
christinnae
49 Qgg5),z7o-Bg;and eaedmz, thirty-fou. homilies on Heb..ws: Chrltsostom- Aseetic, Preacher,Bishop(London, r995), e9r -5.
thelast.serie_s-deliveredbyChrysostominConstantinople?;, o Of the main sources,the writings of Libanius
$,a65$gg5),3o9-48[here- supply detail from a pagan perspec-
after Allen-Mayer (r995a)1.
2 corut.apost.rr.57.For a tive, the Vin Consnntini(CPG3a96) and,De laudibusConstantini(CPGS+SB)of Eusebius
description ofthis document and a discussionofthe prob- provide important detail concerning the Great Church, and Theodoret's Historil
lems associatedwith its use, seeP Bradshaw, The Searchforthz Originsof Christiltn rtrchip. ecchsinstica(CPG 6zzz) and Hisnriareligiosa(CPG 6zzr) supply occasionalinformation.
Sour-ees andMethodsforthzSnd1,of EarfoLinrg2 (London, rggz;, 93i,roi Ttle Itineraiumof Egeria contains some information on preaching atJerusalem in the
3 De sacndotio(CPG 43r6)5.r-8.
38os,which is uselullor comparativepurposes.
 JOHN CHRYSOSTOM
r09
IOB WENDY MAYER

informed speculation in others.T available is sometimes questionable. This is particular\ the case
Aside from the basic problem of distinguishing between rhetoric with the"Atoaaehomiline(CPG 444t),wherethree of the thirteen hom-
and reality or form and function, the source material peculiar to contain lacunae, two additional
ilies available in the PatrologiaC,raeca
Chrysostom brings with it a number of other difficulties. For in- homilies remain unedited, and the thirteenth contains an interpo-
stance,although occasionaldetail is provided by external sources, lated passagewhich belongs to the fourteenth, as yet unedited,
for the most part we are dependent for our information upon homily.s It has also recently been establishedthat the provenance
and chronology of the homilies, two factors crucial to the responsi-
John's own preaching.This circumstance brings with it a number
of problems, some insurmountable. In interpreting the data which ble use of the data they contain, are less certain than has been ac-
his homilies contain, we depend to a large extent upon the assump- cepted.IoThe transmissionof a number of homilies in the form of
tion that what we have today is close, if not identical, to what was a seriesis likewiseno longer a secureindication of their homogene-
originally preached. Yet it is virtually impossible to verify this. We ity of location and date, nor does it necessarilyconfirm that the
also depend upon the assumptionthatJohn customisedhis preach- homilies were originally delivered in that sequence.IlIn the caseof
ing according to the synaxisand the individual audience. This belief thosehomilies whose sequencecanbereliably determined, they are
may or may not be true and needs carefully to be tested. Even if we frequently published in a variety of locations due to the different
can confirm that the homily that survives was delivered before a categoriesinto which they have been assembledby modern editors,
live audience and is identical to the original, and we can demon- or asa result of transmission,making their accessdifficult and time-
strate thatJohn individualised the content in responseto his audi- consuming for the unwary scholar.The sheer size of the corpus is
ence, we must still deal with the fact that the information itself is a further complicating factor. Maintaining control of the informa-
presentedwithin a rhetorical medium and representsa constructed tion one does locate and determining the best way of interpreting
reality. Separating the rhetorical from the real or compensating for it, while keeping all of these other factors in mind, can be extremely
'User-friendliness'is not a term which may readily be ap-
the bias of Chrysostom's own agenda and viewpoint, as we have difficult.
already noted, contributes to the difficulties. plied to Chrysostom's homiletic corpus.
Technical problems and problems of accessibilitycompound the
issue.The definition of the corpus of homilies authentic to
Chrysostom is still not absolute,sand the status of the texts that are literature
The secondary

7.^Regarding the Church of St Babylas Amongst the body of literature that has been written about
at Antioch, see J. Lassus, ,L,6glise
cruciforme.Antioche-Kaoussi6rz-F', in R. Stillwell(ed.\.Antioch On-the-Orontes.Il.The
Chrysostom, about the cities of Antioch and Constantinople in the
Excauations ryy-t936 (Princeton,rg3B),5-44. An excellentreview of the publications reigns of Theodosius and Arcadius and about the development of
arising from successiveinvestigationsof the villagesof the limestone massifto the east Christian liturgy in the fourth to fifth centuries,comment concern-
of Antioch is provided by C. Foss,'The Near Eastern countryside in late antiquiw: a
review article', tn The Romanand Blzantine Near East: SomeReimt Archaeological ingJohn's role as preacher and the role of his audiencesis in the
ituiarch
=Journalof RomanArchaeologlt, Suppl. 14(Ann Arboq ryg5), u3-23. The miterial relat- main coincidental. It is usually descriptive rather than analytical,
ing to the churchesin this region is important for establishingpotential differencesbe-
tween the rural and urban experience.For the sittration aiconstantinople. see T,E
Mathews, TlaeEqrlStChurches of Constantinople:
Architecture
andLitdrglt(IJniversityPark-Lon-
don, r977).The best synthesisofthe literary, archaeologicaland liturgical evidencefor Iy In illud:Apparuitgratiadeiomnibushominibus(CPG aa56),on the other hand, which A.
the late_fourth-centurychurches of both Antioch and-constantinople still remains E Wenger believesto be genuine and which M. Geerard listsunder'genuinaexlra', displays
van de Paverd, /ur GeuhichtederMessliturgiein Antiocheiaund Konstantinopel gegmEndedes some characteristicsalien to Chrysostom and may not be authentic.
uicrtenJahrhunderts,Orientalia Chri-sti2nu4tru1..ta rB7 (Rome, r97o),3-6o, 4og-zz. e See M. Aubineau, 'Publication des Undecimnoaaehomilinede saint Jean
I As recently as rgBB, Alan Cameron, 'A Chrysostome(PG 63, 46r-53o):€dition critique,comblementdeslacunes,addition de
misidentifiea nomilv of ih.rirostom'.
Nottingham Mediaeual studiu 3z (r9BB).34-48.pur lorward a compeliing arg,menr lor Patisticazz (1989),86.
deux in€dits', in E.A. Livingstone (ed,.),Studia
'o Mayer (1996).
restoringDe capnEunopio(cPG 45zB)to the list of genuine homilies.De ehaninaea(cpG
45zg)likewise,although currently listed amon gthe dubia,is patently genuine.The hom- " Allen-Mayer (I994),(t995u).
 IIO WENDY MAYER
JOHN CHRYSOSTOM IrI

fails to assemble a coherent picture - instead addressing selected

ual afternoon and evening activities of the Antiochene citzenry
issuesin isolation from one another-and tends to be seneral in
which the Lenten homily caused.'7In the secondhe digressessub-
content. characteristic are the broad depictionsand eclecticdiscus-
sions which occur in the biographies of Chrysostom produced by stantially from the assessmentof the order in which the homilies
'men from the
were preached to investigate the identity of the
J.N.D. Kelly and C. Baur.,2 For insrance, although in the title to his
country'who comprised part ofJohn's audience in De statuishom.
book Kelly defines 'preacher' as one of three equal facets of
Ig.,B
chrysostom's character,it isJohn the asceticandJohn the bishop
An entirely different set of problems is encountered in the case
who receive emphasis.The small amount of space accorded to hii
role as preacher is filled with superficial description,'3 the occa- of direct studies of early preaching.'e Here many of the issues,
problems and aspectsof preaching and the preacher'saudience are
sional more in-depth comment about the churches in which.|ohn
preached and his attachment to certain congregations reveafirrg a defined,to but evidence is drawn from a wide variety of sources.
lack of sensitivity towards the evidence.'a Major problems wntrr While Chrysostom's homilies feature prominently, focus is on the
attach to the analysis of preaching at this period, iuch as the level general topic of early preaching and attention is not paid toJohn's
ofcomprehension and motivation of the audience and whether the specific situation.2'While Bingham, in particular, is careful not to
transmitted draw sweeping conclusions, the glossing over of local peculiarities
lromily constitutes a literary construct or preservesthe in a work that covers such vast geographic areas and so extensive
original, spoken words, are acknowledged, but allotted only one or
two pages.r' A rare exception to this trend is Frans van de Faverd's a time scale is unavoidable. Inevitable too in such casesis the occa-
book on the Homilfuson thestatues.'6In the course of setting these sional error or doubtful interpretation, which stemsfrom the neces-
important homilies in their historical and social context, ian de sity of relying upon and being obliged to selectfrom the more spe-
Paverd undertakes two excurses.In the first he establishesihe time cialised scholarship of others, whose work may not always be repre-
day at which the. homily,was preached on weekdays during sentative.22
9f A third body of literature is defined by the various books, articles
Lent, in the process determining ttre lit<ely disruption to ihe habit-
and dissertationswhich focus on a particular aspect of John's
'"-_
^ .nelty (r9gg;C.
Kelly(1995); Baw,Johannes
C. Baur, Chrysostomus
undseine
(eit,z vols.(Munich,rgeg-3o)
:^!i Y:,G:,Tr"ga(trans.),John Chr|sostnm
andHis Timz,zvils.flrVestminster,
Maiytana, ']
r959-6o).
lqsq-Cto). AII
All relbrences to Baur
to are to
Baur are the English
to the F.nolish translation,
rranclqtin- p^..-
ha.-.fi--
hereafter ^1,-..r ai
cited -j Baui Vu.r de Paverd(rggr), r6r-zor.
tg59)-andBaur (vol. z, r96o). For a furtTrerexample, r.. trr. .rr.pte. a.uot.a 'o Van de Paverd(r99r), 255-Bg.
!v9l'.t' to 's The studies byJ. Bingham, Originu Enlesiasticae;Or TheAntiquitiesof theChristinn
J:lL'j.1:1,.*gj,.C.ol,r,u1rti'i9pt.
Iohn'c n".".}'ina
i";.H.wc.ri.r.iJi*i, ,-i;;;;il; *d'E"n,p,.
a+ i^-.+^-+:-^-l^ :- T Lr r^/^ T . t

Army,
Arm)' Church,
ani
u:hurch,
andSnte
statein ke
lhe,4ge
ofArcadiusand
fue,ofArcadhi (oxford. ;d"t,
andChr2mstom(Oxford;
chrysostom roqo). ;;_Bd. Chureh(Londoq rB34),Bk XI! Ch.IV 'Of preaching, and the usagesrelating to it, in
rrr-BB_I";ffi;
In none
of thesethreeworksare the liits of homiliesaisigned'toe"tiocfi-oi'ct.rrturriirroot. the ancient church'; and Olivar (rggr),487-977[& lit.], are the most thorough and sig-
accurate. nificant. Both authors assembleand analysea large body of evidence.
'?o Bingham discussesvariously who did and did not preach, how many sermons
]] f.tty (1995),56-68, Brz, B7lroo, rgo-7.
'n.l:.,...*..,
Kelly (r9g5),57,'where-he'failsto understand that the label .new were preachedat a singles1'naxis,frequencyofpreaching, preparation, preachingstyles,
,
cnurch' m the rrtleto In illud:Facitm.arcstzti(cpG 4?9r) is most probably an alternative introductory and conclusive formulae, subject-matter,technique, sermon length, au-
way ofreferring to the Great church at Antioch. rtiii.a".tiorr'th.t,h. thorship, stance of preacher and audience, audience behaviour, transmission, and
;.g;; .o"gr.-
qatron wh!h.lhrysostom regardedaspeculiarly his own must havebeen situated at the audience character and tolerance. Significant regional variations are noted. Olivar
Lireat or Golden church is contrary to the evidence of the title to the arrangeshis material under similar, if more detailed, headings,expandedto include the
homilv, which
clearly indicatesthat the congregationis situated at the ora churJ. topics of preaching assistance,audience composition, communication in multilingual
i.. l.r"y.it,ggol,
societies,4nd the efects ofpreaching upon the audience.
:29;:::^^:d^r:y:,Jotr1|trrrsosiomandhisaudiences.Distinguirr,i"gJitr r.;,i.Jngr._ 'Limites
ganons at Anrroch and constantinople', in E.A. Livingstone (ed,), studia patristic"a "' See, however, E. Dekkers, sociales et linguistiques de la pastorale
3r liturgique de saintJean Chrysostome', Augustininnumzo = EccbsinAans. MilnngesA.G.
$gg:),72-9.
(r9g5),Bz and,gz-4.For similar problemswith rhe picture presented Hamman$g$o),r r9-zg, inwhich the the problems encounteredbyJohn when preaching
5.-tl by
ouyl,r.j Ba.ur(r959),zo6-3o, before non-Greek-speakingaudiencesis briefly discussed.
"^.li ?B+-So+and Baur (r96o),8z_96.
.'". St'JohnChr2sostom,TfuHomilizsontheStatues.Anlniroduitinn,OrientaliaChristiana "" E.9., Olivar (rggr), 658, where In illud:Ne timuzitishom.r (CPG 4414),accepted
Analecta239 (Rome, rggr). by the majority as Constantinopolitan, is cited asevidenceof the frequency with which
John preached at Antioch.
 II3
WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

preaching or which seek to define some facet of his audience. A prompted by his interest in determining the degreeto which chris-
large number of these works display an interest inJohn's rhetorical iianity madi a difference to fourth-century society,that we observe
skills and tools. Those writings which date from earlier in this cen- the audience beinglocated firmly in its social setting.'8 Even though
his assessment of the audience'scomposition and statusis not defin-
tury usually seekto locate his preaching in the context of classical
rhetorical tradition.'3 fn more recent times attention has shifted to itive,2othe angle from which MacMullen approaches.the question
Chrysostom's exploitation of classical rhetorical forms within the of audience c6mposition contributes towards a more informed un-
processesof Christianisation.24A smaller number of articles and derstanding of precisely who it was who came to see and hear
monographs focus on the text tradition of various homiletic series. Chrysostori preaching. Most importantly, MacMullen seeksto lo-
These writings are commonly associatedwith the preparation of a catejohn, his audience and the local situation within the context of
new edition of the seriesin question and, although their main inter- the Eroaier social forces at work in the second half of the fourth
est lies with the relationship between the transmitted text and the century. This interest is shared by RobertWilken'3o
original, discussionof aspectsofJohn's preaching or analysisof his Ths work of scholars such as Wilken, MacMullen and van de
audience is occasionally undertaken.2s Rarer still are articles in Paverd constitutes the exception, however, rather than the rule. As
which the audience takes centre stage. Of the four which fall into is evident in this brief overview of the literature, while some investi-
this category only one offers a strict analysis.The description of a gation of John,s preaching and of the character and composition
fourth-century Christian assembly at Antioch which Jean 6f nir aud"iencehas been conducted in the past, this has in general
Dumortier derives from the six homilies In illud: Vidi dominum(CPG been selectiveor superficial.In only a very few instanceshas-some
aspectof the on. oi the other been examined in depth and the re-
44Q)islargely anecdotal andpresents a somewhat naive interpreta-
tion of the evidence."bWhile a useful survey of the evidence con- ,rrit, ,.t within a context that is meaningful. The collective result is
tained in the serieson Hebrews and I and II Thessaloniansis pro- a picture that is lopsided, that is obscured in a large number of
vided in two recent exploratory articles by Pauline Allen,27it is only paits by areas that i.e opuqrr., and whose existing d9t{\ are more
in Ramsay MacMullen's article on the preacher's audience, tften than nothazy or inaccurate. The most evident deficiency rests
with the approach which has been taken towards the audience. In
'3 almost eviry study John's audience is treated as a homogeneous
The dissertationsby T,E. Ameringer, Thesgttisticlrfiuenceof thesecond
thePanegtical sermonsof st.John chr2sostom.
sophi"sriron entity, as oftln as nol without distinction between the two different
A stud\ in c,rui Rlunrit (lvashington, D.c.,
IgerlandMA.Burns, st.Johnchrysostom'sHomilizsonthestnhus.AStud)ofrhhrRhetoieat .iti.r in which he preached. Even in those studieswhich are care{irl
@nlitiesandForm,Patristic Studiesez (IiVashington,D.C., rg3o) are iepresentative. to distinguish the-two, the audience within each city is more often
_ "n !.., ..S, R.!. Wllken, John Chrysostom andtfujews: Rlutoricand-Realigin theInte
Fourthcmtury,The tansformation of the classical Heritage (Berkeley-LosAngeles- discusseJcollectively than separated into the individual groups that
4
poweranaSockl bidu in Inte Antiquifi,The attended the different churches. The views derived from these ap-
!ondo^n, r9B3);and R. Lirn, PublicDisputation,
Transformation ofthe ClassicalHeritige z3 (Berkeley-LosAngeles-London, ,6gil, ,+g- proaches tend to obscure the complex networks of audiences,
Br. wilken's book is noteworthy for its sensitiveanalysisof thJsocial and reiig[6ii .""-
text in w_hichJohn'sAntiochene congregationsopeiated (pp.t-SS). preaching places and preacher-audience interaction that can be
^found.r"OLaA.a
within the evidence-networks that in turn form
- "5 Noteworthy examples are B. Goodall , Tie Homilis of *. Tonn chrytsostom on the
lttery of St Paul to Titus aid Philemon.
Prolegomena to an Editioi, Uriiversiry bf Calilornia an integral part of the social fabric peculiar to each city. Thus, even
Publications in Classical Studies zo (Beikeley-Los Angeles-London, rg79); and M.
Aubineau, 'Restitution de quatorze folios du codex hierosolymitai", tfi"'iios in the cise olMacMullen, who perhaps comes closestto assembling
47, u,,
codex s_aint-Sa!3132.Pr6dicationsde chrysostome e constantinople et notamment i
Sain-te-lrdne',/fS, /'1S.$ Qgg2),528-44. 28 'The preacher'saudience(AD
20 'Une assembl6echrdtienne
au lY, sidcle', Milangesdesciznce religiruse 35o-4oo)',JTS, N.S.+o (IgB9)t5o3-II' . . .
zg (rg7z), r5- 2s He fais to take into account the different geographic locations to which the
" , 'The homilist and the congregation.A evidence attaches.For a recent response,albeit with reference to the situation in the
case-studyof Chrysostom,shomilies on ,The preacher's audience: a morg optimistic view', in Ancicnt
Hebrews', Augustinianum West, see p Rousseau,
'Ihessalonians: 36 (tgg6), gg7-4zt;and John Chrysostom,shomilies on I and Historyin a Modernunitnsity, Festsch.iftfo. EdwinJudge (forthcoming)'
II the preacher and his audience', in E.A. Livingstone (ed.), Studin
so Wilken (rg83).
Patristiea3t (rgg7),g-zr.
 r14 WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM II5

an accurate picture of the social composition of John's audience, the evidence to be plotted out in only one or tvvo dimensions,the
'which
the failure to ask audience?'-that is, beyond the obvious source material is so rich and so rewarding in Chrysostom's case
distinction between the regular audience and the audience which that the data can be viewed along a number of planes. As each
attended on special occasions3'- prev€nts him from breakins plane is locked into place, the picture of John and his audiences
through to a more subtle view. that begins to emerge is infinitely more complex and nuanced than
has previously been suspected.
For example, the most obvious angle from whichJohn and his
Multzple Perspectiues audiences can be viewed is the liturgical. At its most basic level,
preaching is a liturgical act which, under most circumstances,takes
The situation with regard to Chrysostom's audience demonstrates place within a liturgical setting.This fact immediately supplies two
a truth which applies to the whole Antiochene and Constanti- neatly defined areas within which to locate the evidence, since it
nopolitan preacher-audience domain. \Arhile it is important to view usually means that the homily was preached in the course of a lit-
the relevant data in context, it is also the casethat the evidence ac- urgy and that the clergy and congregation were assembled within
commodates itself to more than one setting. Where Wilken and a liturgical space,namely, a church or martyrium. The first circum-
MacMullen have identified the social context as a framework that stance urges the viewing of the homily in relation to the content
produces significant results, other scholars have placed the data and enactment of the liturgy which surrounded it. Questions
concerning the actsof preaching and listeningwithin the more nar- prompted by this viewpoint include the following: what relationship
row setting of the Christian liturgy.sz Both approaches are valid doesJohn bear to the rest of the clergy who are present?Why is he
and help to expand our understanding. Others again, as has been preaching? If other clergy are preaching at the same synaxis, in
observed,have locatedJohn's preaching within the context of the what order doeshe preach?How doesJohn begin and conclude his
traditions of Graeco-Roman rhetoric. That particular approach homily? What relationship does the subject matter of his homily
helps us to understand the expectationsof the audience und to us- bear to the other parts of the liturgy? Does his homily reflect the
sesstheir ability to tolerate certain types of homilies. The resulting liturgical understanding of that particular day? What behaviour
information can also contribute to the delicate task, with regard to does he expect of the audience during the homily, and finally, does
f,ohn's comments) of discriminating between rhetoric and ieality. John's stance or the stance of his audience changejust before he
LocatingJohn and his audienc.r *ithi.r the physical buildings of begins to preach or immediately after he concludes his homily? The
each city and mapping their movement on the physical featuris of secondcircumstanceencouragesthe viewing ofJohn and his audi-
eachlandscapeconstitutesyet another approach,which permits the ence in relation to the space defined by the interior of a building.
collection of a different, but equally significant body of d.tuil.st It gives rise to questions such as: where is Chrysostom situated
Not only is it the casethat there is more than one context within when he preaches?Where is his audience situated? How do the
which the evidence can usefully be examined, however, but it is also different positions adopted by the two aJfectcommunication? What
true that not one of the many possiblesettingsis discrete.Each in- are the acousticsof the building like? CanJohn project his voice
tersectswith another or with a number ofothers. where the sources adequately?Can all of his audience seehim while he is preaching?
are poor, in the caseof many other Greek preachers, and permit What furniture is associated with preaching or listening? Who is
sitting and who is standing? Is there anywhere for Chrysostom to
place a script or notes, should he wish to use them? Are the lection
3' MacMullen (1989), books in proximity, sliould he wish to quote from the pericope for
5o6-7and 5ro.
3' Bingham (1834)and Olivar (rggr).
the day, or is he obliged to cite it from memory? Yet viewingJohn
SeeX.{ayer(1996)and eadcm,'The dlmamics of liturgical space.Aspects of the
interactionbe-tweenJohnchrysostom andhii au diences',EpiemeidesLiturgiclen r (r997),
and his audiences from the liturgical perspective is far from simple.
ro4-r5 (hereafterMayer [tggZu]).
 IIO WENDY MAYER
JOHN CHRYSOSTOM rr7

The broad concept of the liturgical environment permits the ad-

available for the cities of Antioch and Constantinople in Chryso-
duction of a wide range of evidence, which can be assembledto
stom's time is so high and the range so extensive.3s
accommodate numerous questions and which is open to being
The intersection between the liturgical and the ecclesiastical
viewed from a number of perspectives.
spheres is particularly significant. As Wilken, Dagron and others
Moreover, questions that would appear to be purely liturgical
point out, at neither Antioch nor Constantinople at the time of
have a habit of transforming imperceptibly into queries that require
Chrysostom was the Christian faction to which he belonged neces-
the evidence to be viewed from a somewhat different or broader
sarily dominant nor was it the only one available.3eRather, it was
perspective.Thus, if we were to ask why a particular audience was 'a competitive religious environment, in which the loyalties and
in attendance at a specific church on a certain day of the year, de-
allegiances of Christians were constantly shifting.'aoIf the manner
termining the identity of the church and the liturgical occasion
in whichJohn concluded his homilies is examined from a purely
might present us with only a partial explanation. Attendance for
liturgical perspective, the doxological variants represent something
some might be prompted to a greater degree by the proximity of
of a curiosity. The reason why he would use a particular variant at
the church to their dwelling,3+ by their dislike of the preacher at
one point and another version at another is not obvious.While it is
another church,ssby their enthusiasmfor Chrysostom's rhetoric,36
clear that it was an establishednorm for the homily to be concluded
or by their desireto be seenby a particular client or patron.3TThese
with a doxology,a'it is also patent that there was no one prescribed
factors, rather than being liturgical, are topographic, personal or
forrn4' and the rationale, beyond a matter of convenience or per-
social. No solution is simple, however, since a particular church
sonal choice, is not evident. However, when the identity of the city
might be convenient from the topographic perspective but is
avoided because it is in possessionof a rival christian faction. Fur-
thermore, if we investigate the composition of John's audience, it 38 Regarding Antioch at this time, seeP Petit, Libaniuset tn uizmmitipah d Antincfu
is not just a matter of counting men, women, children, slaves,free, au IV iicle aprisJ.-C., Institut Frangais d'Archdologie de Beyrouth. Bibliothdque
rich, poor, ascetics,clergy or laity, but rather a question of the rela- archdologiqueet historique 6z (Parisrg55);A.-J. Festtgldre,Anti.oche paibnneet chritimne.
Libanius,Chr2sostome etlesmoinesdeSyie.Bibliothdque desEcolesFrancaisesd'Athdnes et
tionship between the composition of the audienceinside the church de Rome rg4 (Paris,rg5g);G. Downey,A HistoryoJAnti.och in Syiartom Seleucus
to theArab
and the demographics of the local society.Understanding the struc- Conquest (Princeton, NJ., 196r); andJ.H.W.G. Liebeschuetz,Antinch.CiE and Imperinl
ture of the audience requires sensitivity to issuesof languige, status, Administrationin the Later RomanEmpire (Oxford, rgTz). For Constantinople, see G.
Dagron, Naissance d'unecapitale.Constantinople de33o d 45r, Bibliothdque
et sesinstitutions
ethnicity and travel. It requires that we examine the cluster of peo- Byzantine Etudes 7 faris, 1974);J.H.WG. Liebeschuetz,BarbarinnsandBishops. Arm2,
ple within the church against the background of the local eccleiias- Church,andStatein theAgeof Arcadiusand Chrltsostom (Oxford, rggo); and A. Cameron-J.
tical and religious climates. The relationship between Antioch or Long with L. Sherry BarbariansandPoliticsat tlu CourtofArcadius,TheTransformation
of the ClassicalHeritage r9 (Berkeley-LosAngeles-Oxford, rg93).
constantinople, its suburban regions and the surrounding country- 3s Wilken (1983),ro-6; Dagron (t974),4to-87;Kelly (rgg5),rz5-6.
side also needs to be taken into consideration.These lines of en- ao Wilken (rgB3),3o.
quiry can be pursued precisely because the level of information a' Bingham (1834),XNIVz3. See,however, Olivar (rg9r),
524-7,where it is ar-
the concluding doxologiesare particularly susceptibleto stenographicinter-
fli:i::*
a'? The range of concluding formulae employed by Chrysostom is more extensive
'n De s.pmtecoste than is usuallyacknowledged.Cl, e.g.,In illud:Messbquidanmuln (CPG 444r.rr), PG
hom.r 5c.,454.4-6,whereChrysostom com-
|.. -(CPG $$),pG 63, 5t6. 47-5o ('to whom [God] be the glory and the power for ever and ever.Amen');
men_tsthat some people live only one street awat from-the church.
35 see In E-ph.hom.tt,PG 62, B7.eB-88.z8,'whereJohn
alludes to the fact that a lt Eph. hom.tz,PG 6z, g4.r-5 ('through the favour and kindnessofour LordJesus
group ofonce faithful attendeeshave become disenchantedwith him and have started Christ, with whom glory power, honour be to the Father,together with the Holy Spirit,
attelding another church. now and always,for ever and ever. Arnen');In quatriduanum Lalarum(CPG 4356),PG 5o,
3b S-e9,.e.g..{1illud: Patzr pG 63, 644.58-6r ('let us give thanks to Christ ... to whom be the glory and the power togetlier
Trus.ySy modoopuatur(CpG 444r.ro), 5rr.39_ with the Father, with the holy and lifegiving Spirit, for ever and ever.Amen'); and 1z
5rz.ro; In illud: Filius exsenihilfacit (CPG 444r.ri),pG 5o, 247.r-ro.
marltresAegtptior(CPG 4363),PG 5o, 698.3o-z ('through the favour and kindnessof our
. .37 See,e.g.,In II Tfuss.!qm.3,PG 62,a$.5g-a9a.ra. Chrysostomattributesto the LordJesus Christ, through whom and with whom be glory to the Father and to the
rich male the motive of publicly displaying his weilth.
Ifolv Spirit for ever and ever.Amen').
IIB WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM II9

at which each homily was preached is understood and the conclud- dance, as well as providing a convenient opportunity for Flavian to
ing formula is examined against the backdrop of the different consult with the more remote clergy under his direction. This ex-
Christian groups that competed there for attention, the choice of ample suggeststhatJohn's audience at Antioch was not static, but
formula becomes imbued with meaning. No longer are the different was from time to time swelled by visitors. An influx of this particu-
formulae seenas a random occurrence,but they become a deliber- lar kind, where the visitors were alien both in language and appear-
ate response to the theological disputes about the nature of Christ ance)4g raises further interesting questions concerning how
and the relationship between the Father, Son and Spirit prevalent Chrysostom dealt with a multilingual audience, how his more regu-
in each city.+l p.,.rmining the precise relationship between the lar audience reacted to the presence of persons readily identifiable
employrnent byJohn of a particular doxology and the status of de- as strangers, and whether on such occasions there was a noticeable
bate in the wider ecclesiasticalcommunity opens up new areas for shift in the dynamic betweenJohn and his audience. A parallel situ-
investigation.aa ation can be identified at Constantinople,where the presenceof the
Viewing John and his audiences within the context of the eccle- emperor and his court attracted a wide range of ecclesiasticalvisi-
siastical climate peculiar to each city expands our understanding of tors, in some casesseeking arbitration,so in others, hoping to im-
them and is in any case informative. If we take the case of the prove their personal circumstancesthrough imperial influence.S'
monk-priests from the Syrian countryside who receive explicit men- Others again arrived to conduct predominantly ecclesiasticalbusi-
tion in two Antiochene homilies,4s16.'. appearance among the nesswith BishopJohn himself.s2It is probable that more than a few
audience encourages speculation from a number of directions. of these bishops and asceticsdrifted in and out of Chrysostom's
From a purely ecclesiasticalpoint of view, their inclusion invites us audience. In one memorable instance a visiting bishop was given
to broaden the sweep of our investigation to consider how the the opportunity byJohn to preach in his place.53
rhythms of the territory under the direction of Bishop Flavian and Yet the liturgical and ecclesiasticalperspectives,rich as they are,
the status that Antioch commanded within that territory affected still offer only a partial picture. Just as overtly liturgical questions
the lives of its orthodox Christian inhabitants. Frans van de Paverd suddenly transform into ecclesiastical queries, so issueswhich are
proposes that the rural monk-priests came regularly to Antioch at initially liturgical or ecclesiastical in form transmute readily into
the time of a particular martyr's festival for the purposes of pastoral problems which require a much broader view. There are times
deliberation.abThe factsthat this local synod coincided with a mar- whenJohn and his audiencemust be viewed notjust within the first
tyr's festival of sufficient statusthat it lasted two days,47and that the two spheres, but also within the full social networks and physical
more majorAntiochene liturgical festivalscould draw a large crowd structures of the city. For instance, while ecclesiastical occasions
from the surrounding rural areas,48str6oubtedly encouraged atten- both inside and outside the ciw mav account for some of the ebb

a3 That this occurred among the orthodox party under Flavian and Diodore at feast of the Maccabeesthat attracts a crowd of non-Greek-speakingrural inhabitants.
Antioch is suggested byJ. Jungmann, Die StellungChristi im kturgischenGebet(Minster, The fact that on the day of the homily Flavian has left Antioch to preside over a
Igz5). Seethe Eng. trans. by A. Peeler;ThePlnceof Christin LiturgicalPra2rr(London, znd martyrial festivalin the countryside (PG 5o, 646.22-647.t),indicatesthat the ecclesiasti-
ed. rgBg),r75-9o. cal network in which Antioch participated could result in the diminution as well as
a+ expansion of Chrysostom's audience.
Jungmann (rg8g), 186, perceivesa chronological progression in the formulae
employedby Chrysostom,which he explainsasreflecting eith.era changeinJohn's own as De statuishom.tg,PG
49,rBB.B-9a.i., 19o3o-6.
theology or an alteration in liturgical practice at Antioch. The use of a doxology as 50 E.g., the fifty or so Eglptian monks led by the four Tall Brothers, who came to
propaganda,for didactic purposesor to identify a particular Christian group, are other plead their casebefore both the Constantinopolitan bishop and the emperor. For an
possibilities. outline of the affair seeKelly (rg95),rgr-2o2.
s' E.g.,Severianof Gabala. SeeKelly (r995),rBr-9o.
.45 De statuishon. rg (CPG 433o),PG 49, r88.rz a.i.- tgo.55;CaLB (CPG ++Zz),SC
:" E.S.,Eusebiusof Valentinopolis. SeeKelly (1995),163-4.
5o""-,247-5o.
4b Van de Paverd(rg9r), z9o. s3 SeeIn illud: Patermeususquemodooperatur, PG 63,5rr.39- 5rz.z, where reference
o1 Ap.il ro-rr: van de Paverd(rg9r),ego. is made to the attempt of the elderly bishop of Galatia to satisfyan audience that had
4o SeeDe ss.na@ibus (CPG 4357),PG been fired byJohn's preaching at the previous synaxis.
5o, 647.t-5,where on that occasionit is the
r20 WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM r2r

and flow in the sizeand composition of Chrysostom'saudience,the different. As RobertWilken setsout so clearly,it was not just sev-
demographics of the city also contribute to the peculiarities of the eral varieties of Christianity that competed for attention in that
congregation.Thus at Constantinople, the large number of Goths ciry but also dominant pagan andJewish sectors.5B In both cities,
employed in the armed forces,their families and associatedimmi- pagan festivals and entertainments regularly coincided with Chris-
grants, account for the fact that at the time thatJohn was bishop, tian rituals and vied with them for the loyalty ofJohn's audience.se
the orthodox congregation at the Church of St Paul regularly wor- In Antioch, the synagogues,Jewish festivals and rituals and the
shipped in the Gothic language.On the one recorded occasionon holy places, such as the Cave of Matrona at Daphne, had long
which Chrysostom visited the church to preach, John delivered his played a prominent role in the life of the city and still exercised a
own homily in Greek even though the lessonshadjust been read in powerful attraction.boIn consequence,the people who constituted
Gothic by a lector of that nation and a homily just preached by a Chrysostom's audience would have listened and watched him
Gothic presbyter.sa preach with standards and expectations shaped as much by the
The presenceof a foreign congregation in the city itself raisesa eclectic and vibrant daily life of the city as by the world enclosed by
range of issueswith regard to both preaching and listening. For the Christian church and the Christian liturgy. There were more
example, if the audience was mixed on that occasion,asJohn sug- general ways, too, in which the norms of the external society influ-
gestsin his homily,sswhat percentage understood the presbyter's enced the behaviour of John and his audiences. The different
homily as it was delivered in Gothic and how many were able to stanceswhichJohn adopted while preaching at each city and those
appreciateChrysostom'smessagein Greek?John'sown homilywas adopted by different sectionsof his audience, when examined care-
not especially short on that occasion and, while we have no indica- fully, display a closer relationship to the conventions associatedwith
tion of the length of the presbyter'scontribution, one or the other the different levels of social status in external society than toJewish
homily must have been tedious to stand through if it was not well liturgical antecedentsor other symbolism.b'Investigatingwhat per-
understood. A more obvious way in which the full dynamics of centageof a particular audience understoodJohn's homily on that
Constantinople a"ffectedJohn'spreaching, as well as the composi- day and whether their behaviour is likely to have been influenced
tion and behaviour of his audience, is the periodic presenceof the by his exhortations during the days that followed, on the other
emperor or empresson high festive occasions.In one noteworthy hand, are issuesthat require an understanding of the socio-eco-
instance, the inclusion of the Empress Eudoxia in an all-night pro- nomic background of the different sectorsof the audience and their
cessionand her presencein the audience at the subsequentsynaxis accessto education.6tDeter-iningwhat sectionof the community
at the martyrium to which the martyrs' remains had been trans- was able to attend synaxis on which days of the week again de-
lated, causesJohnto devote the bulk of his brief homily to a pane- mands an awarenessof the rhlthms and commitments of different
gyric on her piety.soQ;rite apart from influence upon the content occupations and an understanding of the general patterns of daily
of the homily, the attendanceof the emperor or empressnecessarily life, as well as a knowledge of the times and frequency of slmaxes.b3
swelledthe audience, since each was inseparablefrom a large reti- Human psychology and the value systemsof the local urban society
nue of bodyguards and courtiers,sTwhile the presenceof either or
both is in itself likely to have attracted a larger than usual atten- 5o Wilken (1983),r-94.
dance and to have increased the potential for distraction. 5e For Antioch see,e.g.,In kalzndas
(CPG a3z8), PG 48, 953-62 and In Matth. hom.
The dynamics at Antioch are both similar and yet somewhat 7, PG 57,99-82.39;for Constantinople, Contraludoset theatra(CPG 444r.), PG 56, 263-
'10.

lo See Wilken (1983),75-Bo.

b' Mayer (r9g7a), rog-rz.
54 Hom. habitapostquam presbltter
Gothus(CPG 44q.9), PG 63,499 (title), 5or.z-4. b" The argume nt that Chrysostom came from an educated 6lite and that it was only
55 PG 63,5o2.9-rz. the wealthy, leisured class who were able to attend on a regular basis leads MacMullen
56 Hom. dbtapostquamreliquine marfirum(CPG 444t.t), PG 69,467-72. (IgB9), 5ro-rr, to a somewhat pessimistic conclusion.
57 See,e.g.,Hom. dictapraesenteimpuatore(CPG 444t.2),PG 69,473.6-zo. b: The value of this approach is demonstrated by van
de Paverd (rggr), 16r-zor.
tog WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM r23

are factors which can also offer important insights, when they are Who
taken into consideration.
In short, there are many individual perspectivesfrom whichJohn When we enquire into the constituent elementsof the audience,we
and his audience can be viewed. They can be examined in the one are asking not just about composition but about community and
city. Within the one city they can be viewed inside the city perime- self-identity. For instance, when Chrysostom addressesthe poor
ters or outside the city, in the suburban space.They can be looked among his audience, it will often become clear as the homily pro-
at inside the one church or across a seriesof different churches. ceeds that the individuals perceive themselves to be poor, but are
They can be viewed from any one of the many perspectives re- not necessariiyso by objective standards. Rather, they consider
ferred to above. A number of different analytical approaches can themselvespoor becausethey judge their own deficienciesagainst
also be applied.John and his audience can be examined compara- the lifestyleand possessions of their wealthier fellow Christians and
tively, namely from city to city, from church to church, or from neighbours.oaThebiasesof rhetoric and the statusof the orthodox
synaxis to synaxis.Their interaction can be assessedexistentially, Christian community within the life of the city also come into con-
that is, from the point of view of what occurs at the one moment sideration.Thus whenJohn tells us, on the occasion of a martyr's
or on the one occasion, or it can be assessed in terms of the rela- festival, that the entire city is in attendance or th4t the city has been
'audi- emptied as the result of thb processionto a suburban martyrium,Gs
tionship that develops between Chrysostom and a particular
ence' over time.John and his audiencecan be investigatedindepen- we must ask whether the comment senuinelv reflects the situa-
dently of one another or together.The list of perspectives and tion.66Even if it were the casethat a sutstantiai numbe, of pagarrs,
modes, if not infinite, is extensive and, as the interests of the schol- Jews and non-orthodox Christians turned out to watch or partici-
arly community change, will continue to expand. Yet, valuable as pate in the processions,it is unlikely that they would have stayed to
the information that is assembledwithin these individual perspec- hearJohn's homily.
tives and through these different approaches can be, it is the collec- Even so, there is a great deal of information about the range of
tive effect that is so powerful in this instance. In this respect, it is the personswho attended on different occasions.For instance,we find
broader perspectives offered by the liturgical environment, the ec- at both Antioch and Constantinople more than one example of
clesiasticalclimate and the social or urban context that provide the women forming part of the audience,oT while in another case,it is
framework for locking into place the information that derives from clear that at Constantinople a number of women who were once
these many different, yet intersecting lines of investigation. regularly in attendance have recently taken offence at Chryostom
and transferred their loyalties elsewhere.68 On the occasion of the
translation of some remains to a martyrium outside that same city,
Categories of infor matzon we discoverthat it is not just young women, but elderly femalesand

If we set aside for the moment the framework that enables us to

make senseof the data concerningJohn and his audience, and if un
U . * . ,I n i l l u d : N e t i m u e r i t i s h o m . r ( Q P G 4 4 t 4 ) , P G 5 5 , 5 o r . 4 5 - 5 r r . z B ; S e r m o I i n
we ignore too the fact thatJohn's audience is neither static nor ho- Gmuim (CPG 44ro), PG 54, 585.59- 586.42;De baptismoChisti (CPG 4335), PG 49,
mogeneous but a constantly changing entity, then we can neatly 363.2-r9,364.5-7, 3655-7.
o5 E.8.,De s.Meletio (CPG a3a5),PG 5o, 5r5.r-3;Hom.dittapostquamreliquiaemare-
separatethe types of information that are available into five catego-
rum,PG 69,47o.9-to.
ries. Each category is defined by a simple question, although none oo The information which Sozomen (H.E.
VIII.B) and Socrates(ILE VI) supply
of the questions has a simple answer. concerning Arian counter-liturgical processionsat Constantinople presentsa clear case
that not all ofthat city participated in the orthodox celebrations.
07 See,e.g.,In Col.hom.7,PG 62,35o.9-r8 and De s. Melztio,PG
5o, 5zo.r8-zo
(Antioch); In illud:Ne timueitishom.r, PG 55, 5or.52-3 (Constantinople).
"o In Eph.hom.rr,PG 6z,87.z8-4r.
r2+ WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM r25

dedicated virgins, as well as the empress,who are present.6eThe probable that some were instead located around the entrances of
crowd of women is in this instance balanced by bands of monks, the church at times of synaxis, waiting to importune the audience
ranks of clergy, a number of archons and a variety of more ordi- as they entered or departed.TsThis possibility prompts one to ask
nary malecitizens, some elderly.ToEvidence for the voluntary atten- whether those outside were able to seeor hear any of the proceed-
dance of slavesis difficult to find, but there is at least one example ings, while the potential responseof those inside the church to the
in which the obligation of a quantity of slavesto attend the synaxis homelessand disabledwithout also raisesquestionsabout individ-
in the company of their wealthy master is described as a typical ual attitudes and values. As for racial background, the fact that
occurrence.T' Children, although mentioned frequently in exempla' both Antioch and Constantinople attracted visitors or foreign resi-
are almost never addressedin the course of a homily and therefore dents for various periods of tenure has already been mentioned. As
their presenceor absenceis difficult to determine. Chrysostom does noted, a church at Constantinople held its worship in Gothic for
suggestin one homily, however, that, in contrast to some who have the benefit of the orthodox members of that community, while at
only been attending church for ayear, there are others in his audi- Antioch certain occasions attracted people who spoke only Syriac
ence who have been coming since they were very young.Tt to the city. That the audience could be made up of people from a
Determining the status and racial background of the different range of nationalities is further suggested by Hom. dictapostquam
personswho comprise the audience also contributes to our under- reliquiaemarfitrum.Thereit is said that during the course of the night-
standing. As RamsayMacMullen has pointed out, there are numer- time procession which led to the location at which John was
ous examples which indicate that on certain specific occasions, a preaching, choruses of Psalms were sung not only in Greek, but
portion of the audience was literate and extremely wealthy.T3But also in Syriac, Latin and Gothic.TsThe degree to which the last
not all of the audience came from the wealthy, leisured classes. three groups were integrated into the wider Constantinopolitan
Others were tradespeople, who found it difficult to attend at certain community and to which tensions between the different races were
tirnes becauseof the demands of their profession.Ta Others again carried over into the churches of the city are questions which have
served in the ar(ny.75Chrysostom himself suggeststhat it was not yet to be answered.
just the size but also the status of his audience that fluctuated ac- It is thus evident that a range of people could be present in the
cording to the occasion.T6On the other hand, there is evidence audience while John was preaching. In order to understand pre-
which suggeststhat the genuinely poor, in particular the beggars cisely who attended where, and on what kind of occasion, the evi-
and the homeless,were not present among the audience.TTIt is dence needscarefully to be sifted.In conjunction with determining
who was among the audience, it is also useful to ask who was not
among the audience-for instance,the majority of pagans,Jewsand
6s
Hom. dictapostquamrekquiae marfrum,PG 6g,468.r-re a.i., 47z.zo-2. non-orthodox Christians although it is important to be open to the
zo PG63,468.8-rza.i.,469.3-5,472.20-2. Forthepresenceofasceticsorclergyon
non-festiveoccasionssee,e.g.,In Heb.hom.15,PG 63, 122.5-7;De diabolotentatore hom.z possibility that on rare occasionsmembers of these communities
(CPG 4332),PG 49,257.2-z59.g; Depaenitentiahom.5 (CPG 4333),PG 49,7-rI. may have attended.soJohn'sown identity is another significant fac-
?' In II Thess.hom.3,PG 62,494.tr-4.
72 In Actaapost.hom.:9, PG 6o, zIB.3-5.
tor, since his status within the ecclesiasticaland social spheresis
73 MacMullen(rg8g),5o4-6.Cf.,e.g., InActaapost.hom.7,PG6o,68.35-7(theaudi- inseparablefrom his role as preacher.Another point that must not
ence wears clothing of stlk);hom.ro, PG 6o, 92.50-93.r (the men in his audience have be forgotten is that Chrysostom was not necessarilythe only person
slaveswho help them dress);hom.rB, PG 6o, r47.to-t49.38 (individuals in his audience
own entire villages and large estates).
7+ In kalendas,PG 48,957.37-8,In pina Actorumhom.t (CPG 437t),PG 5I, 69.5I-6r.
Cf. De baptbmo Christi,PG49,363.z-tg,g64.5-7. the church strongly suggestthat the church itselfis not one ofthei loci.
75 Delacnitnfiinhom.3,PG 49, zgt.gt-B a.i. 76 In Col.hom.
7,PG 62, 365r.8-rr;In I Thess. hom.rt,PG 62, 466.ry-zz.
7b In ?rinc.Actorumhom.r, PG 5r, 67.9-tg. ,: PG 63,472.to-9.
77 SeeDeeleanos2na(CPG4g9z),PG5I,e6I.3-gandpassim,wheretheattitudeofthe oo Sozomen,H.E.YIII.5, suggeststhat heretics
and paganswere among the audi-
audienceto this classofpeople andJohn's comment that he passedthem on the way to ence at Constantinople. Cf.Jan Barkhuizen's chapter in this volume.
 JOHN OHRYSOSTOM r27
E6 WENDY MAYER

to preach on each occasion.There is ample evidence that on the tlrs, or on the occasional liturgical festival.B6If we are to under-
feast-daysof martyrs and on the more significant liturgical festivals, stand how a particular location affectedJohn and his audience, it
is important not just to identify the building but to determine how
tvvo or more priests preached in succession.s'This situation will
have affected the audience's tolerance forJohn's own homily, while it functioned within the wider ecclesiasticaland urban community.
the opportunity for comparison and the degreeto which his status, Whether a site is used for the purposes of preaching frequently or
race, social background and homiletical style matched the charac- infrequently, whether the function of the church is affected by its
teristics of the other preachers might well have influenced how the location or is perhaps determined by the factthat it contains hal-
audience related to him in that instance. lowed remains, are all important considerations.
At Constantinople, we find that on apparently ordinary occa-
sions John could be found preaching in one of five different
Where churches: St Anastasia,sTSt Eirene,B8St Paul,ssthe Great Churchgo
and the Church of the HolyApostles.e'A number of homilies asso-
When we enquire into whereJohn and his audiencesinteracted, we ciated with festival occasionscan be located at suburban martyria.s2
are asking explicitly about geography, topography, architecture and At Constantinople, it is the statusof the Church of the Holy Apos-
furnishings. In which city are John and the audience in question tles at this point in the life of the city that is problematic, since it
'cathedral church' of the Arian
situated? In what part of the urban or suburban landscape are they had until recently represented the
positioned? In which building are they located? What furnishings party and was also attached to the mausoleum of the emperors and
are available and which are being used by them during the homily? itself contained the remains of severalapostles.93Whether$maxes
If we can answer the first two questions, then we can begin to ex- were still held regularly at that location in Chrysostom's time and
plore the influence of architecture and furnishings in finer detail. to what extent it retained its status in practical terms and in the
At Antioch, we have evidence of only three churches, the Old
Church, the Great or Golden Church and the Church of St 86
See,e.g.,In ascensionem (CPG q4z),PG 5o, 44r-52; and Hom. in marfitres (CPG
Babylas,st although it can be speculated that in a city with such a
4359), PG 5o, 66r-6. For the argument that the latter was preached in a martyrium
large Christian population,Ba which was itself divided into at least situated on the way to Daphne, seeMayer (t996), 335-6.
87 Adu. ebs.quinon adfuerant(CPG
three factions,s4 -or. churches than these must have existed. 444t.4); Hom. di.ctain templos. Anastasiz(CPG
Moreover, although the first two appear to have been used for reg- +441.8).
BB Destudioprasmtium(CPG
444t.5);Inillud Isaiz:Egodominus(CPG44rB). Regarding
ularworship, whether in the last of the three churches a homilywas the provenanceof the latter seeM. Aubineau, 'Restitution de quatorze folios du codex
preached on festival occasions only, or more regularly, is uncer- hierosol)'rnitain, Photios 47, au codex Saint-Sabas32. Pr6dicationsde Chrysostome ir
Constantinople et notamment dLSainte-Irtne', JTS, N.S. 43 $ggz), 5gz-5.
tain.BsA number of marty'ria situated in the suburbs, for instance, oe Hom. habitapostquam presb2ter
Gothus(CPG 444r.9).
were preached in only on the feast-daysofcertain bishopsand mar- eo In illud: Ne timuritis hom.z; In illud: Patermeususquemodozperatur.
s' In illud: Messisquidunmulta(CPG 'Church of the Apostle'
444r.rr). Despite the
named in the title; internal evidence(PG 63, 5r8.33-4e)indicatesthat the Church of the
o' Apostles is the correct location.
E.g., De beatoPhilogonio,
PG 48, 748.2-9a.i.,752.35-5o;Aduersus catharos
(CPG
s2 In illud:
+441.6),PG 63, 49r.4-I3. @tiaquodstultumestdti (CPG 444t.4) and In marEres omnes (CPG 444r.ry)
o" For the location of the major churches at Antioch and Constantinople, see -Church of St Acacius; Hom. dictaplstquam reliquiz marQrum and Hom. dietaprasmte
the^mapsin Kelly (1995),3oe-3. imperatore Church of St Thomas; futodfequenter conamistdumsit (CPG 444t.9)
63 The 'church' supported sometlree thousand widows and virgns (In Matth. hom. martyrium in PalaeaPetra.This catalogueassumesthat the information concerningthe
66,^PG59, 63o.e4-9). location in the titles to thesehomilies is primitive and reliable.
u4 SeeWilken (1983),ro-6. e3 SeeJ.Bernardi, 'Nouvellesperspectives sur Ia famille de Gregoire de Nazianze',
u5 The two extant sermons which Chrysostom preached in the Church of St Vigiliz Chistiana gB (rg&4),354; R. Krautheimer, 'Zu Konstantins Apostelkirche in
Babylas were delivered on the festivalsof St Babylas and of the former Antiochene Konstantinopel', in Mullus. FestschrftTheodorKauser, Jahrbuch ftir Antike und
Bishop Meletius.SeeDe s.Babyk(CPG q4), SC 362, zg4-3rz;De s.Melztio,PG 5o,5r5- ClrristentumErginzungsbandr (Miinster,ry64),zz4-g;C.Mango,'Constantine'sMau-
soleumand the translationof relics',B{83 (rggo),5r-6r.
eB WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM r29

minds of Constantinople's citizens are issuesthat have yet to be with one another to introduce a seat appropriate to their level of
investigated. Since it is widely assumed that the Great Church, at- wealth and status. On the other hand, it is possible that piety or
tached as it was to the bishop's residence,was the episcopalchurch other considerations mrght dictate against such behaviour. If we
at that time and thatJohn preached by default before the people found ourselves in the Great Church or the Church of the Holy
who gathered there to worship,e4 one must also ask what role the Apostles at Constantinople, for instance, we might find the rich
Churches of St Anastasia and St Eirene played in the life of the there obliged to temper their excessin order not to rival the throne
orthodox Christians of the ciry whether they had congregations of set aside for the emperor.gsThis scenario is again entirely specula-
their own, and what circumstances prompted Chrysostom to tive, of course, since piety or a desire to appear humble might dic-
preach there. tate that the rich or the imperial family avoid excessaltogether.ee
Once the city and the church or marty'rium in which John Such speculation nonetheless servesto indicate the potential com-
preached have been identified, the specific details of the building's plexity of the interior worship space and its dynamics.
architecture offer a number of angles from which John and the
people who were listening to him, or in some casesfailing to listen,
can be observedin action. Careful piecing together of the evidence When
at this level indicates that the shape of the interior, the height of the
ceiling, the number of stories,the location and number of the en- The exploration of whenJohn and his audiences had occasion to
trances and whether the nave is open or divided can, individually interact encompassesa range of issues.It invites us to examine the
or collectively, all prescribe how the building is used, in turn affect- situation both inside and outside the liturgical environment, in the
ing the experienceof both parties,The areaswhere eachpart of the latter casedrawing us from the context of the liturgy into the realm
audience were situated and the location from whichJohn preached ofJohn's pastoral activity. It also requires us to investigate the issue
couldvaryfrom buildingto building.The climate inside each build- of frequency at a number of levels. How often are homiletic
ing relative to the time of year and the size of the audience, could synaxes held in each city and at each preaching location? What
also exert an influence.95 time of day is it, or what time of year? How frequently is John
Furnishings too are of particular interest. WhenJohn as bishop preaching and how does this compare to the frequencywith which
choseto preach from the ambor9bone wonders whether permanent the audience could listen to a homily? The status of the liturgical
seating existed there in every church or whether a moveable piece calendar and lectionary systemsat each city is also significant. The
of furniture was provided for the occasion.When he tells us on tlvo duration of his homily too, or the relative length of his own homily
separate occasions that certain members of his audience are and the collectivelengh of the homilies preached, if there is more
seated,97one is again given cause to speculate whether it was only than one preacher, are a further consideration.
the wealthy who enjoyed this privilege. Other questions arise. For One example of how the interaction which took place between
instance, one must ask where the furniture on which they sat was Chrysostom and his audience could extend beyond the confines of
situated,and whether it was permanent. Were they obliged to pro- the church and the liturgy is the reaction concerning the content
vide their own furniture? If the latter circumstance were true, an and structure of his homilies whichJohn received from various in-
added element of spectaclemight be introduced as the rich vied dividuals in between synaxes.For instanc e, in De mutationenlm?.num

e4 See,e.g.,Kelly (r995),r3o. eB See Mathews (tg77), tZZ-+,regarding the location of the imperial throne at the
n? Fo. specificexamplesseeMayer (rggZa). Great Church during theJustinianic period. The existence of a permanent irnperial
eo SeeMathews (r977),r5o-r. throne at either church at this time is uncertain.
gt In e!. adHeb.hom.r5, PG 63, er.54-6, e2.42-3; In ep.II ad Thesshom.3, PG 62, 99 See, for instance, the pious behaviour of the empress in Hom. dicta postquam
484.rr-24. reliquiaemarl)rum, PG 63, 469.5-r3.
 WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM I3I
r3O

hom.3(CPG 4g7z)Johnbeginsthe homily by sayingthat somehave on a particular day and the climatic conditions at certain times of
criticised him for habitually taking too long over his preambles.'oo the year could aflect attendance.Thus at Constantinople, John
Since the homily which preceded contains a particularly lengthy complains on one occasion that the mud and the rain have kept
introduction,'o' it can be speculated that some of the audience rnany away from the synaxis at a suburban martyrium,'os while at
reached their tolerance for the practice at that point and com- Antioch the heat in summer is clearly an inhibiting factor.'ooWhat
plained to Chrysostom at a suitable opportunity soon after the is patent also is that the size of the audience could fluctuate consid-
synaxis. One wonders too whether the disaffection experienced by erably according to the day of the week and the status of the liturgi-
the women and men who stopped attendingJohn's congregation cal occasion. Thus at the time of major liturgical festivals, such as
at Constantinople did not owe something to their encounterswith Easteq the church was filled to overflowing, while in the period
him in the public sphere, as much as to the subject-matter of his immediately after the festival attendance would decline, in some
homilies. In a completely different vein, the accident of political casesdiminishing markedly. ro7
eventsoutside of the church could influence not just the composi-
tion of his audience but the content ofJohn's homily. At Constan-
tinople ir 3gg, the coincidence of a regular synaxis with the flight How
of the eunuch-consul Eutropius in search of sanctuary to the
church in whichJohn was about to preach presents us with a dra- When we enquire into howJohn and his audiences interacted we
matic example. Not only did Eutropius, a pagan, become an un- are agarr' delving into a range of issues.Some of these areas of in-
'communication' and
willing member of the audience on that occasion,'otbut he pro- quiry can be categorised under the topic of
'behaviour'. For instance,
vided the subject-matter for the day, his pathetic plight being ex- others under the title of John's preach-
ploited by Chrysostom as a powerful exemplumof the vanity of ing style and rhetorical techniques fall within the realm of commu-
wealth.'o3At Antioch in 387,the coincidence of the overturning of nication. These can be further examined against the background of
the imperial statuesin responseto an edict increasing taxes and the his theological training in the exegetical school of Antioch and his
beginning of Lent again had a marked effect uponJohn and his oratorical education under Libanius. In order to assess whether the
audiences.Not only did the event become the subject-matter of a audience understood John's homilies it is useful to examine the
number of the homilies thatJohn preached throughout that liturgi- audience'sresponse,their absorption of the moral and exegetical
cal season,but the level of fear engenderedby thesecircumstances content and their own levels of literacy and education. When we
markedly affected the behaviour, attendance and composition of attempt to assessthe audience's level of comprehension) we are
his audience. Events subsequent to the initial rioting also inter- referred to the issueof language.WhetherJohn prepared his hom-
rupted the flow of synaxes.ro4 ily in entirety in advance, preached from notes or delivered it ex
Too little is known at present concerning the issuesof how often tempore are also significant factors. The degree to which the subject-
homiletic synaxes were held at each city, the extent to which fre- matter ofJohn's homily and the exunplaupon which he drew con-
quency fluctuated with the time of year, and the precise status of formed to the daily lives of his parishioners will also have played a
the liturgical calendar and lectionary systemsat each location, to role in determining the extent to which his audiencewas receptive.
offer any conclusions here. It is evident, however, that the weather From the perspective of behaviour, John's physical movements,

'oo
PG 5r,rgt.z7-g a.i. 'o1
Ior Snmo g in Genesim,PG conamimdum sll, PG 63,46I.I-3.
54, 619.2 a.i.- 6z4.rg. @Lodfrequenter
'ob Demutationenom.hom..z,PG5o,
'o2 In Euhopium (CPG rz5.tr-zB.Cf. Inillud:Siesuierit(CPG4375),PG
4ggz),PG 52,3gz.r-gz. He was unable to le ave the sanctuary
area ofthe church, even though a synaxis was in progress. 5r.t74.42-175.62.
'os PG tot See,e.g., InActaapost.hom.zg,PG6o,zrB.I4-zt;Deprinc.Actorumhom. r,PG5r,
52, 39r-6.
'o4 See van de Paverd 65.r-rz; De baptismo
Chrisfi,PG49,363.2-9.
$ggt), passim l&lit.l.
t32 WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM r33

gestures, visibility and audibility are all factors which may have signs of distress."o Some at different times move toward or away
influenced how the audience related to him. His sensitivity to the fromJohn as he preaches.They also respond to independent fac-
mood of the audience and the degree to which he balanced the tors. Chatting or laughter,"' turning their attention towards visual
needs of the audience with his own agendum are points which are distractions,"2movement, such as pickpocketing, or manoeuwing
also usefully taken into consideration.The audience's behaviour so that an individualmay better be seenby certain other members
before, during and after the homily likewise offers much material of the audience,II3representjust a few examples.Careful investiga-
for investigation. tion of this category of evidence has the potential to contribute sig-
The range ofevidence solicited by this topic is extensive,but one nificantly to our understanding of Chrysostom's ongoing relation-
example suffices to demonstrate the kind of possibilities that this ship with his audience.
line of enquiry can open up to us. In De mutationenominumhom.2,
Chrysostom comments on the size of the audience and then pro-
ceeds to discusshow the disparate needs of the different members wht
of his audience is a consideration for him when he determines the
length of his homily. When the audience is large and he preaches The final category of evidence centres upon the reasonswhyJohn
for too long, the noise level and fidgeting increasesand he can see and his audience are in a position to interact with one another. The
the attention of the audience noticeably diminishing.'oB Cutting his questions are more basic and are easy to express.Why is each per-
homily short in such circumstances is prompted by a desire to spare son present in the audience and why isJohn preaching at that place
his audience. Extending it, on the other hand, is desirable, if he is at that particular time? As became evident during the discussion of
to motivate his audience. He has tried both on numerous occasions. whenJohn and the audience had occasion to interact, the precise
Yet whatever choice he makes at the time, he is criticised for it. circumstances that facilitated interaction outside of the liturgical
What can he do, he asks, when he has so many masters, whose environment also deserve consideration.
needsare so disparate?'ogChrysostom suggestsin this passagethat The motivation of each person in the audience and the nature of
he is sensitive to the mood of the audience and that he is able see the opportunities for planned or chance interaction outside of the
their behaviour to a degree that enables him to make a spur of the church are perhaps the most difficult aspects to recover. While it
moment decision as he is preaching. The passagealso implies that may prove possible eventually to determine why a certain person
he receives feedback on a regular basis after each homily, that this was to be found in the audience, too little evidence is available at
feedback is varied and that he is obliged in his preaching ministry present to offer any sound conclusions. It is almost certain, how-
somehow to balance the conflicting needs of his parishioners with ever, that people will have come for a variety of reasons. Perhaps
his own desires for them. That such judgements may need to be it was because of an attachment to a particular church or because
made in the course of preaching a homily suggeststhat the dlmam- of the popularity ofJohn's preaching. Perhaps it was becauseof the
ics betweenJohn and his audience can alter unexpectedly. The di- attractions of a particular festival or occasion. People may have
rection in which the behaviour of the one influences the behaviour come primarily to attend the Eucharist. On the other hand, it is
of the other, it seems,can flow either way. possible that their main motivation was to be seen by others, to
Even viewed on its own, the behaviour ofJohn's audience can be meet with friends, patrons or clients, or becauseof an objection to
quite complex. They act in response to what Chrysostom says or
does in a variety of ways, for instance, by breaking into applause,
laughter or grumbling, or by uttering exclamations or exhibiting IIo
See,e.g.,De incompr.deinaturahom.3,PG 41,7z1rz; In Actaapost.hom.5,PG 6o,
53.49;hom.B, PG 6o, p.64- 74.16.
III De incompr.
fui nat.hom.4,PG 48,7g3.3g-45; In Heb.hom.15,PG 6g, er.5o-7.
Io8 tt2 Snmo in Genesim,
PG 5t, tz3.z53z a.i. 4 PG 54, 597.rr-3.
'og PG '13 De incom?r.
5 r , r 2 g . r 7 a . i . - r z 4 . z 5a . i . deinat.hom.4,PG 48,795.6-ro; In Matth. hom.7z,PG 58,677.2o-4.
13+ WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM r35

the preacher at another location. Their presence may have been The Wa2Forutard
determined by the fact that they were visitors and selected the
church according to certain criteria. Some, it is to be hoped, will This brief survey of the many perspectivesfrom whichJohn and his
have been prompted by piety. audiences can be viewed, of the various categories of evidence
Investigation of whyJohn is preaching at a particular synaxis available, and of the numerous problems which attach to the inves-
and at a particular location, on the other hand, will help us to un- tigation demonstrate both the paucity of our present knowledge
derstand better the role of the presbyter in the Antiochene ortho- and the immensity and complexity of the task that lies before us. At
dox church and of the bishop in the orthodox Christian community present we are far from understanding preaching at Antioch and
at Constantinople in the late fourth century. It will also assist in Constantinople in the time of John Chrysostom. If we are to un-
determining the character and extent of the preaching and pastoral derstandJohn and his audiences fully, we must embark on a care-
duties which attached to these two offices. In particular, the nega- ful, comprehensive and systematic examination of John's preach-
tive of this question-why did John not preach on a particular oc- ing, of each of his audiences and of the interaction between them,
casion?- can offer us some useful insights. If we suppose that at taking all of the extant sourcesinto consideration. This constitutes
certain points in his careerJohn preached regularly before a par- a vast undertaking since, even before this work can begin, the task
ticular congregation,"4 then we must also wonder how his absences of identifying and sorting out the many problems associatedwith
affected his rapport with that specific audience. Chrysostom suf- the use of Chrysostom's homiletic corpus will need to be well in
fered from periodic bouts of ill health and there is evidence of more hand, if not completed.Yet difficult and immense as this undertak-
than one occasion when illness caused him to forgo his preaching ing is, it is not impossible. As we have already seen,the world of the
duties."SOfficial duties or the demands of his superiors could also preacherJohn and his audiences can readily be broken down into
take him away. At Constantinople,John was absent in one year for ever smaller pieces. Each category of evidence, each question or
some three to four months, as he dealt with ecclesiasticalmatters at issuewithin that category and each of the many perspectivescan be
Ephesus."6At Antioch, on one occasion he was obliged to ask a applied separately to the body of evidence. This less daunting ap-
locum to preach in his stead at the Old Church, while he himself proach lends itself to a number of short, highly focused articles, in
accompanied Flavian elsewhere."T If other clergy maintained the much the sameway that Alexander Olivar has undertaken to inves-
preaching schedule in his absence, the contrast between the skill tigate some of the many issuesassociatedwith the vast topic of early
and charisma exhibited by the other preachers and by himself must preaching."B
have been noted. The length of the absencemay also have contrib- Some areas of investigation can nonethelessbe identified as
uted to the degree to which Chrysostom, on his return, had to work more ready to be examined or more urgent than others.The func-
to rebuild his relationship with his regular listeners. tion of each of the different churches at Antioch and Constan-
tinople is one such area. The various factors which dictated how
John and his audiencesrelated or interacted is another field which
would benefit from an immediate examination. Collating the evi-
dence for the frequency with which homiletic synaxes occurred at
each ciry and comparing the results to the frequency with which
John preached there, is likewise a task of some urgency.The degree
"4 SeeMayer (r9g7). to which the preaching duties of a late fourth-century Antiochene
"5 E.S., De decemmilkum nlennrum debitore(CPG 4368), PG 5r, r7.r-r5. Cf. De presbyter compare with those of a Constantinopolitan bishop, and
panitmtinhom.r,PG 49,277.148, whereJohn indicates that he has not only been sick,
but absentfrom the ciry.
IIB
"b SeeKelly (r9g5),16z-8o. See Olivar (rggr), rg-23
"7 Inillud: Infacicmeirestiti,
PG 5r, 37r.13a.i.-g73.to.
r36 WENDY MAYER JOHN CHRYSOSTOM r37

how the obligations of each are affected by the other duties which Secondary
Sources
attach to their offices, is another important area about which there
is little knowledge. Determining the protocol which operated at Kelly,J.N.D., GoldenMouth.The Story of John Chrysostom-Ascetic, Preacher,
Antioch and Constantinople at this time when more than one Bishop(London, 1995).
homilist was due to preach, and assessingthe differencesbetween MacMullen, R.,'The preacher's audience (AD 35o-4oo)',JTS, "I{S.4o
the situation which pertained at regular and at non-regular synaxes (tg8g),5o3-rr.
are areaswhich would also produce a valuable body of informa- Mayer, W, The Prouenance of tfu Homiliesof StJohn Chrltsostom.
Towardsa New
Assessment of WhereHe Preached Wat (IJniversity of Queensland, Bris-
tion. Ultimately, regardlessof the areathatis selectedfor investiga-
bane, PhD thesis,1996).
tion, whatever the perspective from whichJohn and his audiences
MayeqW, John Chrysostom and his audiences. Distinguishing different
are viewed, the results will serve to underscore the rare richness of
congregations at Antioch and Constantinople', in E.A. Livingstone
the evidence in this instance, the remarkable character of the
(ed.),Sndia Patristica3r $gg),7o-5.
preacherJohn Chrysostom, and the comfortably human nature of
Mayer, W, 'The dynamics of liturgical space. Aspects of the interaction
his audience.
betweenJohn Chrysostom and his audiences', Ephemeides Liturgicaenr
(r997J,r04-15.
Van de Paverd, F., St.John Chrysostom,The Homilieson theStatues.
An Introduc-
Bibhograplgt
tion, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 239 (Rome, rggr).
Wilken, R.L., John Chrlsostomand theJeuts: Rhetoricand RealiQ in the Late
PrimarySources
FourthCentury,The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 4 (Berke-
ley-Los Angeles-London, rgB3).
CPG 4gr7-44r,446o,4464,45zB:PG48-69,passim.
CPG 4417:Dumortier,J. @d.),Jean Chrysostome.HomiliessurOziasQnillud,
VidiDominum),SC 277(Paris,rg8r).
CPG 4317:Malingrey,A.-M. (ed.),JeanChrltsostome. Surlesacerdoce (Dialogue
etHomdliz),SC z7z(Paris,rg8o),267-+rg.
CPG 43zo-5:Malingrey,A.-M. (ed.),JeanChrysostoma Surl'4galitiduPireet
du Fils.Contre
lesAnomiens VII-XII, SC 396 (Paris,rg94).
homilies
CPG 43rB:Malingrey,A.-M. with Dani6lou,J.-Flacelidre, R. (edd.),Jean
Chrysostome.SurI'incomprihensibiliti
deDieuI. (HomiliuI-IJ, SC z8bi'(Paris,
znd ed. r97o).
CPG 4944:Pi6dagnel,A. (ed.),JeanChrltsostome. PanlgtriquesdeS.Paul,SC
3oo (Paris,rg8z).
CPG446o-z:Pi6dagnel, A.(ed.),JeanChrysostome.Troiscatichisesbaptismaks,
SC 366(Paris,rggo).
CPG 4947:Schatkin,M.A. with Blanc, C. - Grillet, B. (edd.),Jean
Chrysostome.DiscourssurBab2las,followed by Grillet, B.-Guinot,J.-N.
(edd.),L'Hom,\lie SC 362 (Paris,r99o).
surBab2las,
CPG 4394:Wenger,A., 'L'hom6liede saintJean Chrysostome"d son
retour d'Asie"', Reutud.es
kudesb2zantinesrg (196r),ilo-23.
CPG 4465-72: WengeqA. (ed.),JeanChr2sostome: Huit catichises
baptismales
inidites,SC 5oo"(Paris,znd ed. r97o).
 FORMSOF COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF
StrVERIANOF GABAI-A: A CONTRIBUTION TO
THE RECEPTIONOF THE DIATRIBEAS A
MtrTHOD OF EXPOSITION

Karl-Heinz Uthemann, translated byJohn Cawte

Severian apparently was a successfulpreacher at the end of the

fourth and the beginning of the fifth centuries. In this paper I shall
use the category of the diatribe to describe the form of exposition
which Severian used in his homilies, thus putting his preaching into
a historical and cultural context and interpreting it within a tra-
dition using a technique of rhetorical communication. Originally
the diatribe was utilised by the wandering Cynic-Stoic preachers,
the proclaimers of better morals, and by teachers of ethics in
their school dialogues or by a travelling philosopher, as, for ex-
ample, Maximus of Tyre (c. A.D. rz5-85) in his addresses,called
6r.al.efer,g,which he delivered in Rome. The form of the diatribe
remains accessible to us through the literary expression of their
speechesand through the papers of their communications that we
still possess.'Insofar asdiatribe-style,that is, the characteristiccom-
bination of specific elements of oratorical exposition, also influ-
enced literary texts in the real sense(e.g.,Plutarch of Chaironeia or
the Epistulaemoralesad Lucilium of Seneca),one can also speak in a
broad sense of a literary genre. However, literary theory in late
antiquity neither classifiedthese texts under a single generic con-
cept nor knew the term diatribe. In point of fact this is not a serious
objection against an empirically, that is, inductively justified con-

'
The contrast betrveen itinerant preaching and school lecture, which T, Schmeller
in 'Paulus und die "Diatribe"', Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen, N.E rg (Miinster,
I9BT) emphasised against S.K.Stowerc,The Dianibe and Paul's Iztter to theRomans,Society
for Biblical Literature Dissertation Series 57 (Ann Arbor, rg8r), and later argued against
Schmeller is, in my opinion, not convincing in the present context. This is all the more
the case because both authors follow the approach of O. Halbauer, De diatibis Epicten
(Leipzig Diss., rgrr). See below.
r40 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMI]NICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I+I

cept, and in relation to classicalrhetoric and its practice it is not an M ahodological refections
exception.2
There are two factors in favour of applying the modern concept of
diatribe to characterise specific texts that are the expression of
Remarkson theterm diatribe speechesor are oriented towards the style of an oral presentation.
Firstly, there is the fact that these texts exhibit a more or lessidenti-
The concept of the diatribe is modern, being introduced by classi- cal selection of forms of oratorical exposition which distinguishes
cal philologists at the end of the nineteenth century. In IBBT H. them from others, and secondly,that this selectionor combination
IJsener used the term to describethe speechesof the third-century is determined by the goal set.The goal was to establishcommunica-
B.C. Bion of Borysthenes.3Subsequentlyit dominated the discus- tion between speaker and audience in particular situations, in the
sion which was provoked by the description of the style of the market-place, in the school, or more generally in a group. The in-
Cynic preacher Teles (third century B.C.), which IJ. von Wilamo- tention was not to transmit theoretical knowledge, but to convey a
witz-Moellendorff had proposed.aNo clear consensushas been new view of the everyday, in order to effect a change in the way of
reached on the content of the concept of the diatribe.s It has often life (a conversion in the broadest sense).This combination of con-
been subjected to severe criticism; reference has been made to tent and form, which has the function of communicating to the re-
'diatribomania', to a phantom and to a modern fiction.6 Even if cipient within a social context, in the broad senseSitz im Leben,
agreement could be reached about a description of the phenome- justifies talking about a genre or genus and its style. For the individ-
non that is labelled diatribe, and it were to be acknowledged that ual as producer or author, this combination is prescribed as a net-
the contemporary researcher can extend the literary theory of late work of codes for the action, that is, for speaking, and secondarily
antiquiry the question remains whether it is meaningful to speak of for writing.
the diatribe as a genre. Is this phenomenon only a question of a This constant combination as a theoretical construct is always
penchant for certain rhetorical patterns and artistic forms like discovered subsequent to the praxis of speaking or writing. Ulti-
dialogical elements, rhetorical questions and simple paratactical mately it aims at demonstrating a system of genres which are valid
language? Someone who rejects the modern genus of the diatribe synchronically. Slmchronic in praxis is a broader concept which
could nonethelessspeak of a diatribe-type7 which appears in differ- constructs, or expressedmore exactly, reconstructs a continuity
ent genres; for example, in the various forms of speech previously between texts and their subsequenthistory 'Wirkungsgeschichte'
mentioned, as well as in letters and discourses. in Gadamer's terminology. This holds true for both classicaland
modern theorising and their descriptive definitions. If the objects
of theory are notjust the eventsof the past, but what is practised in
" SeeK. Berger, 'Hellenistische Gattungen im Neuen Testament', H. Temporini
the present, then the step from the descriptive definition to the pre-
-W Haase (edd.),ApfstiegundNizdergang derriimischmWeltz5.z (Berlin-New York, rg84), scription of norms is a small one.Theory then developsits own sub-
1043. sequent history as the contradiction of life, in the words of Ludwig
3 H. IJsener,Epieurea(Leipzig IBBT),LXIX.
+ Ant'igonos uonKaryts165
(Berlin,IBBI),e9z-3I9,esp.2I3.
Klages. For the historian, however, this happily means that the gen-
5 Stowers(r98r) offers a good overview.More recent publications can be found in res can be clearly discerned diachronically in the texts, as soon as
Schmeller(r987). one acceptsthe theoretical norm in practice.
b SeerespectivelyT, Sinko, in an article written in Polish,'On the so-called
Cyrric-
Stoic diatribe', Eos 2r (1916),zr-63; P Boyanc6,'Le dieu cosmique',Reauefus ltudes
Here there is the possibility, fraught nonetheless with difficulty,
grecques64 (rg5r), 3o7; WC. Anderson, 'Response to G.L. Kustas, diatribe in ancient of establishinga modern concept of diatribe which correspondsto
rhetorical theory', in Proncolof theCenterof Hermmeutical
Studieszz (tg76), r7; Schmeller the phenomenon referred to and which preservesit. When this
(r987),4zB.
7 See H. kahn, Morphologbderantikn l:iteratur.Eine Eiryf)hrung(Darmstadt, 1969), modern concept came into being, historians began to ponder the
r54-6.
I+2 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I43

question whether late classicaltheory knew of genresthat were his- order to understand amongst other things the level of style and lan-
t-orically related8 and, if so, whether the term diatribe should be guage,in the broad sensecalled simple,'oand, in Bultmann's words,
retained as such or be subordinated to one of these genres.This is the dialogical character of the diatribe in its communicative func-
not the place to pursue this question. On the basisof the many pre- tion.
liminary works on this topic, it seemsto me that, without going into
detail, it is possible to propose a descriptive definition of diatribe
which can help considerablya Formgeschichteof Christian preach- What constitutesthegenreof diatribe?
irg.
In searching for an adequate description of the phenomenon It is not possible here to develop an answer to this question on the
which has been discussedsincethe nineteenth century my opinion basis of primary sources. In order to approximate an answer by
is that it is not a question of enumerating all of the elements that way of a short-cut, it seems to me worthwhile to begin with a fa-
appear more or less regularly, as R. Bultmann did and as others mous statementmade byWendland:
have done.e Rather the point is to determine their function within
By philosophicaldiatribe I mean the delimiteddiscussionof a sim-
the text as well as their communicative function which is estab- discussion
oftenethicalstatement...a
ole...most whichisconducted in an
lished by the social context. If one wants to distinguish the primary in
informal, light and dialogicaltone...Anextremelylively...address
that is, the constitutive, elementsfrom the secondary elementsfor calculatedin
dialogicalform...is to
everyrespect grasp
and to encompass
the genre, then the fact that certain elements appear in every text, thecomplexwhole;hencea stylein which...whileappearingartlessthere
although in differing frequency, cannot be a sufficient criterion. In is hiddenthe highestrefinementand rhetoricalcalculation."
concrete terms this means that certain sonorouselementsand fig- \44ratWendland sayswith regard to texts from phiiosophical areas
ures of speech which are recommended as rhetorical tricks and applies to all addressesof this kind.
which appeal to the taste of the hearers are to be discounted in an- One could say more pointedly that within the category of the
swering the question about the constitutive elements, even though diatribe are included only those speechesor speakers wishing to
they constantly appear and to that extent are typical. The same convey the impression of conducting a dialogue with the audience.
holds true also for the many elements that are used often, which are The speakersplay down the fact that they are holding a monologue
constitutivefor other genres.These, however,have no independent by drawingtheir audience into the speech.They addresstheir audi-
function in the texts under consideration,but are tied to the context ence directly and, by utilising the familiar form of address, they
and its macrostructure, like sentences,examples, comparisons, create the impression that they are involved in a discussion with
warning addresses,cataloguesof virtues, vices and peristases,etc. each individual. In the form of the nqoxatcl"q!.rr.gthey anticipate
This last comment already indicates that certain elements ca;nap- 'You would now be of the opin-
a hearer's doubt by saying to him:
pear in different genreswithout this constituting a mixture ofgenres ion that it is completely different'. They can also introduce such a
in the proper sense.At the same time it must be noted that for the prokatalepsis in direct speechin three ways: using the type of argu-
people in antiquity specific literary genres possesseda certain kin- mentation which, for example, is also represented in the genre of
ship to each other. In the context at hand consideration should be the thesis('Now someonewill sayto me...'); focusing on an individ-
given, for example, to the relationship of letter and dialogue, in ual ('You will now say to ^....'); or by introducing an objection
with a simple Qqolv and placing it in the mouth of a person who
" Schmeller(rg87);Berger(1989). remains anon).rnous.With the third formula the speaker creates in
e R. Bultmann, Der Stil der paulinischm Predigt und diz kynisch-stoische Diatribe
(Gottingen, rgro); H. Thyen, Dn Stil derJiidisch-Hellenistischen
Homilie(Gottingen, 1955);
R. Butterworth (ed.and trans.), Hippol2tus
ofRome.ContraNoetun, Heythrop Monographs
z (London, rg77);R. Regtuit, Seuerinn of Gabah.Homifuon theIncarnationof Christ(CPG 'o in Demaius OnS6,le(Amsterdam, 1964),esp.33-9.
SeeD.M. Schenkeveld,Studizs
4zol (Amsterdam, Diss., rggz). " Diatribe(Berlin, IB95), rf.
P Wendland, Philounddizklnisch-stoische
 r++ KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I45

the hearer the impression that the speakerhasjust picked a com- to communicate an ethos;I3it is not an accident that in antiquity
ment up from the audience and now repeats it audibly for all to the diatribe and the letter were perceived as similar, insof;ar as the
hear. This technique provides him with the opportunity to address latter was conceived as a conversation (6pr,Ii.a)with the one who
the objection and to refute it ad hominem.In this genre he does not was absent (ps-Demetrius,zz7).'a
do this by way of proof, as, for example, an enthymen implies, but A speechis essentiallya monologue, even though it is always with
in the style of a lively discussion with assertionsand emotional in- a view to an audience and with the intention of convincing that
terjections('What stupidity !')with referenceto acknowledgedfacts audience.The form of the presentation of the diatribe seizesele-
and aphorisms, of even if rarely, with a dialectical conclusion a ments which are characteristic of communication in conversation
maioreor a minore. This processcan be repeated,and thus there can and discussion,and in the monologue imitates a dialogue with the
be a fictitious dialogue with a hearer or with a fictitious heckler. A audience. The characteristic of this form of speech is such that in
further step introduces a particular typos, the opponent, for exam- its macrostructure it is a speech which purports to be a conversa-
ple, the lay person, the philistine (i6r6qg), or a typical dissident or with the hearer, and can stressthis in the presentation
tion (6pr.l,i,a)
opponent. (microstructure) by the introduction of fictitious interjectors and a
The samerole-play can be orchestratedwith questionsand coun- fictitious dialogue.
ter-questionsor with a seriesof questionsand answers.It should be The word 6pd.i,aindicatesa direction. Howeveq one needsto be
clear that one cannot always differentiate accurately between a aware of the fact that this word, just as its Latin translation sermo,
cleverly fabricated interjection and a genuine one which a speaker on the one hand had originally possesseda broad range of mean-
raisesimpromptu.The same is true of the ficitious dialogue, insofar ings and on the other hand in the discussion about early Christian
as it imitates the existence of an interjector. preaching is applied in an undifferentiated manner.'S In point of
It is obvious when a speakerusesprosopopoiia, as this was prac- fact Norden is rightwhen he suggeststhat early Christian preaching
tised at the beginning of rhetorical education in the progymnas- in which 'the didactic aspect is the central point' was called 6plilla
'is
mata. For example, when law, nature, virtues or vices appear per- (sermo), becausein it the distinct notion that the preacher estab-
sonified in the speaker'sdialogue, or respond to an interjection or lished a purely personal relationship with his communiry when he
address the hearer directly, then the point is to make obvious the taught it almost in the tone of everyday conversation'.'b But what
fiction of the interjection and of the dialogue with the hearer. This does didactic mean here and what does conversational tone mean,
is a mimicry of a real interjection. Here it is a question of a rhetori- or speech in the style of conversation, or forms of communication
cal device which the speaker uses to advantange to highlight the which are common in conversation? To what extent does, for ex-
dramatic moment which occurs in interjection and brief inter- ample, a parainetic address like the so-called second letter of
change.A prosopopoiia is essentiallya demonstration which is di-
rected to an audience which is present and intends to display to it
a certain ethos and pathos. In this situation it is neither a question
of a past action nor of a future one, but rather of the present, of an
Ba[6er.f6,1'of an f106vxai na06v inr6elxrlz6v, asTheon saysin his
Progltmnasmata (try.zo).In this sensethe personification is nothing
'3
other than an fiOonor,icr. In the conception of rhetoricians in late On fi0og and flOonoltawith Hermogenes (c. A.D. r6o-zz5)as the starting-point,
cf. D. Hagedorn, /ur ldeenlehredesHnmogenes,Hypomnemata B (G<ittingen,ry64),57-76.
antiquity, however, the insertion of dialogues served in particular 'a fltreiorov 6i 616to ro
fl0r,xov{ 6nr,oro}'ri,dionepxci.6 6rdlo'yog.
'5 A good example of this linguistic usage,which in terms of Formgeschichtecom-
prises elementsthat are markedly different, is offered by M. Sachot, 'IJorr.iJie', Real-
lexikon.firAntilrzund Christmtumr6 (1994),148-75.
'" '6 Dic antiltzKwutprosauom W. z vols.
Cf, the characteristics of the three types of speech-forensic, political and Jahrhunderto. Chr. bisin diz <eit derRtnaissance, \]
epideictic-in AristotJe, Rhaorica g, t358a,36- 1939 a, 5. (Leipzig-Berlin,rBgB;3rd ed. rgI5, IgrB).
 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I47
46

Clement (CPG roo3), which characterisesitself as ouppoul.la or In particular, O. Halbauer's thesis addressedthe issuez"which
and dvteullg, produce an oratorical form of presenta-
vouOeoi,cr,'7 explained the style of the diatribe as a form of the classical6r.al.eltg.
tion based on conversation? If Olal,eElS had originally been a synonym for the concept 6lal,oyog,
later this term meant that discourse of philosophers and rhetori-
cians in a small circle in which supplementary questions and que-
to threeattemptsto shouta continuit2znithantiquitlt
Objections ries from listenerswere answeredand the contact with the audience
was to a great extent so immediate that genuine conversational situ-
Even if the generic term diatribe is modern, it is not without point ations could develop. But how did this form of dialexis change
to ask whether the theory or praxis of rhetoric and literature in late when the audience increasedin number? The greater the audience
antiquity was aware of the definition of one or even several genres and the lessit is united with the speakerin personal companionship,
which match or come close to the oration delivered in diatribe- to that extent it is also lesspossiblefor a discourseto developwhich
style. For one thing the discussion of research above showed that slips into a direct dialogue or wants to lead to such a dialogue. Nev-
extant sourcesdo not provide any concept which applies unambig- erthelessif the speaker in this changed social context still has the
uously. Some thought that this could be refuted by referring to ps- desire to conduct a type of dialogue with the individual listeneq
Hermogenes. Furthermore, others referred to two genresin antiq- then the only choice he has is to address the hearer directly in the
uiry the dialexis and the thesis, to show historical continuity. personal tone of a dialogue. In doing this he has to maintain the
In order to show that late antiquity definitely knew the concept 'simple style' suitable for a conversation, emphasised by parataxis
of the diatribe as it had been injected into discussionat the end of and asyndeton, but to fabricate everything elsewhich pertains to a
the last century, referencewas often made to ps-Hermogenes,and conversation.In this way one can envisagehow the form of presen-
this happened not only at the beginning of the debate.'8This text tation of the diatribe developed from dialexis.
states that the diatribe is 'the development (6zotcrolE)of a brief Yet even if this historical relationship were proven, in my opin-
thought with ethical content' (+tB.g-S).However, to understand this ion it is meaningful to retain the modern concept of the diatribe
definition one must take into account statements in Aristotle and because of the distinction between a real.and a fictitious situation
Menander'e about the 6r,crrqr,Br]as a specific rhetorical trick of dialogue. This distinction is not insignificant for the macro- and
(expolitio,commorat'io).2oWhatis meant is that the orator dwells on his microstructure of the texts.
thought byvarying it linguistically (negr,rr6rqgxcrc 1"6[r,v).Applied Although the historical relationship with dialexis may be proba-
concretely, to a speech in court, for example, this means that the ble, this is no reason to exclude the influence of another genre.
barrister should not waste the opportunity in court or be too brief Whatjustification has the conception of Throm orWallach, which
in showinghis own moral integrity (i0oE) and the lack of this in the is also reflected in Marrou, that the diatribe is, in Wallach's words,
opponent, by'dwelling'in order to impressthe judge persistently.2' the popularised form of a practical or parainetic thesis?23 What is
in question here is a dialectical exercisewhich had its home in the
'7 peripatetic school and then after Hermagoras became a part of the
SeeK.P Donfried, TheSettingof Second Clemmtin Earty Chistiani4r,Supplements
to Novum Testamentum 38 (Leiden, 1974),who is rnore accurate than E. Baasland, rhetorical prog)irnnasmata or school exercises.Should, for example,
'Der
z. Klemensbrief und die friihchristiiche Rhetoril<: "Die erste christliche Prediet"
im Lichte der neueren Forschung',in H. Temporini-W. Haase (edd.),Aufstizgind
Nizdergangderriimischen
Weltz7,r (Berlin-New York, r9g3), 7B-r57. theFirst CenturyB.C. anda Studl of thelrfluenceof theGenreuponLucretiusIII, B3o-rog4 (Uni-
'u See G.L. Kustas, Studiesin By<antine
Rhetoic, 'Aval,6xrq Bl.ord6orv 17 versityof Illinois, Diss., 1974),30.
(Thessalonike,rg73);M.A. Schatkin,JohnChrTsostom asApologist,Avol,6xrc B).ard6orv 22 Cf. Stowers(rg8r); Schmeller(r987);Berger(rg84).
'3 H. Throm, Diz Thesis.Ein Beitrag ihrerEntstehung
5o (Thessalonike, r9B7). <u und Geschichle, Rhetorische
's Rhetor.r4r&a. z7-g and
335, 22; 3gg, ro; 34o, r8f., respectively. Studien r7 (Paderborn, rg3z);Wallach (t974);idem,Lucretius andtheDiatribeAgainrttheFear
"o SeeJ. Martin, AntikeRltznrik. TichnikundMethole(Munich, 1974),:-35. of Death.De rerumnaturaIII, B3o-rog4,Mnemosyrre Supplementum 4o (Leiden, 1976);
2' SeeAnderson (t976), q-g; B.P Wallach, A Historyof Diahibefrom its Originup H.L Marrou,'Diatribe, B. Christlich', ReallexikonfirAntiluundChristentumg (1957),roo3.
to
 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I49
48
'Should own uniqueness.If one wants to determine this in more detail, it
the student treat the theme Cato marry?' (the so-called
hypothesis), then he has to present the corresponding 06o19 seemsthat a pure enumeration of elements like that produced by
'Should Bultmann is not satisfactory.
nqaxttxil, that is, to answer by argument: one marry at
'Ought the sageto marry?'. This introduces the question about constitutive elements for a
all?' or
One cannot disagree with Throm that in this form of the school descriptive definition. Within the parameters of this chapter it is
exerciseand of the essaythe dialogical elements,even the fictitious impossible to provide a detailed justification of an answer on the
dialogue, were introduced.'a However, on the other side the basisof texts. Consequently the definition has merely the statusof
6r,crl.6yeo0ctas a solution for the 6lol.exttx6v nq6pl.qpc, which an hypothesis which has to prove its worth on the texts themselves.
Throm emphasises,is not typical of a dialogical situation. With re- The hypothesis maintains that for the form of the diatribe both in
gard to argumentation, it has recourse to the typically dialectical its macrostructure and in its microstructure those elements are con-
process of proof Bultmann had already indicated that dialectical stitutive in which the discourse attempts to convey to the hearers (or
proofs in the sourceswhich he used were rare. Furthermore, in the the so-called inner readers) the impression that they are involved in
dialogical situation, the form of communication is determined by a dialogical situation. A necessary,but still not sufficient condition
the immediate dialogue partner, and in its imitation by the fictitious for this is a linguistic style which is appropriate for a conversation,
interjector. Insofar as there appears in diatribe-style a common also called in the literature a conversationaltone and characterised
'we', with which human experience is introduced into the argument 'idea'
in antiquity by the of simplicity (dQ6l.er,cr),
or in the broad
(6rtr6v zcr0'f;pdE),this shows,in my opinion, the influence of the senseasl.ri[6 eiqop6vrl.'sDecisiveare certain forms ofcommunica-
method of argument in the thesis,but also, as Hermogenes points tion which have the purpose of giving the discourse a dialogical
out, in the so-calledt6nog xolv6E. character and of engaging the listeners so that in the oratorical
form of presentation they appear actively involved in the dialogue.
Using texts of Severianwe intend in the secondpart of this chapter
The result:a desciptiuedfinition of thetzrm diatibe to present forms of communication (microstructure) which serve to
fabricate a dialogue (macrostructure).
On the basisof what has alreadybeen said, it should have become All of the other elements which play a role in this type of a
'dialogically
clear that there are more than enough unanswered questionssur- structured discourse',inWendland's words, are, in my
rounding the term diatribe. Our starting-point is the recognition by opinion, secondary.This holds, for example, for the introduction of
historians that certain texts contain in their style, or more exactly aphorisms or catchy slogans,which, after literaryprose followed the
in theirform ofpresentation, typical common aspects,which distin- expirato_ry accent for its rhythm, are often purely of a rhythmic
guish them from others. Our first hlpothesis to characterise this nature.2bThe beautiful, rhythmically sounding word, suited to the
form of presentation statesthat it derived from an oratorical praxis, taste of the period, has nothing to do with the dialogical form of
and that the literary expression including certain letters and small presentation.This is the case too for all of the small refinements,
treatisesis secondary.Popular philosophy in the broadest sense such as alliteration, the parallel construction of phraseswith conso-
here comes into playwith its Sitz im Leben in the market-place and nant words, parhomoiosis; or with the same beginning, anaphora,
in scholasticdialogue. Given this, if one were to askwhat the histor- especially in imperatives and questions; or with the same ending,
ical derivation of diatribe-style was in terms of Formgeschichte,
then the provisional answer is only that it cannot be reduced to a
simple common denominator with any of its predecessors;it has its "5 Kustas (rgn), z7-45; K.-H. Uthemann, 'Die Kunst der Beredsamkeit in der
Spiitantike: Pagane Redner und christliche Prediger' , Neues Handbuch der
Literatundssenschaften
4 $Niesbaden,1996),345 (hereafter,Uthemann [rgg6u]).
"o On prose rhythm and so-calledMeyer's law, cf. W Horandne4 Der Prosar2thmus
"4 Throm (rg3e),156;cf. Marrou (rg57),roo3 in derrhetorischen
LiteraturderBy<antiner,WienerByzantinischeStudien 16fly'ienna,rg8r).
r50 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I5I

epiphora, especiallyin the same answer to parallel questions;and ity by HellenisticJudaism is reasonable,evidence...hasnot yet been
finally the inclusion of homoioteleuta. Apparently the people of brought to light'. One should not assume,as Sachot does,3',thatthe
late antiquity did not regard these rhetorical tricks as contradicting historical relationship has been established.In the present state of
the fiction of a conversation with the hearer and a simple style of comparative studies the samejudgement applies to the develop-
speaking,the so-calledconversationaltone.tT ment of homiletic midrash in the third and fourth centuries,where
It is important for historical inquiry into the reception of the dialogues were usual as well, which the preachers delivered with
presentationalform for the diatribe by certain Christian preachers change of voice and in imitation of the characters.32
to have a clear answer to the question whether the homily of the
Jewish-Hellenisticcommunity had already seizedupon the diatribe-
style. According to Thyen this was the case, and, as he attempted The diatibe-styk in Seuerian's
homilies
to prove on the basis of texts, the majority of these are still accessi-
ble to us in a Christian reworking. E Siegert edited three texts, The homilies of Severian of Gabala are presented here because
which in the Armenian transmission are ascribed to Philo, and has they represent a striking example of how Christian preachers as
interpreted these as confirmingThyen's thesis.28However, neither people of late antiquity seized on the form of the diatribe which
proposal has receiveda positiveresponsefrom researchers.Accord- already existed and applied it to their own needs.What has previ-
ing to Stowers,Thyen's thesisis guesswork.Some scholarscriticise ously been published as investigations into the style of the diatribe,
the narrow textual basis, while others maintain that the presup- whether it be the brief sketch of Norden, or the research of
posed concept of the diatribe, as in R. Bultmann, is not sufficiently Butterworth on the homily against Noetus which was transmitted
clarified.'e under the name of Hippolyus of Rome (CPG rgoz), or that of
The extent to which the homily in the Jewish diaspora is in- Regtuit on a homily which probably belongs to Severian of Gabala
debted to the diatribe can be illustrated in Philo, whose name was (CPG 4204),33offers only an enumeration of the elements of the
mentioned quite early by Wendland in the discussion about the diatribe.3aFor such an enumeration Butterworth and Regtuit rely,
influence of the Cynic-Stoic diatribe. Neverthelessthere is no indi- asThyen, but also Schlemmer,3shad done previously, on the work
cation of consensusin researchfindings, not even where, for exam- of Bultmann.
ple, Borgen's investigationsare concerned,3onor in general about In the twentieth century in particular a great deal has been pub-
the question of a relationship with specific texts of the New Testa- lished on the sfle of Severian'shomilies. It was hoped that through
ment, which are to be interpreted as r6sum6sof homilies. For the the application of certain characteristics,called by Voicu'stilemi',3b
historian there is no direct link between Philo and the Christian a criterion could be established by which it could be decided
homily. To this extent Stowers is correct when he says: 'While the whether texts, which in early translations and in indirect transmis-
thesis that the style of the diatribe was mediated to early Christian- sion do not identify Severian unambiguously as the author, should

3' Sachot(t994),t54.
"7 On John Chrysostom's judgement of rhetorical tric}s in the homily, cf.
IJthemann (I996a), 345f., and on their significance for Augustine's conception of 32 Sachot(rgg4),r53.
preaching cf K.-H. IJthemann, 'Bemerkungen zu Augustins Auffassungder Predigt', 33 On questionsabout the authenticity ofSeverian'shomilies seeK.-H. IJthemanrr,
'Severian
Augustinianum 36 (r996),r47-Br. von Gabala', Biographisch-bibliographisches
lfrrchenlzxikong
(rggS), 487-5o4.
3a Norden(rBgB),2,5+2,esp.556-8;Butterworth(rg77),n}-4r;Regtuit(r992),r84-
"o Thyen (tgSS); E Siegert, Drei |ullmistischjildi:chePredtgten,
Wissentschaftliche
IJntersuchungen zum Neuen Testament zo (Tiibingen, IgBo). 9r.
'?e Donfried 3s Cl the four 'characteristics' used to describe the diatribe listed in Schmeller
$974),zB;Berger(1969),rrzg and 1366.
30 P Borgen, BreadfromHeaum.An ExegetiralStub 0f theConceptof Manna in thzGospel (r987),eo3ff
ofJohnandtheWitings 0f Phill, Supplementsto Norrrm Testamentum ro (Leiden, 1965); 3b S. Voicu, 'In illud:
fuandoipsisubiritlomniaICPG 476r).una omelia di Severiano
i.dun,Philo,John and Paul. New Perspectiues
onJudabm andEar$, Christinnit2,BrownJudaic di Gabala',RrzistadistudibEanhnie neo-pllenici17-g(r98o-zj.'5-t r; idem,'Nuoverestiruzioni
Studies(Atlanta, Georgia, r9B7). a Severianodi Gabala', ibid., zo-r (tg9g-4),3-24.
152 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I53

be added to the corpus of the authentic homilies of Severianor not. the Oak, Severianwas one of the accusersof Chrysostom. In this
The relationship to the diatribe-stylehasbeen noted by Kecskem6ti he was an ally of the Empress Eudoxia and her troika of pipus wid-
and Regtuit.3TNevertheless,the signfficanceof such a comparison ows, and, together with Acacius of Berroia and Antiochus of
for the question of finding intrinsic textual criteria to enable one to Ptolemais,he was successfulin forcing Chrysostom into exile.This
decide on statementsabout the authenticity of texts has not yet happened in the early months of the summer of 4o4.When Flavian
'stilemi'
been discussed.For what belongs to the genre under the of Antioch died on z6 September 4o4) it was said that it was fortu-
should not be interpreted as characteristics of an individual style, nate that the supporters of Severian and his two friends were suc-
or in Kecskem6ti's interpretation as the expressionof the passion cessful,by their swift action, in having their candidate Porphl'rius
of an exegete who did not give himself enough time to produce a ordained as the successorto Flavian and in having this ratified by
coherentpresentation (in the senseof a modern hearer) and for this the emperor. The extent to which this reflects the after-effects of the
reason laiked method and rigour.38Let it be noted in passingthat Antiochene schism,in which the end of the Acacian schismplayed
Kecskem6ti seesthe use or disregard for the diatribe as the major a decisiverole, cannot be discussedhere.This is also not the place
difference between Severian andJohn Chrysostom.3eIf one does to examine whether the differing interpretations of thefidesNicaeana
not take into account the comments of Malingrey and Schatkin, were significant in the context. If one takes into account sources
there has been no adequate researchdevoted to Chrysostom's use which have not been sufficiently considered in research in the past,
of the diatribe.aoIn my opinion, it is clear thatJohn Chrysostom then Severian must have died early, in 4oB or 4og. This will have to
too knew how to introduce the presentational form of the diatribe, suffice for Severian's biography and his conflict with John
even if in a restrained manner. Chrysostom in the context of this chapter.+'

Thepersonand work of Seuerian Two homiliesof Seueianon Chistian ethics

Severian, the bishop of Gabala, a port city in Syria, called today If we want an answer to the question to what extent Severian used
Jebl6 or Dj6bel6, probably arrived in the capital on the Bosporusin diatribe-style in his homilies, then it seems appropriate to begin
the same year as John Chrysostom became the bishop of with homilies in which at least questions of ethics in the broadest
Constantinople. When, in January 4or, Chrysostom travelled to senseare addressed. For, as I have already mentioned briefly, the
Ephesusto intervene in the dioceseof Asia as ecclesiasticaljudge, diatribe was originally a form of discourse intended to transmit an-
he commissioned Severianto representhim in the performance of swers to concrete questions of life and to stimulate the hearers to
ecclesialduties, in particular, to preach in Hagia Sophia.The con- new thought and ethos. This form of discourse intends to shoq for
flict that resulted from this, and which no doubt played a role in example, how people can restrict their needs so that they do not
Severian'ssiding with the coalition against Chrysostom, cannot be allow themselves to be controlled, or even a^ffected,by external
discussedhere. In any case,in the autumn of 4og at the Synod of matters which they cannot alter. These could be events like strokes
of f;ate,sickness,unjustified accusations)torture, exile, in short ev-
erything that is enumerated in the catalogue of peristaseis.a"In
37 Kecskemdti, 'Ex6gdsechrysostomienneet ex6gdseengag6e',in E.A. Living-
J. 'Doctrine et drame dans la pr6dica-
stone (ed.),StudiaPatristicazz (rg8g), tg6-47; eadem,
'Sdv6rien de Gabala: ex6gdteet 4' FormoredetailseeUthemann(rg95),487-gr.Onthehistoryofthetransmission
tion grecque', Euphroyne,"MS. zr (1993),z9-68; eadmt,
th6ologien antiochien mdconnu', Euphrosltne, N.S. z4 (r996), gg-rz6; Regtuit (r9gz). and effectof Severian'shomilies, aswell astheir impact in the memory of the Bvzantine
3u Kecskem6ti(1996),rzof. and Monophysitechurches,ct. ibid., r4gt-5.
3s Kecskem6ti(1989),esp.r4o-7. 4" There is an impressiveoverview of the themes in A. Oltramarc, Izs originesdela
..
4o A.-M. Malitgrey,Izttre dbxil d Ofumpins SC ro3 (Paris,1964),and
etd nus Lesfdiles, dintibe romaine(Lausanne-Geneva,19z6), 44-65 (from Greek sources);263-!z (from
ea.dem, Lettresd Ofumpins, SC r3o" (Paris,1968);Schatkin (IgB7). Seneca).Many of thesethemesare found, for example, in the Paidagogos of Clement of
JeanChr2sostomz:
r5+ KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I55

theseaddressesthe topic, which is stressedto a greater or lesserde- However, becausethey do not know 'the work of the truth',
theseworks of theirs produce no fruit.
gree, is a messageon the meaning of life, at the same time offering
pastoral care and spiritual direction. Often enough the content is 'The
work of the truth' is faith, as Severian clarifies with reference
reduced to a brief formula in the tradition of Cynic-Stoic para- toJohn 6: zB-9, and at the same time by addressing the faith of the
'the sageis rich, but the rich person poor', or
doxes,for example, hearers:
'only the pious who acknowledge God's law are free', or, to name
Seehow (the Lord) has named faith a work.
one ofJohn Chrysostom's works, in which he speaksfrom exile to Indeed, you have believed, and at the same time
his community, Nemolaediturnisi a seipso(CPG 44oo). you have shonewith works (ro8r.4r-53).
In contrast to what we find in the homilies ofJohn Chrysostom,
the Christian way of life is not a great preoccupation for Severian. The justification that works lead to salvation only in faith is not
This is true even if we can no longer claim that for this very reason argued with conceptual precision, but in rhythmical literary prose
Severian was criticised by his community. For the text in question ad hominem.This is achieved by contrasting the works in their this-
did not originally belong to that homily of Severian (CPG 4I9B) at worldly horizon with faith in its orientation towards God, and by
the end of which it is transmitted, and then only in Greek. amplifying this antithesis through an encomium on faith:
A good example of how in diatribe-style a line of thought is de- For the works are performed for human beings by human beings,
veloped by association as in a dialogue is that homily in which Faith, however,as a deed of human beinss is oriented towards God.
Severian first of all spoke about the relationship of faith and works, Faith showshim who has turned himselfltowards God) as a citizen of
nlor6 and 6qycr,and to this extent about the foundation of Chris- heaven.
Faith makes human beings who stem from the earth into companions
tian ethics (CPG 4rB5). In the second part he asked what good
of God.
works actually were, and then on that basis, in a third step, he Without faith, nothing is good (ro8r.55-6o).
broached the meaning of the expulsion of humanity from paradise.
'I Now the speaker removes the distance from the listeners which is
The three parts are connected by the verse from the Psalm: am
a fruitful olive tree in the house of God' (Ps5I:Io LXX). In accord prese nt in the use of the second person, by addressing them as com-
with his customaryprocedure, in the prooemium (PG 48, IoBI.I-4I) munity: 'Brothers, to me they appear-I will use an image for what
Severian usesthe style of rhythmicala3 declamatoryprose to put the I have said-to me appear those who do good works ind do not
hearers in the right mood for this verse from the Psalm, in order know the God we worship, as well-dressed skeletons of the dead
then to addressthem in a personal manner: wh: no longer have any sense for the good' (ro8l.6o-4).
This is enough to convey an impression of how here, in the calm
You will find manyhumanbeings,
tone of a conversation in a predominantly asyndetical
who alsowithout referenceto the truth ,paratactical
style, rhetorical taste is nevertheless achieved through rhythmic
shine,asit appears,with goodworks.
Youwill find men. prose and figures of speech. The first Iine of thought ends in a
who showhuman synpathy, rhythmical and easily remembered verse which retains what is es-
who give alms, sential, and in an imperative in which the word of the psarmist is
who cultivate justice. taken up and the transition to the second part is prepared by associ-
ation.
Faith must light the path for works,
Alexandria (CPG 1376). and works (must)follow faith.
a3 When here and in what follows reference is made to rhyhm, and this rhythm Become a fruitful olive tree! Yet become it in the house of God!,
is highlighted by the repetition of kola, then this is an allusion to so-calledMeyer's law namely on the basisof your faith which your works follow
for the rhythm of literary prose: cf H6randner (rg8r). On the connection between
prooemium and hy'rnn,cfl Berger(1984),rrTr-3. (ro8z.5o-5).
156 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I57

At the end of the second line of thought, Severian also exclaims: The link by association,again here stylisedby the phrase,'AIto
'Let us then, beloved, become a fruitful olive tree!' (roB3.5z).What
'What are the nal"rv eiEto nqoxelpevov 6ncrv6l"0otpev (ro84.5r), emphasisesthat
concerns him here is an answer to the question: the speaker is conducting a dialogue with his hearer, the progress
works of God?', and he begins with a common human'we', who of which is not laid down beforehand. This must be why, in the
possessas human beings the knowledge of what is by nature good texts ascribed to the form of presentation of the dialogue, a struc-
or God's law (Io8z.56-63),in order then to introduce an anony- 'I ture is not immediately obvious; as different authors since the time
mous interjector who presents an objection in direct speech: of Bultmann have established,45 there is often none present.
know no law. I do not know the contents of that law' (ro8z.63-4). Also in the third line of thought there is once again the common
Severian responds by addressing him in the personal manner, and human
'we': 'we
seethat we die and decomposeinto dust and we
he points o,li to him that what is evil does not alrvaysshow itself as will be educated by what we see'. Neverthelessit is the individual
t.,.h f it does not have a face'), but always hides itself under the person who is addressed.Insofar as the preacher referswith stereo-
external guise of virtue (Io8z.64-Io8g.gz).But what does this have typical formulas such as cilgdQ0rlvein6v (ro84, 4. 54-5)to what was
to do with his question? Severian himself has the impression that said earlier in this or in other sermons,this suggestsan accustomed
he is departing from the topic and addresseshis conversation part- procedure. At the same time this reduces the argument ad ltominem
'Let's return to the topic! Brothe\ are you prepared
ner as follows: and inserts it into a more comprehensive frame of reference. For-
to seewhat the law that (God) has placed in nature is capable of?' mulas such as'as I said earlier', or'as I just said'contribute to the
Even when our soul is lost in evil, it still remembers goodness. fiction of a dialogical situation.
Severian clarifies this by indicating how one best deals with power- In this part of the homily too Severian allows a direct speaker to
ful people who are determined to be unjust. With the standard for- appear, namely a man mourning his dead wife who rereads what
mula Qqoi,v he introduces a fictitious dialogue partner who ad- he had once set down in the event of death: 'And had I to suffer
'You are a good man.
dressessuch a powerful scoundrel directly: this? Had I (then) expected this? That I suffer this and lose my
Your good name is familiar to all. Everyone praises your charitable wife?' (ro85.37-g).Not without irony the preacher confronts him as
acts'.Yet Severian does not engage this speaker,but with the per- in the beginning of a dialogue: 'What is it now? Have you forgotten
sonal addressesthat follow turns again to his real dialogue partner, what you wrote (then in your will)? When you were not confronted
the hearer. with this matter (that is, that human beings are mortal), you knew
He has not given an answer to the question posed at the start: the laws of nature. However, after you have been involved in your
'What
are the works of God?', yet he concludesthis secondline of own misfortune, have you forgotten the laws of nature?'(1o85.39-
'Become, beloved, a fruitful olive tree-in
thought, as already cited:
42).
the house of God', in order, as it were, in association with David, In a homily on the meaning of percvorcr(CPG 4186) Severian
who, as speaker of the Psalm, says that he is in the house of God, begins to talk about what the long-suffering God expects from the
to passto Adam who was expelled from paradise and from there to repentance of sinners and their conversion, but is interrupted by
move to the third line of thought. This third line of thought deals something in mid-course. For in the text it suddenly says:'and with
with the fact that the expulsion from paradise led Adam, or human- that I again resume my speech-God is long-suffering so that sin-
ity, to recognisehuman weakness(Io84.56-6r),but above all mor- ners repent' (PG 49, gz4.r-z).As an aside,this passagecould be an
tality (ro84.68-ro85.4I), and that from God's perspective human indication that the text transmitted to ,r, ..prei.rrts a tachygraph-
beings need to be educated (IoB5.4z).Severian appends to this a
brief theodicy.++
as
-Thyen (rg55),Butterworth (rg77),Schmeller(rg87),and Regtuit (rggz).In CPG
4zo_4,Severiantwice (ll. 143-5and 3r7-B)indicates to his hearerstliat in thesepassagcs
aa lvhat according to PG 48, Io86.46 follows, does not belong to this homily, but he is not deviatingfrom the topic, but has his eye on the bigger picrure. Cf. Regruit
to CPG 4zIo. (Igg2),rg8-2or.
 COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I59
--o KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN
r50

What wayhaveyoulelt openfor their conversion?

lion tremendous. For
ical report and was not edited by its author. Shortly afterwards example,haveyou senta prophet?Haveyou sentan evangelist? Was
Severiin places in the mouth of God as speakerthe words of the thereanyoneat all to showthemwhat wasaboutto befallthem?
'I am the father of the orphans and the de- 'Yes',saysGod. 'In their city therewasRahab,whom I savedon
Psalmist (67:6 LXX):
fender (zqrtrlg)of widows' (PG +g, 327.32,42-3).Thus directly in the accountof her perrivotc,because shedid not participatein in the pa-
context of a personal address,warnings addressedto the individual ganismof the inhabitantsofJericho'.
listeners by the preacher become God's words. Through the for- How is that the case,asksa listener,and with a Qqolv Severian in-
mula Qqolv, Severianstrengthensthis association.For correspond- 'What
troduces a fictitious interjector who takes up the doubt: did
ing to the network of codes which operates in a homily, this would Rahab do to achieve salvation?Becausewith a kiss of peace she
-.un for the hearer either a biblical citation or its free rendition by accepted floshua's)spy (Heb rr: 3I)? Every mother of a household
the preacher, or something introduced by an interjector who op- doesthat too!' (33o.8-Io).
poses,doubts or provokes. Severian respondsby addressingthe interjector and his hearers
For this reason, (God) says.you' you illegitimate man. enrage me. when directly in the personal mode to prepare them for an exegesisof
you threaten widows and the person who cares for the widows. When Hebrews rr:3r which begins with the biblical report about Rahab
you wrong orphans, you violate the sons of God. I am the father of the
'On account of her faith,
andJoshua's spy (fos z). There it reads:
orphans and the defender of the widows; who is so bold as to blaspheme Rahab, the whore, did not die with the unfaithful'. Once again here
agiinst God in doing an injustice to the sons of God and threatening the
there is a brief dialogue (33r.15-25).
widows for whom God cares? (227.+o-S).
In the conclusion to the homily there are two further exchanges
A little later Severian repeatsthis form of presentation.At first he with God; one is carried on by a fictitious listener who doubts
'F{uman beings seeonly the exterior, but God
cites from the Bible: God's word (334.4-zr),the other by the preacher himself (ggS.zS-
seesinto the heart' (I Kg 16:7),in order to turn immediately to his 37). Finally there appears once again a fictitious'You
interjector whom
'Do not corrupt your conyersionwith external fuss,
congregation: the preacher had provoked by his statement: clothe Christ
(God) says,but show to my eyes(Is I:16) the fruits of your conver- when you provide a poor person with a set of clothes'.
sion'(338.I r-4). It is only another small stepfor the preacher himself This, (theinterjector)says,I know-naturally I know it. I havealready
later to enter into a dialogue with God. heardthis.You havenot beenthe first to teachme. It is not from you
Severianwants to demonstrate ad hominem the contrast between that we have heard this for the first time. You proclaim nothing new, but
God's long-suffering with sinners and his willingness to forgive sins what many of those present have taught us.
at the moment of conversion: God is quick to create, slow to de-
Apparently there were other preacherspresent. Severianresponds:
stroy (329.r5-zo).In order to illustrate this he has recourse to the
conquest of Jericho byJoshua (|os 6) (gzBAS-SZ+.33) and engages I know that you already know this and similar things, becauseyou have
'The whole world often heard them. Would that we had often heard them, eventhen when
in a rather long dialogue with God (329.35-59):
we seldom do what is good! Would that that we would still only hear:
you created in six days, and do you destroy a single city in seven 'Whoever
showscompassionto the poor lends (hismoney) to God' (Prov
days?What impedesyour power?Why do you not destroy flericho) r9:r7). Let us lend our alms to God, in order to purchasefrom him
suddenly?' Severian's series of questions begins in this way, and somethingof his love for human beings(g3g.zt-g).
'My power is not exhausted.Long-suffering, how-
God responds:
The maxim'O il,ed)v nrolov 6crve[(er"@eQ becomes the leitmotiv
ever, is my love for human beings. I give flericho) six days, as I
of the final words of Severian up to the encomium on
(gave)Nineveh three. Perhaps it will accept the call to conversion
and will be saved'. Subsequentlythe preacher calls out to God: Qr,l.ov0gon[a, which the rich show to the poor, and to the psogos,
the speech which scolds dncrvOgornlcr,that is, that attitude which
Enemieshavesurroundedthe ciry!
But who callsthem to conversion? rnakes someone a brute because he refuses to help someone in need
Their commander has besieeed their walls! Great is the fear, the rebel-
r60 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA IbI

'Howeveq he wanted nei-

(ggS.g-gg6.t3o),and which for Severian is the root of all evil that indeed God could have done this.
GZS.Zz-g).Themaxim stemsfrom Proverbs;however,Severianhas ther that your riches bring no recompensenor that the poverty of
inverted the word order to comply with rhetorical taste in the the poor receiveno reward'. Indeed the poor person cannot amass
rhythm, thus enabling the audienceto comprehend and remember 8rzalorotvq aidvlog with God, becausehe is not in the position to
the sentencemore easily. perform good deeds,but he can certainly earn as God's reward a
This speech is a conversation (6pil,i.cr)or dialogue between rinopovq cricbvroE,if only he suffers his poverty with patience. For
'Let not the patience of the poor perish forever'
Severian and each of his listeners;it is a diversified, and at times the Psalmist says:
lively dialogically constructed discourse,to useWendland's term, (Psg:r9 LXX).
which is intended to convince by arguments ad hominemand not to
overwhelm by emotions. It is a question of influencing the thought
and action of his hearers,of moving them to a conversionwhich is A prouisionalsummar)
oriented towards Qll"cv0gonla. How Severian motivates this love
for those in need shows a God who keeps accounts and is con- If we considerboth homilies in which Severianspeaksabout Chris-
cerned about the calculation of interest $26.27-5r).The key to un- tian ethics, the first (CPG 4IB5) generally investigating the signifi-
derstanding the context is the sentence:'What is a rich person in cance of works and the second (CPG 4186) concentrating con-
this world, is for God a righteous person; and what in this world is cretely on active repentance, then it is clear that both are
a poor person, is for God a sinner' (926.47-8).For like the king in dialogically constructed discourses,even if the dialogical form of
the parable of the mercilessofficial (Mt rB:23-35)who waives the presentation is expresseddifferently in each, both in the macro-
entire debt, namely the thousand talentswhich had been borrowed structure and in the application of dialogical elements in detail.
(Mt rB:27),God gives back to the sinner who converts the entire What predominates is the personal element of a dialogue in which
original capital (ro xeQcl"cr.ov).From the righteous, however, as there is a calm discussion.Through addressing the other as
happened in the parable about the talents which had been en- 'brother' 'we',
and by changing to whether the latter be used to
trusted (Mt z5:r4-3o),he demands not only the original capital, the encompass humanity or that intimate community referred to as
talents, but also interest. With the words of the parable which he 'brothers' 'beloved',
and the preacher attempts to break down the
cites freely,Severianlets God speakto the righteous: 'Why did you distancebetween himself and his audiencewhich existsin a mono-
not give my money to the money-lender?On my return I have de- logue. He wants to convince his listenersbyjoining them, just as in
manded it with interest' (Mt z5:27;Lk 19:23)(g26, z7-4o).Thus the a good conversation the line of thought is determined by every per-
rich person must investhis riches to build up interest with God. For son'scontribution to the discussion.
him and not for the poor person the world becomesa market-place Just as in a discussionwhere there is no set agenda, where there
at which he can do good deedsand make a profit for a navrlyuglg can be not only spontaneousobjections, casual comments or even
bestowedby God (g3z.49-ggz.r). red herrings introduced and what appears to be a fruitlessharping
Should a preacher speak in this way to a poor audience? on a topic can determine a new theme, so in thesesermons the in-
Severian'sindication that even somebody with modest means can troduction of new thoughts occurs in a similar way. A rigidly struc-
also generateremuneration from God is appended to this.This can tured presentationwould run counter to style.The method of argu-
occur through deedswhich have no marketable value as, for exam- mentation adopted in the homilies correspondsto this absenceof
ple, offering a drink of fresh water. With the last words of the hom- structure. New thoughts are not developed by the speakerstep by
ny $6.25-3) he attempts to ward offobjections by having a ficti- step,but are introduced asestablishedstatements,asassertions,just
tious rich person say: 'Generally why has God not also given to the asin conversationpeople expressconvictionsand accordingly assert
poor what he has given to me, the rich person?' Severian replies something.Should the other person ask for a proof, then the reply
r62 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN coMMUNTcATIoN rN THE HoMILIES oF sEVERIAN on caear,t 163

is ad hominem,often with a comparison or an aphorism which re- cal call to return to the point also serveto fabricate the dialogue.At
flects general life experiences.To this correspondsthe appeal to a the same time the impression is created, by these and other
'we'. The 'stilemi', above all through referencesto what has already been
common human sameholds true for the rebuttal. It is not
surprising that strong logical proofs are lacking. However, said, like rbgdQ0nv eindlv, that a particular topic is being consis-
enthymeme are also not introduced, and even dialectical proofs, tently pursued. Recourse to what the preacher has already said is
such as a maioreor a minoredo not appear in either of these two not really intended to recall this fact as such, but to suggestconsis-
homilies, and in other homilies relatively seldom. tency: at that time the statement was accepted-now it no longer
In the microstructure a discussionis suggestedby the introduc- needsto be justified. Having recourseto a common basisalsobinds
tion of interjectors.These fictitious persons use direct speechand the speaker to his audience and suggestsintimacy. This is under-
'simple style' of everyday speechwhich in particular
in most casesadvance the line of thoughtwith an argument. Occa- scored by the
sionally they insert an'I', and addressthe preacher with the per- gives room for rhetorical tricks, even when in the conversation pa-
sonal pronoun. If the fictitious interjectors developbrief dialogues, thos is demanded, as in impassioned proving, scolding and de-
then the preacher remains mostly passiveand enters into the role nouncing. Here it is often a matter of lively repetition, for example,
of a listener and thus of his audience. Like them he seeshimself of counter-questionsor interjections, and at the conclusion of such
addressedby God's word or confronted with an objection which an interaction the insertion of a striking formula which the hearer
remains up in the air. In order to emphasisethis, as other homilies will remember. In Severian these forms of argumentation appear
demonstrate,the preacher can give up his passiverole and partici- above all in those homilies where he is concerned with defending
pate in the dialogue by way of commentary. Should the preacher true faith.
now respond to the fictitious interjector by addressinghim person-
ally and joining in his argument, the individual listeners feel that
their doubts are taken seriously.Nevertheless,to this personal ad- Seuer'iltn's of truefaith
homilizsin defence
dressis tied the speaker'scounter-argument, which expressesthe
consensusof the audience, whether this be the consensusof the In his homilies against heretics Severian begins in the main with
common human 'we' or the consensusof the 'we' who form the texts which had previously been read out in the liturgy, and without
orthodox community of Christ. Consequently, the listener ad- really discussingthem passesquickly to a refutation of the heretics.
dressedin the personal mode seeshimself asisolatedif he continues This refutation is conducted ad hominem.Insome casesthis is pre-
to hold the position representedby him in this mode of address, ceded by polemic against 'theJews' and against 'Greek worship of
and does not engagein the line of thought promoted by the 6pd,[cr idols'. His opponents are tlpe-cast, predominantly 'the Arians',
as conversation.The preacher will not permit the listener to opt especially'the Eunomians', but also 'the Manichaeans', insofar as
out; for him the conversation, the homily, would be broken off these have recourse to Paul, and 'the Apollinarians'. Exegetical
without having attained the desired goal. For this reason the lis- homilies in the real sense,which interpret a text verseby verse,are
tener will be grateful to the preacher, through his using 'we' and not to be fourrd amons those which have been verified by extrinsic
addressingthem as 'brother(s)'or 'beloved', for including him once evidence.a6 However,ih.r. ur. olten biblical argumentswhich are
again into the community. It is striking that in both homilies we presented in diatribe-style. A particularly striking example is the
encounter no use of the personal plural 'you' in addressingthe explanation of Romans 9, in which Severian shows how his form
community, if we disregard the introduction to the second (CPG
4186), in which Severian reminds the community of the biblical 4" Sometimesin his homilies we find longer exegeticalinsertions,but mainly in the
textsjust read out in the liturgy (gzg, 7-9, z5-6).
presentationalform ofthe diatribe. This alsoholds for the homily CPG 5o27,in the first
It is my opinion that deviations from the topic and the stereotypi- part ofwhich (ll. r4-zg8)SeveriangoesthroughJr' 7:15-52verseby versein diatribe-
style.
 IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA Ib5
16+ KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION

of presentation coincides with the style to be interpreted (CPG but from what is said elsewherein the context.Thus Severiantakes
'God of heaven
4zoz).+t from Genesisz4:3 that the Kyrios ('Lord') is called
Within the limits of this chapter the following comments cannot and earth', and from Zachariah 4:r4 that in that verse there is talk
claim to be exhaustive. For the examples mentioned only a few par- of the'Kyrios of the whole earth'.This Kyrios, however,is for him
allelscan be cited from other homilies. In thesetoo it is not a ques- the Saviour (11.45-6),JesusChrist (ll. Ioz-r6).
tion of rhetorical tricks, such as harmony and figures of speech,but Thus Severian has achieved what he intended from the very
'It is necessary to investigate precisely what the heretics for
of those forms of communication between speaker and audience start:
which characterise the macro- and microstructure of the text, and their advantage inject into the fight and to find an answer' (lI. Ir7-
thus of the presentation. B).What follows shows that he means the exegesisof the Arians.
They interpret Philippians z:5-9 dishonestly,because they allow
only the literal senseto come to the fore, and not to ask about the
of 'tlrcArinns' (CPG 4ry8)
A homifuagainsttheexegesis meaning, the dwotcr or Oeorglcr,so as he calls out with a slogan which
is typical for him and for diatribe-style in general. Then Severian
The first example we have selected is that really lively, diversffied cites the heretic (ll. Iz7-B) and introduces him immediately as an
homily (CPG 4r9B) which is known by its introduction. Severian interjector with the standard formula Qqolv (ll. I33-4), a procedure
confronts his hearers directly with a discussionof that phrase which which is repeated in what follows with or without Qqoi,v(ll. 559-6o,
Abraham spoke to his servant when he commissioned him to find 598-6o5).He does not addresshim consistentlywith the personal
a wife for Isaac: 'Place your hand under my thigh' (Gen z4:z). It is pronoun, but occasionallyin the plural and so incorporates the her-
probable that Genesis z4andZachariah 4 had previously been read etic into a group from which he clearly distances himself; dlEripeig
aloud in the liturgy, even though this was not stated expressly in Qate (1.135).5'Severian makes the distance even greater when he
as 'they': 'they say and
other homilies.a8Both texts are briefly interpreted as a messianic speaksto his hearers about the heretics
'they contrive'like the Sophists(ll.
promise, where Severianseesthe key-point to be that 'our Saviour' want' (ll. rg4-5), 5oz-3, 598). It
'hirn', when immedi-
is God. Starting from Genesis z4:z-3 Severian discussesto what sounds even more remote when he refers to
extent, according to Genesis tz: J (par.), Christ can be called in ately before he addressed the heretic with the personal pronoun:
'Moreover
Galatians 3:16 'the seedof Abraham'(ll. B-a6).He interpretsZach- he never sticksto what he maintains. For when he asks...
ariah 4 allegorically using direct speech and a brief dialogue, al- then he lies'(ll. 4fu-4).To this Severian opposesa'we'. On the one
though in other places he expressly rejects such an exegesisas hand this is a 'we' in which the preacher distanceshimself with his
'My
Antiochene.aeThe lampstand in the vision of the prophet is Christ's community from the heretics, as when he says,for example:
flesh, which according to Isaiah r r : r -2 received the sevengifts of the brothers, if today one of us were to dare' (1.156),and then turns to
Spirit (ll. 47-rc2).The catchphrase which is decisive for the progress the individual addressinghim personally (1.r68) and again incorpo-
of the homily does not come from the biblical passagesdiscussed, rates this individual immediately into the community: 'Let us then
ask St Paul' (1. ry6).s2This now gives Paul the opportunity to turn
directly to the community and engagein the discussion(ll. IBI-93).
'I',
a7 In the first part (PG
S9, 653.r-655.47) Severiandeals-withthe Gospelpericope Now and again, however,the 'we' can correspond to the but
(Mt I5:zr-B)concerningthe faith of the Canaanitewoman which had beenread in the
liturgy,then in order to keepa promiseturns to Rom g:r8-g $SS.+I-S+)and interprets
this verseout ofcontext.
+B In my opinion it is different with the citations from Acts ro:37-Bin Il. ro5-g and so These are technical terms ofAntiochene exegesis.For an understanding ofthis,
Jn 3:3r in l. r16, and indeed not only becauseboth citationsare not interpreted,but cf CPG 4r96 (PG 56, 5r2.59-62).
because(i) they serve such an interpretation and (ii) in Severianthey are topoi.He has 5' Cf. ll. zoo,43z-6and 439-4o.The 'you' in ll. 275-8and ll. 475-8is dependenton
a specialpredelictionfor the story ofCornelius's conversion. J^ 5,3g, a scriptural citation often used by Severian against heretics andJews.
4e Kecskemeti(1966). 52 Similarly, for example, in ll. 537-8.
 r66 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA Ib7

not with the intention of suggestingthe preacher'steaching author- This form ofcommunication differs from both of the other homi-
ity and letting him appear as the spokespersonfor a group of cler- lies in which the subject was Christian ethics in the broad sense.
ics, but to incorporate him into the community of his hearers,his This occurs especiallythrough the fact that groups outsidethe com-
brothers: munity are directly addressed and now also drawn into the
Brothers, we must now carry out what we promised (earlier) and not use dialogically constructed discourse, and constitute as it were two
the excuse that we diverged from the topic too often (and for that reason dialogues in the speaker'smonologue. To help his hearer grasp
had no time) to take our promises seriously (ll. r4r-z).sl what he is saying, the preacher usesthe monologue or speechfor
'we', two purposes.Firstly,he imitates the situation of apolemical debate
Yet to the heretics Severianmore often usesanother form of
by orchestratinga rebuttal by argument adhominemanda denuncia-
namely one which encompassesa common humanity in the sense
'we human beings with our experienceand tion; secondly,he insertsthis argument into a conversationin which
of customs'.Thus, for
'Recog- he identifies with his community and assumesthat the community
example, he can address the heretic in the following way:
agreeswith his convictions. In the homily itself (that is, when it is
nise what transcends us from what corresponds to us' (ll. rg7-B).
being delivered) this conversation with the community is to the fore,
There is here a commonly understood maxim which Severianuses
but in the presentationalform retreatsbehind the polemical debate
again in this homily and often elsewhere,if in a varied form.s4 Here
with its dominant use of the personal mode of address.Its function
it simply means that the speaker calls upon examples of everyday
is to provide a framework in which the listener is put in the role of
life, the zolva rino6elypcro,,s5on the customs(ouvr10er,cl) of human
an observer whom the preacher wants to convince, that is, move
beings or their experience (f nelgc tdlv ngaypcrov), because he
him to identify with the preacher's role in the polemical debate.
expects that one should have recourse to them. Characteristic of
What is true for the macrostructure alsoholds for the microstruc-
the diatribe is the use of comparisonsfrom different areasof every-
ture. Here too in comparison with those homilies which can bestbe
day life. For this reason it should be clear why not only in this hom-
likeried to a 'moral philosophy in the mantle of rhetoric'57 and thus
ily but constantly Severian introduces such comparisons from life
to the pagan diatribes of late antiquity, no new dialogical elements
to rebut the heretic or convince the listener.Thus he can argue us-
appear.However, they are adapted to the changed context. Hence,
ing examplesfrom the construction of houses,the building of or-
for example, a dialogue which occurs in a biblical text or is placed
gans, from the practice of medicine, and even from vivisection
there cannot only be retold, but can also be presentedas a dialogue
which belongsto a past era.56
and extended to clarify the statement (ll. zo6-13)or be repeated in
Even if in these homilies the opponent is addressedpredomi-
other words. Or with the statement of a real person, for example,
nantly in the personal mode, neverthelessthis usagecan refer to the
one from the Bible or of a fictitious one, there can be associateda
listener and ultimately to human beings as such (ll. zg9-4t,3o3-ro),
brief dialogue which clarifiesfor the listener the statementcited (ll.
human beings in general and the heretic as well (n. +27-d, or the
3BI-3, 398-4ro). In the fictitious dialogue the heretic himself can
Jew or pagan. In individual casesthe personal mode of addressdi- appear to defend his cause.In this way a dialogue can developfrom
rected at the opponent can also include the listener (ll. z8o-z).
the preacher's addresswhich is aimed directly at the opponent (ll.
452-7+).
53 Cf. also11.
, 43r-3.Of a promisewhich the preacherhasto meet,Severianspeaks,
for example,alsoin CPG 4zoz (PG 59, 655.52-8)or at rhe beginningand end oicpc
4zo4 Ql.ro4-rr and 738-9).
5a See K.-H. Uthemann, "'Die cinoqo des Gregoriusvon Nyssa?" Ein Beitrag
zur Geistesmetaphysik in Byzanzmit einer Edition von CPG rTBr',B7<63(r9g3),3rB- 57 Cf. K.-H. Ijthemann, 'Die Sprachtheorie des Eunomios von Kyzikos und
91
' S e v e r i a n o sv o n G a b a l a . T h e o l o g i e i m R e f l e x k i r c h l i c h e r P r e d i g t ' . i n E . A . L i v i n g s t o n e
ss Cf Regtuit (1992),r95fl (ed.), StudiaPatristicaz4Qggg),3g6-44;idem,'Die Sprache der'Iheologie nach Eunomius
sb CPG 4zoz (PG 59, 66r.55-68). von Cyzicus', <?itschrlftrtir Kichengeschichtero4 (1993), 143-75.
I68 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA Ibg

'El,ey1er.v
and o:*l\r:,,etew as imitatio Chisti show a self-contradiction to the heretic, and thus to make clear to
the listenerthat his heresyimplies a contradiction. Severianasksthe
For Severianhis enemies,the heretics,are in principle no different 'What did you say when you came forward to be bap-
Eunomian:
'theJews'.
from the enemies of Jesus, Consequently for him the tized? And did you do this as somebody who had critically investi-
method of argument against heretics andJews is not different. In gated a problem and in his curiosity questioned time and time
one and the samehomily he can argue againsthereticsandJews at again,Sdor did you say this as a believer?'
the sametime and, if necessaryalso againstthe supportersof idol- Because now the Eunomian in the face of this titelvoE nLomg
atry. He often draws on the model of Jesus,that is, as reported in insists upon faith, saying that God bestowed his capacity for
'the
the Gospels,for how one has to encounter enemies of truth'; thought precisely with a view to faith (4I5, 52-7), there follows a
that they must be allowed to appear in their hybris, especially in long exchange of arguments which is typical of the presentational
their vanity and arrogance, as tyrants hence as t)?es. form of the diatribe. The point of this exchange is to indicate that
A good example is the homily on the authority of Jesus (CPG human beings can only know the existence,but not the essenceof
Ug3).It takesup the Gospel pericope read in the liturgy (Mt zr:23- God. The Eunomian finally refers toJohn ryB:'This is eternal life
7),in which theJews flou8alow ncrT6eE) askJesus:''Ev nolg ilouolg to know you, the only true God' (422,7-ro).Severiancontends that
rc0to ruolelg;',and in Severian'sview'demand accountability from the Saviour here denounced only polytheism and his opponent
God the Logos' (4tt,t-4tz,ro). TheJews ask and demand, butJesus overlooksthe fact that inJohn r7:3it also reads'and to knowJesus
is silent.Thus the silence of the Saviour becomes a model of how Christ whom you have sent'. But this is a rebuttal of the unbelief of
Severian'scommunity ('we') should deal with 'heretics,Jews and theJews. The Saviour proclaims here
'the only true God without
pagans and others who have separated themselvesfrom the true separating himself from him..., so that you, brother, know that he
religion' (4t4, tz3)- In order to refute, however, Jesus reacts not himself is both God and also the Son of the true God' (423, 56-
only with silence,but also with counter-questions(4r4, zr-3). Such +24,ry).In other words,John I7:3 is not only a rebuttal of theJews,
a refutation is not based on the art of peripatetic dialectic, but ar- but also of the Eunomians.
gues either by referring to a biblical statement, a confessionof faith, To show this, Severianreturns the following day (CPG 4Ig6)5eto
baptismal formula, and thus is artlessin the senseof rhetoric. Or it the same topic by combining the sending of the Son according to
argues adhominemusingmaxims, attaching everyday examples, gen- John r7:3 with the Son's return to the Father (Jn zo:t7), and thus
eral aphorism, or axioms, and seizing upon the experienceunder- with a the ology of the cross. Once again in a purely extrinsic fash-
pinning thesefor the counter-question.This is whatJesus did with ion he makes a link to the biblical textsjust read out, in order, by
his counter-questionsagainst theJews, and thus took advantage of using a polemic against 'theJew as the enemy of the cross',to ar-
their fear before 'the people'. Then Severian says in good prose rive at a point where he could challengethe heretics,and thus meet
rhythm: the wishes of his community for 8oyporlxoi l"6yor,.Severian is of the
Many who know no fear of God opinion that fundamentally he is not introducing a new topic. For
are the slavesof their fear of man (4t4, 4z-+). whoever preaches the cross against the Jews teaches against the
Severiandemands as the guide for dealing with hereticsnot always
to answer,and, ifone does,to respond onlywith a counter-question so In late antiquity the bearersof paitleiaor 'education' (in the senseof the Delphic
which clearly demonstratesthat the heretic asked an absurd ques- Ml6ev ciyav)usedthesethree slogansto characterisethe uneducatedhuman being. See
tion (4r5, 5-7). How Severian understands this is shown in a dia- Uthemann (r9g6a),3zB.
5e On the connectionwith CPG
logue with a Eunomian (4t+,9-r5), who as the basis for his teach- 4r93 cf. (i)the summaryin 4gg, r7-zr corresponds
to CPG 4tg3 @t6,49 4rg, r4); (ii) the statementaboutJn r7:3in 5o5, r r-2o is correct,
ing presupposesthat human beings possessknowledge about the insolar as Severianin CPG 4rg3 doesnot really discussin detail the sending of the Son
essence(oriolc) of God. Finally the counter-question is aimed to (cf. the summary in ibid., 425,3o-z);(iii) the interpretation ofJn r7:3 in 5o6, rB-23builds
on the samethoughtsas in CPG 4193.
170 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I7I

'the
heretics the exaltation of only-begotten God the Logos' (5o4, dialogicallyconstructedspeechesor mirrors of animated discussions
56-5o5, rr). in rhetorical calculation, asWendland puts it.
In a dialogue with Christ (5o6,46-5o7,7) Severianthen challenges
the opponents' irony with a stern expression.For he says:otx Eotl
ycrq eiqoveia rucqa rff dl"TOeiq(5o6, 6o-r). In this dialogue there APPWDIX: Fromfrctitiousinterjectionto directnarratiuespeech-onthe
occurs the key word of the Paraclete. So the question about the way to dramatisation
Holy Spirit and the divine Trinity who knows no subordination
now becomesthe topic of the lively secondhalf of the homily. This r. Fictitious interjection versusdirect speechin a narrative: on the
presentsa'refutation of godlessness'(5o8, zo-4) and to protect the difference in intention.
pious a denunciation of the error (5o8, z8-3r). It is not surprising In Severian the fictitious interjection, be it a brief objection, or
that the community applauds such a particularly comprehensible, be it a dialogue, aswe have previously seen,is incorporated into his
though banal, argumentum ad hominemand that Severian repeats his conversationwith the hearer and into his polemical discussionwith
argument, because,as he claims, it was not clearly understood on the heretic, theJew and the pagan. As an element of the micro-
account of the applause (5ro, ro-7).boIn passing,this section sug- structure, he finds it useful to develop the intentional fiction of a
geststhat this homily, like that on pretavorc(CPG 4186),perhaps conversation,for it imitates conversation as drama. To this extent
goes back to a tachygraphical record; considering human vanity 'interac-
there is a dramatic moment in the interjection itsell The
that'perhaps' may nonethelessbe justified. tion' is decisivefor an interjection. It is a reaction in a fictitious situ-
In this rebuttal Severianputs on a performance for his hearers. ation. It is most clearly an interjection when it is a reaction to a
He is like somebody who usesclever questionsand answersto ar- speech in which hearer or discussionpartner, like the heretic, is
rive at an 'either-or' situation, that is, to dvtl06oelg(513,44-51415), directly addressed,butts into the speech,and the speakeris inter-
which givesthe opponent no chance of escapewithout self-contra- rupted. But when it is a reaction to a statementor a question of the
diction. More convincing to sound human reason may be, never- preacher and seizeson his words, it can also be considered a re-
theless,the argument when towards the end of this speechSeverian sponsein the broad sense.There can only genuinely be an interjec-
accusesthe heretic of contradiction between his teaching and his tion, if a conversationoccurs, or a speechusing conversationas its
practice. For he confronts him there again artlessly in the rhetorical model, and interjections and objections by hearers are a part of it.
sensewith his baptismal confessionand with his formula for bap- Direct speech,or a dialogue in the context of a narrative, on the
tism and blessing(514,z6-5r). other hand, is not an interjection in the real sense.
It is clear that Severian has a particular conception or network At the most, the narrator addresseshis hearersby setting a con-
of codeswhich he attempts to realisein his homilies. In the macro- text, or in the course of the narration stepping out of his role and
structure he wants to fabricate a conversation in which first of all turning to his hearers.His intention is to present something to his
he includes the listenersand then those present in the broad sense. hearers,but with his act of narration and with the narrated action
These latter could be opponents of true faith, Christ, or figures itself.Were he to place direct speech in the mouth of one of the
from biblical history.Their reactions,in the form of fictitious inter- personsin the action or to stagea dialogue, it would create a dra-
jections and dialogues,render his homilies more lively; they become matic effect.This dramatic effect happens becauseof the immedi-
acy which is proper to word as event between persons,and conse-
quently also to the performance in the theatre. Neverthelessthe
listeners,like the spectatorsin the theatre, are formally outsidewhat
6o has been staged.The same appliesto speechesand sermonswhose
Cf A. Stuiber, 'Beifall', ReallexikonfiirAntikeund Chistentumz (rgS+),g9-roz; R.
Kaczy'nski, Das Word Gottesin l:iturgie und Alltag der GemeinfundesJohannesChrlsostomus
(Freiburg-Basel-Menna,ry74), z99-gz.
172 KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I73

content is exclusivelythe statementof facts or the narratiob'and are corporated into an event in which God himself is encountered.
thus modelled on the presentational form of narration, which is Consequentlyprosopopoiia is usedby the speaker,as mentioned
encountered in the rhetorical progymnasmata. above, for the presentation, that is, the oratorical transmission,of
The preacher's intention in diatribe-style is something else.He fr0og. In the text just cited, which probably belongs to Severian
wants to address the hearer directly and be involved; he wants to (CPG +2o+),the speakerrequestsbefore the dialogue between God
draw the hearer into his speech,that is, his action. The fictitious 'Let me be present for a while as it were at one of
and his Son:
interjection, which is incorporated into a conversation situation God's conversations(tbgiv 6pr.l,ig@eo0).Let me introduce God
fabricated by the macrostructure of the text, confronts the preacher speaking with his Son, by using some flOonotta' (ll. 362-3). How
himself with another person opposite himself. At the same time, clearly was the original meaning still here for Severian?The editor
each of the hearers is no longer directly confronted only by the of the text elirninatesany referenceof fiOonolta to frOog,by trans-
preacher, but also by a fictitious interjector. Should the preacher 'by attributing some words to him'. Ethopoiia thus means
lating:
extend interruption into a dialogue, his intention is to create the simply an allusion to a school exercise(progymnasma),the senseof
impression that this is a real event in a lively conversation in which which is no longer clear. However, does this do justice to the text?
all the participants are involved, even at the moments when they Finally, it has to be considered that in diatribe-style we are deal-
are not speaking. ing with oratorical prose. This implies that the hearers have
expectations,which have consequencesfor everything which con-
z. An objection cerns the mimesis of reality. Hence the dialogue between God and
One could object that this interpretation fails,becausepreachers his Son, to which we referred, must not destroy for Severian'scon-
such as Severian introduce biblical figures, including Christ and crete hearer the fiction of the homily as a conversationalsituation.
God, into the interjection. Were one to ascribe the homily on the Yet this must be a border-line case, and Severian was no doubt
Incarnation (CPG 4zo4) to Severian,then he even stagesa dialogue consciousof this, when he has a fictitious opponent say on leaving
between God and Christ (ll. 37o-98)on which he occasionallycom- the church: 'That's great theologyl He introduces God waver-
ments.62For such interjections must immmediately destroy ih. fi.- ing...and the Father speaking to his Son, as if the latter did not
tion of a conversationalsituation. How can God and Christ furrc- know, and he could teach him this' (ll. 42o-g).
tion here as conversationalpartners?Whoever usessuch forms of
presentation could not have the intention of involving the hearer 3. The independence of the dramatic moment of direct speech
as in a conversation. If the original function of the fictitious interjection, especiallyof
The objection is to be taken seriously,above all becausesome- the fictitious dialogue, in a dialogically constructed discourse re-
thing analogouswas already the casefor the origin of the presenta- cedesinto the background becausethe incentive to introduce this
tional form of the diatribe, as the personification of concepts and rhetorical trick is found more and more exclusively in that dramatic
virtues indicates. Yet if we are to approach the preachers of late moment which is proper to the directly spoken word, then it is in-
antiquity appropriately, then we need to provide an answer to the creasinglya question of the dramatisation of discretecontents,par-
question, what consciousnessof God and biblical figures a speech ticularly of biblical scenes.Finally it is no longer a matter of inter-
delivered at that time in a liturgical context presupposed.Even if jections which serve the mimesis of a conversational situation with
Odo Casel's theology of mystery is doubtful, the question he the hearer, but of the introduction of the dramatic moment of di-
raised is not without point, insofar as the liturgy makes present or rect speechto capture the attention of the listener.63 Thus we en-
actualisesGod's past salvific deeds.The homily thus becomes in-
63
I have no intention ofproposing here a general thesis about an historical devel-
6'
Cf. Martin (rg74). opment) as if the introduction oi'the dialogue to serve dramatisation were secondary to
b2 Cf. Regtuit (1992),146-8.
the genuine interjection in the diatribe-style in homilies. A more detailed investigation
 17+ KARL-HEINZ UTHEMANN
COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA I75

counter in Severian a transitional form of presentation.This is

Dialogues and addresseshere dramatise the reports of the Gos-
found in a homily (CPG 4gzo)inwhich he takes up Luke's account
pel, yet in contrast to the many ps-Chrysostomicab4they introduce
of the centurion of Capernaum, which was probably read previ-
nothing which is not already in the biblical text. Their purpose is to
ously in the liturgy (Lk 7:r-ro).This happens before he turns his at-
make clear to the listener the full extent ofJesus'swords to the cen-
tention to his dispute with the heretic, which he conducts in his 'Even in Israel I have not found so much faith'(Lk
turion: 7:g).Up
usual diatribe-style.
to the second dialogue the hearer was included only by the brief
For an unusual length of time Severian pursues the topic pre-
commentary that interrupts the first dialogue, and in the second
sented in the reading. Without having fabricated a conversation
only when he was placed in the role ofJesus'scompanions. In this
situation with the hearer, he stagestwo dialogues, a quasi-dialogue
way the preacher confronts him with Psalm to6, where he saysthat
and an address of Christ to the communiry in order to show how
'Even the miracle of the stilling of the storm was predicted. A fictitious
Jesus'sword about the centurion is to be understood: in Is- interjector contradicts this (rI, 9-rz). Severianrefuteshim with bib-
rael I have not found so much faith' (Lk 7:9).
lical texts. This rebuttal has the sole purpose of illustrating to the
The first dialogue between Christ and the centurion (2,6-4,ro)is 'master'
hearer what it means thatJesus'scompanions called him
interrupted by the preacher's commentary (g, r) and servesto 'Son
before the stilling of the storm (Lk B:24),but after the miracle
dramatise the narration. In the quasi-dialogue Christ addressesPe-
of God' (Mt 14:33).Here the preacher used a little trick and
ter (8, r-9). Yet instead of letting Peter reply, the speaker interrupts
changed to the text of the miracle related previously, namely, Jesus
in the form of prokatalepsis, which highlights the fictitious charac-
walking on the Sea of Gennesaret.
ter of the event: 'Yet perhaps Peter will also ask...'And the answer
in responseto Peter'squestion and which addresseshim personally
is not Christ's word, but that of the preacher.This scene is pro- Bibliograph2
posed as a contrast to the first dialogue. It developsfrom a depic-
tion (6, 5-7,8)ofJesuswalking on the Sea of Gennesaret(Mt r4:zz- PrimarltSources
,you
33)and a commentary (7,B-r3)onJesus'squestion to Peter: of
little faith, why have you doubted?' (Mt t4:gr).The narrarive of r. Attributed to Severianof Gabala on internal and externalcriteria:
howJesus stilled the storm (Mt 8:23-7)forms the framework for the CPG 4rB5:PG 48, ro8r-8.
second dialogue. Dispensing with the short story details in Mat- CPG 4186:PG 49,gzg-6.
thew, severian constructs this narrative concisely,but nonetheless CPG 4rg3:PG 56,+rr-23.
concretely-rather like a scenefor an apophthegma in the synoptic CPG 4196:PG 56,499-516.
tradition. In this dialogue between christ and the men in tire boat CPG 4r9B: StehouweSA.P. (ed.),Seuerian uonGabala.In illud: Ponemanum
with him, who remain anonymous,severian towards the end praces (CPG4ry8). ItritischeEditionmit Einleitungund
tuam,et in diuersatestimonia
his listenersin the role of the companions (ro, z-r5), in ordei with Ubersetyng (Amsterdam,Diss.,Vrlje Universiteit, rgg5).To appear in
himself as speaker to addressthe individual listenei in the personal CCSG.
mode (ro, r6-zr)and to lead him to faith in Christ,s divinitv. CPG 4zoz:PG 59, 653-4.
The content of the concludingaddressby Christ to rhe .o--r- CPG 4zrz:PG 65, 15-26.
CPG 4z3o: Aubineau, M. (ed.), Un trait| inidit dechrutologie deSeuiiende
lity (r+, 4-ro) is a brief comparison,a synkrisis,of the cenrurion of GabalaIn cmhtionun et contraManichaeos
capernaum with others in the Gospel who believedinJesus.christ et Aplllinarisfar, Cahiers
thus showsthe hearer how unique was the faith of thi centurion. d'Orientalisme5 (Geneva,r9B3).

up to, and.including, the dramatising dialogues ofthe kontakia ofRomanos rhe Nlelocle,
with consideration of Syria, wouid be desirable. oa (1993),z9-68.
Cf. Kecskem6ti (rg89), and eadetn
 I7O KARL-HEINZUTHEMANN COMMUNICATION IN THE HOMILIES OF SEVERIAN OF GABALA T77

2. Attributed to Severian on internal criteria only: 'Homilie', Reallexikonfir AntikeundChistentumr6 (r994), r+B-75.
Sachot,M.,
cPG 4zoz: Regtuit, R.E (ed.), seuerianof Gabata.Homilt on theIncarnationoif Schenkeveld,D.M., Studiesin DemetiusOn St2k (Amsterdam, 1964).
Christ(CPG 4zol (Amsterdam, Diss.,Vrije Universiteit, r99z). To ap_ Schmeller,T,, Paulusunddie'Diatribe',NeutestamentlicheAbhandlungen,
pear in CCSG. N.f rg (Mtlnster,r9B7).
CPG 442: Uthemann, K.-H. Regtuit, R.E-Tevel,J.M. (edd.),Homiliae Stowers,S.K.,The DiatribeandPaul'sIztter to theRomans,Society of Biblical
Pseudo- Cltrysostomicae r (Turnhout, r
994), 89- r o z Literature Dissertation Series57 (Ann Arbor, rgBI).
CPG 4z7r: ibid.,46-53. Homihz (Gottingen, 1955).
l'hyen, H., Der Stil derJiidisch-Hellenistischen
CPG 49o6: ibid..59-65. 'Die Sprachtheorie des Eunomios von Kyzikos und
Uthemann, K.-H.,
CPG 5oo3: ibid.,zro-6. Severianosvon Gabala. Theologie im Reflex kirchlicher Predigt', in
CPG 5oz7: ibid., fi5-zor. E.A. Livingstone (ed.), StudiaPatistica z4 Qggg), n6-+4.
'Die Sprache der Theologie nach Eunomius von
lJthemann, K.-H.,
3. Dubia: Cyzicus', (eitschffiftr Kirchenguchichte rc4 jggg), ryg-75.
cPG 4795:r'r-2)4: Uthemann, K.-H. (ed.),Die pseudo-chrysostomische pred,igt 'Die "a,nogc des Gregorius von Nyssa?" Ein Beitrag
{Jthemann, K.-H.,
In BaptismumetTintationem
(BHG ry36m;CpG 4p5),Athandlungen der zur GeistmetaphysikinByzanz mit einer Edition von CPG ryBr', Bltg
Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften,philos._hist.Kl. 6g ('gg3), 47-327.
JI., gg+,
-
3. Abh. (Heidelberg ryg4), ez-5 (from 3, r certainly not Severlnj.- Uthemann, K.-H.,'Severian von Gabala', Biographisch-bibliographisches
CPG 4gr7: K.-H. Uthemann et alii,loc.cit.,67-73. g (rggS), 487-5o5 [& lit.].
Kirchenl,exikon
'Die Kunst der Beredsamkeit in der Spzitantike:
Uthemann, K.-H.,
Pagane Redner und christliche Prediger', Neues Handbuch der
SecondarltSources
Literaturutissenschaften4 flNiesbaden, r996), 327-76 [& lit.].
'Bemerkungen zu Augustins Auffassung der Predigt',
Uthemann, K.-H.,
Berger, K., 'Hellenistische Gattungen im Neuen Testament,,
in Augustinianum 36 (1996),47-h.
Temporini, H. - Haase,W (edd.),Aufstug undNiedergangderrijmis
chenWelt Uthemann, K.-H., 'Diatribe (II)', Der JVeuePauly 3 (Stuttgart-Weimar,
vol. 25, z (Berlin-Newyork r9B4), ro3r_432 lit.]. r997).
_ ], t&
Bultmann, R., Der stit derpautinuchenpreiigt und iie k2itsch-stoische
Diatibe Voicu, SJ., 'In illud: Qtando ipsi subicietomnia(CPG 476r), una omelia di
(Gottingen,rgro).
Severianodi Gabala', Riuistadistudibi<antinieneo-ellenici r7-r9 (r9Bo-Bz),
Butterworth, R. (ed. and trans.), Hippot2tus of Rome.
Contra J\ftterum, 5-I I.
__
Heythrop Monographs z (London, rg77). Voicu, SJ., 'Nuove restituzioni a Severianodi Gabala', Riuistadi studi
Halbauer, O., De diatibis Epicteti(Leipzig, i)iss., rgrr;.
bi<antini
eneo- zo-zr (r983-4),3-z+.
ellenici
Horandner, w., Der prosarrqttltmus initer ihaoisihei Literatur der B2lantiner, Wendland,P.,Philounddielgnisch-stoische
Diatribe(Berlin, r8g5).
Wiener ByzantinistischeStudien r6 (Vienna, rgBr).
__
Kecskemdti,J., 'Ex6gdse chrysostomienne et ex6gdse
engag6e,, in E.A.
Livingstone (ed.), Studiapatristicazz
__ QgBg), ry6_+2.
Kecskem6ti, J., 'Doctrine et drame ;";; L p.eal.utlon srecque,)
Eupltroslne,"MS. z r (t gg:), z9-68.
Kecskem6ti,J., 'S6v6rien de Gabala: ex6gdte et thdologien
antiochien
m6connu', Eupltros2ne, N.S. z4 (r996), 99_r26.
__
Martin,J., AntikeRhetoik. Tichnik UrtniA, (Munich, rg74).
Norden, E., Die antikeKunstprosauom "ii
vI. Jatuiunttert o. cir.' ii, in die .leit der
Renaissance, 2 vols. (Leipzig-Berlin, rBgB; 3rd ed. rgr5, rgr8).
_
Regtuit, R., see Pimarlt Sources.
 PROCLUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE: A POPUI-A,R
PREACHER IN FIFTH-C ENTURY C ONSTANTINOPLE

Jan H. Barkhuizen

Proclus was probably born in Constantinople c. 39o,' and was the

first clergyman to have been born in the capital and elected to the
office of archbishop, while his whole career was built almost exclu-
sively in the Great Church.'The very beginning of his official, that
is, ecclesiastical life was linked with the successor of John
Chrysostom, Atticus of Constantinople.3A major shortcoming on
the part of Atticus, namely that he was a poor public orator due to
his Armenian accent and his restricted knowledge of Greek rheto-
ric, put Proclus in the limelight, and this furthered his homiletic
career in the capital. For Atticus came to rely heavily on Proclus,
who was schooledin Greek rhetoric and servedas his rinoyqcrQeuE
(secretary), having formerly done duty as dvcryvcirotqg(reader).
Proclus was consequently ordained by Atticus as deacon and priest.
As secretaryof Atticus he was also introduced to the imperial fam-
ily and a close relationship was establishedbetween Proclus and
Pulcheria, one of the three daughters of the Emperor Theodosius
II, and later empress.aAtticus died in 425, and was succeededby
Sisinnius in 426, who, as a gesture of reconciliation, ordained
Proclus to the seeof Cyzicus.sBut the people of Cyzicus elected a

'
A. Lrrmpe, 'Die Epistola Uniformis des Proklos von Konstantinopel', Annuanum
Hisniae Conciliorum (rg7r), r-zo, however,writes: 'Ort undZeit seiner Geburt sind uns
unbekannt' (p. r). Our primary source for the life of Proclus is SocratesScholasticus,
H.E.YII.zB, 29, g5, 4o-g,45,48: G.C. Hansen (ed.),Sokrates GCS, N.n
lfrrchengeschirhte,
Bd. r (Berlin, rg95),376-8,384, 389-92,gg2-B,Zg4-5.For a modern reconstructionof
his life see especially EX. Bauer, Prokloston Konstantinopel. Ein Beitraglur l{achnr und
Dogmenguchhhte des 5.Jahrhundnt,Veroffentlichungen ausdem Kirchenhistorischen Sem-
inar Mtinchen 4, Reihe Nr. B (\4unich, rgrg; repr. Aalen, rgTo);G. Fritz, art.,'Proclus,
archev€quede Constantinople', Dictionnaire dr Th1ologiz Catholiquer3 (1936),662-7o; and
A. Solignac,art., 'Proclus (saint),6vdquede Constantinople', DirtionnairedeSpiitualitt tz
(r986),e374-Br.
" Homilies n and q were delivered at St Stephen's.
3 Contemporary sourcesknow nothing of Proclus'sconnection with Chrysostom
himself, which was put forward by medieval historians.
a SeeProclus,Homily rz (PG 65,788).
5 SeeSocrates,fLE VII.zB; Hansen (1995),376.26-7.
 IBO JAN H. BARKHUIZEN PROCLUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE IBI

local monk, Dalmatius, thus rejecting the jurisdiction of the capital died, Theodosius II, influenced by Pulcheria, ordered the appoint-
over them, and Proclus had to return to C,onstantinoplewhere he ment of Proclus as archbishop of Constantinople.'3In addition to
became an increasingly popular preacher.b being a popular preacher,Procluswas known as a moderate cham-
On the death of Sisinnius rn 427, a Syrian priest from Antioch, pion of orthodoxy and as a mediator in those difficult years of dog-
Nestorius, was preferred to Proclus, who was yet again a strong matic controversies involving Cyril of Alexandria and John of
candidate for the episcopal office. The minimizing of the figure of Antioch (433),ut well as the dangerousquarrel about Theodore of
the Virgin Mary in the theological thought of Nestorius, as well as Mopsuestia, which threatened the church of Armenia.'4 Another
his antipathy towards Pulcheria,T were two factors which were to major aspectof Proclus'scareer was the important part he played
lead to Proclus's confrontation with Nestorius.BFor not long after in the reconciliation of theJohnites with the official church when
Nestorius had opposed Pulcheria, he preached against the title the mortal remains of Chrysostom were brought back to the capital
'Theotokos' given to Mary,
preferring instead that of 'Christo- in the year 4gB.'5
tokos'.9 This confrontation became acute when Proclus was Proclus'spreaching activitieswere, as has been suggestedabove,
invited'o to preach in the Great Church (probably at the festival of basically confined to Constantinople, and especially the Great
Mury the eriayyel,lotrr6E, or Annunciation, on 25 March 42g, or Church, which usually housed a large and mixed congregation.We
according to some scholars,around the Christmas of 43o)," and are fortunate to be able to form some picture of this congregation
delivered a fervent encomium on the Virgrn Mary defending the from the life and works ofJohn Chrysostom during his episcopate
title 'Theotokos'. This became his most famous homily.'" Nesto- in the capital (398-4o4),and apart from theJohnites,who distanced
rius's immediate response,in the form of an attack on this title, was themselvesfrom the mainstream of Christianity,'bthe character of
of no avail, and the controversy quickly spread beyond the confines the congregation would not have changed very much twenty years
of the capital. It soon led to Nestorius'sdeposition at the third Ecu- after Chrysostom'sbanishment and death when Procluswas active
menical Council of Ephesusin 4gt, although Proclushad played no in the Great Church. The stresslaid in our sourceson Proclus's
active role in this whole controversy, having also been absent from popularity aspreacher,especiallyin comparison to Atticus's rhetor-
the Council of Ephesus.Proclus again became a strong candidate ical and linguistic incompetence, and the influence which his first
for the episcopal office and was again rejected when Maximianus homily exerted on subsequentecclesiasticaland theological events
was elected. However, three years later (4g4) when Maximianus in the capital, are both indicative of his eminence within the homi-
letic tradition of his times.
As to the chronology of Proclus's homilies, some dates can be
6 fixed with reasonablecertainty.'7Homilies 13 and 7 date from the
SeeSocrates, H.E. YII.zB; Hansen $gg5), 376.28-g77.g.
7 For his clashwith Pulcheria concerning her communion within the sanctuary of
episcopateof Cyzicus (+26-Z+).Homilies t and zg were delivered
the Great Church and his barrins her from ihe chancel screen.seethe studv of K.G.
Hofum, Theodosian Empresses: wimen and Impeial Dominionin Inte Antiquig (Berkeley,
during the episcopateof Nestorius between 4283r, as most proba-
rg8-z),r5z-5.
d Cf. Fritz (1936),
663: 'Nestorius a dff voir en Proclus un de ses principaux
adversaires, car dansle Liured'Hiraclide il reproche"ceux qui recherchaienti'episiopar ^^'3 The supportersof Nestoriusloudly called for his restoration.See Fritz (r936),
d'avoir troubld la concorde dontjouissait l'6glise de Constantinople,,,. c,b3.
s SeeSocrates,H.E.YIl.3z; Hansen (rggS),g8g-+. '4 For a
detailed discussionof the role Proclus played in the dogmatic quarrels of
'o Proclus was invited his time,seeBauer(r9r9),57-rr4.
either by the imperial court, or Nestorius himself, or more
probably by the clerusofthe city.SeeBauer (r9rg),27. '5 Socrates,
H.E.YIl.45; Hansen (tgg5), 3gz-3; cf, V Grumel, Izs Regestes desactes
" scholars are divided as to the precisedate. It has been fixed as either christmas dupatriarcatdeConstantinople r/r (Paris,znd ed. ry72),67, n. B4a.
'o TheJohnites
4zB (Leroy),Christmas43o (Caro),or z5 March 43r (Grillmeier). were, of course,reconciled with the official church in 438 owing to
'"._.Homily r, critically
^ edited by E. Schwartz, 'r9 Sermo Procli (= Oratio l', Acta the efforts in this connection of Proclus, when the relics of Chrysostom were brought
Conciliorum Oecumenicoruml, r, t, rog-7.Its Greek text is also found in the Acts'of the back to the capital.
Council of Ephesus.Cf J.D. Manst, Sacrorum conciliorumnouaetamplissima Studi e
collcctio
4(Paris, 'lesti See for this especiallyRJ. Leroy, L'homilitiquedeProclusde Constantinoplz,
rgot-z),577-BB. 247(Rome.1967),157-9;and Solignac(r986),2376-8.
IB2 JAN H. BARKHUIZEN
PROCLUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE I83

bly was Homily 3. Homily z should be dated to a time shortly after ily z6 on the Massacreof the Innocents, which De Aldama believes
4y and the condemnation of Nestorius. If Homily 4 depends on to have been delivered on the inauguration of an orphanage,24
Theodotus of Ancyra, it belongsto a period after 43t. Homily Iz is Homily z7 which deals with baptism and) as Olivar rightly points
a paschalhomily delivered at St Stephen of Constantinople. It con- out,2srepresentsajewel in the collection, while Homily 3z is a short
tains referencesto the mosaicsof the temple and was therefore de- exhortation to the newly baptized'b and Homily 36 takes as its
livered after 4zg, the date on which Pulcheria founded this church. theme the brevity of life.'?7His festal homilies'8 can be conveniently
This date holds true also for Homily 17on St Stephen, delivered in divided into groups covering (i) Christ's Nativity and Infancy,'?s(ii)
commemoration of the transfer of the relics of the saint to his Baptism and Transfiguration,3o (iii) his Passion and Resurrec-
Constantinople. tion,3' (iv)his Ascerlsion,32aswell ashomilies on (v)Pentecost,33 and
It is qlite obvious that the thirty-seven or more homilies which on (vi) apostles,34martyrs and saints.3s
suryive'ucannot represent the total output of Proclus, who had a Typical of Proclus, and very important for our study, is the fact
long career as preacher in Constantinople.There must have been that he often remarks on the festive occasion for which a particular
many in circulation and transmitted in the massof manuscriptsthat homily was written.36 Homilies 3, 5, 7, 9, ro, rr, and 14 are but a
have not come down to us. Marx pointed in the first instanceto the few from whose introductions3Twe can sather information on litur-
collection of homilies ascribed to Chrysostom or ps-Chrysostom
and suggestedthat in view of the long period during which Proclus
was preaching in Constantinople, it was likely that more texts "a DeAldama$964),242.
"5 Olivar (r99r), r53.
would come to be associatedwith his name.'9 This surmise has 20 SeeDe Aldama
$964), z4z.
since been proved correct) for while Marx mentions only thirty "7 The title of this homily is given erroneously as'consolatio ad aegrotum'. Al-
homilies, at least thirty-seven have now been identified and Leroy though the biblical text read concerns the episode relating to the fever of Peter's
mother-in-law, it deals mainly with the brevity of human life. Critical edition by S.Y
considersthat severalother works also belong to Proclus.20On the Rudberg, 'L'hom6lie pseudo-basilienne"consolatoria ad aegrotum"', Iz Musion 7z
other hand, Marx proved that a CorpusProclianum,which would (t959),3or-zz. SeealsoOlivar (rggr), r53 and note 3.
26 Of theseHomily zo onJohn Chrysostom is fragmentary while z5 and
have contained at least the main homilies and the Epistola ad 3o have
been transmitted only in Syriac. Homily 6 in its present form is not by Proclus.
Armenios,never existed.2' Although the fact that further homilies 2s Homilies 16, zz-4, and 26.
may still be identified limits the value of this investigation into 3o Homilies
7-B,andzB.
3' Homilies g-r5, 29,
Proclus's relationship with his audience, the existing corpus, I 32 Homily zr.
3r-3.
would argue, does contain valuable information on this subject. 33 Homily 16.
The majority of Proclus'sextant homilies are festaldiscourses(or 3a Homilies r7-g.
3s Homily
losheortdstico.r,
to use Olivar's terminology) ,'" antdtherefore fall into 34.
3b Cf Bauer irgrg). r34: 'Der lnhah dieser Predigrenis fast durchweg ein
the sub-genreof the thematic homily.'?3 A few exceptionsare Hom- _
dogmatischerund allgemein liturgischer.In letzterer Hinsicht ist indes mehreres noch
besondersbemerkenswert. So finden wir in or. III einen Festkalendar,wobei der

'B |edner zugleich die Idee der einzelnen Festekurz angibt. Ailem Anschein nach ftihrt
SeeJ.A. de Aldama, 'Investigacionesrecientessobre las homilias de San Proclo Proklos hier... nur die Hauptleste seiner Zeit an, da ei in den tibrigen Predigten eben
de Constantinopla', EstudiosEclesiasticos auch.noch andere Tage behandelt'. See also the important study of S. 'La
'9 More than thirty years, according 39 (t964), z4g. Janeras,
to B. Marx, Proclitma.Untersuchungen iiberden predicaci6 pasqual i baptismal de Procle de constantinopl e' , ReuisiacatalanadeTTologia
homiletischenNachlassdesPatiarchm ProklosuonKonstantinopel
(Miinster, ry4o), z-3. 5 (198tl),r3r-5r, in which he examinesthirteen homilies by Proclus,running from Palm
'o De Aldama (1964),243, lists Sunday to the eighth Sunday after Easter. He endeavoursto establisha relationship
36 homilies,while Olivar (r99r), r53, names 37.
Leroy believesthat at least two others printed in PG 5o, 7r5-zo and 63, 933-4, should betweeneachhomilyand the baptismalcatechism, nor only locatingeachhomily in its
also be attributed to Proclus. quy, lld even in its particular moment, but also extracting all the elementsrelating to
the different rites and ceremoniesof baotism.
"' Marx (tg+o),Z-+.
'?2 Olivar (rggr),5rr-r4, givesa useful classificationof the early homily. Cf. M. CL Bauer (rgr9).r36-7:'Das Exordiumnimmt unserLehrer gewohnlichvom
Sachot, s.z.'Homilie', Reallexi*onfirAnhlu und Christentum
16 (rggz), r55-7r. testag selber.Er hebt da die Idee des Festeshervoq oder weist aufdessen Verhhltnis
23 SeeOlivar (r99r),5rr. zu anderen Festenhin'.
 pRocLUSoF coNSTANTTNoeLE rB5
fi+ JAN H. BARKHUIZEN

gical context. Suffice it to refer the reader to the following exam- while Homily S (6S,7r6C) statesthat on the whole earth a eulogy
ples: firstly, at the beginning of Homily 3 (PG 65.7o4D-7o5C) is sung that day.
Proclus refers his audience to the existenceof many and diverse If we compare the festal homiiies with, for example,Homily z7
festivals in the liturgical calendar, focusing on the soothing effect of on baptism and Homily 36 on the brevity of human life, there
such festivities,for festivitiesespeciallyserveto turn a person'ssor- seemsto be no differencein rhetorical structure and style.39Homily
row or affiiction into joy, and one finds pleasure in festivity because z7 has, in the tradition of catechetical homilies, a more personal
it is like a mother of a carefree life. He then compares the Christian touch. But if we therefore follow Olivar's classification of the early
festivals with those of the pagans andJews, and refers to the Chris- homily, and divide Proclus's homilies into the catechetical,enco-
tian festivals as sources and treasures of salvation (nqyoi xai miastic, occasional,and festalgroups, their structure and styleseem
Oqoaugol oolrrlgtag). He concludes by describing the five major not to have been influenced by the fact that they belong to these
liturgical celebrations:the coming of God to humanity in Christ's different sub-genres,with the clear exception of Homily 36, the
Nativity, his Baptism, Passionand Resurrection, the Ascension and contents and tone of which differ strikingly from Proclus's other
Pentecost.Secondly,in Homily 5 (65, 7I68) Proclus compares the homilies.
various festivals for the Christian saints with the stars, calling the An important aspectof Proclus'spreaching is the rhetorical and
festivity of theVirgin Mary andTheotokos the greatest.In this con- ethical nature of his homilies.aoProclus, as has been indicated al-
nection it is interesting to note that Proclus was thinking along the ready, was well-educated and well-versed in Greek rhetoric, which
Iines of a chronological precedence of feasts,for example calling he succeededin putting at the service of his preaching. Plays on
the feast of trpiphany greater than that of the Nativity. He sets words, assonance,rhyme, antitheses,isocolon, apostrophes,and
forth his reasonsfor this in Homilies 7 $S,7SZB-C) and 28,38and alliterations abound, while his rhythmic, 'Asianic'4' style also re-
from both it is clear that this precedenceis related to God's dispen- veals a strong lyrical tendency.42Two further characteristics are the
sation (oixovoplcr),and not because one event is per segreater or brevity of Proclus'shomilies,a3and the tendency for short, rhythmic
lesserthan the other. Thirdly, Homily I4 (65, 7968-C) also begins sentences,often structured in patterns of parallelism.aaTheimpor-
in typical fashion with reference to the wonderful mysteries con- tance of this feature will be discussedbelow. Proclus also frequently
tained in the festival of Pascha,and the preacher reminds his audi- concludes his homilies with a citation from scripture.
ence that not only do they celebrate, but the heavenly powers all Comparing his style with that ofJohn Chrysostom, whose 'ser-
join in to celebrate the risen Christ, along with the earth and sea, mons would have presented few problems to the moderately edu-
and every man, including Adam. Finally, Homily I5 (65, BoaA-C) cated listener',4sM. Cunningham emphasizesProclus's use of a
provides us with vestigesof a s2mbolumrna paschal homily: high rhetorical style and questions whether his audience would
He saw in faith one coming insufferably from the bosom of the Father:
God, born from God ...
3s I havegone to the
the Holy Spirit worshipped with the Father and the Son; . trouble to print a private edition of his homilies basedon their
rhetorical structure, which facilitates such a comDarison.
and: 4o...Seeespecially Marx (r94o),5-8, Leroy(r967).r63-72,and A. de Mendieta,.Une
,
grecque inedite antinestorienne du V" sidclesur I'incarnation du Seigneur',
1o*.1:9
Behold him who has risen ... Reuue Binidictinr58 (r948), z54ft
and descendedinto Hades, a' See M.B. Cunningham, 'Preaching and the Community',
^. _ in R. Morris (ed.),
ChurchandPmplzin By<antium(Birminghani, rggo),
and ascendedto the heavens. 35.
42 For a more detailed inventory seeLeroy (1967),163-5.
a3 This could be due to the custom in Constantinople olusing multiple pre
Homily r4 (65, 7g7B), again, contains a reference to a baptismal hymn, achers
on the sameoccasion:seeLeroy (r967),r6z, but not netessarilyin the cise ofProclus
whose homilies are in general not too lons.
a4 Seede Mendieta
Qg4B),254ff.
38 L..oy a5 Cunningham (r99o),
$96), ry7. 34.
I86 JAN H. BARKHUIZEN
PROCLUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE I87

have understood his homilies.a6Olivar goes furtheq stressingthe audience,sincethe homiiist did not employ technical terms such as
fact that Proclus not only employed a highly sophisticated style, but rin6otaor,Eand $r1or,g.5'
that he used this tool to expound Christian doctrine clearly and The question is,however,whether a rhetoricallywell-constructed
eloquently to his congregation.aTIt is thus obvious that the inter- sermon implies at the same time less effectivenesswith regard to
relation between rhetoric and ethicsin the homilies of Proclusis an comprehension. On this problem one should take note of the sug-
important subject for investigation and may be formulated in the gestion of Ramsay MacMullen, who writes: 'Our first impression
following three questions:(i)Would the use of a highly rhetorical is that they (i.e. the audiences)were remarkably patient of rhetoric
style aid or hinder comprehension on the part of the audience? pitched at a high level of stylistic and exegeticalsophistication'.52
(ii) Do Proclus's homilies tend to be more high-flown when the That Chrysostom's audience- and the same would be true for
theological content is difficult? (iii) Does the ethical nature of the Proclus some twenty yearslater-included people from all walks of
homilies represent merely a rhetorical device, or does it, as Olivar life, can be deduced from his homilies, while as for Proclus, it would
believes,actually reflect the needs and problems of his congrega- seemreasonableto believe that his popularity as preacher was to a
tion? great extent determined by the style of his homilies. Cunningham
In answer to the first question, it is safe to agree that the writings neverthelesspoints out thatJohn Chrysostom's homiletic style 'is
'Golden straightforward and clear in comparison with that of some of his
of the Fathersof the fourth and fifth century representthe
Age of Patristics'48in part becausetheir works were highly rhetori- successors,such as Proclus of Constantinople'.53One wonders,
cal. One would assume,although it is indeed difficult to determine, however,whether the difference between thematic (as in the case
that the audiences,or at least the readers of thesewritings, would of Proclus)and exegeticalpreaching (asin the caseof Chrysostom),
have appreciated their rhetorical nature. Cunningham rightly namely elevation54versus straightforwardness, is not influencing
'if the object of sermons was to expound the scrip- modernappreciation of ancient homiletic styles.Schaublinss and de
points out that
tures and to exhort people to lead more Christian lives, it would Mendietas6have suggestedthat, whereas Proclus'srhetorical style
follow that they should be written in a style intended to be under- may not appeal to modern taste,it was employed not only to com-
stood .... It was essentialthat they (i.e.the homilists) should express municate theological teaching, but also to attractthe attention and
the truth clearly, simply and without too much circumlocution'.4e enjolmrent of the audience.It is obvious from thesestatementsthat
It is for this very reason that scholars in the first half of our century, the negative criticism directed at the hish-flown rhetorical style of
including Dupin, Bauer, Norden and Keppler, have criticized Proclus(andother homilistswho wrore in thismanner).wirh regard
Proclus severelyfor composing homilies that were music to the eaq to the fact whether such homilies would have been understood or
but ineffective in bringing people to lead more Christian lives.so not, is unfounded.
Even Amand de Mendieta, in his evaluation of an anti-Nestorian As to the relation between rhetoric, theology and compre-
homily which he attributes to Proclus, remarks that this particular hension, it is important to note that, in the words of Ramsay
homily was more popular in form and destined for a more general MacMullen, 'In Constantinople, as serious disputes arose among

ab Cunningham(r99o),
35. s'
a7 Olivar (r99r), r54. Cf. alsoBauer (I9r9), IrB: 'Das waren anschaulicheGedan- D e M e n d i e t a ( r 9 4 8 1 . 2 5 2n . t .
"urdien"ce
ken des Glaubens der Hl. Schrift, durch die der Prediger Proklos, ahnlich wie ll Th. p..uch..;,
53
(A.D. 35o-4oo)'
, JTS,"MS.4o (1989),
5o4.
Chrysostomos,am bestenseiner Gemeinde das ChristologischeGeheimnis darstellen Cunningham (tggo), g+.
5+ Sachot (r9gz), 16o, refers to the festal homily: 'die
konnte'. . sich besonders dem Inhalt u.
48 Seee.g.J.Quasten,Patrologtg(Utrecht,rg75),r-5,andCunningham(rggo),32-3. der Deutung der Festleier widmet u. zu ihrem Glanz beitraet'.
t: 'Zum
+s Cunningham (rggo),32. . paganen Umfeld der christlichen Predigt'. in E. Mrihlenberg J. van Oort
5o Seefor this criticism,Bauer (rgrg), r39fl (edd.). Prcdigt in dn Alten Kirclte (Kampen r9g4;. zB-9.
so De Mendieta (r948).254.
IBB JAN H. BARKHUIZEN PRocLUS oF coNSTANTTNoPLE r8g

the Christian leadership,bystandersbecame partisans at all levels the veritable swift cloud that carried in her body him who sits on the
cherubim;
of education and comprehension ...'57This certainly applied to
the purest fleecefull of heavenly rain
Proclus's preaching activities in Constantinople, as the theological whereby the shepherd clothed himself with the sheep;
and polemic nature of his homilies suggest.I would further argue handmaid and mother, maiden and heaven,
that ihe brevity of Proclus'shomilies and of his sentencestructure only bridge (for God) to mankind;
in general, along with his rhetorical sophistication, helped rather the awesomeloom of salvation on which the robe of the union was
than hindered comprehension. mysteriouslywoven;
The following examples put the matter in a clearer perspective' whose weaver was the Holy Spirit,
the workman the power that overshadowedfrom on high,
In lines 3I-45 of Homily 36 of Rudberg's edition, in which Proclus
the wool the ancient fleeceof Adam,
deals with ihe brevity and futility of human life and worldly the fabric the unsullied flesh of a virgin,
success,S8 he refers to the anxiety in the formative years of human the shuttle the immeasurable grace of him who wove it,
life, i.e. from infancy to adulthood. The child, at birth, falls to the and the craftsman the Word who entered through the ear.6o
ground, and the first sound it utters is not one of joy, but of pain,
The whole mystery of the Incarnation is unfoldedin metaphorical
and by this experience it has come to know that it has sunk beneath
language including an extensive weaving imagero' and in a style
a seaof anxieties, much crying, frustration and fear. Proclus unfolds
which could certainly be defined as high-flown.o2 Yet it would be
this picture for his audience in a style well-suited to conveying this
hard to imagine that contents of this nature would not have been
negitive experience of human life. There can be little doubt as to
understood and loved by the dogma-obsessed Christians in
the effect that this staccato type of style and patterns of sentences
Constantinople. And according to our sources, Proclus's homily
of equal lengh would have had on his audience. The rhythm of the
evoked tremendous applause from the congregation.63
pussug. as awhole suggeststhe agony, frustration and anxiety with
As to the question of ethical imperatives and their overall func-
life in general of humanity.
But what is the situation when Proclus turns to thoughts rich in tion within the framework of the homilies, it is clear that these re-
late intimately to the subject-matter of the individual works. For
theological content? Homily r offers an example typical of the theo-
Iogically orientated passagesin his homilies. In the opening para- example, in Homily r, which deals with the mystery of the Incarna-
tion, the imperatives are given from a theological point of view: the
graph of the homily he refers to the festival of the Virgrn Mury
(ncrg0evrxfinavrlyugr,g)which has summoned the congregation to congregation should not be ashamed of Christ's becoming man
and should forego all controversy directed against Mary as
celebration.5eHe then continues as follows:
Theotokos, and therefore not become disciples of Arius. In other
Shewho hasassembled ushereis the holy Mary; instances the imperatives are directed at the daily dedication of
the untarnishedvesselof virginity;
the spiritualparadiseof the secondAdam;
the workshopof the union of the natures;
6o
the market-place of the contract of salvation; M.Wiles-M.Santer(edd.),DocummtsinEarlltChristianThought(Cambridge,repr.
I^996),62. The rhetorical structure is my own arrangement, and I have also added (for
the bride-chamber where the Word took the flesh in marriage;
God) in the translation.
the living, human bush, which the fire of a divine childbirth did not b' See the
excellent analysisof this image by N.P Constas, 'Weaving the body of
consumei God: Proclus of Consranrinople,the Theotokos, and the loom of the fle\h', JournaloJ
Earl2ChristianStudies 3/z (r99!), r69-9a.
o2 This
is confirmed by Nestorius himself, who, in his reply to Homily r delivered
\ Proclus,stated that he would like to use a simpler style. Sie'E Loofs, Nestoiana.Diz
s7 MacMullen(r98g),5o8. Fraqmentc desNestoius(Halle, rgo5),337.
o3 Cf. the
58 For a more detailed analysis,seeJ.H. Barkhuizen,'Proclus of Constantinople, opening Iines of Nestorius'sreply: 'PlaususamatoresChristi populos his
homily 36 On tlu Breairyof HumanLife', ActaPatrbticaetBllantina 7 (1996),r-zo. conferre, qui pro beato Maria impendunt sermonisofficium, non estmirandum'; Loofs
5e Schwarrz (tgz7), rc3. u905),337.
r90 JAN H. BARKHUIZEN PROCLUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE I9I

Proclus's audience to the will of God' ordering them to take to As regards ethical imperatives in general, it is only fair to point
heart what is being taught by the prophets and apostles,thereby out that in Proclusthere are fewer than inJohn Chrysostom, whose
fleeing from evil thoughts, words and works (Homily zB).The ur- main output was in the form of the exegetical homily. It would
gency of such imperatives is often expressedby means of the verb seemthat at leastfor Proclus,the festal homily contains fewer ethi-
flxouoott or verbs such as iiyvote, 6po,0ete,6vor4octeor oi6crte, cal imperatives than does the exegeticalgenre.bb
relying on the audience's knowledge of Holy Scripture as well as The exegetical method or approach used in the festal homily,
their comprehensionof the contentsof the homilies. Such verbs are which falls into the category of the thematic genre, differsin some
usually followed by others in the adhortative subjunctive, and the respects from the one employed in the exegetical homily.bz In the
first verb is sometimes even repeated for dramatic effect. In this festal homily the preacher most often constructshis oration from
'the short, rhythmic
regard Cunningham rightly points out that the perspective of the specific festival which the congregation is
phrasesand repetition of words would also aid the listener,provid- celebrating. Scripture is then employed either by way of explaining
ing frequent pauses and a successionof familiar expressions'.64 selectedversesdealing with the biblical passagein question, or else
Homily zB provides us with an example of both techniques noted the homilist quotes from scripture such versesas seem to him to
above in one and the same context: support the festal theme he is dealing with. Thus in Homily 3, for
example, dealing with the Incarnation of the Lord, Proclus quotes
Brethren,you havealsoheardthe Lord callingus.
Let us then from thismomenton followhim zealously. only one biblical verse (Nahum r : r 5), apart from other biblical rem-
os iniscences(seebelow), while in Homily B on the Transfiguration he
Quickly,brethren,quickly(6gripopr,ev,d6el'Qoi,6qdpropev).
quotes and explains severalversesin the Gospelsdealing with this
Examples can also be found where Proclus urges his audience to episode. Proclus probably does not differ much from many other
participate spiritually in the specific feastwhich they are celebrating homilists in using uerbatimcitations, in his case quite extensively,o8
and for which his homily has been written. In Homily 9, for exam- while his homilies also contain many allusionsto biblical passages.
ple, which celebrates the festival of Palm Sunday, they are urged to To take Homily g again as example: it contains one uerbatimquo-
light the lamps of their faith, to prepare their hearts as spiritual tation (Nahum r:r5), which is exceptionally rare, and presentsus
housesfor the King to enter into, to take the palms in hand in order also with a typical allusion where a biblical formula as well as bibli-
to meet the Lord, and to sing his praise. Here again, at the closeof cal vocabulary are embedded in the statement: 6 6d {igrotog eig
his homily, the preacher's style matches the urgency of his call: 6ou)"oupoQOTv3x6vou (65, ToBA).Here we have two examples of
onerioore)
Quickly,quickly!(6qo,prete, the use of bibtical vocabulary (6 tiErorog6eand iz6vouTo),and one
Call out, together with every person, to him who raised Lazarus! example of a biblical formula: 6ot)"ou pogQrlv.TIProclusfrequently
One should especiallymention Homily 27, directed at the newly employs this type of biblical reference, where he embeds a biblical
baptized, and arguably the jewel in the collection. Here theology,
ethics and rhetoric are remarkably interrelated, and in that it is the ti6
Cf. Bauer (rgr9), 136: 'Moralische Reflexionen oder praktische Anwendurrgerr
most intimate of his homilies, the impression is clearly that of a sind bei Proklos-ganz im Gegensatz zu dem reichen ethischen Gehalt der Homilien
homily in which theology and ethics are presentedin a highly rhe- des Chrysostomoslsehr sparliih'. See also the Introduction ancl Wendy Mayer's chap-
ter in this volume.
torical style; nevertheless,the tone is that of a real pastor at work 67
Cunningham (r99o), 3r, points out that in Egeria's time the exegetical homilies
with his flock. Instruction in the catecheticalhomilies alsoprobably probably predominated.
constituted a priority of the preacher. 68
In a few instances the quotation is quite long: e.g. in Homily z we have two such
examples, Deut 4:g-r2 and,Zech 4:r-6, as well as Homily zB which includes quotations
trom Isaiah, David, the fourth evangelist and Paul.
6a Cunningham (rg9o), os
36. See alsode Mendieta (r948),254-7,for severalexamples See e.g. Mk 5:7, Lk r:32, 35, etc.
in Homily 35. 7o Phil s:r.
bs Leroy (1967),zor. ?' Phil z:T.Theword order is merely changed. Phl, z:7 has pogsqv 6ollou.
 192 TAN H. BARKHUIZEN PROCLUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE r93

formulaT' in his statements.In this regard Cunningham points out charactersof biblical personagesand their adversariesare fully de-
'perfectly
that the predominance of scriptural language was one veloped, if the majority of people in the congregation did not un-
suited for oral comprehension'.73Another form of scriptural usage derstandthem'.7b
typical of Patristic exegesisin general and of Proclus in particular As for the particular type of exegesis,it has become clear that
is the technique of taking a biblical text from its original context Proclus usesliteral, allegorical and typological interpretation. The
and assigningto it a new meaning, e.g. the use of Ezechiel ++:2-z fact that, like numerous other homilists, he employs different types
as pointing to the virgin birth of Christ.TaThiswould probably not of interpretation, and this very often in one and the same homily,
have confused the audience, since many of these Old Testament would suggestthat this did not affect the comprehension of audi-
texts were traditionally interpreted in a christological way. ences or leave them confused. It would also seem that Constan-
Proclus, in line with many other homilists, created imaginary tinople developed its own kind of exegetical formulation, as Bauer
dialogues between biblical characters or between himself and a pointed out with reference to the two rival homilies of Proclus and
biblical figure or heavenly/infernal power. The largest part of 1\estorlus./ /
Homily 35 is structured in the form of a fictitious dialogue between An important aspect of the early homily, and one that is linked
the homilist and various biblical characters: angels, cosmic ele- with its rhetorical structure and exegetical nature, is the presence
ments, Old and NewTestament figures;while in Homily z Proclus of polemic in the homilies. A reading of Proclus revealspolemical
quotes at length Zacharias4:r-6, and then explains the meaning of 'adversaries': (i)
writing regarding three groups of theJews, (ii) here-
this passagein an allegorical way by means of a dialogue between tics, and (iii) figures from the pagan past as well as the pagan reli-
the prophet and himself. Both Homilies 7 and zB contain long ficti- gion of his times. Homily 15 (65, Bo5A) is one fine example among
tious conversationsbetween John the Baptist and Jesus. Proclus a few in which all three groups (and the enemies of Christianity in
employs this technique of fictitious dialogue even between himself general)are the victims of the preacher's wrath:
and persons taken from contemporary or recent tirnes, especially
Let thereforethe pagansbe killed!
theJews. The use of the technique of fictitious dialogue, which im- Let theJewsbe destroyed!
bues his homilies with a dramatic structure, would suggestat least Let the Samaritans be ashamed!
a heightening of interest, but probably also one of comprehension Let the Manicheansbe dispersed!
on the part of the audience. The fact that such drarnatizations were Let hereticsbe destroyed,
popular and that they were often presentedin the form of question and all the enemiesof the immaculate, catholic and apostolic church!
and answeq would rather imply the preacher's aim to aid, rather Following are a few remarks on these groups of enemies:
than hinder, comprehension.T5Important for our study is the re-
mark of Cunningham in this regard: 'The dramatic nature of many (i)TheJews
of thesehomilies reinforces the idea that they were generally under- It is very often difficult to decide whether Proclus'sattack on the
stood.There would be little point in adding dialogues,in which the Jews, in which he often refers to them in the singular form (..S. ,i,
'Iou6sTe
in Homily r) is merely a rhetorical deviceTsor whether it
is directed atJews in the city or even perhaps presentin the church.
7' I use the term'formula'in 'phrase',
the sense of but several such phrases can be
seen as formulas because they are repeated from one homily to another. See for this 7o Cunningham(rg9o),36.
p r a c t i c e e s p e c i a l l yB a u e r ( r 9 r g ) , r r 6 , r r g - z o , r 2 3 , r 2 4 . 77 Bauer (rgtg), 'Die
33. He writes: Aehnlichkeit in den Ausdrticken und termini
73 Cunningham (r99o), aber dilrfte sich teils daraus erklaren, dass gerade in Konstantinopel die Formeln der
36.
74 See Homily r; Schwartz (tgz), rc7, and Homily z; PG 65, Antiochener und Alexandriner nicht strenge auseinandereehalten wurden'.
TooC-D.
75 For this dramatization or dramatic style in early Christian and Byzantine litera- 78 This is suggested not only by rhe remark of Lero!. s.2,.'Proclus'. New Cathotic
ture, see especially G. la Piana, Iz rappresentationi sacrenella letteraturabi<antina dalle origini Engrclopediar r 1rq6);, Bz4, that Proclus, in his sermons, 'attacked the beliefs and morals
al sec.ir (Grottaferrata, tgtz), 6z-117; Cunningham (tggo), gS, with n. z7; and de of theJews in classical fashion', but also by the fact that the formula'OJew'occurs
Mendieta (r948), z58fl olten in homiletic passages directed against them.
r94 TAN H. BARKHUIZEN
PROCLUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE r95

If, for instance,we take Homily I as example, the use of 6'IouSaie rhetorical argument if such casesdid not exist at all. Proclus also
is much on the same rhetorical level as dr avOgronein the same often polemizes against theJews in an indirect manner) i.e. by re-
homily. Yet, on the other hand, the imperative at the close of the ferring the congregation to aspectsof their views and customs in a
same homily, namely l,el,uo0al l.or.novd,vtil,oylo, lt6.oa) with refer- derogatory way.u'But Homily 14 seesProclus also in a more evan-
ence to the virgin birth and the fact that Mary should be called gelizing mood against the Jews, although he still calls them
@eot6xoE,suggeststhat there was still much debate going on be- 0eopcrlor.In the final paragraph he urgesthem to forsaketheirJew-
tweenJews and orthodox Christians concerning this delicate mat- ish religious practices and celebrate with the Christians the new life
ter. This very same topic is also evident elsewhere in his homilies, in Christ. Such an attitude would only make senseif we assume
for example in Homily z (65, 6968): that Proclus was addressingJewswho were present in the church.
Let theJews stand ashamed,T9 (ii) The Heretics
who tear the virgin birth asunder, stating:
'If
a virgin gave birth, If we turn again to Homily r, in which the expression6'Iou6ale
she could not have remained a virgin'. seemsto be used on the samerhetorical level as 6 crv0gtrrtls,the use
of drMclvr.lcr1ein the same context, this time polemizing against the
It is precisely this same homily which gives us another important heretics,would also appear to be a mere rhetorical device.This is
clue to the possibility that polemic could in certain instancesrepre- confirmed by Homily z, in which Proclus usesthe same formulation
sent more than mere rhetoric. For Proclus continues his polemic for heretics as the one used to attack theJews, as quoted above. In
against theJews by referring to the possiblepresencein the church Homilv z he attacksArius. Eunomius. Macedonius and Nestorius
of a member of theJewish community, and to how he is just wait- using the same verb82as later in the homily for attacking theJews:
ing for the conclusion of the service to attack Christians on their 'Let Arius, and Eunomius, Macedonius and Nestorius stand
christologicalviews (65, 697C): ashamed!'and he continuesby referring to them in severalderoga-
Of coursethereis aJewishpersonpresenthere, tory images. And if we add to this the warnings directed to his au-
yes,a fox fromJudeasecretlystalkingin the vineyardof Christ, dience not to follow the ways of heretics such as Arius,b: we could
and after the congregation has been sent home, seethis as a rhetorical device meant to instruct his audience and
he will stand outside and mock our words, saying as follows:
'!\4ry turn them against any heretical point of view. On the other hand,
do you, Christians, come up with theseinnovations,
and do you boast ofmatters that cannot be proved?
the remarks of Gregory of Nyssa to the effect that the people of
Did God ever appear on earth? Constantinople were passionately devoted to theological discus-
Neveq exceptin the time of Moses'. sion,84and Proclus's reference to Nestorius, who was at this time
bishop of the capital, would again point to the conclusion that not
From this it is clear that Proclus at least suspected (although eix6E
everything was mere rhetoric, but that Proclus, especially in the
speaks for itself) that the service was sometimes attended byJews
Great Church in Constantinople,was faced with personsfrom vari-
with a definite view to attacking the church's viewpoint. The prac-
ous theological viewpoints, interalios the supporters of Nestorius,Bs
tice of discussing the homily after the service is attested by
and that he must have been aware of this situation.
Thiimmel from other sources8oand it would seem rather a weak

8'
Se. e.g.Homily 3 fG 65,7o58),Homily 4 (PG 65, 7r3B),and Homily r r (PG 65,
7e Marx (r94o), 6-7, considers the use of this, as well as Proclus's general
attitude zBsD).
towards theJews, as quite contrary to the general impression ofProclus as a mild concil-
62 SeealsoJohn Chrysostom, HomifuonthefourdEt(dead)Lo<arus,PG 48, 784: 'Let
iator in matters of a dogmatic nature. But it should be remembered that this w.as a the heretics stand ashamed.and let them be destrovedfrom the face ofthe earth!'
83 SeeHomily r (Schwartz,ro6): 'Do not becomea discipleof Arius!'
belo-ved t0p0sarnongst Christian authors, however 'mild' their nature may have been.
do G. Thi.immel, 'Materialen zum liturgischen Ort o+ De deitaturtliietspirihusancti(ePG
der Predig in derAlten Kirche', 3r9z); PG 46, 557.
us SeeBauer (r9rg),
in Mtihlenberg van Oort (tgg4), ez. 38.
r96 PROCLUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE r97
JAN H. BARKHUIZEN

(iii)The Pagans also shepherds,emperors, governors or magistrates,senatorsand

Following another toposinGreekhomilies,Bothe attack on impor- lay'rnen. It would be absurd to believe that this represents merely a
tant figures from the pagan past in the form of clever play on rhetorical device.I believe that Proclus in fact calls those groups of
words, should probably be seenas a rhetorical device to denigrate people to join in the celebration of Christ's Nativity whom he
pagan religion8Tand reveal the superiority of Christianity, and thus would normally have before him, or at least some of these groups
to warn his audience against pagan customs and philosophies in of people. And Homily I confirms the presenceof women in partic-
general as being harmful to their souls.This latter purpose is cer- ular. In this homily the congregation celebrates the ncrg0evr.xil
tainly behind Proclus's general rejection of the practices of the pa- fiovliyuerg, a festival that caters especially for women, and Proclus
gans (o[ "E],],qveE),such as their pagan festivities.B8 points out how by this present festival women are indeed honoured
and virgins glorified. Of course, a very specific group is indicated
in Homily zJ-the catechumens dealing with the initiation into
Conclusions baptism, while Homily rz (65, TBBB-C)contains a very personal
reference to the Empress Pulcheria, who most probably was also
Looking at the relation between preacher and audience, the ques- present on this occasion. In Homily 5 Proclus is probably reflect-
tion concerning the composition of the audience and how they re- ing the situation of his own times by referring to the effect of
acted to the sermons is of paramount importance. Are there any God becoming man and being with his people: one of these ef-
indications in Proclus concerning this matter? I would like to begin fects is that churches are being filled with people (xcrl Bzxl.qolar,
with Ramsay MacMullen's general impressions on this subject. orevoloqotvrcn), and the opening lines of Homily I indeed offer us
Looking at the congregation in a big ciry as e.g. Constantinople in a vivid picture of this fact, pointing at the same time to Proclus's
the time ofJohn Chrysostom or Proclus, he remarks: popularity as preacher:
It was a selectionthat came to worship .... Furthermore, it was the same Well-lovedassembly!
socio-economicstrata that supplied the attendancebeforeJohn and his Behold,earthand seaaretheVirgin'sescorts:
like ... they have before them the city's leadership,the upper ranks, ac- the seaspreadsout her wavesin calmbeneaththe ships;
companied by their slaves....While women would be present,either the earthconductsthe stepsof travellerson their way unhindered.eo
they would be much fewer than men, or were not ordinarily to be ad-
Homily z also gives us a glimpse of the relation between preaching
dresseddirectly. More respectableartisans... might be expectedanrorrg
thosepresent;smaller landowners,likewise.Perhapsalso a sprinkling of and listening. Proclus opens the paragraph (6S, 6gZC) by saying:
the pious poor .... Overall, however,it was a distinctly upper-classaudi- But I seethat you arepressedfor time (otevoltogoup6voug),
ence, enriched or impoverished .... Obviously a speakerwould have to and that it would be betterto put an end to my discoursehere
take account ofthe background and experienceofhis listenersand may (xoTeuvcoc,r,tov )t6yov).
be heard modifying his language and thought to their capacities.se
Proclus, howeveq referring toJesus'ssaying in Matthew I I : I2, urges
Indications in Proclus seem to confirm this general point of view. them to hear him out:
In Homily 4, dealing with the Nativity of Christ, he addresses vari-
ous members from the general community of fifth-century Con- But seeingthat you are eagerpersons(Blcoto[.),
and that the kingdombelongsto them that showforth eagerness
stantinople: women, virgins, mothers, daughters, fathers, children;
(t6v Bro,topevov),I shalladd to what hasbeensaid.

86
For a good example seeps-Epiphanius, InfestoPalmarum,PG4g,428ff.
87 eo Wiles-Santer (1996),6r. Cf alsoBauer'sremark (IgIg), z7: 'Es mussein grosser
In Homily r5 he refers to this as'El,)"{vtrrvntr<ivqv.
88
Seee.g.Homily 3 (PG 65, 7o5B). Festtag gewesen sein in der Bosporosstadt.Von iiberallher kamen die Glaubigen
89 zusammen'.
MacMullen (r989),5ro.
 I9B JAN H. BARKHUIZEN PROCLUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE I99

This statement clearly shows what we also find in the homilies of time to the practice of delivery on the same occasiontogether with
Chrysostom: a lively relationship between preacher and audience. the homilies of other preachers.s4
Whether the audience was pressedfor time or not, is not the issue.
What is important is the fact that the preacher was aware of his
audience'sreaction and feelings.As to the question whether they Bibliograplg
listened in such a manner that they also receivedtrue instruction,9'
this remains difficult to answer, yet the fact that Proclus often uses Pnmar2 Sources
verbs relating to this problem in addressingthem, suggeststhat his
discourseswere not entirely fruitless.Thus in Homily zB he says: Proclus,Homilfus,PG65, 68o-85o;PG 59, ti8r-B; PG Zr, r7r3-2r;PG 62,
727-30.
Brethren, you have come to know examples such as these, Studi eTesti 247
Leroy, EJ. @d.), L'homilitiquede Proclusde Constantinopla,
you have learned how we ought to live,
(VaticanCiry r967).
you have heard howwe are destined to bejudged,
you took notice of the storehouses into which they enter who are doing
Socrates,HistoriaEcclesiasticaYIl.z9-g,35,4o-3,+5, +B; Hansen, G.C. (ed.),
gooo, SokratesKrchengeschichfa, GCS, N.E r (Berlin, 1995), 976-8,384, 3$g-gz,
you know how they who sin without repenting are destined to be con- 392-3,39+-5.
sumed by fire.9"

And proceeding from the assumption that they have listened to his Secondary
Sources
instruction, he calls upon them to repent and enter a way of life
free from sin. In this respectone should reject Bauer's outright de- 'Proclus of Constantinople Homifu1: a perspective on his
Barkhuizen,J.H.,
nial that Proclus could induce his audience to live a Christian life christology', The PatristicandBltzant'ineReuiew13/r-g (tgg+), 4g-q.
on account of the 'excessively'rhetorical nature of his homilies.g3 Bauer, F.X., ProklosuonKonstantinopel. Ein Beitragzur Kirchen-und Dogmen-
I hope that this study, along with others in this volume, will change geschichtedes 5 Jahrhunderts,Yeroffentlichungen aus dem Kirchenhisto-
the concept that homilies composed in a high-flown sLylewere per rishen Seminar Miinchen 4, Reihe B (Munich, IgIg; repr. Aalen, r97o).
seineffective in influencing the lives of their audiences. Constas,N.P, 'Weaving the body of God: Proclus of Constantinople, the
A final aspectthat needsto be addressedis the question whether Theotokos, and the loom of the flesh', Journal of E*U ChristianSndfus
the homilies of Proclus were actually preached or representedited 3/z (tgg5), fig-g+.
readings.There can be no doubt that they represent examples of De Aldama,J.A., 'Investagiones recientes sobre las homilias de San Proclo
polished products from the hand of a man who had mastered the de Constantinopla', EstudiosEclesidsticos gg (rg6+), %g-++.
art of rhetoric. This would seemto point to careful editing but we Ensslin,W., art., 'Proklos, 3) Bischof von Konstantinopel 434-446',Der
learn enough from our sourcesthat Proclus'shomilies were actually NeuePaufu45 (Stuttgart-Weimaq rg97), r83-6.
preached.We are of course not so fortunate in the caseof Proclus Fritz, G., art., 'Proclus, arch6v6que de Constantinople', Dictionnairede
as we are with Chrysostom: of the latter we do have homilies in an ThdologieCatholique 13 (1936),662-7o.
'La
editedversion sideby sidewith homilies in an unedited format. The Janeras, S., predicaci6 pascual i baptismal de Procle de Constan-
fact that some of Proclus'shomilies are very brief also suggeststhat tinople', ReuistaCatalanadeTiologia5 (rg8o), r3r-5r.
Marx,8., Procliana.(Jntersuchungmilber desPatriarchen
denhomiletischenJllachlass
they represent the original format of delivery pointing at the same
ProklosaonKonstantinopel (Mi:nster, rg4o).

e' For the instructivenature ofcatecheticalhomilies,seeSachot(r992),

r6z, and
sa SeeMarx ($4o),7',Leroy (1967),r6z. When priestsand bishopspreachedin the
Janeras(r98o),r4r.
e2 Leroy same service,the bishop would deliver his sermon last. SeeJ. Longdre, I'apridicolizn
$967), zo3.
e3 Bauer(r9rg),r39. midiiaal.e
(Paris,r9B3),3o.
2OO
JAN H. BARKHUTZEN

Solignac,A., art., 'Proclus (saint),6v€que de constantinople', Dictionnaire

deSpiitualiti rz (1986),2374-Br.

THE SIXTH-CENTURYGREEKHOMILY
A RE-ASSESSMENT

Pauline Allen

Introduction

Unlike most of the other contributions in this volume, this chapter

deals not with individual preachers and audiencesbut is rather an
attempt to explore developments in the homiletic .qenre in the
Greek-speakingworld during the sixth century,and toleduce what
these might tell us about preachers and audiences at the time. My
reason for_thisapproach is that in the sixth century in general we
seea transformation, whether partial or complete,on various levels,
be it in imperial politics, in historiography, ait und architecture, the
liturgical calendar or doctrinal debate. If in the transformation of
antique culture the sixth century is indeed pivotal, it will be worth-
while trying to come to terms with the extent of the change in the
homiletic genre in this period, and to assessthe implicatiois of this
change for homilists and audiences.
A further and even more important reason for dealing with the
sixth century as a whole is that some influential scholarl"yopinion
would have us believethat the homilywas nearing extinction at this
tim^e,whether as a genre or as a local pheno-.rrorr. Thus Robert
Taft claims that by the sixth century ,the golden age had
passed...andpreaching entereda period of decline',,andfhomas
E Mathews statesthat 'by this time the custom of preaching had
fallen somewhat into disusein constantinople'.' In this chaiter I
shall be suggestingthe contrary, namely thai the homily -urhorrr_
tshtng rn as much of the Byzantine empire as we have evidencefor.

oxfordDictionar2of Blt4ntium 3, rBBr, s.a.'sermon'. See the doubts raised about

M. Cunningham.'The sixrhcenrury:a lurning-pointfor Byzantine
l-ntt131-51, \
homiletics?- in P Af len E. Jeffreys(edd.1,ThcSirth century EndolEeginning?.Byzanrina
Australiensiaro (Brisbane,'rg9Oj, t)0.
" , TheEarfi churches of constaninople:
ArchitectureandLiturgt (University park-London,
tg7), ryo.
 202 PAULINE ALLEN THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMTLY 2O3

The fact that the sixth-century Greek homily has scarcelybeen (archivist) Constantine, who appears to have lived be-
chartoplrylax
subjected to study3 is explained in large measure by the difficulties tween 55o and 65o.sAll of these names present us with a difficulty.
inherent in the topic. I am not suggestingthat the sixth century is While the majority of scholarly opinion supports the attribution of
alone in presenting obstacles;indeed, we still await comprehensive Leontius to Constantinople, there is some dissent.bThe fourteen
treatments of the homily in the fifth and seventhcenturies. In the homilies which can be attributed to Leontius with certainty are all
sixth-century material not only do we encounter the inevitablehaz- delivered on liturgical feasts-in itself a useful body of evidencefor
ards of fragmentary remains,uncertaintiesof dating,apoor editions the development of the church year in the sixth century. From the
or ineditaand huge questions of authenticity, but we are faced with manuscript tradition it is clear that a corpus of Leontius's homilies
the transmissionof Greek homilies in other languages,principally circulated in Constantinople. In the case of Eutychius, we have
Syriac and Coptic. Furthermore, the work of some homilists sur- only a fragment of one homily, De eucharistia(CPc6ggg).7Constan-
vives only in a single homily, and, conversely,where we have larger tine's homiletic output is representedsolely by his extensiveenco-
collectionsthere is often avariation in styleand subject-mattereven mium on all the martyrs (CPG 7+%), which may have been deliv-
in the one homilist. In addition, the disproportionate evidence of ered verbally.
three corpora.those of Severus of Antioch with over one hundred In Cappadocia we have only one homilist, the Chalcedonian
and twenty-fivehomilies,Leontius of Constantinoplewith fourteen, Bishop Leontius of Arabissus,who is representedby a singlehomily
and Symeon Styliteswith thirry calls for some caution, as does the on Lazarus, the late sixth-century dating of which is likely rather
question of the extent to which the kontakia of Romanos the than certain.s Similarly in Ephesus we have only the homilist
Melode, which are basedon homiletic themes,should be taken into Abramius, known from his homilies on the Annunciation (CPG
account. Perhaps, however, it is above all the variety of the loca-
73Bo)and the Presentation (CPG TgBt),which seem to have been
tions from which sixth-century Greek homiletic evidence comes preached before monks. The first homily establishesAbramius's
which bedevilsan accurateassessment of the homilist and the audi- date in that it contains a reference against Origenist doctrine and
ence. makes it clear that the feast of the Annunciation has only recently
To begin, a survey of the disparate evidence is essential.This will come to be celebratedon z5 March, rather than just before Christ-
be followed by an examination of the material under the headings mas.eThis homily has therefore the distinction of being the first
subject-matter, style, exegetical method, popular spiritualiry and
information concerning the composition and reactionsof the audi-
ences.While the kontakia of Romanos will not be included as an s SeeD. Stiernon, Enqclnpedin 0f theEar[t Churchr (Cambridge, r99z), rg3; V Keil,
integral part of the treatment, they will be referred to where they fuellensammlungaur RekginnspolitikKonstantinsdts C-rwsm,Texte zur Forschungen 54
(Da-rmstadt,rg8g); P Allen, inA. DiBerardino (ed.),PahologinY(Genoa,forthcoming).
offer illuminating parallels. b Theargnmentproisfoundinthe editionofC.Datema-P Allen,IzoniiPresfutteri
CorctantinopohtaniHomiliaz,CCSG r7 (Turnhout-Leuven, r9B7),and in their translation,
IzontiusPresbyter FourtemHomilbs,Byzantina Australiensia 9 (Brisbane,
of Constantinople.
tggt). Cf. the concurring reviewsof B.E. Daley,Jfg iVS. 4r (rggo),715-9,and M.B.
Surueyof euidence Cunningham, Hefihrop Journal 3z/r (rggr), r4o-z and Jalzrbuchder 1sterreirhischen
Bl4ntinbtik 43 (1993), 4o8-ro. Contra in K.-H. Uthemann; see e.g. 'Image aersus
christology: thoughts on theJustinianic era asthreshold ofan epoch', in Allen Jeffreys
If we take Constantinople as the first locus of homiletic activiry
(1996),zr9, n.9r.
three names detain us: those of the presbyter Leontius, the patri- 7 SeeP Allen,'Reconstructingpre-paschal liturgies in Constantinople: somesixth-
arch Eutychius (A.D. 552-65; 577-82), and the deacon and century homiletic evidence', in A. Schoors-P Van Deun (edd.),Philohtst1r. Miscellanea
in HonoremCaroliLqa Septuagmarii, Orientalia LovaniensiaAnalecta 6o (Leuven, lgg4),
zr7-zB.
B SeeK.-H. IJthemann, 'Die Lazarus-Predigt des Leontius von Arabissos(BHG
3 The sole treatment is Olivar
Qggr), ryz-2o4. zzrgu).Einleitung,Edition und Ubersetzung',B)< Sg (rg8g),2gt-253.
+ The problems of dating are reflected in the hesitanciesin the reference
works. e See M. Tixtesgrecsidits et traduitsat ktin, PO t6
such as Beck (1959)and CPG. Jugie, Homilies maialzs b1t<antines.
'Ein neuer Prediger des kirchlichen
$gzz), 442-7 and, 448-54; O. Bardenhewer,
 2o4 PAULINE ALLEN THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 205

surviving piece on the feast. Younger (CPG 726),whose pillar stood outsidethe city of Antioch,
To the south-east,in Antioch on the Orontes, we find homiletic seem to have been redacted by another hand.'3 Nonetheless,if we
activity flourishing in the surviving works of Patriarchs Severus try to penetrate their tortuous and obscure style and collate details
(5r z- r B), Ephrem (Sz6-++),Anastasius(SSB-7o; 593-9) and Gregory in the homilies with those in his biography, we discern topics re-
67o-gg), and in the homilies of the charismatic Stylite, Symeon the lated to pastoral or practical theology on which the Stylite was con-
Younger. Severus'sone hundred and twenty-five CathedralHomilies sultedby the Christians and non-Christians who visited his pillar in
(CPG 7%b),preached on various liturgical and martyrial feastsand searchof spiritual counsel.
surviving almost totally in Syriac translations, are in themselves Sixth-century Greek Palestinian homiletics are represented by
proof that the homiletic genre in the sixth century was far from the Homily on the Nativity (CPG 7o7r)by Patriarch Peter (524-52),
being in decline.'oThree further homilies are attributed to him in which survives in a Georgian translation. It is likely that
the CPG, number 7o36 deliveredafter his consecrationaspatriarch Theotecnus, bishop of Livias, is also to be dated to this century;
in 5rz and surviving in Syriac, a Syriac fragment of his homily on from him we have an encomium on the Assumption of the
the Ascension (CPG 7%), and a Coptic homily on the Virgin Mury Theotokos (CPG 7+rB).'4The most difficult challenge,howeveq is
(CPG 7o3B).Thelast is in fact a fragment of his HomilyXIV on the to situate and date the so-calledTimothy ofJerusalem, who is per-
Theotokos, Ever-Virgin. A significantnumber of Severus'shomilies haps to be assignedrather to Antioch, and to delineate his homi-
classedas either spuriaor dubia strll await attention. Althoush in the letic corpus (CPG 74o5-rc),which shows stylistic affinities with the
tenth century Photios had accessto at leasteight of Ephr.-', ho-- works of Leontius of Constantinople and Gregory of Antioch.'5
ilies, today we have only one small fragment from his homily on The surviving remains from Alexandria cannot be taken as indic-
Hebrews 4: r5 (CPG 69o5).With the surviving homilies of Patriarch ative of homiletic activity in that city in the sixth century. The pau-
Anastasiuswe are more fortunate, although two are unedited (CPG city of the fragments we have of homilies of PatriarchTimothy IV
695o and 6g5t), and the five De orthodoxafde(CPG 6944)" are aI- (St B-3S),PatriarchTheodosius(535-66),and Patriarch Damian (578-
most certainly desk-homilies, that is, dogmatic treatisei written irt 6o4)'6 is no doubt to be attributed to the dogmatic conflict over
homiletic form that were not delivered before an audience in a li-
turgical context. From Gregory of Antioch, who we may suspect
Homilien desGregoriusvon Antiochia und des Gregorius Thaumaturgus', '(eitschriftfir
was a popular and prolific homilist, we have five surviving homilies, katholischeTheologite5 'Une hom6lie de Gr6goire d'Antioche
(r9oI), 368-9;M. Aubineau,
one of which comes down to us only in a Georgian translation (57o-g3),retrouv€e dans le Vaticanus gr. 1975',B2a 4z (tg7z),595-7. Cf. P Allen in Di
Berardino (forthcoming).
(CPG TZgo)." The thirty ascetical homilies of Symeon Sty'ites the '3 Ed. A. Mai, NouaPatrumBibliotheca 8,3 (Rome, rBTr),r3-156(Hom. 5-3o);P Van
den Ven, 'Les €crits de s. S1'rn6onle Stylite leJeune avec trois sermons in6dits', lz
MusionTo(t9S7),33-S5(Hom. r-4).
Altertums', .?itschiftrtir katholische
Theotogiz .Celebra- '4 Ed. A. Wenger, IlAssomptionfu la tris sainteViergedansla traditionb2<antinedu VIeau
57 (1933),426-38; R.A. Fletcher,
tions_atJerusalem on March z5th in the si"th ce"i".yA.D.;, sndia patristica5$g6z), go- (Paris, rg55),z7z-gt. On the date seeBeck (I95g),4oo and Cunningham (1996),
Xe si.icle
4; Olivar (r99r), r75-6; P Allen, in Di Berardino (forthcoming) r77.
'o See the
treatment of A. Olivar, 'Sever d'Antioq.,iu etr la histdria de la '5 SeeB. Capelle, 'Les homdliesliturgiques du pr6tendu Timoth6e deJ6rusalem',
predicaci6', RcuistaCanlanadeTiol.ogia 5 $g9o), 4o3-42;again itr Olivar (r99r), rBo-zor; Ephemeides Liturgicaz63 (tg+g), 5-26; cl Beck (1959), 4oo; Olivar (r99I), I79; and
A. Grillmeier with r Hainthaler, christ in chiistian Traditionz/2,'fhe"church of Cunningham (1996),r77.The list of homilies in Greek to be assignedto Timothy which
in thesixth cmtury,F,ng.trans. byJ. cawte p Allen (London-Louisvillg
c_onstantinople appearsin the bibliography below was compiled by MmeJ. Kecskem6ti.
Kentucky, ry95), ng-47 (sectionby H.-J Hr;hn). 'b For the fragmentary homiletic remains of Timothy IV see CPG
7o9o-6; for
.__" Ed. S.N. Sakkos,Avooraolou o,"Awlo1elcg dnavro ra oorl6peva yvrlolc dqla
/Thessalonil<e,
Theodosius's,CPG 7r3o-z(Greek);7r5o-3(Coptic);7tS+-B(Arabic);the two surviving
ry761.r7-78. homiletic frasments ofDamian are from the ,Surmo (not in CPG), delivered
incathedrationzi
" CPG 7388, inventorised as Oratioad exercitum,Ihave arsued elsewhereis the in 578 (see R.y nfi.d-e. Van Roey-L.R. Wickham, Petri CallinicmsisPatrinrchae
lomposition not of Gregory but of his historian, Evagrius Schollasticus.See p Allen, AntiocheniTractatuscontraDamianumII. Libi tertii capita1-X1X, CCSG 3z ffurnhout-
Euagriusscholasicusthe churchHistorinn,Spicilegium Sicrum Lovaniense (Leuvc', Leuven, ryg6], passim)and from tii'e Homilia in natiuitatemChristi (not in CPG), ed. in
4r
tg8r), 254-5.CPG 7389,the so-calledllamilia deprotomartlre Stephano,seemsto be rather W.E. Crum, TheologiralTixtsfrom CopticPapli,Anecdota Oxoniensia (Oxford, I9r3), zr-
a letter despatchedto churches. On Gregory as homilist sei S. Haidacher, ,Zu den J.1.
 THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 2O7
206 PAULINE ALLEN

Chalcedon which causedleaders like the influential Monophysite translations will often inhibit a close stylistic and rhetorical analysis,
Theodosius to live in exile, and militated against the survival of while rendering mostly impossible the already difficult decision of
their works. From the Chalcedonian Patriarch Eulogius (58o-6o8), whether a homily was in fact delivered before a live audience. In
too, we have no complete surviving homily. what follows I shall remain as far as possible on firmer ground by
Clprus, Euphratesia and Persia are each represented by one approaching the relationship between preacher and audience in the
sixth-century homilist, if the dating is to be trusted. Among the lit- sixih centur on the basis of the headings already announced'
erary remains of Alexander of Clprus, who appears to have been
a monk in the monastery close to the sanctuary of St Barnabas in
Salaminia or Constantina, we find a homily on the cross (CPG Subject-matter
73gB),alater epitome of this work (CPG 73gg),and an encomium
on the Apostle Barnabas (CPG 7+oo).Alexander probably dates The wide-ranging subject-matter is striking in the homilies which
from the second half of the sixth century, and had as one of his have come down to us from the sixth century. Following on from
aims the authentication of the ecclesiasticalindependence of Cy- the developments in the fifth century, notable in homilists like
prus.ITThe virulence of the Agnoetic debate in the sixth century Proclus of constantinople, marian homilies are popular. The in-
was responsible for the preservation of a large fragment of what creasingly important roie which was being assigned to the Virgin
appears to be a homily by Stephen, bishop of Hierapolis, against Mary cin be seen already in the treatment which she is accorded
the Agnoetai (CPG 7oo5).'8Similarly, dogmatic debate,in this case by Severusof Antioch in two homilies delivered on the feast of the
againstthe Manichees,may have been responsiblefor the transmis- presentation (XIV and IXV[), which are dedicated to her under
sion of a fragment of a homily onJudgement by Paul the Persian her titles Mother of God and Ever-Virgin, and in Homily XXXVI,
(CPG 7or4),who otherwisewas an active debaterwith the followers preached
-God, on the feast of the Nativity in 5r3. Here_the Mother of
of Manes.'9 as in Romanos the Melode, is a self-assuredfigure to whom
From this overview some impressions may be gained of the has been assignedthe mediator's role between humanity and her
breadth and complexity of the issuesinvolved in approaching the divine Son.roIn particular to be noted are the homilies on the two
topic of the homilist and the audience in the skth century. The ex- new marian feasiswhich were introduced into the church calendar
act dating and to a lesserextent the geographical location of the during this period: the Annunciation and the Assumption
homilists, can be problematical, and this in turn has implications (Dormition) ol Mary. From Abramius of Ephesus,who tells us that
for not only the nature and continuity of the audience,but also for the feast was still not celebrated in Palestine or in Arabia, we have
the location and architecture of the church in which the homilies one homily on the Annunciation (CPG 73Bo),and from Anastasius
were delivered, as well as for their litursical context. The fact that of Antioch we have two (CPG 6948 and 6g+g).The fact that both
a substantial number of sixth-centurihomilies survives onlv in these homilists justify the calculation of the date of the feast indi-
cates its recent introduction. For the feast of the Assumption we
'/ have homilies by Theodosius of Alexandria (CPG 7153) and
For the texts see PG 87 (3), 4ot6-76 (again in PC. Pennachini, Discorsostonco
dell'inam<ione
Theotecnus of Livias (CPG 7+fi),the latter being the first to speak
dtlla CrocedelmonacoAlessandro [Grottaferrata, r9r3]; PG 87 13), 4o77-BB;p.
Van Deun, CCSG z6 (Turnhout-Leuven,rgg3),respectively. Seethe tatte. at i6-2, on of the assumptionof the Mother of God into heaven." With regard
the reasonablysure,but not uncontesteddating. cf. s. salaville, 'Le moine Alexandre
de Chypre ffI" sidcle)',E9lzos d'Orizntr5 (r9rz), r34-7;Beck (tgSg),:gg; Cunningham
(t9g^6),r77; P Allen, in Di Berardino (forthcomingf.
* Ed. I Diekamp, AnalectaPatristica, ,severusof Antioch and the homily the end of the begin-
Orientilia Christiana Analecta rr7 (Rome, "o Seefurther P Allen,
rg38),154-6.Cf Beck (1959),386-7. ning?', in Allen-Jeffreys(1996),r67-7o.
'e SeeBeck (r959), i On the origins of this feast seeWenger (1955)and M. van Esbroeck,Aux ongtnes
386. CPG 7or5, InstitutaregularindiuinazteEis,is to be attributed
not to Paul but toJunilus. SeeM. Maas, Junillus Africanus' Inniluta Re.qulaia diuinaerzpis rlela Dormitiondela"Viuge.Etudeshistoiquestui bt t oditiort orizntales(Aldershot-Brookfield,
in itsJustinianic contexr',in Allen -Jeffreys 1r996).r3r-44. Vermont, 1995).Cl Olivar (r99i), t79.
 208 PAULINE ALLEN THE SIXTH.CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 209

to older marian feasts we may note that the homiletic corpus of christology by Severusof Antioch discussionswhich, it must be
Severus of Antioch contains two homilies on the feast of thi pre- admitted, would not be tolerated by modern listeners," and the five
sentation (XIV and LXVD, a celebration which is also reflected by homilies, desk-homilies as I think, on the orthodox faith by
Abramius of Ephesus(CPG 73Br)andAnastasiusof Antioch (CpG Anastasius I of Antioch, in which interalia he takes issue withTri-
6gso). theism. Stephen of Hierapolis, as already mentioned, wrote, if he
The popularity of martyrial homilies amongst those which sur- did not preach, a homily on the Agnoetic dispute.It is to be regret-
vive from the sixth century is also deserving of attention. No less ted that more does not survive of the homilies of the Monophysite
that thirteen of Severus's surviving homilies were delivered at leader Theodosius of Alexandria to reflect the turbulent dogmatic
shrines or in churches on marvrial feasts,while we have one hom- concerns of the times in which he and his audienceslived-apart
ily ofGregory of Antioch on the protomartyr Stephen (CpG
ngo), from a few fragmentary remains in Greek (CPG 7ryo-z), we have
and the encomium of constantine of constantinopre on ali mar- only three homilies in Coptic (CPG 7I5I-3) and five in Arabic (CPG
tyrs. The latter homily boasts a long, fictitious and totally improba- 7ry+-B).
ble dialogue between all the martyrs and their colective judges, A good variety of festal homilies is preserved from the sixth cen-
accusers,and torturers which ensured its inclusion in the Griek tury. As already shown, the new feast of the Annunciation to Mary
lectionariesfor the feast of All saints. The use which the homilists is represented.The Nativity is celebrated in homilies by Severusof
make of the actaof individual martyrs, in which extended dialogues Antioch (VII, XXXVI, LXIII, I)(XXIII, CI, and CX$, Peter of
and.speechesfigure largely, is a subject which deservesfurther at- Jerusalem(CPG 7 ory) andleontius of Constantinople (CPG +75g),
tentton. and the Epiphany by Severus 0(, XXXVIII, IXVI, TXXXV
Lgaving aside now the popularity of martynial homilies) we are CIII, and CXVID and two homilies of Gregory of Antioch (CPG
entitled to wonder whether the subject-matter of the sixth-century 7385 and 7386).Palm Sunday is commemorated by Severus(XX),
homilies which have survived points to a decline in catechetical Theodosius of Alexandria (CPG 7ry7), and in two homilies by
instruction. severus and Leontius are the exceptions in having ex- Leontius of Constantinople (CPG 7983 and ZBgB).Easter homilies
plicitly catechetical homilies. Perhaps we are also witnessing a re- survive by SeverusQ(XI[, XLI[, and LXX), Leontius (CPG 7B9I
duction in the number of homilies dlrectry preached on sociJ-ethi- and 7B9o),Anastasius I of Antioch (CPG 6g5t-unedited), and
cal issues.Some of severus'shomilies, it is true, addressquestions Gregory of Antioch (CPG n\+).Two of the important homiletic
m-orality of attending public entertainme"ts witnessesfor the feast of Mid-Pentecost, which occurred half-way
l*-,h: IXXVI and
LI$, the divine retribution -it.a out to the inhabitants of Alexan- between Easterand Pentecost,are found in the sixth-century homi-
dria for their acceptance of false doctrine (LID, or the error of an- lies of SeverusQ(LVf and Leontius (CPG TBBB),the latter enjoying
gel-worsh_ip(LXXD.And, as I have already,uid, th. homilies great popularity in the Byzantine church. The feast of the Ascen-
of
symeon StylitesJunior are full of practical theology.These, how- sion was the occasion for the delivery of three homilies by Severus
ever,.arethe exceptions. It may be that other sixth-cintury homilies (XXIV XLVII, and LXXI). Pentecost itself is the occasion for two
which addressedsocio-ethical issuesof circumsturr.. *.r. simply homilies by both Severus (XXV and XLVIII) and Leontius (CPG
considered-by compilers as too ephemeral to be worth including in 7896 and 49o6).As I have already mentioned, the newly introduced
homiletical collections. feast of the Dormition of the Mother of God is attested to by two
The continuation and exacerbation of the christologicalconflict sixth-century homilies.
afte-rchalcedon, the rise of theJacobite churchesand ievelopment Besidesthe evident popularity of marian homilies, a noteworthy
of debate on such theological iisues as A.qnoeticismand rriiheism
provided ample dogmatic material for sixth-century preachers.
Hence we have some magisterial discussionson the on.-rru,.,r. "" Cf. Grillmeier (Igg5), 47:'If we may expect something of the faithful of a me-
tropolis like Antioch, one can still ask whether the comments on theologrcalconcepts
were really understood and Ied to religious deepening'.
 2IO PAULINE ALLEN THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 271

development in the subject-matter of sixth-century homilies is the producing the gall of controversy in pagans,Jews,and heretics.'6
increasedimportance of angelsin homiletic literature. In one of the Satan and his henchmen are found among those who apply them-
homilies of Theodosius of Alexandria which survives in Coptic, the selvesto astrolog-yand horoscopes, and among the fighting which
Encomiumin Michaelemarchangelum (CPG 7t5z),we have a hint of this takesplace at showsand spectacles.'7Becauseof the tricks and de-
development, while in the homily of Timothy of Jerusalem/ ceits of Satan, all Christians have to maintain the struggle against
Antioch In natales. Iohannisprophetae(CPG +6S6), and in that of him continually.t8 In Leontius, too, the devil is called the Slanderer,
Leontius on the same topic (unregisteredin either BHG or CPG) to suit his inclinations.'e In his two homilies onJob, preached in
we find an importance attached to the role of Gabriel which goes HolyWeek (IV and$, a vigorous part is played by the devil in the
beyond the standard treatments of the angel in, for example, the demoralisation of the patient man on the dung-heap. From the
homilies of Proclus of Constantinople. In Homily LXXII, delivered time of the fall of the angels, explains the homilist to the audience,
in the Church of Michael in Antioch on rJune, 5r5, Severushas a there has been no question of further contact between God and the
great deal to sayto his audience on the subject ofangels and angel- Slanderer; thus the words which he addressesto God concerning
worship. The occasionwas the deposition of the relics of the mar- Job while standing in the company of the angels are not actually
tyrs Procopius and Phocas in the church, at which some spoken, but are the devil's private thoughts, shown to us by the
Antiochene Christians had taken offence on the grounds that the Holy Spirit.3oFor Leontius and his audience the Slanderer is clad
limbs of martlrs who had undergone a violent death would chase in rags, and lives in the wilderness,3' and there evidently existed for
the angels away from the church. First Severus denounces to his them a closeconnection between the devil and theJews.3'?Although
audience the pagan practice of angel-worship, a practice which he the devil is mentioned many times in the homilies of Symeon Sty-
alleges is followed also by Christians, and explains that angels are lites Junior, he is depicted less graphically than in Severus and
created beings and not gods themselves.Subsequentlyhe attacks Leontius, appearing as he does elsewhere in monastic literature as
artistic representations of angels,in which Michael and Gabriel are the enemy of monks who are trying to lead the virtuous life.33
depicted like princes or kings, wearing purple and a crown. This Not to be omitted from a discussion of the subject-matter of
popularity which the patriarch attributes to angels reminds us that sixth-century homilies are the two homilies of Alexander of Cy-
we are not far from the world of ps-Denys the Areopagite, and it is prus. His homily on the finding of the crosswas clearly a favourite
corroborated by the increasingly numerous and powerful artistic with later audiences, for we find it in Georgian and old Russian
representations of angels in the sixth century.,: translations, and in an epitomised form. Its popularity was no
For his part, Satan too assumesan important role in homiletic doubt ensured by its vast summary of the history of religion from
literature, particularly as evidenced by the homilies of Severus, Creation to Constantine, and by its curious mixture of the histori-
Leontius and Symeon Stylites.2a This development is also evident cal and the legendary.The encomium on the Apostle Barnabas,for
in the kontakia of Romanos. For Severus and his audiences the
devil is above all the Slanderer or Calumniator, the leader of the
demons,one of whose chief tasksis to securedeath and destruction "6 Ho-. CXX: PO zg/t, go.ro-t; r4-9; Hom. LVII: PO 4/t, 93.4-5; Hom.
of human beings.2sThe Slanderer's task is carried out by causing IXXXVII: PO z3/t,86.4-6; Hom. XCIV PO z5/r,7z.r-4.
"7 Hom. CXX: PO zg/r,76.5-rt; Hom. XXVI: PO 36/t,552.7.
avarice, anger or jealousy, by sowing perverse thoughts in people'i 28 Hom. CVIII: PO z5/4,7o5.8-g;7r4.r; Hom. LXXXVI: PO z3/t,7r.4-6.
hearts, by generating evils like bitterness and blasphemy, and by "e Hom. IVr3o; Datema-Allen (1987),I95.
3o Hom. IV69-73; Datema Allen (rgB7),rg3;Hom. VB3-6;Datema Allen (IgB7),
2r4.
3' Rags:Hom. IVI4o; Datema Allen (rgB7),I96; Hom. VIII. r86; Datema-Allen
23
See further Allen (1996), r7o-4. (rg87),264; wilderness-dweller:Hom. IY. 42, zB7-B;Datema Allen (1987),zoo'
_"4
Cf. Origen's treatme nt of the devil as outlined byAdele Monaci Castagno in this 32 Hom.III.zBB;Datema-Allen(I987),I78;Hom.VLz5;Datema Allen(IgB7),23o.
volume. 33 Esp.Hom. 9; Mai (r87r),37-45;Horl'.zr; Mai (r87r),ro3-Ir; Hom. z5; Mai
"5 Hom. LXXXIX: PO zg/r, ro7.3-5. $B7t), e5-7.
2r2 PAULINE ALLEN THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 213

its part, is a piece of political panegyric, composed,according to the Constantinople, Timothy of Jerusalem/Antioch, and Gregory of
manuscripts,at the requestof the custodian of the saint'ssanctuary Antioch, but the difficulties surrounding the location and date of
and delivered in the presenceof the metropolitan of Salaminia on Timothy preclude our coming to any firm conclusions regarding
Cyprus. It is an attempt to validate the miraculous discovery of the influence or inter-relationship. What can be said about all three,
relics of Barnabas in the reign of the Emperor Zeno (474-gt).In nonetheless,is that they are fond of passagesof stichometry,repeti-
pursuing his aim of establishingthe apostolic origins of the island, tion, parallelism, anaphora and abundant use of dialogue, particu-
Alexander elaborates imaginatively the apocrlphal Acts of the larly between biblical characters. An example from Gregory of
'This is my beloved son in whom I
apostle.While Dom Olivar doubts whether either of Alexander's Antioch's homily on the words
compositionswas deliveredlive before an audience,34Iam inclined am well pleased' (Mt 3:I7) (CPG 7387)will illustrate the use which
to believe that the encomium, at least, was. these three homilists make of anaphora and repetition:
Before we leave the subject-matter of sixth-century homilies, Sonin whomI amwellpleased.
Thisis mybeloued
something needs to be said in brief about the polemic which we This is the One who, with me,senttheHoly Spiriton himself,receiving
encounter in them. The stock referencesto pagans andJews,found backthe Spirit which he had sent.
also in many other homilies discussedin this volume, are present This is the One who wasbegottenof me beforeall ages,begotten,not
and are not always to be considered as empty or fictitious. How- created,begotten,not appointed; a Son begottenfrom me alone,only
ever,it is the polemic directed againstpro- and anti-Chalcedonians begotten in an only begotten manner' as only I know, and as only he
and againstperceivedheretical groupings among them, such as the understands.
This is the One who is the perfect expressionof my perfection.
Agnoetai and the Tritheists, which predominates in sixth-century
This is the One who expressesmy divinity in himself.
homiletical literature. At the same time, it was the debate about This is the One who clearly images my individuality.:r
Chalcedon that was responsiblefor the disappearanceor destruc-
tion of what was doubtless a vast amount of Monophysite In all three homilists the biblical text is stated, elaborated, repeated
homiletical literature, the survival of the collection of Severus's and elaborated, time after time, such that we have the impression
CathedralHomiliesbeing one of the most notable exceptions in this of blocks of homiletic text.The following example of this technique
process. is taken from one of Leontius's homilies on Palm Sunday, where
Martha engages Christ in dialogue after the death of Lazarus.
Martha and Mary Lazarus's sisters,went to the Saviour. Mary being
SAl" simple,kept silent becausethe woman was more intelligent. But Martha
jumped in front of her, and, becauseshewas distressed,called on the
The wide-ranging subject-matter that is evident in these homilies Lord with the cry:'Lard,ifltou had beenhere'm2 brotherwouldnothauedud.
gives rise as a matter ofcourse to various preaching styles.Precisely But euennowI knowthatwhateuerltou askfromGod,Godwill giueit toltou' (Jn
rr:zt-z).
in the matter of style, however, we are often at a severe disadvan- 'Martha, why do you utter mistaken
The Lord said to Martha:
tage in addressingsixth-century homilies becauseof the number words?Why don't you know what you're saying?You're impeding your
that survive only in translation, those of Severus being the most brother, you're not allowing him to rise up, you're drunk with distress.
notorious example.The homiletic corpus of Symeon StylitesJunior, Not asyet hasArius come to light, and you are proposing the tare of the
'Iflou hadbeenhere,m2brothuwouldnot
as already indicated, presents problems of another kind in that it weaknessof God with the words:
bears the stamp of redaction by another hand. One group of hauedicd'fln I r:zr).Wasn't I here, Martha? Ask my disciplesand learn
homilists appears to stand close together stylistically-Leontius of that even if I was absent bodily, I was present in spirit. As soon as your
brother died, the angel with him bore his translation to me as king, and

3a Olivar (r99r), r76. 3s PG BB,rBTzC-3A.

2r+ PAULINE ALLEN THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 2r5

'Ourfriend but
asleep,
Inlarushasfollen
I saidto my disciplesimmediately: probably a good indication that they were delivered in responseto
I amgoing towalu him' (Jn rr:rr). It is to God,Martha, that you aresay- certain practical questions,deriving either from the saint's fellow-
ing'Ifyu hadbemhere, m2brother rttouldnothauedied'-Stopnow,Martha, monks or from those who came on pilgrimage to the Marvellous
I excuseyour mistake:part of it wasdue to your nature,part to your Mountain. At various times Syrneon'saudience comprised monks,
grief.'Tourbrother will ise' (Jnn:23). 'virgins',
'I lay people, the rich of Antioch, pagans or semi-pagans,
Still finding it difficultto believe,Marthasaidtohim: lotow,I'ord,that
m2brother will riseat thelnstda1(Jnn:24),at the time whenthe gift is uni- and, in the words of his biographer, all sorts of people.3sIn dealing
versaland the favournot partial'. with Symeon and his audienceswe should note that all these homi-
Christ spoketo her: '\A4rydo you go on tediously,Martha?I amthe lies were delivered before his ordination to the priesthood,4osome
resurrection andthelfe fln II:25).If you believe,call on me. If you don't when he was as young as nine or ten) and that presumably these
believe,be gonewith you,woman,for I don't permit you to teach.Do earliest ones were delivered before a monastic community.
yu belieue this?'ffn rvzi). Finally, a word must be said about the style of Leontius's preach-
Martha saidto him: 'Yes,Lord [n rri27);from the momentthat you
beganto speakto your handmaid,I becameanotherwoman'.3o ing as revealed by his vocabulary. His homilies are striking for the
richnessof vocabulary and his clear preference for unusual words
Dialogue between biblical characterswas not new in the sixth cen- - over fifty words which occur are not attested in the lexica at the
tury; indeed there are many earlier examples of it, for example in present time. Among those which can be designated tentatively as
Proclus of Constantinople.3THowever, in the sixth century we ap- hapaxlegomena we find in the first place a large number formed by
pear to be witnessingan escalationin the use of this dialogue form new combinations of an adjective with a substantive, or of two ad-
which may be connected with its use in the kontakia' It suggests jectives, or of two substantives: for example, Ouycrrqoyopic,
that this manner of treating the biblical text appealed to a wide pov6l.cl.og, zl.erponcroli,qE.There are new examples of composite
spectrum of the homilists' audiences. words consisting of a verb and a preposition, such as
With regard to rhetorical devices,cautious reading of the Coptic ngoevtcQr,oto, and of new feminine substantivesending in -rgra,
translation of Theodosius'shomily on the Assumption suggeststhat such as yal.crxto66tgr.cr.It is clear that Leontius surprised his con-
the exiled patriarch of Alexandria was also given to anaphora and gregation with rare and new words, and we have to assume that
repetition. For their part, Severus'shomilies, which are mostly slav- this habit enhanced rather than hindered their comprehension.
ishly translated from Greek into Syriac, reveal very little of such
techniques,despitethe fact that in his h)..rnn-writinghe has recourse
to several of them. The style employed by Anastasius I of Antioch Exegeticalmethod
in his five dogmatic homilies is sober,but I have suggestedthat they
were not intended for oral delivery; the style of his festal homilies As with the subject-matter of sixth-century homilies, so too with
is less so, but has none of the engaging hall-marks of Leontius, exegetical methods we find a variety of approaches.The exegetical
Timothy or Gregory. The combination of the tortuous and obscure methods of the two great so-called schools of late antiquity, the
style in which the homilies of S)rmeon Stylites have been transmit- Alexandrian and the Antiochene, so long perceived as mutually
ted and their folkloristic contents can only be called bizarre. Paul exclusive,are now recognisedas being more complementary than
Van der Ven, who edited only three of the thirty so-calledascetical dichotomous.a'Particularly after the Council of Chalcedon we see
homilies, complained that their style was mediocre, with a strong
artificial flavour.38The fact the entire collection is non-festal is
70 (1957),35-55at 17.
3s lbid., q.
4o On the non-sacerdotalstatusofpreachers cfl the chaptersby Andrew Louth and
36 Hom. II. 2gr-32r;Datema-Allen (1987),96-8. Theodora Antonoooulou in this volume.
37 Seethe chapter byJan Barkhuizen in this volume. a' Despite the work of C. Schaublin, (Jntersuchungm <u Methodtmd Herlamftdn
38 'Les 6crits de S. Sym6on Stylite leJeune avec trois sermons in6dits', Iz Musion Antiochenischen
Exegese,Theophaneiaz3 (Koln-Bonn, rg74),much remains to be said on
216 PAULINE ALLEN THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 211

the Alexandrian and Antiochene coming together in a synthesisnot Popularspiritualiqt

only in exegesisbut also in liturgy. Aithough this combination or
synihesiswis to become an explicit characteristic of Monophysite From preachers and audiences who favoured fanciful biblical exe-
e*.geris, as enunciated and practised, for example,-by Dionysius gesisand dramatic dialogue between biblical characters it is but a
Uar SatiUi in the twelfth century,42the combination of literal, some- small step to what I shall call popular spirituality. Here I can be
times academic exegesiswith a more fanciful approach is found in brief, as many of the salient points have already emerged above. In
both Monophysite and Dyophysite preachers in the sixth century. the homiletic evidence of the sixth century this spirituality is mani-
In Severus, Leontius, Timothy of Jerusalem, and Gregory of fested in the importance of the Mother of God, and of angelsand
Antioch this combination is evident, as it is also in the kontakia of demons.This is the century we remember, which saw the consoli-
Romanos. Severus, however, also restricts himself at times to the dation of the role of the Theotokos and of several marian feasts.It
purely literal exegetical method, such as we find in the homilies of is the century from which we have not only our first pictorial repre-
Anastasius of Antioch. sentation of Satan (in the Rabbula codex), but also an exponential
It is not so much that this combined exegetical method was new growth in the number of artistic representationsof angels.All these
as that it is found with increased frequency in the sixth century. developments are reflected in the surviving homiletic evidence,
Severus'sexegesisof the symbolism of the ass,for example, in the which in its turn tells us much about the evolution which was taking
course of his homily on Palm Sunday-the animal prefiguring the place in homiletic literature becauseof the taste and expectation of
chosen gentiles because,although impure and not to be eaten, it both preacher and audience.
was choien by Christ - has, after all, several earlier parallels in A word needs to be said here about the role played by miracles
Greek homiletic literature.43 It would, however, have been an un- in sixth-century homiletic literature. From the hagiographical liter-
thinkable inclusion in one ofJohn Chrysostom's homilies, delivered ature of the time - we could think of the work of Cyril of
in Antioch a little more than a century before. But when, in Homily Scythopolis or of the biographer of S)'meon Stylites-it is obvious
XXIV delivered on AscensionDay,5I3, Severustells his audience that the miraculous occupied an important place in the everyday
that the eating of fish by the risen Christ and his disciples has two lives of Christians. Yet miracles feature only rarely in the Greek
levels of mearlng, lve suspectthat the combined exegetical method homilies which have come down to us. They feature almost exclu-
has become explicit. Indeed, from the frequency with which it was sively in martyrial homilies, of which we have several examples
being used in the sixth century we may legitimately conclude both from Severus of Antioch,44 and in homilies on saints. of which
that iudiences were familiar with it and that they hoped and ex- Severus again provides the best examples.asApart from invoking
pected to hear it from their preachers. the vagaries of transmission, there is little one can do to explain
these facts.

Audimce: composition
and reactions

The fact that much of the sixth-century homiletic evidence survives

this point. SeeA. Louth, Discnningtlu Mlstzrlt: An Essqt ontheNahtreof Theolo^g(Oxford, from various locations, and that some homilists are represented by
'"spiritual reading": the pro6t and p9{l of the figurative in
rgB3),r rB and E.A. Clark,
.i.iyin.irtiu" asceticism',in P A[en R. Canning-L. Cross(edd.),Pr42erandSpiitual-
' in theEarly Churchr (Melbourne, tgg8).
iEt
aa Hom. XI, XVUI, XXV[, XLI, L, LI, LV[, IXXII, LXXII, LXXV
+" On this point see the paper of P Hill, 'spiritualising the spiritual: Bar Sa.libi -
amongst the Prophets' (forthcoming). IXXVIII, XCVII, C, CX, CXIV
+: "SeeJ. Noiet, 'Une homeliein6dite sur les rameaux par Thdognius,pr€tre de 45 E.g.Hom. XXX on SymeonStylitesthe Elder:PO
36/4,6gz.z8;LXXXVI on
at ryg. Anthonyof Eglpt: PO 4/r,56:-5.
Jdrusalem (vers46o ?)', AnalectaBollandianaBg (tg7t), ttg-42
 PAULINE ALLEN THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 2T9
2IB

only one or two homilies, makes an overall picture-of audiences, with Homily L! a valedictory speech addressed to the people of
their composition and their reactions difficult. On the credit side, Antioch on Severus'sdeparture on visitation to country towns and
however, we have three homiletic collections those of Severus, monasteriesin his patriarchate.The next two homilies in the collec-
Leontius and S).ryneonStylites, and three consecutive homilies of tion were deliveredin Chalcis, the secondon the feastof the martyr
Gregory of Antioch (cPG 7385-7).With the three collectionswe are SergiusonWednesday,r October 5r4. Homilies LVIII, LXIX and
dealing'with homilies from three vastly different milieux: those of LX were delivered in Cyrrhus. On his return to Antioch, Severus
Severus were delivered in churches and martyrial shrines in preached on John the Baptist on Tuesday, l4 October. There are
Antioch and its vicinity, and in monasteries and churches in Syria; presumably a number of homilies missing after this, for the next
Leontius appears to have preached to audiences in small, rather homily in the collection was delivered on Christmas day, and it was
than large ihurches in Constantinople; and Symeon's .ascetical followed soon after on 29 December by a repetition of the second
homilies were delivered to monks and laity in the monastic setting homily preached in Cyrrhus. This vignette of parriarchal homiletic
of his mandra on the Marvellous Mountain west of Antioch' activity illustrates the variety of audiences to whom Severushad to
Let us begin with Severus.His one hundred and twenty-five Ca- relate.There is every reason to expect that a study of his letters,
thedralHomiliesoffer aspectrum of liturgical occasionsand locations. and the integration of the resulting information with his homiletic
Despite Dom Alexander Olivar's observationthat, becausethe vast material, will simply corroborate this variety.
majbrity of Severus'shomilies were prepared beforehand, glimpses The circumstancesin which Severus'sinaugural episcopalhom-
of the audiences are thereby reduced,46we still have an excellent ily was delivered on r B November 5 r z are indicative of some of the
overview of the preaching activity of a sixth-century patriarch. Fur- reactions which his audiences were to display in the following six
thermore, it is possibleto determine the sequenceof the homilies years of his patriarchate.48 Because of the size of the crowd in at-
with reasonable certainty and even to date many of them exacdy' tendance and the fact that they were very noisy, the patriarch was
As we have seen, in addition to homilies delivered on important obliged to deliver the homily on a secondoccasion,presumably for
liturgical feastssuch as Christmas, Easter,and Pentecost,there are those who either could not get into the church or who could not
cateihetical homilies, and homilies delivered on the feastsof saints hear the homily for the 6itr.aeJusta few months later, on the first
and martyrs. Many of them were preached in different locations: Sunday of Lent, z4February 5r3, they reacted to his words so en-
for example, the Great Church and the New Church in Antioch, thusiastica\ that he had to ask them not to jostle each other get-
the Church of the Angel Michael, martyrial chapels in the city and ting closeto him, becausesuch behaviour involvesnoise and lossof
in the pleasure park of Daphne, in a monastery and in the outlying concentration.5oIn Seleuciaon 3July 5r3 the audience considered
towns of Seleucia, Chalcis, Cyrrhus and Aigiai.aTGiven that the the patriarch's visit a great favour.5' However, at the beginning of
preponderance of Severus'shomilies was preached in the churches his visit to Chalcis the followin g year, he was able to deliver only
of Antioch, we may be entitled to assumesomedegreeof continuity the beginning and end of the homily becausehe was interrupted by
in his audience. an issueof municipal businessand by civil unrest.S'For hisiecond
One group of homilies provides a picture of the patriarch's homily in the sametown, on the other hand, the faithful welcomed
preaching activity over a four-month period. The sequencebegins him as an angel of God and acted like Abraham in their hospitality,
urglng him to stay on to celebrate the feast of the martyr Sergius

a6 Olilru. (rggt),
424.
47 Great Church: I, XXI[, XXX, LXII, C! CXII; New Church: LXIV; Church
4B On audiencereactionsin Severusseealso Olivar (tggr),417-24.
of the Angel Michael: D(XII; martyrial precincts: XI (Rabylasin--An-tio-chlXVIII
49 Hom. I: PO gB/2,254.7-8,rc-2.
(FortyMarryrs in Antioch), XXVII (Leontius,proba!\1in Dryfne)' XXXVII (Ignatius,
5o Hom. XVI: PO gB/z,439.zo-2.
iocation uni<nown),I;{XS (Barlaha in Antioch), IXXV flulian in Altioch); monas-
tery: XXX; Seleucia: XXVIII; Chalcis: LVI and LVII; Cyrrhus: LVIII' LIX, LX;
Jl
Hom. XXVII: PO g6/ 4, 574.9-5.
Aigiai: CX, CXI. Hom. LVI: PO 4/ t.73.2-3.
220 PAULINE ALLEN THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 22r

with them.53Congregationsdiffer, and so too is the composition of often difficult to discern whether a homilist's referencesto the poor
any one group mixed, as Severushimself acknowledgeswhen he and to the obligation of alms-giving are commonplaces or not, it
statesthat the assemblyis not of one kind of people but of many does appear that there was an economically underprivileged class
different kinds.5a among Leontius's congregation: on Easter Day, during a plea for
The various audiencesin Antioch were not aftard to voice their correct attire among the newly baptised, he shows understanding
opinions about the subject-matterand delivery of Severus'shomi- for those who cannot afford the specialwhite clothing and shoesto
liis. On or before Wednesdayof HolyWeek, 15April 5I5, some of match:
the audience complained that the baptismal catechesiswas re- But it is necessary
for onewho celebrates
the Resurrection
by all means
peated too often, a criticism which the patriarch then took into ac- to wear clothing appropriate to the feast in so far as he can afford to, not
tount in his preaching.ssMore than two years later, on Thursday, beyond what he can afford. This is why today in our celebration the
r4 December 5r7, the feast of the mart)'r Drosis, they complained poor also are adorned with royal garments through their intention.oo
that every year on this day he asc-endedthe throne, talked of mar- A comment by Severusto the effect that the poor in the assembly
tyrs, and asked them for money.SbEven more painful for the patri- borrow clothing as well as using their own on feast-days also sug-
arch was the occasionon which they accusedhim of negligenceand geststhat on special fe^asts, at any rate, both rich and poor were
of not speaking regularly, in addition berating him because his present at the synaxis.b'Although in Leontius's homilies we have
voice was not strong enough to addressa large crowd.57The audi- fewer examplesof the interaction between preacher and audience
ence also made their voice heard on liturgical matters) some com- than in those of Severus,we are still dealing with a two-way rela-
plaining to Severus that they were starving by the time the liturgy, tionship in which the audiencehad a voice. In a homily on the feast
which began at the ninth hour, came to a close,and requesting that of Pentecost he asks their approval for the use of a metaphor link-
the time for synaxis should be brought forward so that the celebra- ing the hart with Christ, a figure of speechwhich he seemsto re-
tion would be over by the ninth hour. Other members of the con- gard as daring.6' Sometimes the homilist apologisesfor including
gregation, however, disagreed with this, siding with Severus.ss the digressionsof which both he and his listenerswere so fond.63
In dealing with a preacher like Leontius of Constantinople,who, On one occasion the audience apparently called out to him, re-
unlike Severus, is knov,rr to us only from his homilies, we have to questing that he bring to an end his treatment of a point of ancient
construct a picture of his audience from the contents of the homi- exegesis,64 while on at least another two occasionsit seemspossible
lies themselves.Since there is an absenceof any real exhortations that some of them called out in objection, claiming thatJobdid not
to the ascetic life, we can assumethat monks did not form a signifi- feel the devil's blows,6s and protlsting against tf,e inclo-parable
cant part of Leontius's congregation. From a number of remarks role.awarded bytheir preacher to the woman in the Gospel who
made by the preacher in the course of his preaching it seemsrather anointed christ.66 The familiarity of Leontius's tone, and the fact
that he addressedhimself to workers or artisans.In his secondhom- that four of his surviving homilies were apparentlypreached in suc-
'It
ily on Palm Sunday, for example, he states: is good to stop the cession,67suggestsa continuity in the urrdi.n.. urrd u relationship
homily becauseof the work which lies before us'.seAlthough it is

s3 Hom. XXVIII: PO g6/ Hom. LVII: PO 4/ r, B3.z-r4.

4, 57+.g-5;
54 Hom. XLII: PO g6/ t,3o.3-5.
fi ' H.^ lX.5z-6:Dalema AJlen(rgB7;,274.
o
s5 Hom. LXX: PO e/r,8.5-6. Hom.XCI: PO zq/r,B.to-rz.
56 Hom. CXIV: PO z6/g,3ot.6-t. XIII; Dateira Allen (rg87),4o1.27o-r.
I !t.-
s7 Hom. IXXIV PO e/r,IIo.7-Io. Cf. A. Olivar, 'Uber das Schweigenund die e.g.Homily II; Datema Alt.ii 1'9e7i 93.197-8.
l] 9-..
oq Homily XfV; Datema
Riicksichtsnahmeaufdie schwacheStimme desRednersin der altchristlichen Predigt', Allen (rg87;. aa53ig-zo.
os Homily
Augustinianumzo $g&o), 267-74. V Datema AJlen(rgB7).z16'.iJ3-51
5b Hom. XLIX: PO 35/3,996.8-4.
l] I{.'lity VI; Datema Allen (1987),235.143-257.2r4.
b7
5e Hom. III.z65-6; Datema Allen (r987),176. .SeeDatema Allen (r987),23.
 ALLEN
THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 223
222 PAULINE

BibliograPlgt
with them that extended beyond the confines of the church build-
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Conclusion
Homiliu marinles blzantines. Tixtesgrecsiditis et traduitsen latin' PO 16
\1922), ++2-7.
While it may be true that Greek homiletic remains from the sixth Homilindelrypapante (CPG 73Br):JuSe, M. (ed.),ibid.,++B-5+.
century are patchy, and that, for a variety of reasons, it is some- Alexander of Clprus, Inuentio crucis(CPG 7398):PG 87, 4o$-76.
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 THE SIXTH-CENTURY GREEK HOMILY 225
22+ PAULINE ALLEN

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PG zB, 9+4-58.
In caecuma natititate(CPG zzTz):PG zB, rcor-2+.
- In stagnumGenesaret et in s. Petrumapostolum(CPG 47o4): PG 64, 47-52.
- In dictumXCIII PsalmiEleuaueruntfuminauoces suas,etc.(CPG a5a8):
PG 55, 6rr-r6 (in two parts).
De negatione Petri, et de cruce,et quopactoJowphfuuit fgura Chisti (CPG
4594): PG 59, 613-z<-r.
 ANASTASIOS OF SINAI: SPEAKING AND WRITING TO
THE PEOPLEOF GOD

JosephMunitiz, SJ.

Introduction

Paradoxically,and in contrast with most preachers,in the caseof

Anastasioswe seem to know more about what his audience was
thinking than about what he was saying. For this reason alone the
present study seemsjustified. But initially so many questions sur-
round the historical figure of Anastasios that one may doubt
whether any firm results are to be hoped for. Thus it is uncertain
both uLhen he was active, though indications have been found that
would indicate a very long active life stretching over some seventy
years from the 63os to the early years of the eighth century, and
where,since despite his associationswith the monastic community
of St Catherine's Monastery on Mount Sinai, it is not certain if he
was a permanent member or simply began his monastic life there,
even if he is mentioned in a marginal note as having been
higoumenos.' It seemsfairly certain that he was familiar with Cyprus
(from referencesboth in the forcstionsandAnswers,and in the Stories),
and in the Hodegoshe refers to himself as speaking in Alexandria.
However, even if the exact body of his written work is not yet
established, several important works are regularly attributed to an
Anastasios of Sinai,' and even if one has to allow for the possibility
that more than one monk from that monastery bore the name and
was an author, it is now generally accepted that one writer was re-
sponsible for the following: (r) a major polemical work, the Hodegos,
in which he speaksof having taken part in controversies in Alexan-
dria; (z) an influential collection of QrcstionsandAnswers,whichhave

'
A. Guillou (ed.), 'Le monastdre de la Th6otokos au Sinai ... hom6lie in6dite
et d'histoire6Z (tgSS),
d'Anastasele Sinaite sur la Transfiguration' , Milangesd'archiologit
z g g - 4n, . 6 .
' Conveniently listed in the CPG as
7745-58;for the doubtful works, cf. ibid.777o-
Br.
 228 JosEPHMUNrrrz, s.J. ANASTASTOSOF SrNAr 229

never been edited in their original form; (3) one or more seriesof Sinai. His interestswere primarily archaeologicaland iconographic.
edifying tales;and (4)severalsermons(though some,aswe shall see, His edition leavesmuch to be desired, and frequently one has to
resembletreatisesrather than sermo"$; b) much more controver- consult the apparatuscriticus(which Guillou to his credit expanded
sial is a long Commentary on the Hexaemeron (CPG 7770),available considerably) to find the most likely text. He used seven manu-
so far only in a Latin translation, which is not usually included scripts, three dating from the tenth century and seemsto have as-
among his genuine works even if the arguments brought forward sumed incorrectly that the oldest were the best witnesses.5How-
to disprove his authorship are far from convincing.3 ever, quite frequently the readings of two twelfth-century manu-
It is the survival of these works that allows one to tackle the pres- scripts (D and E) seempreferable and important consequencesfol-
ent study, but it should be clear that from many points of view it low.The most striking is that the sermon seemsto have been deliv-
must be considered somewhat premature. Although two outstand- ered at a church located on Mount Tabor itself, 3v aritQ t(r &yi,tp
ing critical editions of Anastasios's works have appeared recently, 6gerrQ @cpoqlrpD (6vtQ crtit{r 6qet @aBoqirpE) and not at Mount
severalkey pieces in thepuzzle are either missing or in such a dilap- Sinai, as Guillou supposed.b
idated state that it is almost impossible to make them fit anywhere. The structure of the sermon (about 5ooo words long) is simple
This is particularly true, as will be shown below, of the so-called 'How awesome is this
enough: the words of Jacob (Gen z8:r7,
sermonsand homilies, the texts of major interest for this study.But place!') are applied to Tabor and developedin a seriesof contrasts
companion texts, like the QLestions andAnsutersand the Storins,also between the Old and the New Testaments.Then the words of Pe-
await better editions. Yet in spite of this state of affairs there is still 'Lord, it is good for us to be here' (Mt
ter, ry:4, and parallels),are
much to be learned from an informed look at the available evi- expanded in a monologue with Peter exclaiming on the wonders
dence, if only to bring a little closer one of the key figures in the worked by Christ. The style is florid with much use of paratactic
church life of the seventh centurv. structure (i.e. parallel sentencesrepeating the first word), but the
rhetorical flourishes do not obscure the flow of thought, which is
easy to grasp. The preacher is bold in the breadth of his imagery
I. Tnn SBnrr,rorvs at one point he imagines a bird's eye view of the land of Palestine
(pp. z5r-z)-and the sweepof his thought-as in his evocation of the
It will help to begin by passing in review the sermons available to end of the world (p. zSz) but hardly original or provocative in his
us, while noting that a number still await an editioprinceps.a message.It is a setpiece for a ceremonial occasionconstructedwith
verve and panache.
Q) Sermodetransfiguratione (CPG 775g) There is a second Sermon on the Transfiguration (CPG 6947)
The history of the publication of the Sermon on theTransfigura- sometimes attributed to Anastasios of Sinai, though more usually
tion is unusual and needs to be borne in mind when assessinsits to AnastasiosI. Patriarch of Antioch.T
significance. The French scholar, Andr6 Guillou, while still a re-
search student at the Ecole FranEaisein Rome, included a critical
edition of the text in his commentary on the mosaic of the apseof
the church in the Monastery of St Catherine, at the foot of Mount
5 Both S. N. Sakkos, flepi'Avcrorcroiorv )rvotr6v (Thessalonite, 1964), 254 and M.
Sachot,'Les homdlies de L6once, pr€tre de Constantinople', Recherchesdes sciences
3 The relation between this
work and the sermons de creationehominisis discussed at religizuses5t (tg7),44-4g, mention several other witnesses.
some length by the latest editor, K.-H. fjthemann (ed.) Anastasii sinaitae semonesduo in b Text, p.
237, line z; cf. the peroration ofthe sermon where the preacher speaks
constitutionemhominis secundumimaginemDei, et Sermoaduersusmonotheletasqui communiterdicitur of himself standing on the summit of Tabor and addressing the other mountains of the
Homilia'fertia decreationehominis,CCSG r z (Turnhour-Leuven, r9B5), CXXXIX-CL, who area, among them rd 6911tcr tot Xwd,, 25+.9-12.See also, e55.ro; 256.I6.
states that no conclusion is possible until we dispose of a critical edition of the former. PG Bg, 136r-76. It was published by Galland with a Latin translation by Combe-
q These
are listed ir rhe bibliography aliei the primary sources. ns-
 230 JOSEPH MUNITIZ, S.J. ANASTASIOS OF SrNAr 23r

(z) Homilia desacrasynaxi(CPG 775o) and little that could be considered original. It is only when the final
For this text we only disposeof an inadequate seventeenth-cen- quarter of the homily is reached that one understands why this un-
tury edition by Henricus Canisius based on an eleventh-century distinguished work has been preserved, admittedly with scant re-
Bavarian manuscript,B with some variant readings added by gard to its precise wording. After commenting on verse 9 the
Combefis from Paris manuscripts, along with comments by preacher omits the remaining two verses and proceeds to tell a se-
Basnage. ries of storiesaimed at demonstrating the power of 'tears'; the first
The homily (also about 5ooo words long) is a detailed exhorta- story the conversion of Manasses,is brief (PG 89, r r33C-36A), but
tion to attend the liturgy properly, duly prepared and with appro- the secondis a long and quite fanciful account of the re-conversion
priate devotion. En passantthe preacher makes explicit reference to by StJohn the Apostle of a notorious brigand, basedin part on the
the numerous faults that many members of a congregation commit incident reported by Clement of Alexandria in his QLisdiuessaluehtr?
both in church during the ceremony (gossiping, showing ofl con- (CPG 1379,42, r-r5).0A third story follows, no sourcebeing given,
ducting business,flirting) and on leaving the church (particular crit- on the conversion of another highwayman at the time of the Em-
icism being levelled at the sin of pvqor.xoxlcr('vindictiveness', 'har- peror Maurice. Here there is a long account of the weighing-up
'lack
bouring grudges', of forgiveness').The style is homely and ceremony as the soul prepares to leave the body, with devils and
lively, often taking the form of a dialogue with the audience: 'Per- angelsputting lists of faults or virtues on opposite scales.'oA hand-
haps someone will say such-and-such,but don't you know...' (PG kerchief impregnated with the sinner's tears is the item which out-
89, B33A). He shows his understanding and compassion ('I know weighs all sins and ensures salvation. The homily is brought to a
myself that nobody can be worthy' IPG Bg, 836,{]), and maintains close with a brief exhortation to act on what has been heard.
that all sins can be forgiven if only we ourselves are prepared to The popular nature of such a homily is clear enough. Its distinc-
forgive. He is clearly talking to both men and women) as he re- tive feature is the colour given by the three stories. One thinks at
marks that the latter sometimes come to church 'not to pray, but to once of the collectionsof storiesattributed to Anastasiosthe Monk,
be seen'(PG 89, B3zA).He refers to theatresand baths, to business and even in the fuLestions andAnswersone finds examples of similar
ventures and daily occupations.His homily is closelylinked to the stories." Thus even if one might prefer not to include this homily in
liturgy itself, as he mentions the words that come before the Preface the Anastasian corpus, the argument from internal evidence is
and to the recitation of the Our Father (PG Bg, B4rA-B).This is the weak. It is the type of homily that he might well have written and
work of a man close to the people and to pastoral work. distributed.

$) Homilin'insextumPsalmum(CPG 775r) (4) Sermoin defunctos

(CPG 7752)
FranEoisCombefis gave up in despair when he attempted to col- This short sermon (some3ooo words) appearedin an eighteenth-
late the different versions of this homily, and finally printed two century edition. The Migne reprinting does not mention which
versions(eachabout Booowords long) of what is basicallythe same manuscript(s)wereused, but the editor's emendations suggestthat
text, though each has numerous individual readings. he had to work with an unsatisfactory tradition.
The homily consistsof two sections:the first is a rhetorical devel- The preacher begins by pointing out that we should be offering
opment of the verses of Psalm 6, adapted to the needs of those praise to God along with our dead friends and relatives; they are
wishing to pray for forgivenessin a spirit of repentance. There are
many repetitions of phrases,much in the form ofpious exhortation,
n PG 648-9; O. Stahlin (ed.), ClemmsAlexandinus GCS (Berlin, r97o), r87-9o.
9, 3,
'o The popularity of this theme in Eglptian art may be significant given
o
Described as'cod. BiblinthecaeBaaaicae'; Fabricius (reproduced by Migne, pG Bg, Anastasios'sknown links with Alexandria.
23, n. z6) gives the number XXIV and refers to Hardt: cf.l.Hardt, ElectoralisBibliothecae " qq. zr (ps-An. 9r), zB (ps-An. 96), 3o (not published),3z (not published),65 (not
Monacmsis Codicesgraeci r (Munich, r8o4), rrz, r15-6. oublished).
232 JOSEPH MUNITIZ, S.J. ANASTASTOSOF SrNAr 233

now safe.It is thoseleft behind who suffer loss.He then turns to the mirroring the Godhead. On the other hand, he wants to defend
theme of preparation for our own death, and gives a realistic ac- ordinary Christians against false and misleading theories concern-
count of the death throes that many have to undergo. His hearers ing the Incarnation. To do this he is prepared to argue in a way that
are exhorted to prepare for the final moment by leading lives of will be intelligible to most, answering the sort of objections that
virtue; at the final moment even the powerful and famous will trem- ordinary people, not specialistsin theological reasoning,will raise.
'the dread customsofficials, account takers and excisemen' Thus his writing style preservesmany rhetorical elements. Persua-
ble as
stand around us (PG 89, rzooC). This all seemstraditional enough sion is the overriding aim, and with this in view he will search for
and there is little to distinguish this sermon from countless others. the knock-down argument, invent quotations attributed to out-
It could be Anastasian, but could have been written by almost any standing names (Athanasius" and Basil,'3 for example), speak of his
other Byzantine writer. adversaries in insulting fashion,'4 and accumulate repetitions and
rhetorical questions. Some of his personal quirks also appear: he is
g-) Homiliaei-iii decreatione hominis(CPG 7747-9) fascinated by gynaecological details (the female contribution to the
Ironically, the only homilies attributed to Anastasios that have production of a living being),Is and also in fairly recondite number
benefited from a good critical edition are not homilies at all. They mysticism.'b He is not averseto repeating sentencesand phrases
are really short treatises,written to be read rather than spoken:they which he considerswell turned.'7
lack exordia and perorations, their style is conceptual, with frequent From this survey of the sermons and homilies preached by
long, complicated sentences,and even if they adopt the dialogue Anastasiosa number ofconclusions can immediatelybe drawn: the
form (with an imaginary interlocutor raising questions and objec- most obvious concerns the breadth of his interests. He is ready to
'interviewer' is envisaged and not a congregation. speak of liturgical matters, encouraging people to attend the lit-
tions) only one
Their latest editor has adapted the traditional title to indicate urgy; he is also a keen student of scripture, so much so that in the
that only two of these logoideal with the theme of man being cre- scholia'Bto the treatiseshe is referred to as 'the exegete'.He can tell
ated 'in the image and likeness of God'. The third is directed a story and drive home an argument. At times a vigorous polemi-
againstthe Monothelites. The first and seconddevelop in an origi- cist, at others he shows himself an exigent moralist or a theologian
nal fashion the notion that one can detect in the constitution of a capable of abstruse speculation on the Trinitarian nature of soul,
human person a rnirror image of both theTrinity and the Incarna- word and mind.
tion of the Second Person of the Trinity. The argument is devel- Two other traits are inescapable: firstly, Anastasios, while ready
oped in a style which is strongly reminiscent of the Hodzgos,and the to appeal to the authority of other authors, is ready to speak his
editor's remarkable apparatus fontium places both these works (and own mind. The phrase 6E dpor.ye6oxei (or its equivalents) recurs
the third treatise) clearly in the mainstream of Anastasian writings. regularly on his lips. It is his own personal opinions that he is ready
However, viewed in the context of the preaching work of
Anastasios,thesetreatisesdo help to underline certain characteristic
featuresof his approach to his readers/hearers.He is clearly preoc- " Snmoadu.Monothel., III,5, r16 and rz5.
'3 Capimadu.Monothel.Y,ro-rz(the CapitaareeditedbyK.-H.Uthemannafterthe
cupied with the real needsof ordinary people.This shows itself on ,Szrzo: CCSG r7, g9-roz).
the one hand by his fascination with what Teilhard de Chardin 'a The Monothelites are compared to'horses
and stupid donkeys' (Ada.Monothel.,
would later call 'le phenomdne humain'; Anastasios follows in the III, 6, 35).
'l E.g. deereatione.Il,z, 96-4r.
tradition of Gregory of Nazianzus and of Methodius of Olympus 'o E.g. decreationelI,2,3o-3.
(two of his favourite authors) in his conviction that the human be- '7 Thus deneationeII is strongly indebted to decreationeI, as can be easily seenby
ing is a unique creation,joining disparate elements-material and consufting the apparatusfo ntium.
'd These very interesting Scholia, rightly given prominence by Uthemann, may
spiritual, human and divine-in a special combination capable of have been written by Anastasioshimself cf. decreationel,t, ad\3/85,1, z, ad97/ gg, etc.,
with the comments, pp. CXXXIX-CL.
23+ MUNITIZ,s.J.
JOSEPH ANASTASIOS OF SINAI 235

to give. And secondly, he is a preacher who clearly knows what is III. THn EvrnBNcn or OrHBn WRrrrNcs: 'Ouestionsand
on the minds of his listeners:he realizesthat they would prefer to Answers'
be at the theatre or at the baths, he understandstheir puzzlement
when faced by the arguments of fellow Christians who seem to have Particularly revealing among the other writings of Anastasios are
a more exalted view of Christ. the one hundred or so fuLestionsand Answers,still unfortunately
poorly edited but even in their published state offering much to the
careful reader. Thanks to the work of Marcel Richard it is possible
'Hodegos'
II. TnB EvroBNcn or OrHBn WnrrrNcs: to distinguish what portions of the published text can be traced
back to Anastasios himself,"o Although many other collections of
An unusual advantage for the appreciation of Anastasios as a the genre of erotapokriseishave survived2' and establish that origi-
preacher is the existence of his other writings. In many ways these nally they served for pedagogical purposes, none attributed to one
shed a remarkable light on his mind and on his approach to dealing of the great preachers is known to us.22
with others. In the first place it is worth mentioning the Hodegos. Perhaps the main problem that ariseswith regard to this work is
This extraordinary work was written as a uademecumto assist the how to weave into some semblance of order the multiple strands
ordinary Christian to withstand the criticisms of unorthodox fellow that it contains. But certain broad categoriesdo emerge: questions
believers, with particular reference to the situation in Eg1pt. It preoccupied with theological points (and specifically with develop-
opens with a series of definitions of terms, usually simplified ver- ment in the spiritual life) and those dealing with non-theological
sions of more complicated theological notions. Brief summaries of matters. One preliminary observation is particularly important
the main councils follow, stopping short with the Fifth Council when dealing with Anastasios the preacher. It concerns a chance
(Constantinople II of SSg)and making no mention of the Sixth remark early in Question h $27):2s
Council (Constantinople III of 68o/r), even if the main enemy for
Anybodywho wishesto explaintheseand similarproblemsin detailis
Anastasios is Severus and the Monophysites. He recounts in detail
forcedto haverecourseto physiologicalmaterialconcerningmedical
the discussionsin which he took part against the Monophysites in
for public
mattersand copulation,subjectswhich are not at all suitable
Alexandria. Included here is an account of his use of a 'visual-aid' reading
in church.
in the course of the argument, a representation of the crosswith the
words written below, 'God theWord and rational soul and body'.19 Although we know very little about the genesisof the QLestions and.
It is typical of Anastasios that he should have thought of such a Answersthis remark helps to establish that Anastasios sent his writ-
stratagem: original, personal, and emotional rather than logical. He ten answer to a specific question raised by a congregation; it was
is appealing to an audience that seesmore easily than it hears. He then read out in church. The churches in question may well have
knows how to capture their imagination, without too many scru- been some of the numerous 'private foundations' for which evi-
ples, while at the same time providing food for thought. It is easy dence has been found in the papyri of Eg1pt.'?aIf we may extrapo-
enough to imagine that the man who wrote the Hodegos should have
preached the sort of sermons that have survived. "o Richard's key article is mentioned n CPG 7746.
'Erotapokriseis' tn
"' H. and H. D6rrie s, art. , Reallexikonf)rAntikeundChri:Unnm6
$966),342-7o.
'" The collection attributed to Athanasius is
clearly apocryphal, and indeed in-
debted to that ofAnastasios.
'3 For referencesto the andAnswersttle convention adopted is to give the
@rcstions
number of the Question in the original, genuine collection, followed by the number in
brackets given to this question in the published version, PG 89, which reproducesthe
edition ofJacob Gretseq SJ. (r617).
's "n J.P. Thomas, Pri;uateReliginus Foundations
in theBlzantineEmplre,Dumbarton Oaks
HodtgosXII,3,6tz (ed.cit., zo5). Studies z4 flMashington,D.C., r9B7),esp. chap. 3: 'Private Religious Foundations in
46 JOSEPHMUNITIZ, S.J. A N A S T A S T O SO F S r N A r 237

late from this single casewe are able to see to some extent how a rg (BS)why does the church forgive some sins (e.g. heresy) more
preacher of the seventhcentury dealt with the sort of questionsthat easily than others (e.g.adultery)? q". 3I (97)what is pride? Qp. g+
were troubling his audience. (gB) it all sin due to the devil? Qr". +g (IoI) is the death penalty
A further question one would like to seeanswered, but with little enough to pardon a multiple assassin? Qp.+6 (Io3)is it a sin to fail
real hope, concerns the formation of the original collection. In the to put into practice the word of God? Qr. +7 Qoo quatnr)how can
few manuscripts that have preserved it in that form this collection an old person accustomedto sin obtain pardon? Q". +B (ro4)what
consistsof one hundred and three questions, a strange number are the ways of being saved?Qp. +g (Io5) are tears necessaryto
which suggeststhat originally the collector intended to form a cen- obtain pardon for sin? Q".lZ (tz4) are there different types of adul-
tury but could not resist adding a few extra, or alternatively that a tery? Qg. 84 (r3o)what are unconscioussins?
few questionshave been added. The answersto these questions give straight-forward, traditional
Another complication comes from the fact that three of the foLes- teaching, usually in quite brief answers, rarely longer than one
tinnsandAnswershavebeen lifted bodily from the works of Timothy page. However, in some cases,the later tradition may have found
of Alexandria. When one tries to pin down specific sourcesused by the answerstoo personal and they were omitted or radically altered.
Anastasiosin his replies,the resultsare meagre: Clement ofAlexan- Thus Qy. g2 can sins be mutually forgiven without recourse to
dria is mentioned in the long Q3r. zB (96), but the fragment attrib- God? Although the answer is largely negative Anastasiosintroduces
'spiritual'
uted to him seemsto be spurious.The ps-Dionysius appears in a what may be a personal memory of calumny against a
slightly paraphrased form (Qp. +z ltoo tefl), Abbot Anthony is person. Some answersmay have been consideredtoo lax, for exam-
quoted ir Q.r. 87 (not published), and Gregory of Nazianzus in Qp. ple: Qu. 33 what is the effect of habitual sin (masturbation is clearly
'revision' of this
94 (not published). It is not surprising that the first implied)? Qp. gS how important are frequent sexual sins?and Qu.
work was undertaken by somebody who felt that the Anastasian 38 what is the effect of seminal emissions?Anastasiossuggeststhat
text needed to be provided with supporting quotations from estab- a physiological explanation may be needed. When asked if a slave
lished authors, and rewritten in more traditional style. He was so can be saved although he is unable to fulfil his religious practices
successfulthat his work was copied and expanded into a collection (Qy. BZ),Anastasios is very positive, telling the story of the holy
of eighty-eight fuestionsandAnswerswhich proved to be very popu- layman revealed to St Anthony. But other answers may have been
Iar; this is the version of Anastasiosthat passedinto the Slavonic thought too exigent (..S. Qlr. 36 does conversion consist simply in
tradition. It is this version that was later amalgamated with the not sinning? No, one must show one's change of heart by acts)or
original collection and eventually publishe d byJacob Gretser in the insufficient (..S. Q]r. Tgwhy does God seem to have a predilection
early seventeenth century. for certain sinners? no answer is possible, and Qp. 78 why will cer-
tain sinsbe particularly influential at the finaljudgement fan exege-
sis of r Tim 5:24]?where Anastasiosseemsto teach that St Paul is
(i) Theological matters wrong).
Many more questions are connected with moral problems and
An overwhelming number of questions are concerned with prob- several are connected with financial matters: for example, qu. 44
lems of salvation,sin and pardon for sins:thus Q;r. 7 (7g) can 'good' (Ioz) can ill-acquired money be used for good ends? Qu. 45 (not
Jews and others be saved?qQ B (Bo) and 6r (rrr) can good non- published) is wealth always a gift from God? Qu. 83 (rz9)what is
Christians be saved?Qp. ro (Bz)is it possibleto obtain pardon for the Mammon of iniquity? Qy. BB (not published) can the wealthy
sin by one good act? Qu rr (83) can one lose by sin the merit one be saved?Qy. SS(not published)what proportion of one's income
has gained? Qu. rz (84)how old must one be to be able to sin? Qu. should be given in alms? Qr. SB (not published) should alms be
given to churches or to the poor?
Eglpt from the Evidence of the Papyri', which covers the fifth to eighth centuries.
 %B JOSEPHMUNITIZ, S.J. ANASTASTOSOF SrNAI 239

Other questions refer more strictly to the sacraments.On bap- man rather than an angelic nature. In contrast, there are several
tism: Qp. 9 (Br) what happens to infants that cannot be baptized questionson recondite details,mainly of scriptural exegesis:Q". gB
before death?Ql. t+ (86)should baptism be repeatedwhen heretics (not published) what was the high-priest's ephoud?Q;r. Bz (I zB)what
are reconciled? On Confession Q". Sz (toz bis)should it be fre- 'talents' in the parable (Mt z5:r4-3o)?
is meant by the Qp. 96 (not
quent? Qy. SS (not published) what should one do if no suitable published) how should one understand the Lord's saying to pluck
confessorcan be found? Q". S+(not published)should one enumer- out the eyethat scandalizes (Mt 5:29)?Quite a few of the Qpestions
ate sexual sins in detail? On the Eucharist, several questions are refer to specific texts and ask for an exegesis.
connected with communion: for example, Qu. 39 (3g ter) can one A number of larger human questionsare raised:Anastasiosand
receive communion after a nocturnal seminal emission? Qp. +o his correspondents are particularly fascinated by the problems of
(roo) can one do so after drinking some water by accident? Ql. +t death, life after death, and predestination. Thus Q;-r. 17 (not pub-
(not published)how frequently may one receive communion? Qu. lished) asksif foreknowledge of death would be an advantage. Q,u.
64 (r r3)when travelling should one carry communion or risk receiv- r6 (BB)is there a fixed limit to life? elicits a long reply. So do Q,u. zo
ing it in churches that are in schism?Qp. 6Z (rr5) may one receive (go) where are the souls now? Qp. zI (gr) how didLazatus have
communion after a legitimate sexual act? Anastasios is also asked knowledge in the after-life? and Qy. zz (gz) how can bodily resur-
if massesfor the dead serveany good purpose ir Qrr. 4z (too ter). rection be possible?Q;r. gg (not published) did God predetermine
On marriage: qu. 74!zt) are mixedmarriageswith non-Christians certain people to be good and others bad? And Q;r. roI (not pub-
permitted? QI. SZ(gg)ir polygamyjustified by the OldTestament? lished) is God responsiblefor the Arab invasions?Other problems
Qp. roo (tSg)ir polygamy still allowed? that fascinate them are those raised by sickness(Qp. zG [94]) and
Faith and its defence is frequently mentioned and Anastasios violent deaths, QQ zg and 3o (neither published), and also the in-
tends to stressthe responsibility of heresiarchs:25
Q". 68 (lr6)how evitability of death, q". 66 (rI4).The longest answer of all is dedi-
is a layman to react when he does not know how to reply to objec- cated to the allied problem of suffering in the world, Qp. zB (96),
tions? Qr. 6g (rr7) is there a general answer one can always give? and Anastasiosreturns to a form of this question it Qt. 7r (Ir9).
Q". Zo (rr8) are schismspeculiar to Christians? qu. 75 (rzzfis it Satan, as a causeof evil, is consideredit qq rc (rzS)and Bo (rz6),
permitted to escapewhen persecutioncomes?Q". Z6 (rz3)is prosti- and the eternity of hell is discussedit Qt. 93 (not published).The
tution permitted to those in captivity? Q". Bg (r34) why u.e *o-e nature of Paradise is dealt with in Qp. zg (not published).
who are willing to accept martyrdom not executed?Anastasios re- It is in his explanations of the spiritual life that Anastasios strikes
fe^rsspecifically to the Arab invasions of Palestine i" his deepestnotes: many of the opening questionsin his collection
ee 75 Qzz),
7! fzg), and ror (not published), which asksif they aie willed by are devotedto 'life in Christ' (Q". , fnot published]),progressin this
God. hfe (qq z bSl,5o [ro6]), and its advantages(QQ S[26],+llil).It
lfre
phenomenon of miracles raises a question ir
er. 6z (not is 'true adoration' (Qf, 6 fnot published]) that he wishes to pro-
published),but 'forced miracles' (such as the fortuitous opening of mote, basing himself on the advice of a contemplative hermit, and
the sacred text to seek an answer) is not .n.orrrug.d, err.r, if he has much to say on prayer (QQ z+[gg], 6o [rro], 97 fnot pub-
Anastasioscannot condemn it out of hand becaur. ,oirrurry of the lished]), on desolation in prayer (Qp. IB fnot published]), and on
Fathers allowed ir (q". 57 [ro8]). spiritual discernment (Qlr. 9o fnot published], and Qy. 56 [ro7] on
Speculative theological questions are quite rare.
- e,u. gS (rSB) the formation of conscience).To the questions mentioned above
dealswith christology,the submissionof the Son to the Father (part (Qtr. +Z ltoo quater]how can an old person accustomedto sin obtain
of an exegesisof I Cor r5:z8), Q". S (78)with the choice of a hu- pardon? Q". +B [ro4] what are the ways of being saved?Qp. +g
[ro5] are tears necessaryto obtain pardon for sin? Qlr. BB ltgz +
r33] can the wealthy be saved?),Anastasios shows great pastoral
E.g. in Qu. 78 (not included in the published version) mentioned above
"
 240 JOSEPHMUNITIZ, S.J. ANASTASIOS OF SINAI 24r

sensitivityandcomprehension,usually adopting a gentle,enc.urag-

unbaptized babies (Qy g [Br]) and to the age when they can first
ing line. His favourite virtues are clearly humiliry, properly under-
commit deliberate sin (Qp. Iz [84]), but they are also seenas a nor-
stood(Qu. gr [rgs]), and charity (ep gz
[ts6]).Tti. poor and desti- mal part of family life (qu. z+ lggl). We have already seen that
tute are much on his -il{. Faling is ail very well (eu.
5r fnot pub- marriage is discussedin various ways.
lishedl), but it is an upright life that should be give;
frio.ity orre. One question given great prominence seemsto call for a cosmo-
food rules (O_u.roz [r4o])and vows (eu. ro3 'There is a problem that is much discussednearly
[rar]). logical answer:
all over the world: does the day precede the night or, on the con-
trary, is it the night that has been placed before the day?' (Q". tS
(ii) Non- theologicaI matters
[87]). However, for Anastasios this is an exegetical problem and
consistsin reconciling GenesisI:5, which seemsto saythat day pre-
Interesting as many of the theological observations offered by
ceded night, with NewTestament texts, especiallyActs z6:rB, that
Anastasios are, his remarks on subje-ts that fall outside the strictly
say the contrary. It is characteristic of him that his scientific inter-
theological have an even greater value becausethey bring us closer
ests remain always subordinate to his theological. For Anastasios
to the
_ordinarypreoccupations,minds and hearts of his fongrega_ there is no such thing as chance (Q". BS fnot published]), and even
tions.-His political advice is revealing in itseE asked if one Jhould
when propounding his theory of the four elements he is careful to
qray !r all rulers, even those who aie not christian, he replies in stressthat any secondary causality is subordinate to God's over-
the affirmalive (Qu. 6o [rro]), but in discussingthe nature oipoliti-
arching control (Qfr. zB [96], cf. PG 89, 7+58).
cal power (Q". 6s fnot published]) he shows thlt he has no illusions
As one can see from this overview of the foLestions and Ansruers,
about the inadequacy of many .rle.s, both civil and eccresiastical.
they provide a unique vision of the mental world of the audiences
However, he really comes alive when he tackles questions
con- to which Anastasioswas speaking.So many of the questions are
cerned with physiology and the body-soul relation. one of
his lon- firmly anchored in the preoccupationsof lay men and women liv-
gest answers(Qu. rg
f8g]) concerns the nature of the soul, and he ing under the Arab occupation and sharing their faith in a divided
is obviously fascinated.by the problematic character
of knowledge: Christendom. Even if a number refer to the problems of the more
how can one know without tire body (ey. z,
[9r])? provokes an_ wealthy members of sociery Anastasios is clearly aware of the
other long intricate^ answer.The theorf puttii""tu.ty
dear to his harsh conditions of poverty and persecution that besetmany of his
heart is that of the four elements,which is introduced
on several hearers. He speaksfrom a background inspired by the ideals of
(qu. 22 [gr]., [96]), in the context of medical."plunu-
::-.1tt:"t 1q monastic asceticism,and organized with an episcopal infrastruc-
ttons. ,t'eople are p.u^zzled slcfr phenomena as the varietytf hu_ ture. Priests have a key role to play, mainly in hearing confessions,
man character(Qu. 27 !f illness(eu .26l1+l),ofdreams (eu.
W),of but there are indications that the spiritual life is considered quite
7z ltzo]). Anastasios ..6i, serr.ral timis to i[. pn.rromenon of capable of flourishing even when good confessorsare lacking and
(Q*." [75]) and has a lo-ngdisquisition on the question
lf"Ti",.y attendanceat church ceremoniesis impossible.Among the answers
ot sterility (Q". Br !tzzl)-sexual matters are mentioned
.lemale that were quietly suppressed in later versions is the one that dis-
qurte trequeldy:
Q" z5 (not published) on the causesof sexualac_ courages building wealthy churches, especially as they are likely to
ro,lgb]on the male and female contributions to concep_
:lIiI,$" be sacked, and recommends instead helping poor people, or the
non; tf,n. 39 (89 ter)and elt.67 (r r5), dealing with the legitimacy tf churches that are really in need (Q". SB fnot published]).
receiving communion after sexuaricts;
er.i6 (rz3) on p-ror,iir,,io., To a great extent this work helps to counterbalance the rather
under duress;Q:t.Zl (rz4) on the evils ofia"tt..y;
l"a b". Ae 1r3, anodyne picture given by homilies like the d.esacrasltnaxi,where the
,T,..?Tpu,ibility
ofordinary
familylife'with
UJ"g. s."a
lJtrl:"
unrrstran. uhildren are mentioned
audienceis presentedasperpetually back-sliding misbehaving and
in relation to the salvitio'n of uninterested in matters spiritual. Indeed, if only the sermons and
 ANASTASIOS OF SINAI -+J
242 J O S E P HM U N I T T Z ) S . J .

(Stories45-B; cp'
homilies had survived, it would be very difficult to form a fair idea 56), of baptism (Story 55) and of the Holy Places
of what the real preoccupations of the audience were. Howcveq q" Og [ir7]). Similarly, at least one of the homilies (Homilia in
when placed side by side the two genres do coincide on a number ,utu* Piatmum)shows Anastasios using stories while preaching'
of key themes: for example, the recognition that many Christians Other characteristicsof the storiesare lessconvincing: e.g.the link
are drawn to prayer and the spiritual life (clear in the Sermode with Sinai (Stories3, 9), and the emphasison the miraculous (given
Transfguratione);the emphasis on salvation and on pardon for sin the more distanced stanceof Q1r. 6z [not published])'
(Homilia in sextumPsalmum),on the ever-present threat of death
(Sermoin defunctos), and also on a liking for speculative questions
(most evident in the pseudo-homilies'on the creation of man in the Conclusion
image and likenessof God', but also found in the dialogue form of
the de sacrasltnaxfi.At the same time, the homilies also illuminate What has become evident from this survey of the Anastasian corpus
aspectsof the audience that the QtestionsandAnsutersfail to bring to in relation to his preaching activity is that he provides an
light: most noticeably their delight in rhetorical word play, which exceptional, if not ,tttiqr., view of the audience that a preacher of
is lacking in the straight-forward style of the QrcstionsandAnsuers. his time would have had to face. It is thanks to the foLestions andAn-
To judge from the evidenceso far, the Anastasiancorpus is not the swersthat we can form an idea of the preoccupations of seventh-
reflection of a schizophrenic sociery with preacherstalking to one century homofutpntiner,at leastof the trglptian/Palestinian variety.
half of a culture while the other half remained pointed in a differ- Most of what we learn is concerned with religious matters, but a
ent direction. Rather, the two genresreflect a complex, intellectu- surprising variety of other piecesof information come our way, and
ally vibrant societywhich needed different forms of cultural input. even in the religious sphere it is not without interest to find how
important a role is played by the inner life of devotion and prayer'
It ii also curious to find that even if certain patterns of thought may
IV. Tnn EvrlpNce op Ornnx WnruNcs: 'Narrationes' seemstrangeand foreign to us, there are sufficient perennial prob-
Iems to -uL. ,^ feel closeto thosewho questionedAnastasios-and
Ijnfortunately the 'edifying stories'attributed to Anastasiosof Sinai also listened to his sermons.
are so uncertain in their attribution that any use of them must be
very suspect.t6However,hrs Qrcstions andAnswsrsdo include some
examplesof the genre,tTand this may explain why more were clus- BibliograPlgt
tered round his name. As is evident from the Hodegos, Anastasios is
willing to use any means of persuasion that come his way, and he Primarl Sources
comes from an Eglptian/Palestinian milieu that was familiar with
collectionsof pious stories.It would have been surprising then if as Disputatioaduersus (CPG 7772):Mai,A. (ed.),PG 89, eo4-Bt (consid-
ludaeo.r
a popular preacher he had not had recourseto the edifying tale. ered spurious,probably seventh-century).
Many of the stories do recall points raised in the Qtesionsand Hodegos(ViaeDux)(CPG 77a5):lJthemann, K.-H. (ed.),AnastasiiSinaitae
Ansuers, for example the importance of the liturgy (or synaxis) ViaeDux, CCSG B (Turnhout-Leuven, rgBr).
(Story 3) and of the eucharisticspecies(Stories 42, Homiliaei-iii de creatione hominis(CPG 77a7-$: Uthemann' K.-H. (ed.)
4g,50, 5r, 53, Ana.rtasiiSinaitaeSemones hominissecundum
duoin constitutionem imaginemDei,
et Sermoaduersus qui communiter
monotheletas diciturHomiliaTirtia decreatione
't'
There ts abrief statusquaestionisin CPG 7758, final note. E Nau pointed out that hominis,CCSG Ie (Turnhout-Leuven, I9B5).
the second collection published by him diflered in characler from the firsr; cf. Rerued.e Homilia desacraynaxi (CPG 775o):Canisius, H. - Combefis, E (edd'), PG
I'Institut Catholiquede Pais 7 Qgoz), r7o, esp. 5o-2. Bg, Bz5-49.
'l They are
mentioned in n.rr above.
 ANASTASIOS OF SINAI 2+5
244 JOSEPHMUNITIZ, s.J.
,Pourquoi 6crivait-on des recueils de miracles? L'exemple
Homiliain sextumPsalrnum(CPG 775t):Combefis, E (ed.),PG 89, to77tt6; D6roche, v,
-
trt6-44. des miracles de saint Art6mios', in Jolivet-L6r'y, C' Kaplan, M'
JVarrationes: (CollectionesA, B, C) (CPG 7758):Nau, E (ed.),'Le texte grec Sodini, J.-P (edd.), Les saintset leur sanctuaired B2zance:Textes,imageset
des r6cits utiles d I'Ame d'Anastase (le Sinaite)', Oriens Christtanusg monuments, Byzantina Sorbonensia r t (Paris,1993),95-r r 6'
'D6mons et Sarrasins: I'auteur et le propos des Dilgimata
(tgo3), 56-75;i.dem,'Histoiresdes solitaires6glptiens', Reuuede I'Orient Flusin, B.,
Chritienn $go7), +3-69, 17r9g,3gg-+r1; Canart, P (ed.), cf. Secondar2. rtdriktikad'Anastasele Sinaite', TraaauxetMimoiresIr (r99r)' 38r-4o9'
(CPG 7746):Gretser,J. (ed.),PG 89,3rz-Bz4 (new
etresponsiones Guillou, A., cf. Primarlt Sources, Sermodetransfiguratione.
@mestiones ,The works of Anastasius of Sinai: a key source for the history
edition under preparation, J.A. Munitiz, CCSG). Haldon,J.,
',
of eastMediterranean societyand belief in Cameron, A'-Conrad, L'
Qrautio de uitaetermino(CPG 7746.t): Mai, A. (ed.), Scriptorumueterumnoua
collectior (Rome IBz5),369-7r. (edd.),The Eartlt Medieual East: Problms in the Lituarlt SourceMaterials
Sermoin dfunctos(CPG 7752):Matthaei, EC. (ed.),PG Bg, rrg2-2or. (Princeton, rggz), rc7- 47'
Sermode transfiguratione (CPG 7753):Guillou, A. (ed.), 'Le monastdre de la Nau, E, cf. Primarl Sources, Narrafiones'
'Les v6ritables "Qpestions et R6ponses" d'Anastase le
Th6otokos au Sinai ... Hom6lie in6dite d'Anastase le Sinaite sur la Richard, M.,
Sinaite', Buttetinde I'Institut deRecherche l4 (1967-9),
et d'Histoired.esTextes
Transfiguration' , M'llangesd'archiologie
et d'histoire67 (tgSS),zr6-58 (text:
47-5); new edition in preparation by K.-H. Uthemann. 39-56.
'Die ,Leshom6liesde L6once, pr€tre de Constantinople', Recherches
Slnopsis de haeresibus(CPG 7774): IJthemann, K.-H. (ed.), dem Su.hoi, M.,
Anastasios Sinaites zugeschriebene Synopsis de haeresibus et synodis. desciencesreligizuses
5r F97il,23+-43.
Einliihrung und Edition',,4 nnuariumHistoriaeConciliorum4 jg9z) 5B-g4. Sakkos,S,N., flegi,'Avcrotooiov Xlvqit6v (Thessalonike,I 964)'

Unpub lished Sermons/ H omilizs

Editions in preparation at the Vrlje Universiteit, Amsterdam, under the
direction of K.-H. Uthemann for the CCSG:
Homili.ain passionem Iesu Christi(BHGn afic) (CPG 7754).
Homilin in ramospalmarum(CPG 77Bo).
In nouamdominicamet in s.Thomamapostolum(CPG 5o5B l= ZISS]).
Sermodepseudoprophetis (CPG a5B3).

Secondary
Sources

Beck (1959),+42-6.
Canart, P, 'Nouveaux r6cits du moine Anastase',,4ctesdu XIII congrisinter-
natinnald'6tudu b2zantinu[Ochridtry6rJ (Belgrade, ry64), z69-7r.
Canart, P, 'IJne nouvelle anthologie monastique: le Vaticanus graecus
z5gz', fu Mus1on75 (1962),rog-2o.
Chrysos, E.,'Ne6teqot iiqeuvcnnegi,'Avcrotq,ol@v)rvaitdlv', KAHPO-
NOMIA r (1969), l.zr-+3.
Dagron, G., 'Le saint, le savant, I'astrologue: Etude de thdmes hagio-
graphiques d.travers quelquesrecueilsde "Questions et r6ponses" des
Ve,-VIIe sidcles', Hagiographiz:cultureset soc,iitis(IV-XIIr shcles),Institut
d'Etudes Augustiniennes (Paris,r9Br), 143-55.
 STJOHN DAMASCENE:PREACHERAND POi

Andrew Louth

StJohn of Damascus is known to history principally as the greatest

epitomist of Patristic theology. The purpose of this paper is to ex-
amine StJohn Damascene's relatively few surviving sermons, to set
them in the context of his life and his theology, and to endeavour
to discover what can be learned from them about his method of
(predominantly liturgical)preaching and his relationship to his au-
dience. One theme that emerges, which is pursued in some detail
in the latter part of the paper, is the way in which in some at least
of his sermonsJohn emergesas a creative theologian, with a theol-
og-yexpressedin ways that recall lesshis formal theological works
than his liturgical poetry one of the least studied parts of his theo-
logical oeuvre.
Despite the fact that within a few years of his death St John
Damascene'sfame was suchtl.rat,under the Arabic name 'Mansur',
he was ranked with Germanos of Constantinople and George of
Clprus in the trio of 'heretics'condemned by the Iconoclast Coun-
cil of Hieria h75+,'almost everything about his life is shrouded in
mystery. From his own works we learn almost nothing: he lived
long enough to call himself an old man (Dorm.II.r.3of.),' and in his
letter on the tisagion he claims to be close toJohn, Patriarch of
-
Jerusalem presumablyJohn V (Zo6-gS).3
However,John is not entirelylost to history: from various sources
-mainly chronicles, Greek and Arabic-we learn, at least, some-
thing about the family to which he belonged, and something of the
stagesof his life.John Damascene,or to give him his Arabic name,
Mansur ibn Sarjun, came from a family that for generations had

'
Seethe definition of the Council of Hieria. preserved inthe Acta of the Seventh
EcumenicalCouncil:J.D.Mansi,SacrorumConciliiiumNoaaetAmplissimaCollectio,5gvols.
(Florence,ry5g-t\z), r3, 356CD.
" The edition ofJohn Damascene'sproseworks usedis B. Kotter (ed.),Diz Schiftm
desJohannes uonDamaskos,5vols., PatristischeTexte und Studien 7 (Berlin-New York,
tg69), rz (tglS), tl $975),zz (r98r),z9 (rgBB).Kotter (rgBB),usinghis abbreviationsfor
the sermons and referencesto section and line.
s Tiisag.z6.ry-4; Kotter (r98r),3zg.
2+B ANDREW LOUTH ST JOHN DAMASCENE 2+9

held high position in the fiscal administration of Syria.+His grand- that there is no mention of him in the late eighth-century life of St
father, ilso called Mansur ibn Sarjun, had servedunder the Byzan- Stephen the Sabaite, which waxes eloquent on the fame of the
tine emperors at the beginning of the century and, according to Sabaite monastery.TThis may not, however, be decisive,since it is
some accounts,not only did he survive the Arab conquest of Da- likely that only wonder-workers would count as bringing renown to
mascusin 635, but was himself responsiblefor negotiating the sur- the monastery and no one pretends thatJohn was such.8There is
render of the city to the Arabs, thus preserving it from pillage. hitherto unnoticed evidence earlier than the Vita,but it only con-
Mansur ibn Sarjun was succeededby his son, Sarjun ibn Mansur, fusesthe issue:the tenth-century manuscript in theVatican Library
so thatJohn was born the son of a high official of the Umayyad gr. zo8r, describesJohn, in the heading of its text of John's first
court in Damascus. Despite the name by which we know this fam- sermon on the Dormition, as rfrE rrol"ordEl.crlqoE, 'of the Old
ily, whatever race they may have belonged to-they may have been Laura',which Kotter glossesas 'des hl. Saba'.gHowever, Mar Saba
Semitics they belonged to the Hellenized 6lite of Damascus,onot was not the 'Old' Laura, but the 'Great' Laura: the Old Laura was
to the common people of the region. They spokeGreek, not Syriac, the monastery of St Chariton. Wherever his monastery was, there
though as officials of the Umayyad court they presumably spoke he died, certainly before 754and almost certainly after 74g.toOf his
Arabic as well.John at arryrate received a thorough classicaledu- life in the monastery we know practically nothing: at some stage it
cation, as is evident from his command of Greek. Of the rest of seemshe was ordained priest, but that is all."
like his
John's life in Damascus we know nothing, except that he, Some of the references toJohn in Theophanes's Cltronographia
father and grandfather, rose to a high position in the civil service. bear onJohn's reputation as a preacher: first, Theophanes always
Some time, probably shortly before 7zo (though it could be earlier calls himJohn Chr2sorrhoas, and explains the epithet ('flowing with
or even later),John left the civil service in Damascus and became gold') as referring, in part, to his fame as a preacher (the same
a monk nearJerusalem:that, at least, seemsassuredfrom his close epiphet is used, as a variant for the more usual chrysostomos,ofJohn
acquaintance with PatriarchJohn, already mentioned. By tradition Chrysostom himself)." Further, Theophanes mentions that John
his monastery was the Great Laxra, founded by St Sabas in 478. delivered eulogies for Peter,bishop of Maiuma, who was martyred
This has recently been called in question by Marie-France Auztpy, for cursing Mohammedin 74g.tzThis stressonJohn's renown as a
who points out that the evidenceforJohn's presenceat the monas-
tery of Mar Saba is late (the eleventh-century Vita of John), and
7 Auz6py (1994).
o SeeA. Louth, 'A Christian theologian at the
court of the Caliph: some cross-
cultural reflections', Dalogos3 (1996),4-r9, esp.n. rr.
a The Arabic names usedhere, and later for his father and grandfather, are those e Kotter (r9BB),
'o The decree of 464.
given by R. Le Coz (ed.),JeanDamascine, Ecits surIslttm,SC 393 Paris, r99z) and M.-E the Iconoclast Council of Hieria (754) condemning John
Auz6py,'De la Palestinei Constantinople (VI[e-IXe sidcles):Etienne le SabaiteetJean ('Mansur') seemsto regard him as already dead;John Damascene's main work, Tfu
Damascdne', Tiaaauxet MlmoiresIz (rgg4), rB3-zIB. They are in turn taken from the Fountof Knoulzdge, is dedicated to Kosmas,asbishop of Maiuma, a position he assumed
Arabic sources.The Greek sources,notably Theophanes, here drawing on an Arabic n743.
source,simply give Greek versionsof the Arabic names.There is some confusion in the " This account of what little we know ofJohn's life owes much to Le Coz (r9gz)
Greek sources(e.g.,Johnis sometimesreferred to as Movoouq, sometimesas 6to{ and to Auz6py (rgg4).There is also a detailed discussionof the sourcesforJohn's lGin
Mcvootg), perhaps because the Greeks were no longer familiar with patronl'rnics, G. Richter (ed.),Johannes aonDamaskos, Philosophische
Kapitel,Bibliothekder Griechischen
which seem to have fallen out of use in the later Roman empire (see C. Rouech6, Literatur 15(Stuttgart, ryBz), z-gz,of which neither Le Coz nor Auz6py^themakesany use.
inlnteAntiquiQ,JournalofRoman StudiesMonograph 5 [London' rg8g], xx),
Aphrodisins The earliest evidence that John was a hieromonk seems to be reference in
and treated Movoouq as a family name. Theophanes, Chronographia(A.M. 6234);C. de Boor (ed.),Theophanis chronographia,zvols.
s According to DJ. Sahas,of 'semiticancestry',in B' Lewis-E Niewohner (edd.), (Leipzig rBB3-5;repr. Hildesheim, 1963),4o8.
'" Theophanes, Chronographia
im Mittelalte6WolfenbiiLttelerMittelalterstudien 4 (I992), zo4 (which I
Religionsgupriichz (A. M. 6234);de Boor (1963),4r7.As well asthe refer-
have not been able to consult; it is cited by Averil Cameron in her review of Le Coz ence in the last footnote,John is also called Chrysorrhoas when Theophanes records
[r9gz] inJI$ "MS.46 [1995],37r).Le Coz seems to take a similarview: Le Coz (1992), his condemnation by the Council of Hieria (A.M. 6245; de Boor [1963],428): For the
tJ.
use oflquoopq6oE, seeG.\,VH. Lampe,A PahisticC,reeklzicon(Oxford, 1968),1535,s.z.
o PaceSahas (Ig9z). 's lbid.,A.M. 6234;de Boor
Qg63),4q.
25O ANDREW LOUTH sT JOHN DAMASCENE 25r

preacher may seem surprising, for relatively few of his sermons All of the above sermons are preserved in Greek and seem to
hu.r. .o-. down to us. Not only that, but a glance at Kotter's de- have been delivered in that language. But from what has already
scription of the more than four hundred manuscripts used in his gleaned about the Damascene'slife, it seemslikely that he spoke
edition'a revealsthat the Damascene'ssermonswere not transmit- Arabic, as well as Greek. This raisesthe interesting question as to
ted as a collection, but individually, or in small groups (even the whetherJohn ever preached in Arabic. If he did, the sermons have
three sermons on the Dormition, which clearly belong together, not been preserved and the impression thatJohn gives of himself
were often separatedin transmission),often in a manuscript (e.g', in all his survivingworks is of a Byzantine churchman'6-aByzan-
amenologion) intended for liturgical use.As we shall see,all ofJohn's tine churchman, however,with a genuine knowledge of Islam.'7If
sermonswere delivered in a specificliturgical context; it seemsthat John ever did use Arabic, whether in sermons or in more formal
it was to enable them to continue to fulfil this function that they treatises, it is difficult to see why they would not have been pre-
were preserved. So, despite the impression given by Theophanes, served,sincewithin years of his death we witnessthe beginnings of
John does not seemto have been so highly regarded as a preacher Arabic Christianity in Palestine:Theodore Abu-Qurra, one of the
by posterity for his sermons to have been preservedas a collection, first Arabic Christian theologians, was born probably in the last
although it seemsthat they were valued, individually, for their litur- decade ofJohn's life and was for a time a monk in Palestine (at the
gical use, and preservedas such. Great Lawa).
What sermonsofJohn do we now possess? Volume 5 of Kotter's There is hardly any evidence from the sermons themselvesas to
'opera homiletica et hagiographica', prints fif- where they were preached, savewhat can be gleaned from the na-
edition, containing
teen items, five of which he judges spurious. I propose to follow ture of the audience,and there is scarcelyany more evidence as to
Kotter's judgment, which leavesthe following ten sermons: a ser- when they were preached, except in terms of liturgical time. We
mon on the fig-tree and the parable of the vineyard (CPG Bo5B),a have already noticed that in the second sermon on the Dormition
sermon for Holy Saturday (CPG Bo5g), the passion of the great John indicates that he is an old man (II.r.3of.).This does not, how-
martlr Artemius (CPG BoBz),the praise of the martyr St Barbara ever, help us to find any historical sequence in the sermons, for if
(CPG 8o65),a sermon on the Nativity of the Lord (CPG 8o67),the John was born when Kotter thought he was, in 65o,'8 he would
praise of StJohn Chrysostom (CPG 8o64), a sermon on the Trans- have been an old man throughout his career as a monk; if a more
figuration of our SaviourJesusChrist (CPG Bo57),and three ser- plausible date for his birth is adopted, for example 675,he would
mons on the Dormition of Mary the Mother of God (CPG 8o6I- still have been elderly during most of his monastic life. Remarks in
3).'sTo any objection to the inclusion of the hagiographical works, the sermonsthat could be taken asevidenceof opposition to Icono-
it should be pointed out that all three give evidenceof having been clasm (seebelow)probably mean that thesesermonswere delivered
delivered to an audience: thus they qualify as sermons.There re- after 7zGor 7go, though that conclusion is by no means certain.
main the three treatisesagainst the Iconoclasts (CPG Bo45).Al- IfJohn was indeed a hieromonk in Palestine,the presumption is
though the first two of these texts contain terminology which sug- that his sermons were delivered as part of the monastic round of
gests that they might have been delivered orally, in their present services.This presumption, however, begs questionsto which one
form they representtreatisesrather than sermons(e.g.,they all con- would like more concrete answers.Justwho did preach at services
tain a more or less extended florilegium). I shall therefore leave in eighth-century monasteriesin general, and in Palestinein partic-
them out of this study. ular? There is later evidence that preaching and the giving of -o-

'4 'b
Kotter (r9BB),3-55. See Louth (1996), r5.
's Kotter's objections to the sermon on the Nativity of the Mother of God (CPG '7On his knowledge of Islam, see Le Coz (1992), 67-18z.
8o6o), included by P Voulet in his edition ofJohn's marian sermons, do not appear So Kotter, Johannes von Damaskos' in TheologischeRealenqktopiidie 17 (Berlin-
absolutely conclusive;nonetheless,I shall not include it in this study. NewYork, rgBB), rz7.
 ANDREW LOUTH STJOHN DAMASCENE 253
252

nastic catechesiswas part of the task of an abbot (the most obvious the Nativity and St Artemius are clearly very odd; this renders them
example is that of StTheodore of Stoudios,at the end of the eighth very literary pieces.In the caseof the Artemius sermon, an expla-
and blginning of the ninrh century in Constantinople).It is possible nation could be advanced on the lines that, although originally it
that preaching was assignedto monks (especiallyhieromonks) who was delivered as a sermon, what survives represents rather a hagi-
were thought to be good at it, but there is little evidence to support ographical treatise on St Artemius, composed by an author with a
this theory.John's epiphet, chr2ssorlnas, suggeststhat he was highly scholarly bent, who has used the opportunity to give an account of
valued as a preacher,although the Christmas sermon' at least,sug- the saint's 'times' from a wide range of sources.That John was
geststhatJohn did not always live up to expectatiols, unless eighth- scholarly is unquestionable,and that he was keen on an accurate
ientury Palestinianmonks had very odd homiletic tastes. presentation of his sourcesis a feature of his attitude to tradition
One of the oddestfeaturesofJohn's sermonsis the way in which that I have discussedelsewhere.'oI cannot, however, think of any
he incorporates sometimes quite substantial extracts from other similar justification for the Christmas sermon.
literary sources (including other writings of his own) into them. On the use of his Expositiofdeiin the dogmatic sections ofJohn's
From this it would appear thatJohn wrote his sermons down be- sermon, to which Kotter draws attention, it is perhaps worth mak-
forehand, and read them out. There is little evidence to suggest ing two remarks. First, what is striking about these sections is not
whether this practice was usual or not; certainly, it was contrary to word-for-word citation (which appearsrarely), rather the pursuit of
traditional rhetorical practice. Nevertheless,this practice raises a line of thought precisely parallel to what we find in the Expositio
other questionswhich demand treatment here.The sermonson the with the same scriptural and Patristic citations. A good example is
Nativity and on St Artemius share the peculiarity of incorporating Sabbat.rz, for which Kotter refersus to Expositio5o. 17-36.Both pas-
wholesale passagesfrom literaryworks. The sermon on the Nativity sagesexpound the union of perfect godhead and perfect manhood
contains a long passagetaken from the late sixth-century Religious in the Incarnation: there are many parallels, but what is most strik-
Conuersation at theSassanidCourt,'9and concludes with the recital of ing is the way in which the same two quotations are used, Colos-
the whole ofJudges Ig, supposedlyillustrative of Rachel's weeping sians z:9 and the famous phrase from St Gregory Nazianzen's ep.
for her children (cf. Mt z:IB); it begins with a passagein praise of Ior ('the unassumedis the unhealed'). It is not, perhaps, surprising
spring that seemsto rework themes from a homily falsely ascribed thatJohn recalls his own classic treatment in the epitome he gives
to Chrysostom, and Gregory Nazianzen's sermon In nouam in the sermon. But a secondpoint I would make concerns the na-
Dominicam.The sermon on St Artemius is expressly compiled from ture of the Expositiofdei itself: in Lionel Wickham's memorable
various church historians: John lists Eusebius, Socrates, phrase, 'Patristic theology may be said to aspire to the condition of
'many others' the florilegium and in its last representative John of Damascus,
Philostorgius,Theodoret, and adds that he has used
(Artem.4). The passagesfrom Philostorgiusare of considerableinter- whose De FideOrthodoxa is a mosaic of quotations, attains its goal'.2'
est, and include an account ofJulian the Apostate's attempt to help Preciselybecauseit is a mosaic of quotations,one might well expect
theJews to rebuildJerusalem, which was thwarted by an earth- John to remember what he remembered, and echo the shapeof the
quake and 'fire from the disturbed foundations' (Artun.68)' The Expositinwhen he covers the same ground in his sermons (this argu-
sermon on St Artemius is also exceptionally long; nonetheless it ment does not prejudge the question of the date of the sermons;
contains evidence that it was delivered orally, as the preacher ad- even though the Expositiofideiwas not published before
74g,r, there
dresseshis audience (Artem.3).All of the sermons,especiallyin pas-
sagesof theological exposition,draw on the Damascene'stheologi-
'o
The caseof the sermons on
cal treatises,especially the Expositiofidei. SeeLouth (1996),rrf,
"' In C. Laga-J.A. Munitiz-L. Van Rompay (edd.),Aftzr Chalcedon. Studizs
in Thell-
ogt and ChurchHistor2 Oferedn Professor
Albert VanRoeyfor hisSeztentbth
Birthday,Orientalia
'e E. Bratke (ed.), Das sogenannte am Hofe desSasanidcn,Texte und
Religionsgesprtich LovaniensiaAnalecta rB (Leuven,r9B5),rr7.
22 Seenote ro above.
Untersuchungenrg.3; N.E +.g (Leipzig,IBgg).
 ANDREW LOUTH STJOHN DAMASCENE 255
25+

is no reasonto supposethat the material was only compiled at that tions indicate that John was conscious of Muslim objections to
date). Christianity and that he was keen to rebut them, albeit indirectly.
So far we have approachedJohn's sermons from the perspective Twice he defends Christianity against the charge of idolatry: Barb.
ofJohn himself and his life as a hieromonk in Palestine,where (and 4 and Dorm.ILr5 (where his specific point is that in honouring
when) it is presumed he delivered his orations. But do the sermons Mary as Mother of God we are not venerating her as a'goddess').
'Any-
tell us anything about those to whom he preached, or about their More interestingly, in the sermon for Holy Saturday we read:
concerns?Johnsometimesaddresseshis congregation in terms that one who saysthat Christ was a slave,we closeour earsto him... and
could apply to any Christian: for example, in biblically resonant we should bear his reproach as a diadem of glory' $abbat.97. 2-5).
'brethren, we who have received the name of faith, and Jesusis regarded by Muslims as a good Muslim, i.e. a slaveof God
language as
are counted worthy both to be called and to be the people of (see,for example, fuLr'an4: ryz).It is possiblethat this is whatJohn
Christ' (Ficus6.I) and'longed-for bride of Christ' (ibid.7.r),and in has in mind here; more traditional adoptionist heresy regardedJe-
'the divine and sacred flock of the great shepherd sus as a man, not a slave,andJohn's words here seem to envisage
Sabbat.36.3as
and priest and victim, a chosenpeople, a royalpriesthood'. Some- an actual situation in which Christians would hearJesus called (to
times John seems to use language that suggestssomething more them, blasphemed as) a slave.There are also severalplaces in the
formally monastic:Qil.60eovouorrlpo (Tlans.I.I; cf. Dorm.IILr.5), sermons which possibly contain implicit polemic against the Icono-
'beloved clasts:e.g.,Nat.II. B-I5,where the magihave apicture made of the
6 tdrv Oeitrlvl.6yrrwQr,l.rlxoovouottlpo (Dorm.II.I.rB), and
'best childJesus and his Mother, and the mention of the statue of Christ
fathers and brothers' (Dorm.I.4.r; II.IB.I), and most dear-to-
God shepherds' (Dorm. II.r.g), which perhaps also refer to the set up by the woman with the issue of blood at Paneasor Caesarea
monks visiting the monastery for the great feast of the Dormition. Philippi (and allegedly destroyed by the Hellenists underJulian), at
But all this tells us no more than we would expect. Artem. 57.17-27, which became part of the anti-Iconoclast arsenal
Evidence concerning the nature ofJohn's audience may also be (cf. Imag.III.68).
revealed by the form of polemic that he employs, by the way he John is fond of quoting scripture and keen to explain dfficulties.
interprets scripture, and by the ethical conclusionswhich he draws. His explanations are often ingenious and it is possible that he did
So far as polemic is concerned, relatively little appears to be direct. not distinguish significantly between sermons and treatises.John
The story of theJew who tried to touch the bier of the Mother of seems to take for granted a theologically literate audience, who
God(Dorm.II. r3) is part of the traditional account; it was polemical could pick up his allusions not only to scripture, but also to the Fa-
in its original context and remains so in John's sermon. The ac- thers. He often makes quite significant points without dwelling on
count of the attempt to rebuild the temple inArtem.68 also contains them. One example of this occurs in a passageon the processionof
anti-Jewishpolemic, as doesJohn's exegesisof the parable of the the Holy Spirit, in which the preacher reveals his awarenessof the
vineyard in Sabbat.4f.John'saccounts of Christian doctrine, espe- problem of the double processionand,like Maximos, is concerned
cially of the doctrine of the Trinity and the Incarnation, clearly to say that in a certain way the Spirit doesproceed from the Son as
separate orthodox teaching from heresy but do not appear espe- well as from the Father, but that ultimatelv there is onlv one source
cially polemical. There is polemic against Apollinarianism (equated in the Godhead:
with Monothelitism?) at Ficusr.3Bf, and Origenism is explicitly con- ...nvetpo,d,ylovtot Oeotxai rrorQoE cirg6l oriro0Bznogeu6plevov, 6neg
demned at Sabbat.6.5-7.It might be argued that the much more zal rot uioO pdv tr6yercl69 6ri aritot QcveqorSpevov xai rfr xrioel
extended treatment of the heresy of Monothelitism in SabbaL17 pero666pevov, dl"i- oriz 3l crritotdlov trlv {incqfrv...(Sabbat.
4. 2r3)
indicates that this was a live heresy again inJohn's day, as it was, (...theHoly Spirit of God the Father,asproceedingfrom him, who is
also said to be of the Son, as through him manifest and bestowed on the
but it is not as polemical as Maximos's irnpassioned invective
creation, but not as taking his existence from him...)
against the Monothelites in his christological opuscula.A few sec-
 otr,1
256 ANDREW LOUTH ST TOHN DAMASCENE

Invented dialogue and similar devices appear in the hagiographies All of John's sermons have a conventional rhetorical structure,
and the sermon on the Nativity, but in all such casesJohnis repro- whatever their content may be. They begin with a captatio
ducing what is in his sources,not making it up himself. It is likely beneuolentiae, in which a common toposrs the impossibitity of ex-
thatJohn's sermons would be fairly comprehensibleto a theologi- pressing divine mysteries in human language, and closewith a dox-
cally literate audience, although it is not clear what they would ology.John is familiar with, and useseffectively, rhetorical devices
have made of the sermon on the Nativitywith its long citation from such as antithesis, anaphora, homoioteleuton, apostrophe and
Judges and the lengthy history lesson in which the story of prosopopoiia. He is particularly fond of anaphora, which he regu-
Artemius is set. larly usesas away of drawing out the doctrinal significance of the
As far asJohn's ethical conclusionsare concerned, theseremain event that is being celebrated liturgically, and makes great use of a
general although they may at times be very moving. For example, kind of rhythmical antithesis (often incorporating anaphora), which
at the end of the Fig-tree sermon, after referring to his congregation he usesto great effect in passagesof theological exposition, espe-
'longed-for
as the bride of Christ', the preacher continues, 'Long cially in the casesof the doctrine of the Incarnation and mariology
worthily for the One who longs for you. Open to him wholly the which, of course, lend themselves very readily to such antithetical
inner chamber of your heart, that he may dwell in you wholly, to- treatment.
gether with the Father and the Spirit' (Ficus7. zf,). It appears that But what is most revealing aboutJohn's sermons-and which, as
John draws a response from his congregation by presenting the the manuscript tradition reveals, is why they have been preserved
mysteries of the faith as powerfully attractive.23He is also capable -is that they all take place in liturgical time: all of the extant ser-
of making his point 'doctrinally', as when in the same sermon he mons of the Damascenewere preached on particular liturgical oc-
argues for the necessityof both faith and works (Ficus6). Again, all casions.This concern for the liturgical cycle reminds us that, ac-
this presupposes a theologically literate, although not specifically cording to tradition, John is one of the pre-eminent Byzantine li-
monastic, audience. turgical poets.This tradition has doubtlessbecome somewhat in-
As for genre, the sermons on St Barbara and St John flated: the icon of StJohn Damascenehas inscribed on the scroll he
Chrysostom are both described correctly in the manuscripts as is carrying the opening words of the concluding Theotokion in the
6yx6pr,c,the sermon on St Artemius appearsasan tn6pv4pc, while first tone for GreatVesperson Saturday,Tot faBglqL Q0eylop6vou
the remaining works are called l.6yor,(exceptfor Dorm.II, which in oo[, flag06ve, rd Xaige, presumably reflecting the tradition that
most manuscripts is not described at all). Of those described as ascribes to him the whole of the Paraklitiki. Certainly, the great
l.6yor,, the texts on the fig-tree and for Holy Saturday represent Easter kanon is generally acceptedas being from the hand ofJohn,
straightforward exegetical homilies, though they contain passages and there is little doubt that he is one of those who enriched the
of theological exposition, often in the form of encomia (for exam- liturgical poetry of the orthodox church. This we need to bear in
ple, Ficus r, an encomium of theWord who has movedJohn to mind when considering this preacher's encomia and homilies.
speak,which contains a brief exposition of creation-fall-redemption Three ofJohn's sermonsare expositions(or contain expositions)
through the Incarnation, or Sabbat.z, which appearsto be an enco- of liturgical Gospel readings. The homily on the fig-tree and the
mium of revelation, or in the same work, 5, an encomium of cre- parable of the vineyard comments on Matthew zt:t9-zz;t4, and the
ation); the sermon on the Transfieuration has a similar combination sermon for Holy Saturday on Matthew z7:62-6.The sermon on the
of exegesisand theological encomia (seethe encomium of St Peter Transfiguration is not limited to the liturgical Gospels for the feast
in Tians. 6); Dorm. III, and parts of the other sermons on the (Mt 17:r-9for the Eucharist, Lk g: z8-36 for Matins), but also com-
Dormition, also have the form of encomia. ments on Mark's account, and the differencesbetween all three,
notably whether the Transfiguration took place after 6 or B days
'3
Note the similar conclusions concerning the sermons ofAndrew
(Mt r7:r and Mk g: z against Lk 9:zB lTiansfig.B]). In the first two
of Crete drawn
by M.B. Cunningham in rhis volume.
 s:r JOHN DAMASCENE 259
258 ANDREW LOUTH

cases(Ficusand Sabbat.),the Gospel passageis the liturgical Gospel How does the liturgical setting of the sermons a-ffecttheir content
for Matins for the Monday in HolyWeek and Holy Saturday,re- and structure?The effect on content is evident:John's sermons are
spectively.This raisesthe interestingquestion as to when preaching about the saint or mystery celebrated. On structure, it does seem
normally took place.There is certainly evidencethat, even outside significant that the sermons on the Dormition take account of the
a monastic context, there were sermons at other servicesthan the rigours of an all-night vigil. The first sermon, although it is not the
Eucharist (both John Chrysostom - for Vespers- and Severus of longest, is the most dense theologically and concentrates on the
Antioch-for Matins-could be cited for this practice) at an earlier Incarnation and Mary's place in it. The second,which is the lon-
date. My suspicion is that preaching at Matins had become by the gest,tells the traditional story of the Assumption of the Mother of
eighth century at least in Palestine,a monastic practice. If so, then God and dwells on its significance, both theologica\ and devotion-
John's sermons would fit, where we expect them, into the round of ally. The third sermon is quite brief, and presents its message in
a specifically monastic office. terms of colourful imagery already introduced in the first two ser-
The sermons on the Dormition were originally a trilogy, given in mons, much of which recalls the titles ascribed to the Mother of
the course of an all-night vigil ([ohn speaksof nc,vvrilor.goraoeor): God in Byzantine hymnography, not least the Akathist Hymn.
'the rays light Four of John's sermons) those on the Transfiguration and the
the first sermon was given while of were fading' (I. 4.
5); in the second he speaks of honouring the Mother of God with trilogy on the Dormition, stand out becausethey seem to develop
'all-night something that is parallel to his liturgical poetry. All four of these
stations' (II.16.z); in the third he is looking forward to
breakfast (IILr.6f.)! Nowadays, an all-night vigil consistsof Little sermons explore the meaning of the feast by a kind of re-creation
Vespers,Great Vespers,Compline, Midnight Office, Orthros (or of the liturgical event. All of them merit close attention, and beg
Matins), Lauds, Prime,Terce, Sext, and the Divine Liturgy, and, on comparison with the liturgical poetry of the feast involved, but here
a major feast like the Dormition, can last anything up to eighteen I shall discussonly the sermons on the Dormition since these reflect
or nineteen hours.What form it took inJohn's day, we can only the development of devotion to Mury among the orthodox Chris-
guess; it was certainly still developing. When during the vigil the tians of Palestine(although in the caseof the sermon on the Trans-
three sermons were delivered is also a matter for conjecture: per- figuration, we find ourselves on the path that leads from the
haps atVespers,Ma.tins and the Divine Liturgy? Macarian homilies and St Maximos to one of the central themes of
The other sermons contain less definite evidence of liturgical later hesychasm).In a larger study the parallel with Byzantine litur-
occasion.The Christmas sermon has many oddities. It opens with gical poetry could be made more precise, for of the two kanons
remarks about the arrival of spring (in late December!), and com- sung at Matins on the feast of the Dormition, one is ascribed to
pares the Incarnation with the renewal that accompanies spring. It Kosmas the Melodist,John's fellow-monk and possible schoolmate
is not clearly on any particular Gospel passage,but draws on both in Damascus, and the other to John himself. Very little work has
the Infancy Narratives (Mt r:r8-z: z3 and Lk z).The three hagiog- been done of the reliability of these ascriptions, but when they are
raphical orations were presumably intended for the celebration precise,as theseones are, they should be trusted.There are striking
(navqyugr,g) of the individual saints:StArtemius is celebratedon zo parallels between both these kanons and John's sermons on the
Octobel, St Barbara on 4 December (normally, some local calen- Dormition: parallels that were made explicit in St Nikodimos the
dars give 3 or r r December), StJohn Chrysostom on z7 Jantary or Agiorite's Commentary on the liturgical kanons of the Great Feasts,
perhaps 13November.24However, the texts provide no closer iden- his 'Eoqto6q6pr,ov.2s
tification of their litureical context than this. As I have already indicated, the three sermons on the Dormition

'4 "s Nil<odimosthe Agiorite,'Eoqto6g6plov (Venice, r836). I have used the edition
Kotter specifiesthis date as that of the translation of his relics (Kotter [r9BB],
35r); I do not seewhy it could not have been intended for the date to which the celebra- published by Ekdosis Orthodoxos Kypseli, 3 vols. (Thessalonike);vols. r and I (tgQZ),
tion of his death is transferred, r3 November. vol. z (rgg5):his Commentary on the kanonsfor the Dormition is in vol. g, gzt-4o6.
z6o ANDREW LOUTH srJoHN DAMASCENE z6t

were delivered as a trio, as part of an all-night vigil, and the three by, and having nothing else to offer, offers him water in his cupped
sermonsthemselvesgive evidenceof the exigencesof such a strenu- hands,thus offering from his needinessnothing more than his cour-
ous occasion.They are among the most carefully crafted ofJohn's age in approaching him (I.z).After a brief apostropheof Mary her-
sermons and use many rhetorical deviceswith considerableeffect self,John embarks on a brief and dense exposition of the doctrine
both dramatically and theologically: the rhetoric reflects the theo- of the Incarnation, in an apostrophe addressedto Christ (I.3). He
logical reality it is expounding. The structure of the sermons taken then turns to address his audience directly, and in an anaphora
'behold' 'blessed
together as a trio (asindicated above) is clearly significant: Sermon based on and fare you]' (the combination itself
r is mainly concerned with the Incarnation, including the events of recallsthe sixth beatitude and other sayingsof the Lord about see-
Mary's life that led up to the Nativity of the Lord (especially the ing and blessedness), calls on his audience to behold the conse-
Presentationand the Annunciation), as well as the prophetic fore- quencesof the Birth of the Son of God to the Mother of God man-
shadowing of the Incarnation; Sermon 2 moves to the event of the ifest in her Dormition and Assumption (I.4).John then turns to the
Dormition and Assumption itself and founds this theologically on events that led up to the Nativity: he tells of Mary's parents,
the fact of Mary's perpetual virginiry an entailment of the Incarna- Joachim and Anna, of Mary's Presentationin the Temple and her
tion already drawn out in Sermon r; Sermon 3 is a celebration of life there as ayounggirl, and herbetrothal toJoseph (I.5).Although
the Assumption, worked out through elaborate imagery the guid- all this is basedon apocryphal material,John's account is sober and
ing thread of which is the metaphor of Mury as the ark that bore avoids the fabulous.Then comes the Annunciation, withJohn re-
God. Throughout, the burden of the theological exposition is borne citing the biblical account and commenting on it, often using
by imagery almost entirely inspired by the Old Testament. Such 'You
anaphora. On the angel'swords have found grace with God',
imagery was already current in Byzantine poetry, not least in the John comments in an apostrophe to Mary:
Akathist Hymn and the kanon that liturgically accompanies it. An-
Truly shefoundgrace,who wasworthy of grace.Shefoundgrace,who
other striking feature of these sermons is the use thatJohn makes had workedhard in the field of graceand broughtforth a hear,yearof
of the Song of Songsin relation to Mary. Such use is often alleged corn. Shefound grace,who had givenbirth to the seedsofgrace,and
to be lesscommon in the Byzantine East than in the Latin West; broughtforth a fat corn of grace.Shefound the abyssof grace,who
this may be true of commentaries on the Song, of which there was preservedsoundthe vesselofdoublevirginiry and kept the soulvirgin,
a veritable explosion around the twelfth century in theWest, unlike no lessthan the body,and thusthe virginity of the body hasbeenpre-
anything in the East.'6 Let us follow this through in somewhat more ser"ved(1.7. ro-r4).
detaii. John moves on through the dialogue between Mary and the angel,
Sermon r begins with three biblical citations: two from Proverbs and as she realisesfrom the angel'swords that it is God who is call-
and Psalmswhich bear directly on the death of the saints(Prov ro: ing her,John introducesherfint thus: 'She, hearing the name that
7 and Ps r 15:6),"7and another rather different one from the Psaims: she had always longed for and feared with sacred reverence, undid
'Glorious
things are spoken of you, city of God' (Ps86: 3).The city the penalty of disobedienceand said with words full of fear andjoy,
of God, the dwelling-place of God, is the Mother of God herself, "Behold the slave-girl of the Lord. Be it to me according to your
who 'alone truly contained, incircumscribably and in a way tran- will"' (I.7.zg-gz).This releasesthe power of God and he 'accom-
scendingnature and being, theWord of God who is beyond being' plishes in her that mystery newer than all new things' (L8.7), a
(I. I).John then turns to his custom ary adunatoninwhich he includes phrase echoingJohn's characterization of the Incarnation in his
an exemplum of a peasant who, while ploughing, seesa king passing Expositioas 'the newest of all new things, the only new thing under
the sun' (ExF.+S).
2b There follows immediately an apostrophe of Mary using a series
SeeE.A. Matter, The VoiceofM1tBeloued:TheSongof Songs in Western
MedizualChris-
tianiE (Phladelphia, r99o). of titles: the royal throne, the spiritual (vorlfl) Eden, and then,
"l Ail biblical referencesare, ofcourse, to the Septuagint, whichJohn used.
262 ANDREW LOUTH ST JOHN DAMASCENE z6z

more preciselyasthe one prefigured by the ark (of Noah), the burn- cantly, to be found in the kanon that accompanies the liturgical
ing bush, the tablets of stone written on by God, the ark of the law, singing of the Akathist.'?e
the golden urn, the candelabra, the table, and the rod of Aaron to an end with an apostrophe to Mary in
John brings this section'It
that blossomed.The one born of Mary is called the flame of divin- the form of an anaphora: was you whom the prophets preached,
'definition and Word of the Father' (an expression taken you whom the angels serve,you to whom the apostlesminister, the
ity, the
from one of Gregory Nazianzen's sermons),'8the manna, the un- virgin theologian serving the Ever-Virgin Theotokos' (I.9.16-18).
'that is above This bringsJohn to the gathering together of the apostlesto attend
known name every name', the eternal and unap-
proachable light, the heavenly bread of heaven, the uncultivated M.ry in her last earthly moments. There may be a veiled reference
fruit. John then says that Mary was prefigured by the fire of the to Dionysius's account of the Assumption inJohn's use of the Dio-
furnace, a fire at once dewy and burning (ntq Ogooi,lov &pa xoi nysian term (rrrcrglrx6g to describe the body that she bore; whether
QLoyilov)-the furnace of the three holy children (Dan 3: 4g-5o)- or not that is so, this word is the key term in the transition to what
and also by the tabernacle in which Abraham had Sarah prepare follows.
aloaf baked in the ashes(according to the Septuagint, iyxquQioE) For if the body that Mary bore is [olcq1r.x6E,flowing as a source
for the Lord, manifest as three angelsat the oak of Mamre. Out of of life, what must be the case with Mary's body that bore that
'conceit' (as in
theseJohn developswhat one can only call a the body? This points to an infinite difference between Mury and the
Metaphysical poets): other servantsof God:
... human nature offered to God the Word who tabernacled in your (sc. \4/hatthen shouldwe call this mysterythat concernsher?Death?But
Mary's) womb, the first-fruits of your pure blood, the loaf baked in the ifyour all-sacredand blessedsoulis naturallyseparated from your all-
ashes,baked as it were and made bread by the divine fire, which thus blessedand immaculatebody,and the body placedin the customary
found its subsistencein the divine person, and came truly to exist as a tomb, it will not then remainin death,nor will it be dissolvedby cor-
body anirnated by a rational and intellectual soul (I.8.35-ao). ruption.For if the virginity of the onewho gavebirth remainedintact,
thenthe bodyof thisone,whenshepasses away,will be guardedundis-
Like those of John Donne, this conceit of the Damascene gives a solved,andtransferredto a betterand moredivinetabernacle,not bro-
precise statement of (in this case) christological doctrine through ken off by death,but continuingforeverto agesof ageswithout end
imagery closely perceived.John then introduces the image of Ja- (1.rc.r7-24).
cob's ladder-as if he had nearly forgotten it-and passes on to con-
It is as he celebratesthe assumptionof Mary's body thatJohn turns
sider other imagery provided by the oracles of the prophets. There
to the Song of Songs: 'You have flourished "like an apple in the
is the fleece on which the Son of God descended like rain (Ps 7r: 6),
trees of a thicket" (Cant B: 5), and your fruit is sweet in the throat
the Virgin, whose conception Isaiah foretold (Is 7:r4), the mountain 'death' we should
'out of the faithful' (I.ro.36-8).Therefore, instead of
of which the cornerstone, Christ, is cut without human hands'
speakrather of sleep,passageor entry (xoipqolE,6xbqpic, iv6qplc:
(Dan z: Z+,4+; cf. Is zB. r6, Ps rr7: 22,Ikzo'. q and Eph z:zo)-'Is
I.ro.3g). As he contemplates the reception of Mary's soul (so he
not this the virgin who conceived without seed and remained a vir-
specifies:I.rr-3) into heaven, he hears the angelic beings greeting
gin?' (I. g)Then there is Ezechiel'sclosed door, through which the
Mury in the words of the Song:
Saviour passedwithout opening it(Ez 44:z).What is striking abour
all these images is how familiar they all are: most of them appear
in the Akathist Hymn, already at least two centuries old by the time
John preached this sermon and even more are, perhaps signffi-
"e The Akathist Hyrnn speaksof Mary as ladder, bridge, (tilled) ground, table,
tabernacle,ark, treasury and bridal chamber; in addition the kanon that accompanies
the hy'rnnusesimagery of the queen, fiery throne of the Almighty, sourceof living wa-
ter, rose, apple, lily, ciry fleece (in this case Gideon's), Eden, dove, dwelling-place of
28 Gregory
Nazianzen, Oratiog8..rg;PG 36, 3258. lieht.
 z6+ ANDREWLourH ST JOHN DAMASCENE zGs
'Who is thiswho ascends shiningwhite?''Lookingforth like the dawn, in Christ's case,so in that of his mother (II.r7). Between the tomb's
fair asthe moon, bright asthe sun?'How beautifulyou havebecornc, words and the responseof John and his audience, there has been
howgentlelYouare'a flowerof themeadow','likea lily amongthorns',
'thereforethe maidensloveyou'. 'Let usrun alterthe fragrance incorporated in all manuscripts a long extract from the Euth2miac
of your
ointments.The king hasbroughtyou into his secretchamber':and au- Hisnry which itself is bound up with the legend of the discovery of
thoritiesbearyouwithin,principalitiesblessyou,throneshymnyou,the the robe of the Virgin. However, this is so evidently an interpola-
rejoicingcherubimareastonished, andtheseraphimglorifytheonewho tion that we may omit any consideration of it here. The response
hasbeenrevealedin the economyasthe trueandnaturalmotherof our ofJohn and his audience to the tomb brings the sermon to a close.
ownLord (I.rr.5-r3,quotingCantB:5;6to; z:r,z;r:3,4). The final sermon is very brief, and expressedalmost entirely in
Death has now taken on a new meaning; it is no longer an occasion terms of encomiastic imagery. John begins by saying that it is not
for grief and sorroq but a causeof joy and celebration. As well as difficult to give a third sermon in one night on the Dormition of the
her soul, Mary's body the true ark, prefigured by the ark of the Mother of God, for lovers always have the name of their beloved
covenant is not abandoned on the earth, but assumedinto heaven on their lips and picture her in their mind's eye day and night. It is
(I.rz).The tomb itself has becomeglorious(Lr3).The sermon ends a celebratory recall of the earlier sermons: the imagery is the same,
with a prayer consecratingJohn and his hearers to the Mother of there are the same anaphorae, including another based on d6el.
God. The preacher introduces one section with a striking antimetabole:
'Today she receivesthe beginning of her second existencefrom
The second and third sermons build on this basis.The second
sermon focuseson the account of the Assumption itself, based on him who gave her her first existence, she who gave him the begin-
traditions that have been handed down 'from father to child', pre- ning of his second, I mean his bodily existence' (III.4.I-3). This
sumably inJerusalem, whereJohn may well have been preaching. final sermon ends with an elaborate encomium of the Mother of
This is introduced by an elaborate reprise, in an anaphora using God.
the word 'today', of the biblical imagery of the Virgin Mother of From this account it will be evident thatJohn expresseshis theol-
God: ark, dove,Eden of the newAdam, the 'truly ensouledheaven' ogy in these sermons in a way that, far from aspiring to the condi-
(6pgu1oE6vrorE origcrv6E),the treasury of life, the abyss of grace, tion of the florilegium, aspires rather to that of poetry but poetry
and finally, the living city of God, the heavenlyJerusalem (II.z-3). that expressesquite as precisely as any prose a carefully formulated
In his account of the Assumption,John imagines the dialogue be- doctrine of the Incarnation. This is an aspect of the Damascene
tween Mury and her Son, as she lies on her death-bed. Here, too, that has received comparatively little attention, and perhaps this
John draws heavily on the Song of Songsto representtheir encoun- brief foray into a liturgical theology expressedin sermons and po-
ter. Then John moves on i to consider its significance. A long etry may inspire further research.
3laphora draws out the necessityof the assumption, entailed by
Mary's perpetual virginity and divine motherhood: d6el, ...d6ei,
...d6er,. One of these acclamationsincludes the idea that the pains
that Mary was spared in her virginal birth-giving were experienced
at the foot of the cross: 'It was necessarythat the otre *ho beherd
her own son on the Cross, and received in her heart the sword of
the pain that she had been sparedwhen shegavebirth, should con-
template him seatedbeside his Father' (II.t4.z7-g).John dwells on
the reality of the rncarnation and the divine motherhood, to which
there correspondsthe reality of the Assumption, and leads into a
prosopopoiia of the tomb which has become a source of grace-as
266 ANDREW LOUTH

BibliograplA

Primary Sources ANDREW OF CRETE:A HIGH-STYLEPREACHEROF

THE EIGHTH CENTURY
John of Darnascus:
Kotteq B. (ed.), Dir SchrffiendesJohannesaonDamaskos,5vols., Patristische
Texte und Studien 7 (Berlin-NewYork, 1969), rz (tg7g), 17 Qg75),zz
M.ry B. Cunningham
(r98r), zg (r9BB).The last volume contains the homilies [& lit].
Le Coz,R. (ed.),JeanDamascine,Erits sur Islam, textwith translation and Andrew of Crete lived during a turbulent but highly significant
introduction, SC 383 (Paris,rggz) [&lit.]. period in the history of the Byzantine church, in the late seventh
Richter, G. (ed.), JohannesuonDamaskos,Philosophische Kapitel, translation and early eighth centuries. Not only was the eastern empire under
with introduction and notes, Bibliothek der Griechischen Literatur 15 pressure from the newly-emergent Arab caliphate, but theological
(Stuttgart, rg8z) [& lit.]. controversies such as Monotheletism and Iconoclasm continued to
Voulet, P, SJ. (ed.), S.Jean Damascine,Homll:iessur la Natiaiti et la Dormition, threaten the unity of both church and state.r Notwithstanding these
text with translation and introduction, SC Bo (Paris, 196r). difficulties, Andrew of Crete, born in Damascus, educated inJeru-
salem and attaining important ecclesiastical ranks in Constan-
Theophanes:
tinople and Gortyna, Crete, produced numerous homilies and
De Boor, C. (ed.),Theophanischronographia,
z vols. (Leipzig rBB3-5; repr.
hymns in the course of his life.'?The homilies, which are mainly
Hildesheim, 1963).
festal and panegyrical, are written in a relatively 'high' style, thus
testifying to the continuity of classicaleducation at least in the Near
Secondary
Sources
East in this period.3 It is my task in this paper to examine the rela-
tionship between Andrew of Crete and his audience, to the extent
Au76py, M.-H, 'De la Palestine d. Constantinople (VIIIe-IXe sidcles): that this is revealed in his homilies. I have discussed in previous
Etienne le Sabarte etJean Damascdne',Trauauxetmhnoiresrz (rg94), rB3- papers the existing methodology for determining the extent of in-
zr9. teraction between early Christian and Byzantine preachers and
Louth, A., 'A Christian theologian at the court of the caliph: some cross- their audiences.4Having concluded that in fact very little informa-
cultural reflections', Dialogos3 (1996),4-r9.
'
SeeJ. Haldon, B2zantiumin theSeaenth
Century.The Tian{ormationof a Culture(Cam-
bridge, rggo);J.Herrin, TheFormntionofChristendom(Oxford,r9B7),r83-er9, z5o-9o,3o7-
tJ.
'Saint Andr6 de
" Tl]. best study of Andrew of Crete remains that by S. Vailh6,
Qrdte', F,chosd'Oriznt5 (r9oz), 378-87.See also S. Eustratiades,"Av6q6oE 6 KqtqS 6
'Ieqooolupiolg',
Nea Sion 29 (rgg4), 673-88; Th. Detorakis, Oi dyr.ol {E aq<bqg
BulavnvfrE nsqtoDoutf|g Kq{rr1g xol{ olerr,xq nqdEarirotrg Qr,lo}"o1icr (Athens, r97o),
16o-9o,and most recently,M.-E Auzlpy, 'La carridre d'Andr6 de Crdte', .B{BB (rgg5),
I'12.
3 SeeA. Cameron, 'The easternprovinces in the seventhcenturyA.D.: hellenism
and the emergence of Islam', in S. Said (ed.), Helleni.smos: jalonspour unehistoire
Qrclques
dr I'idattitegruqze(Leiden, rggr), z87-3r3;R. Blake, 'La litt6rature grecque en Palestine
au VIIIe sld.cle' 'Greek culture in Palestineafter
, Iz Musion78 (1965),27-49;C. Mango,
the Arab conquest', in G. Cavallo-G. de Gregorio M. Maniaci (edd.),Scrimre,Libi
e Tistinelleareeproaincialidi Bisanzi.o,
Atti del seminario di Erice, r8-e5 settembre rgBB
(Spoleto),r49-6o.
a SeeM.B. Cunningham, 'Preaching and the community', in R. Morris (ed.),Church
 268 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDREW OF CRETE z6g

tion concerning his congregation can be gleaned from Andrew's of AndrewbyNiketas the Patrician and Q,uestor(BHG rr3).8While
relatively high-style sermons)I intend in this paper to fcicuson the this biography provides a sober and apparently accurate account
preacher himself, The didactic and rhetorical techniques which of the main events in Andrew's life, it is vague with regard to many
Andrew of Crete adopts in his preaching must reflect his own per- crucial factors,including exactlywhen he was ordained archbishop
ception both of the needs of his various congregationsand of the of Crete, when he wrote his hymns and homilies) and what stance
requirements of individual feast-days and Sundays. he adopted after the outbreak of Iconoclasm rr,71o.Some informa-
Before turning to this topic, however, it is necessaryto outline the tion may be gleaned from the homilies themselves,ebut as I have
problems associatedwith the corpus of homilies attributed to An- argued elsewhere, topical references in Andrew's writings are ex-
drew. As various handbooks and reference works such as M. tremely limited; asa high-stylewriter and preacher,he is concerned
Geerard's ClauisPatrumC,raecorum have already indicated, a certain with expressingeternal truths and not with commenting on the his-
number of Andrew's homilies remain unedited.sWhile I do not torical eventsthrough which he lived.'o
want to go into details concerning theseunedited texts here, suffice I have decided for the purposes of this paper to choosea repre-
it to say that their number, which H.-G. Beck and others listed as sentative sample of each of the various genres which Andrew of
over twenty, has been reduced to no more than ten, owing to the Crete adopted in his preaching.In addition, I have chosenhomilies
identification of a number of texts which were erroneously attrib- whose attribution is fairly secureand which, as I have studied them,
uted to Andrew in a single Oxford manuscript.o Attribution even I have become confident are genuine examplesof his work. Thus,
of the edited corpus, however, remains a problem. Several of the we shall be looking at all of the edited marian sermons)which in-
encomia traditionally ascribedto Andrew of Crete have had doubt clude four on the Virgin's Nativity, one on the Annunciation and
cast upon them by their later editors; it is evident that confusion three on the Dormition," and which may be describedaspanegyri-
concerning Andrew's actual corpus will remain until a systematic cal festal sermons.The encomium on StTitus is also panegyrical"
study has been made of all the homilies both on stylistic and con- whereas the homily on the Beheading of StJohn the Baptist follows
textual grounds.TSecondly,in addition to the problems of unedited a more exegetical structure.I3Homilies on the Exaltation of the
texts and shaky attributions, Andrew of Crete's own life remains
somewhat shadowy. All recent studies of the homilist and
hymnographer rely chiefly on the probably late eighth-century Life o 'Avdlexrc'Iegooo),r-rpiqg )tcrluol,oylaE (St
M. Papadopoulos-Kerameus(ed.), 5
Petersburg,rBgr), r69-79 (Hereafter VitaA. Cr.). L.G. Westerink dates the Life to the
mid-eighth century inhis NicitasMagistros. Izttresd'un exili (9zB-946)(Paris,Ig73),45-6,
but I. Sevdenkoremains unconvinced in his article 'Hagiography of the Iconoclast
and_People in B24ntium (Birmingham, rygct),zg-47; eadem,,Andreasof Crete,s homilies
period', A.A.M. Bryer J. Herrin (edd.),lronoclasm(Birmingham,ry77),e7, n.ro5b. M.-
on Lazarusand Palm sunday: the preacher and his audience',in E.A. Livingstone (ed.),
E Auz6py, on the other hand, presentsadditional and more convincing argumentsfor
StudiaPatristita3r (Leuven, ryg),iz-6.
the Life's early date: Auz6py (tggs), z.
: CPG Brg8-zr4: Beck1rg59r.
o 5oo-2. s Vailh6 suggestedthat becauseit mentionsthe retreatof'Scythians'or invaders
cod. oxon.Bodl.LtudilmusBr, s. xvii; seecpG Bzo5-rr.The remaining textsre-
from the North, the first homily on the Exaltation of the Crossmay be dated to r4 Sept.
quiringcriticaleditionsare.cPG BrgB-2o4,Bzrz-r4.preliminaryworkon ideniifyingthe
homilies attributed to Andrew in tlis minuscripi has been carried out byJ.Hl wirre 7rg,just after the Bulgars inexplicably abandonedtheir siegeon Constantinople (PG 97,
ro33C); that the Encomium of St Titus may date from z5 Aug.7z4or 725,sinceit refers
in an unfinished doctoral thesisfor the University of Birmingham. I hope io continue
to two emperors (i.e. Leo III and his son Constantine) and to victory over the Arabs at
this work and to edit the texts which can be secuiely ascribeJ to Andrew in mv {uture
sea(PG 97, r 168);I am lessconvincedby the dating of the secondhomily on the Exalta-
research.
tion of the Cross to after 7zz becauseit containsJewish invective. This representsa
See, for example, the doubts concerning the encomium of St Nicholas, CpG
^ ^7 common theme in the homilies ofAndrew aswell asin the works of contemporary and
BIB7, expressedby G. Anrich, HagiosNikolaosIt
lteipzig tgtT), ry4-6o,339-50. Hi, earlier preachersand may not necessarilyrefer to Leo III's edict enforcing the baptism
reservationshave been acceptedby N. Sevdenko,rhiLife of siNtioios n Ej<oit;", lrt
ofJews. For his discussionofall thesereferences,seeVailh6 (r9oz), r85-6.
(Turin, rg83), z6' Strangely,the judgements of both scioiirs are ignored-by Auz6py 'o SeeCunningham (rgg7),4o-r.
(tggS),:-S
-F".Iquestionsabout the two encomiaon St George,,..k. K*robachei " C P G B r T o - 4B. r B r - 3 .
A. Ehrhard, 'Der heilige Georg in der griechischenUberliefe"rung,,ABAW 25, (Mu_
3
nich, rgrr), 2o7ff.;H. Delehaye,Izs ligmdu dessaintsmilitaires(pari,-rgog), 63ff " " CPG BrB5.
's CPG BrBa.
 270 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDREW OF CRETE 27r

Cross,'4on the Transfiguration,15Lazarus Saturday and Palm Sun- well-known typological figures and imagery and, above all, the
day, representing the dominical feasts, expound scriptural lengthy quotations from scripture may have been comprehensible
readings,'owhile an oration intended for the Saturday rfrg dnoxgeot to a congregationwhich was accustomedto listening to readingsin
when the dead were commemorated is more difficult to categorize, church. A further considerationwhich we must continually bear in
belongingperhaps,as one scholarsuggested, to the tradirion of the mind is the possiblility that some works, such as the panegyrics in
late antique diatribe.'7 Andrew of Crete, as we shall see in the honour of feastsof the Theotokos, were composed in a high style
course of this paper, was a preacher who could vary his style con- for the purpose of praise, rather than audience comprehension-
siderably depending on which literary genre he chose to adopt. Encomia of the Virgin Mary or of the saintswere delivered in order
Thus, the various texts or groups of texts will reveal many different to honour theseholy figures; as many saints'lives or encomia were
aspectsabout his preaching technique and about their possiblere- re-written in a higher style in later centuries,it would appear that
ception. this was the quality most appreciated in such an oration.2' Finally,
How much would an early eighth-century audience inJerusalem, it is possiblethat the transmissionof homiletic texts was selective
Constantinople or Crete have understood of highly rhetorical, and that in the middle and later periods of Byzantine history espe-
classicizingworks such as the panegyricsof Andrew of Crete?This cially, it favoured highly edited literary compositions over the more
question may never be answered, although in previous papers I colloquial and spontaneoushomiletic productions.'3
have challenged the assumption that only a small, educated 6lite In spite of the elevated literary style which characterrzesmost of
would have assimilated anything at all.'B If we compare Andrew's Andrew of Crete's homilies, however, I would like to begin by ar-
homilies, which M.Jugie characterized as 'arduous to read because guing that it is possibleto establishsome facts about his audience
of a complicated style and recherch6vocabulary','e with those of a on the basisof thesetexts.It is clear,for example,that in most cases
few earlier or contemporary preacherssuch asAnastasiosof Sinai2o he was preaching to alay audience,composedof men and women,
orJohn of Euboia," howeveq there can be no doubt that they are old and young. In one of his sermonson the Nativity and in one on
more elevated in style and thus further from the spoken language the Dormition of theMrgin, Andrew addresseswomen specifically,
of the period. It is likely that only the most educated members of ashe exhorts his audienceto honour the feast.24 Elsewhere,Andrew
the congregationwould have appreciatedevery aspectof Andrew,s calls his congregation dycrnqtol ('beloved'), Q[]'ot or Qr.],otcrr,
homilies, including the useof pagan rhetorical forms, classicalallu- ('friends'),but only rarely the dbel"Qol('brothers')which might indi-
sions and a highly unusual vocabulary. On the other hand, there cate amonastic congregation. One feature of his rhetorical injunc-
be something for everyone in a Byzantine homily: rhetorical tions to his congregationsis Andrew's fondnessfor mystical vocabu-
lray
devices such as parallelism, antithesis and anaphora, the use of lary suggesting a spiritual relationship between fellow-initiates.
Thus, in the secondsermon on the Dormition we find the audience
'riQqyqtcr, puotcr xcrl 0eogd tdlv
'4
addressed in the singular as
CPG Br79-Bo.
's CPG 8116.
'u CIG
. Bq7 and Br7B.For more detailed treatment of thesetwo homilies, see 22 'Byzantine hagiographersasantiquarians, seventhto tenth centu-
^ SeeC. Rapp,
uunnrngham (rgg7).
ries',Bl4ntinische Forschungenzr (tggS),S+-S;A.-M. Talbot,'Oldwine in new bottles:the
--. " qIG Brgz. For an assessment of the classicalinfluenceson this homily, seeTh. rewriting of saints' Lir,'esin the Palaeologanperiod', in S. Curci6-D. Mouriti (edd.),
Nissen,'Diatribe und consolatioin einerchristlichenpredigtdesachtenJahrhunderts,,
The Twitight of B24ntium. Aspectsof CulturalandReligiousHistory in theLtte B1<antineEmpire
Philologusgz Qg3), ry7-g\,38z-5.On the diatribe,seealsok.-H. Utheriann,s chapter (Princeton,rqqr).rq-26.
in this volume. 23 SeeL"Seveeirko,'Levels of style in Byzantine prose', XVI International Byzan-
'B SeeCunningham
(rggo), 45-7;eadem (tgg), zS. tine CongressAktenl/ t,JahrbuchderOsterrtichischen / r (Vienna, tg8t), 294.
By<antini"stik3I
's. SeeM.Jugie,Ltmortetl'assomptiondelatrissa[ntuVitrge,S:.]d. 'The sixth century: a turning-point for Byzantine homilet-
eTestirr4(Rt_rme, Seeako M.B. Cunningham,
tg44),44. Byzantina
ics?', in P Allen E. Jeffreys (edd.),Thz Sixth Century-End or Beginning?,
"o CPG 7747-55. Australiensiaro (Brisbane,1996),176,IB5.
"' CPG Br35-8.
"+ PG 97, BogD,BITD and IIo4C'
 272 MARY B, CUNNINGHAM
ANDREW OF CRETE 273
dl.rlnrolv' ('guide, initiate and spectator of incomprehensible
narrative, poetic passagesexploiting an already rich tradition of
things') and later in the ru-e s.rmon as 'Q[],ol puorar rot A6you'
typology and imagery and almost hymnic passagesof praise, the
('belovedinitiates of the Word')."sIt his homily on the Transfigura_
more didactic homilies, such as thoseassociatedwith the dominical
tion, a remarkable text wfrich is packed with mystical ideas
and feasts,rely for the most part on exegeticalmethods of preaching.
vocabulary, Andrew calls his congregation, or puiative ristener, ,dr
Dramatic dialogue and monologue feature frequently in the latter
!,,n,orardrv dnoqgr;ralv' ('initiate ol in;ffable things,), or later in the category of homilies; thesedevicesare invariably used to emphasize
p,lural, 'dr q[],or ;ruorol ro0 A6you' and 'ouvegior"i rov
xo],ov' the reality of the Incarnation, or the Chalcedonian doctrine of
('belovedinitiates of the word' and 'fellow loveri of good
tlringst'o Christ's two natures.It is more difficult to interpret the third aspect
As I shall attempt to show later in this paper, And"rew of
crete,s of Andrew's preaching, namely his attempt to present what we may
mystical vocabulary is usualy connectedwith referencesto
the sac- call a more mystical approach to his subject matter. In using the
of baptism or the Eucharist.The way in which he descibes 'mystical' (puotr,z6E),
T.*g"jt term I am implying not just the interior spiri-
christians'participation in thesegreat mysteii., ,..*, nr-tf
urro- tual experience of individual Christians, which is the connotation
.j*99 with the experience of the ordin aryraity. Elsewheret
'rov cails most commonly ascribed to the adjective today, but also that which
the laity nrorov l.o,ovro6.@eo0'('rhe iuitrrru p.opt. oi Cod';'z
Patristic sources frequently give to the word: namely, the hidden,
or '6 rofr @eo0).cr6E,8fipoS dyloE' (;the people of Coa,
the holy or secret, meaning of the scriptures and of the sacraments (tcr
company').t8
puorrlgr.c).'eThe importance of the latter connotation is that while
If we accept that such indications of lay statusand
mixed gender this knowledge remains mysterious,indeed incomprehensiblein its
are as much as we can deduce from Andrew's highly
rhetorial ex- entirety to us as humans, it is based on an objective reality which is
clamations to his audience, there remains thJ
qr.rtio' oi th. external to ourselves.What Andrew appears to be suggestingto his
preacher himself, In other words, if Andrew
of irete and other listeners in many of his homilies is that they, as Christian communi-
high-style preachers revear little about their
congr.gurio^,'rlr.y cants,may apprehend in somesmall measurethe reality of Christ's
must at least be able to.tell us a great deal about
trr.T. oi"" pr.o...,- Incarnation through participation in the sacraments. One of the
pations as preachers_. We may u-rk,fo, example, what Andr"* ouu,
questionswhich we must ask ourselvesin the course of this paper
lryi"s to achieve in his homilies, what he wis attempting to teach is whether variations in the style and content of homilies reflect
his.congregation and how he accomplished
fri, aia".ii. p?r.prr.. n different didactic aims on the part of the preacher, or whether they
is this aspectof Andrew of crete's Lomilies
on which I shall con- are dictated by the subject matter itself. In other words, to what
centrate in this pape1..Ishall argue that the
preoccupations of this extent is Andrew directed by his own aims as a preacher and to
preacher may be divided .oughl-yinto three
categories:r) praise of what extent is he dominated by the rhetorical genres which he em-
noly ngures such as the Theotokos, which
..pr.i.r,t, an obiect in ploys?
theteachingof Chalcedonian
.nilrtoiogi."ii".,ri"'.,'""a
l,::ll
me :l
presentation One other topic remains to be discussedbefore tackling the issues
3) of what Andrew of crete himself would iave
described which I have just outlined, namely the problem of liturgical con-
topics, focusing mainly on the ,u..u_"rt, of
Dapt^m andT lVr1r.ut text. While it is impossible to be entirely secure in the liturgical
the ,bucharist.For each of theseobjectives,
Andrew of placement of Andrew of Crete's homilies, some hlpotheses on this
crete employs different rhetorical techniques.
whereas the errco- subject are persuasive. It has been suggestedthat two trilogies of
mia, in which praise of a holy figure is the
chief objective, employ

25 2s SeeL. Bouyer, "'Mysticism": the history of a word', W spiituellc(suppl6ment,

PG 97, ro658 and ro76C.
26 r95z):Eng. trans.'tnMTsterTandfuIystirism(London, 1956),r rg-37;this article wasbrought
PG 97,937D and q4oB. 'St Denys the Areopagite and St Maximus the
27 to my attention by Andrew Louth in his
In etalta.tionem
s _Criii: II. pG 97, ro44D,
2B
rn nattattatcms. I)aparacI. pG 97, Br7D. Confessor:a question of influence', in E.A. Livingstone (ed.),StudinPatristirazT(Leuven,
r9g3),r7o.
 0'7
- t a ,1 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM
ANDREW oF CRETE 275

sermons, those on the Nativity and the Dormition of the Theo-

explore this option.goHis encomia, which include the sermons in
tokos, like those of Andrew's near contemporaries Germanos of
honour of theVirgin Mary representthe most rhetorical examples
constantinople andJohn of Damascus,were delivered during the
of his work, employing many literary devices and elaborate imag-
all-night vigils which preceded her recently instituted feast-da:ys.3o
ery. It seemssafeto assumethat the comprehensionof his audience
whereas Andrew of crete's sermons make no specificmention
of did not represent a primary concern in the writing of these enco-
the.time of day atwhich they were delivered, tne ao seem to form
mia; we must therefore deduce that honouring these holy figures
seriesand to follow o.nlogically from one to another.3'John Dama-
did. On the other hand and as I shall show slightly later, Andrew's
scene'ssermons on the Dormition actually statethat tley were
de- employment of a high style in these sermons does not rule out di-
livered during the night,32and later typika state that manyof
these dactic aims entirely. For the moment, however, let us look at how
works continued to be read out in r,rih'uigilr, usually b.t*e..,
o, he honours the Virgin and the saints in his encomia.
during the individual night offices.33None of Andrew of
crete,s Many of these sermons begin with laudatory referencesto the
other homilies reveal specific information about their liturgical
con- feast-daysin question and to the honour due to them, along with
texts, but continual referencesto the Eucharist in ,o-e iromilies,
the orator's customary senseof his own inadequacy.3TAndrew of
such as that on Palm Sunday, suggestthat they may have
been de_ Crete is fond of elaborate imagery in this context, describing the
livered in the course oja Liturgy.a+Unfortunately, the exact
liyine feast as a banquet,3scomparing his audience to bees who gather
dating and location of individual hom]iies remain extre#elyh;po-
honey before returning home,3eusing the metaphor of the race-
thetical, although topical references in a few have suggert'eJ
tnut coursewith himself as the jockey who brings the winning horse (his
they were delivered during Andrew's archiepiscopate'?r,
c.et..ss oration) to the post,4oand many others. As part of his prooimion,
With-regard to the majority of Andrew's homiies, iror".rr..,
*. ur. the preacher frequently exhorts his audience to venerate both the
unable to statewhether they were delivered inJerusalem,
ct.rrturr- feastand its subject, as in his fourth sermon on the Birth of the Vir-
tinople or Crete.
9n:
. !.l."r begin with sermons as a means of praising a holy figure,
including the Theotokos or the sainrs.whil; it i, Let us reverencethe brightnessof the feast,
ci.", trr'u, ,.o-.
hagio^graphersin earlier periods exploited the paradox let us applythe honourabletitlesof virginity to theMrgin.
*.t- Let usoffer to the Ql-reenof the race,asgiftsand cosdymy'rrh,
ing of lofty subject-mattei in a lowly sryle,Andrew "irtL
of crete did not the revelations of the prophets...4I

This is followed in the same sermon by a seriesof chairetismoi,frrst

addressing the Virgin with a seriesof images connected with impe-
3o C.
Chevalier, .Les I homil€tiques
dansl'dlaboration rial rank and wealth, and later with typological epithets which ex-
*":r"i;ilii,U;j, desli3tes
mariales',
;?fi*gies press her immanence in Old Testament prophecy and events.42
'dry#?
* il/. ruuo SeealsoA. Louth,s
chapter
in thisvorume.
ec,B.
:tfiin:l$fi
thedral vespers) and 6poqog :l':l**u-:a;::
)"i',i.:ii'."il1il1*;li.'.?iti;:d:il*f
ol*i?rE that these readines could
36 Fo. a discussionofthe relation between style and content in the Lives ofsaints

jdrt:r;':;iy'xil;3ix::
sa;:'&?i',3.::i?iit*,i,tl'li*'n:;:en
iill-",.*"..,gg.*,

tic t,?ika, such as those of the Evergeti. ff.1."".i.)"

and how this changed between the earlier and later periods, seeRapp (tgSS),+o.
37 On the rhetorical structure of the encomium, seeG.A. Kennedy, A New Histor2
of ClnssicalRhetoic(Princeton, rgg4), zo5. On the uncertainty to be expressedby the
author in encomiastic speeches,see D.A. Russell-N. Wilson (edd.), MenanderRhetor
iil**l**:,','6dX'"i5*a-gJi;;k;r;;;;'i#i:"i1.'#:?T,q#,.'"?T":?
and'Ar
",
(Oxford, rg9r),7B-9,173.
res M ;;;;,";ii;#:g';;f:l
#ll!,*yrl,,f.;;,;fZk;:::
ChristianaAnalecta r55 (Rome.-r969),rBo. f,**l#:rj;i
36 In La<arum,PG 97, 96o4.
3s In natititatems. DeiparaeIII, PG gj, B4+C.
4" In natititatnns. DeiparaelI, PG 97, BzrA.
PGe7,BBoA,
ij fgl,:1".-ple, ee6A,roosB. a' In naiuitatems.DeiparaelY, PG 97, 8648.
vailne (rgo2), 384_7.
42 lbin.,B64C-BB.
 276 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDREW OF CRETE o1'1

Passagesof this kind are characterised by symmetry and parallel- wrote. Images of which Andrew is particularly fond include musical
ism: with short, repetitive clauses,they are packed with such devices instrumenti, as we saw above, light and darkness,48agriculture or
as anaphora, homoioteleuton and alliteration.a3Andrew's panegy- gardens,4gimperial garments or domicileS,Soand many others.
rics of the Virgin Mary do not limit themselvesto the Asianic, or Praise of such holy figures as the Theotokos and important saints
hymnic, style of praise which I havejust described,however.Both is thus expressedby means of both poetic and typological imagery,
the sermonson the Nativity and thoseon the Dormition alsodevote drawing on both hymnographic and homiletic sources.sl
long sectionsto discussionsof various subjectsincluding her lin- Before leaving the subject of praise,it is perhaps worth speculat-
eage, education and the manner of her assumption into heaven. ing briefly on whether or not these sermons were controversial in
The sermon on the Annunciation follows the dialogue form which the context of the early eighth century. Several scholars have sug-
early becameassociatedwith this subject,aain which the encounters gested recently that in addition to a growing theological debate
between Gabriel, Mary andJoseph are portrayed in a dramatic concerning holy images, this period saw a questioning of many
fashion with long speechesin which they deliberate either with other traditional objects of veneration, including the cults of the
themselvesor with each other.4sI shall discussthese aspectsof the saintsand even the Theotokos herself.s2If this hlpothesis is true, it
panegyrical sermons when I turn to the didactic functions of An- shedsa new light not only on the orations of Andrew of Crete, but
drew's preaching in the next section of this chapter. also on those of his contemporaries, Germanos of Constantinople
Short, poetic expressionsof praise in the form of seriesof epi- andJohn Damascene,who also wrote numerous sermons in hon-
thets also appear in Andrew of Crete's encomia of saints.Near the our of these subjects.53 Andrew offers no hint of such controversy
beginning of the encomium on St Titus, for example, Andrew ad- in his preaching, except for a brief mention of Iconoclasm at the
dressesthe saint in the following words: end of his homily on the Circumcision of the Lord and on St Ba-
Titus, the never silent trumpet of evangelical proclamations, sil.saIn a passagein the first sermon on the Dormition of the Mr-
the mighty echo of Paul's language, gin, Andrew mentions that the feast being celebrated was not al-
the canon of unerring knowledge...a6 ways honoured.5sln view of the fact that the feastof the Dormition
And later in the samc sermon:
was introduced into the liturgical calendar at least a century earlier,

The monument of virtues, the inspired image of good deeds,

the eloquent ly're of doctrines, the clear singer of divine songs, +6 In nailaitaemb.MarineI; In Ltaarum,PG 97, Bo9A, g64A-C, 9778, etc.
the never silent phorminx (harp), etc.a7 ae In natiritatemb.MariltelY, PG 97, 865C, 8778.
5o In natfuitatemb.Maiae I, III, PG 97, BIzB-C, 86o8, etc.
lmagery of this kind plays an important part in all of Andrew of
5' There is a need for more work on the increasingly close relationship between
crete's homilies and it is tempting to assume that it pleased his au- h1'rnnographyandhomiletics inthisperiod. SeeCunningham(I997)'rBo;alsothe chap-
ters by N.Tsironis and A. Louth in this volume.
dience as much as it served to elevate the subjects atout which he 52 SeeAuz6py (Igg5), rI; G. Dagron,'L'ombre d'une doute: l'hagiographieen
question, VIe-XIe sidcles',HomoB1<antinus, Kazhdan,DOP
Papersin Honourof Alexander
46 (rggz), 59-68. On the possibility that early Iconoclasts were influenced by the
Paulicians,who alsoopposedthesecults,and for a list ofcontemporary sourcesattesting
nl fo. an of a similar rhetorical style in the homilies of Gregory of 'Byz-
^, 3{V1s to ConstantineV's hostilityto the Theotokos,relicsand icons,seeN.G. Garsoian,
Nazianzus, seeR.R. Ruether, Chegory ofNa/an4s. Rhetorandphilosopher (Oxfod,", ry6g), antine heresy.A reinterpretation',DOP z5 (rg7I), roo, n. 65.
59; J Quasten , Patrolog I!I:.Tp _GoWen Age of Gruk patristic I'iteranrefim th, ciuit;iiJ 53 SeeCPG BooT-r5,8o6o-5.
"Nuaeato^thecouncilof chalcedon (utrecht-Antr,verp-westminster,Maryiand, 196o),z4<_r. 5a Vailhd first noticed this referenceand suggestedon its basisthat Andrew lived
44 See,for example, the homilies by Basil of Seleucia,proclus
^ and Geimanos of into the period of Iconoclasm.SeePG 97, g32A;Vailh6 (rgoz),387.We must alsobear
Llon8ntinople on this subject:cPG 6656 (sg), in mind the possibility that Iconoclasm as an imperial policy may have been slower to
- - and Boo9.A.lsoseethe chapters
- s8os
byJ. Barkhuizen and P Allen in this volume. get under-waythan has previously been assumed.SeeJohnHaldon's forthcoming book
+5 In annunciationem b.Maiae,PG 97, go4B-eD. on Iconoclasm which wi-ll argue this point.
a6 In apostolum " 55 In dormitionem
Titum,PG 97, rt4t6.' s. Mariae II, PG 97, ro7zA. Jugie suggeststhat this sermon, titled
+t lbi.d.,r r57D-6oA. II in Migne, was in fact the first of the trilogy
 278 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDREW OF CRETE 279

during the reign of the Emperor Maurice, this remark is puzzling.s6 perform the miracle of resurrection which would bring more peo-
Andrew's general reluctance to report controversy (if any indeed ple to believe in him.6' Later in the same homily we are told that
existedin the circles through which he moved) may be contrasted Jesuswept just before seeingthe tomb fln I I: gS).Why did he weep?
'...He wept as a man) not for Lazarus, but for theJews...In all like-
with severalexplicit referencesto Iconoclastsand possibly even to
opponents of the cult of the Virgin in the sermons of Germanos of lihood he wept for theJews, for the disbelief which he foresaw even
Constantinople.sT While he must have been aware of the theological after the miracle'.b3
controversy which was brewing in this period, Andrew of Crite's Qpestions and answerssuch as these,which abound in Andrew
sermons shed little light on these developments,partly becauseof of Crete's more exegeticalhomilies, are usually introduced by quo-
the limitations of their genre and partly, I suggest,because this tations of the scriptural versesto be expounded. In some homilies,
preacher strove to avoid controversy.SS such quotations are repeated severaltimes, as various possibleex-
Let us turn now to the didactic qualities of Andrew of Crete's planations are offered. In the homily on the beheading ofJohn the
sermons.The most obvious intention which lies behind many of Baptist, Andrew quotes a lengthy passagefrom Matthew I4, before
Andrew's more exegetical homilies, for example the two on Lazarus breaking this up into shorter verses and explaining these gne by
and Palm Sunday, and those on the tansfiguration and the Be- one. Later, the whole passageis quoted again in its entirety.baThat
heading ofJohn the Baptist, is to explain the meaning of the New it had been read earlier as the scriptural reading for the day (zg
Testament texts which tell these stories.Andrew of crete exploits '...that is, the openness
August) is also made clear in the lines,
all three of origen's categories of scriptural exegesisin these liomi- (nagqqoicr) of the Baptist towards Herod, which the evangelical
lies, the literary, the moral and the spiritual.se Literal exegesisis book which is open today clearly proclaims'.bsExegetical sections
sometimesneeded to explain conflicting statementsin the synoptic such as theseseempurely didactic and it is easyto believe that An-
Gospels, for example why Matthew and Mark say that Christ drew intended them to be understood.
waited six days before he led Peter,JamesandJohn up MountTh- Moral and spiritual meanings may also be expounded in An-
bor while Luke says that this took place after eight duyr.6o More drew's homilies, but it is likely that the preacher intended thesepas-
frequently, the preacher seemsto feel that the ucii,rns or words of sagesto be more abstruse.In his homily on the Transfiguration,
biblical figures require explanation. Thus, in the same homily, An- 'vi-
Andrew explains that the whitenessof Christ's garments was a
drew tries to make senseof Peter'swords, 'Lord, it is well that we sion in the spirit'and that it revealedthe mystery of the Incarnation
are here...' (Mt r7:4)just after the Transfiguration. ,Why, peter?', 'of
the SupraessentialOne who truly came into existence,and ex-
he asks-rhetorically,and goeson to answerihat it was besi that jusi isted above existence, as he lived among us in the flesh'.ooThe
these-three disciples, who were pure in their souls and senses, moral side of this exegesismay be found in the description of the
should receive the revelation.6'In the homily on Lazarus Andrew worthinessof the three disciplesto witnessthis vision sincethey had
a1\ why Christ waited when he heard thatLazarus was ill, instead been 'perfected in spirit'.b7Another way in which Andrew of Crete
of hastening to his house immediately.This was so that he could usesthe scripturesis to cite proof texts, for example at the conclu-
sion of his second oration on the Exaltation of the Cross. Numer-
$
Jugie.suggeststhat it may mean that the feasthad been neglectedon the island
ous versesfrom the Psalmsare chosento demonstrate the power of
-
of crete or that Andrew is referring here to the earlier feastof the-Memory of tt e vi.- the Cross.While none of these texts mentions the Cross explicitly,
gin Mary, which was celebratedbeforeChristmas.SeeJugie
sz PG gB, $g44),46.
3rzB, 3r7A-B.
5o- Auzdpy (rggs), r,6-7,9.I maintain the doubtsabout the attribution of the 6-" L lnqoru-, PG 97, g6rC.
- .Pace
I'audahodemimculiss. Tlzerapon,r (cPG 8196)to Andrew suggestedby L. Deubner in his b3 lbid.,976D.
edrtron ol the text, I)e tncubatione 6+
capitaquattuor(Leipzig, rgoo), rzo_34. 97, rtrzO-7D.
In s. Ioannisdecollationem,PG
se Origen, DePindpii:,IV.ti. 6s lbid., ttzA.
oo In transfgurationem +.
domini,PG 97, g4oA. 66 Domini,PG 97, 94BA-B.
In transfiguratinnun
6' tu;1., g5zn. 6j lbid., g4BD.
zBo MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDREW OF CRETE zBt

words such as sign (or;peiov)and power (6uvaplg)are understood to with hesitation and doubt. This, the preacher quickly tells us, is not
prefigure its efficacy after the coming of Christ.68 becauseshe disbelieved the angel, but becauseshe was pure and
Monologue and dialogue appear frequently in the homilies of innocent. In her humanity, she could not understand the paradoxi-
Andrew of Crete and they serve at least two functions. First, such cal words. Nevertheless, the angel manages to prove to the Virgin
passagesserveto dramatize the eventsbeing commemorated. Bibli- (and to the audience)that she,as the daughter of the race of David,
cal figures, such as Christ, the Theotokos, the disciples,Mary and was sent to restore the grace which Eve destroyed. He further ex-
Martha, and many others are brought to life as they converse or plains to her in a speech which contains much repetition and an-
soliloquize, sometimes in the words of the evangelistsand some- 'The Lord is with you' (Lk r:3I),
tithesis,the meaning of the words
times in words invented by the preacher himself. I have demon- in christologicalterms.T'The use of dialogue in this sermon, aswell
strated in a previous paper the use of this device in Andrew's hom- as in many others on the same subject, dramatically reinforces the
iy onLazarus.beln the homily on the beheading ofJohn the Bap- reality of the Incarnation in a way which no purely dogmatic ora-
tist, the dialogue between Herod and his daughter is extended, as tion could do.
the preacher imagines what elsemight have passedbetween them. That the teaching of Chalcedonian christology representsAn-
'What shall I give
you?', the king asksher, 'Not gold, nor transpar- drew of Crete's chief preoccupation is evident in all his homilies.
ent stones,not even if one of these has great splendour and value How the Incarnation of Christ is manifestedin the various feastsof
in royal diadems, but the head of John the Baptist. What do you the liturgicalyear, and how this truth may be experienced mysti-
say?The head which is praised by angels?...'7o This speechcontin- cally in the sacrament of the Eucharist, underlies both the praise
ues for half a column in Migne's edition, as Herod realizes the and the teaching which he offers in his homilies. Andrew is particu-
enormity of what the girl is asking. larly fond of typological imagery, which not only provides poetic
The secondfunction ofdialogue ormonologue is to conveytheo- background for the event or person being celebrated, but which
logical teaching in a way which ii easily understandable. When indi- also setsit into the context of God's entire dispensationfor human-
vidual characters speakto each other or to themselves,they reveal ity.To take two examples, the Virgin Mury and the Cross, we find
their human fallibility which may coexist with divine origin, an es- the former addressedtypologically as the golden jar (Ex r6:33),Ja-
sentiallessonin Chalcedonian christology.Perhapsthe best exam- cob's ladder (Gen z9tz), the smoking mountain (Ex rg:rB, zo:IB),
ple of this is the long dramatic sectionin the sermon on the Annun- the ark of the covenant (Ex z5:ro,fl), and many other epithets.All
ciation, in which the angel Gabriel first deliberateswith himself on of these types would have been familiar to an audience accustomed
how to break the news of her conception to the Virgin Mary. When to listening to hymns or sermons on the Mrgin, but their
he is told to go down to Nazareth and speak with the Virgin, Ga- christological significance would probably also have been under-
briel cannot at first decide how to approach her. 'Shall I enter the stood.73The Virgin Mury is venerable becauseshe is the container
chamber quickly? But I shall frighten the soul of the Virgin. Shall of the uncontainable, the bridge between heaven and earth. She
I go in more slowly? But I shall be thought by the girl to hive crept representsthe link between the Old and New Covenants, as An-
secretlyinto the entrance. Shall I knock at the door? And how? For drew himself statesin one passage:'Hail, the mediator of law and
this is not customary for angels, nor is anything which either holds grace; the seal of the old and new covenants, the most visible
or is held fast able to exclude a bodiless one...'7'When Gabriel fulfillment of all prophecy'.741h. subjectof the raising of the Cross
eventually does greet Mary and tell her the news, she reacts at first

7' Ibid.,gorB-5C.
:t ln exaltationem
s. Crucis,PG 97. ro44B-D. 73 For further background on the development of marian typology in Byzantine
os Cunningham(r997;.35. homiletics from the fifth century onwards, see P Allen,'Severus of Antioch and the
7o In s. Ioannisdecollationem,PG97, ttz$C. honiily: the end of the beginning?', in Allen Jeffreys (r996), r65-7o.
7' InAnnunciationem b.Maiae,PG 97,BgzD-3A. 14 In natiaitatem b.MaiaeIY, PG 97, 865 A-8.
zBz MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDREW OF CRETE 28g

similarly attracts a number of typological references, ranging from homilies contain some moral exhortations to his congregations.
the raising of the hands of the three children in the oven toJudith Such passages,howeve\ are expressedin very general terms; no-
raising her sword to kill the enemy Holofernes.TsAs in the caseof where do we find the reprimands directed at particular vices which
the typology associatedwith the Theotokos, this imagery servesto occur so frequently in the homilies of earlier preachers. Andrew
underline the salvation which was foretold in prophecy and which emphasizesthe importance of penitence, love of one's neighbour,
came about by means of, as well as on behalf of, the created world. and the imitation of the life of Christ. Penitence, not surprisingly,
One other striking characteristicof Andrew of Crete's preaching is stressedin the homily on Lazarus which would have been deliv-
is his deliberate and logical approach to many subjects.This sug- ered at the end of Lent, just before the beginning of HolyWeek. In
gestsboth that he felt compelled to teach his congregation about the closing paragraphs of this text, which constitute the ethikon of
Christian doctrine and that he expecteda rational responseon their a mainly exegetical homily, Andrew urges his audience to imitate
part. In two of his sermonson the Nativity of theVirgin, for exam- Mury who wet Christ's feet with her tears before anointing them
ple, Andrew spendsa considerableamount of time proving the case with myrrh (Lk 7:38):
of her Davidic lineage on the basis of both Old and New Testa-
Who ...hasbathedhisfeetwith ointmentandwith tearsandwipedthem
ment genealogies.The style of thesepassagesis discursive,offering with the hairsof hishead?rvVhohasheardhisgentlevoicesaying,'Your
nothing in the way of rhetorical entertainment. Andrew of Crete's sinsareforgiven'?What soulis sowell stockedwith ointmentand with
treatment of the dormition and assumption into heaven of theVir- tears that it may anoint Christ, the inexhaustible unguent?78
gin Mary contrastswith those of his contemporaries,Germanos of
In case some members of the congregation have not understood
Constantinople andJohn of Damascus in its restraint and sobriety.
this metaphor, Andrew continues:
Whereas the latteq depending largely on the apocrlphal account
'But 'and
of these events, offer unquestioning praise, Andrew embarks on a I have no ointment', (someone might> say, no alabasterjar'.
careful investigation into the exact nature of the Virgin's death and Have you no ointment? Yes, you have ointment which is grace, and an
alabaster jar which is your heart, tears which are confession and hairs
resurrection.He offersthree possibilities,statingfirst that theVirgin
which are your slight sighs.Ts
was miraculously assumedinto heaven,body and soul; second,that
only her soul was taken up and that her body rests in some un- Imitation of biblical figures and of Christ himself are also recom-
known place; and third, that something took place which is both mended in the homily on Palm Sunday. Here we find many exhor-
exceptional and marvellous, but which it is not given to us to un- tations to foliow the example of those who met him,8o to journey
derstand. Andrew then expresseshis preference tentatively for the with Christ and take on his sufferings,B' and even to spread out
first of these theories, but concludes asain that the whole event is along his way not branches or tunics, but 'our very selvesas much
a great mlstery.T6M. Jugie laid great itr.r, on this passagein his as we are able, with humble soul and correct beliel that we may
important study since it reveals that doctrine concerning the Mr- receive the Word as he comes...'Bt
gin's death and assumption remained somewhat flexible in the early Humility is a virtue which leads to philanthropy, as we hear in
eighth century.TT For our purposes,it is important to note that An- another passageof the homily on Palm Sunday:
drew did not always present his congregation with unassailable Do you see what the height of humility can achieve? Let us then be
truths, but that he suggestedvarious ideas and allowed them to humbled, that we may be exalted; let us be beggars, that we may be
make up their own minds.
Besideshis teaching on theological doctrine, Andrew of Crete's
78 In k4arum, PG 97, 9B4C-D.
79 Ibid., gB5A.
75 In exaltatinnem s. CrucisIl, PG 97, ro4rB-C Bo
In ramospalmarum,PG 97, 989C.
76 In dormiionems. Marine,PG g7",'io8o'-4. Br In ramospalmarum,PG97, totzD .
77 Jrrgt. (t944), 82 Ibii., ggB.
46-4o.
28+ MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDREW OF CRETE ZB5

enriched...Let us praisehim, not with branches

of olive,but with the literary and theological considerations.sgSeveral arguments may
gloriesof mercifulactstowardsoneanother...'83 be put forward in support of this theory. First and most obviously,
The specificforms which such charity can take are outlined more invective against theJews appears constantly in Byzantine homilie s
fully in the homily on the Transfiguration, which lists feeding the from the fourth century onwards.eoAs the archetypal ideological
poor, looking after strangers)clothing the naked, helpingprisoners, enemies,theJews servea rhetorical purpose, as imaginary contes-
caring for the sick and many others.84That this passagedoes not tants or as the objects of invective.Just as the dogmatic teaching
represent a purely rhetorical injunction may be argued on the contained in homilies is generally simple, so are the putative beliefs
grounds of Andrew of Crete's personal interest in charitable insti- of its opponents.Whereas Christians believe in the Incarnation of
tutions and their work.Bs Christ and in the centrality of this doctrine to the whole of God's
As with the desired virtues, Andrew speaksof the vices which he dispensationfor mankind, theJews do not. Secondly,there is the
wishes his audience to avoid only in the most general terms. Fur- fact that invective against theJews appears frequently in some of
thermore, it seemslikely that the few referenceswhich I have found Andrew of Crete's works and only rarely in others.This suggests
are due more to homiletic tradition than to the preacher's genuine that it is related to the subject-matter of individual homilies and
concerns.The homily'On human life and on the dead', which rep- that its appropriateness is not always guaranteed. The homily on
resentsa long diatribe on the vanity of human existencein view of Lazarus, for example, is filled with antiiludaic polemic, but this is
our mortality and the approaching day ofjudgement, refers in one almost certainly influenced by the scriptural passageswhich are
passageto the futility of mourning the dead.B6Andrew's condem- being expounded. The EvangelistJohn mentions the Jews fre-
nation of excessivetears, wails, the tearing of hair and clothes, quently in the story of Lazants, referring to their plots to murder
beating of hands and so on, belongs to a long tradition of Patristic Jesusand to the disbelief of some of them even after the miracle ([n
invective against the rituals of mourning which were associated Ir: r-53). Polemic against theJews in the sermons on the Nativity
withpaganism.sTlt is ofcourse probable that suchpracticescontin- of the Virgin Mury may also be present for the purposes of An-
ued in early eighth-century Crete and that Andrew felt compelled drew's argumentation. As I mentioned earlier, the preacher con-
to condemn them, but it is likely that with regard to the appropri- centrates in the first two sermons of the trilogy on proving the
atenessof such injunctions, he was influenced by earlier homilies. Davidic lineage of Mary; since he is dealing with the relationship
A similar problem is presented by the anti-Jewish polemic in between the Old and New Covenants, Andrew inevitably adopts
Andrew of Crete's homilies.Whereas some scholarshave argued Pauline language concerning the law and grace (Rm 6:r4), the veil
that this reflects the current political situation, in whichJews were which remains unlifted (II Cor g:r2-r4), and so on. Anti-Judaic in-
experiencingrenewedpersecutionand enforcedbaptism under the vective follows becauseit forms an essentialpart of this tradition.
Emperor Leo III,BBI remain convinced that it is prompted more by
8s
This is not to deny that disputations were being composed in the seventhand
eighth centuries,but simply to argue that whereassuch works may have representeda
. "z lbid., roooD-rA. Note that Combefis's text which appearsin Migne contains a genuine responseto historical developments,many homilies did not. On the former
lacunahere.Itshouldread:'...orlxo6vraner,vto0d;ptev,iv'igot0Orpeu ntoleuoropev,ivo genres of literature, seeAveril Cameron, 'Disputations, polemical literature and the
nl.ourlooipev...' See M.B. Cunningham, Andreasof Crete\Homiliesonl-olarus andpalm lormation of opinion in rhe early Byzantineperiod'. in GJ. Reinink- H.LJ.
Sundal:A Citical Editionand Commentar2 (Birmingham, PhD thesis,r9B3),355.285-6. Vanstiphout (edd.), Dispute Poemsand Dialoguu in the Ancient and MedieualNear East,
"^a In lransfguralinnetn
Domini,PG 97, 94r C-D. Orientalia I.ovaniensiaAnalecta4z (Leuven,rggr).
o5 See VitaA.Cr., 174:6-zo; q6.t4-23. eo See S. Krauss,'TheJews in the works of the Church Fathers',Jewish
oo De humanauilaetdedefunchi, QSoxtb
PG 97, re8rC. Reaiew6(1894),Bz-rro;G.B.Ladner,'AspectsofPatristicanti-Judaism', Viatorz(rg7t),
Se. M. Alexiou, ThzRituatLamiit in C,reekTiadition(Cambridge,ry74), zB. 'La poldmique antijuivede S.JeanChrysostome le mouvement
f]
sB Vailhe (rgoz), 355-63;M. Simon, et
_ 386; Auz6py (1995),6. On the histori;al backg.:o""i, r..;. Stu.., judaisant d'Antioche' , AnnuairedeI'Institutdephilologie
etd'histoire
oientalesetslaues
+ (rgS6),
TheJews in theBlzantineEmpire,64r-tzo4, Texte und Forschungen zur Byzantinisch- r4o-53; R. Wt7de, The Treahnentof thejews in tlu (heek Writersof the First ThreeCentuies,
NeugriechischenPhilologie 3o (Athens,rg3g),gr-3; A. Sharf,Bl4antineJewryfromJustin- Patristic StudiesBr (WashinSon, D.C., rg4g); R.L. Wilken,John Chrlttsostnm andtheJews.
inn to theFourthCrusade (Lorrdon, ry7t),6-74. RhaoricandRealiq,in theLatc FourthCmturlt(Berkeley-LosAngeles-London, r9B3).
286 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDREW OF CRETE 287
'who covereth the heav-
Finally, it must be significant that whereas other ideological and to do with the flesh, as wrappings for the One
actual enemies abounded in the early eighth century including ens with clouds', but after entirely joining yourself with the One who
becamewholly flesh on your account, put him entire upon yourself,like
Arabs, Bulgars and other invaders from the north, Iconoclasts and
a tunic, and receiveutterly the One who is coming to you and hastening
Montanists, Andrew of Crete only mentions them occasionallyand towards the Passionon your behalf.gg
never inveighs against them. It is hard to believe thatJews, who
had always been present in the Byzantrne empire and who proba- Even more explicit reference to the Eucharist is made in the lines
bly lived to a great extent separately, posing no particular eco- which follow:
nomic or ideological threat, should have been singledout asobjects Causeyour heart to be spreadout upon the upper storey that you may
of hostility.e' It is possible, as Kathleen Corrigan suggestsin her receive Christ by your side to eat that supper, not the supper in the
recent study of ninth-century Byzantine psalters, that the Jews house of Lazarus, but the mystical one and that which representsthe
came symbolically to represent every ideological enemy and that icon of the spiritual sacrifice...e4
most orthodox Christians would have understood this coded mes- That those who are worthy of this experience are the baptized laity
sage.e'Thus, anti-Jewish invective in homilies of this period reflects is made clear earlier in the same orationss and also in the homily
both a long-standing literary tradition and also a symbolic form of on Lazarus.g6
polemic against all other adversaries,both external and internal. The homily which contains the most sustained use of mystical
Let us turn now to the third aspect of Andrew of Crete's preach- vocabulary and ideas is that on the Transfiguration. In this text the
ing to be examined in this paper, namely his use of mystical lan- preacher calls on his congregation to climb Mount Tabor with
guage which is often, but not always, connected with the sacra- Christ and the disciples
ments of baptism and the Eucharist. The most striking aspect of
such passagesis that they employ a very personal form of address ...to be made worthy of greater things, to be overshadowedby the cloud
and thence for the eyes to be darkened, to be overwhelmed by the
to the congregation. Andrew exhorts his listenersto experience ez
things seenand understood, and yet to be inititated (puqOffvor,) by the
themselues biblical events such as Christ's Passionand Resurrection. One who transcendsthe light in (mysteries> which are beyond man...
He thus implies that participation in the mysteries which he de- In order then that this may come about, come as much as possibleby
scribesis both a personal, and at the same time universa\ shared, means of the initiation (puotalcoyiq)of the Spirit that we may contem-
experience.To give one example of this style of preaching, Andrew plate the unintelligible (dOedrqqto)things with many men. For only with
outlines in his homily on Palm Sundaywhat it means truly to expe- <the help of the Spirit> doesthe mind seethings which are aboveper-
rience the feast and the eucharistic celebration associatedwith it: ception, and let us therefore taste the mystical visions of those events
which took place in the Transfiguration of the Lord'.e7
Come then, and after attending to me, beloved,be taught by the moral
force of my speech.It is possiblefor you, as you strive earnestly,to take Andrew sustains such mystical imagery throughout the homily,
on the sufferingsof Christ by imitation and to journey through all the describing how ordinary people may prepare for this state of grace.
mysteriesand deedsof Christ, by means of which he swept away our The idea that human beings remain rooted in the created world
disgraceful deedsand the stainswhich we have acquired as a result of while imitating and even partaking of the vision of Christ,e8 61-
our sinfulness,which he did away with by his suffering on our be-
half...Take lor yourself a spiritual icon, namely the perception which is
impressedmystically in your heart and then paint for me a representa- s3 In ramos palmarum,PG97, roo8 B. Again, the critical edition differs slightly from
tion in words of thesematters... ... Do not strew garments, which have Combefis's text here with the addition of trlv yqcpp<itov before dvatuncrrorv('a repre-
sentation in words of thesematters'). See Cunningham (1983),365.42o.
e+ Ibid., roogB-C.
e' See Starr (1939), e? Ibid.,ggzB-D; roo5C.
9r-3; Sharf (rg7r),6t-74; G. Dagron-V D6roche, Juifs et
Chr6tiens dans l'Orient du VIIe sid.cle',Trauauxet rndmoires
rr (rggr), r7-38o. eb In Lazarum, PG 97, 9648.
e2 K. Corrigan, VisualPolsnhsin theNinth-CmturyBypntine Psalters(Carnbrtdge, s7^ In transfigurationem
Domini,PG 97, g36B-D.
rggz),5-6. su. lbi.d.,945.
 2BB MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDREW OF CRETE zBg

pressesthe condition of all Christians as they participate in the sac- puorcr,rro0 A6you'ob to suggestthat he is speaking to fellow initi-
ramental life. While there is unfortunately no spacein this paper to ates.It is impossibleto determine how many members of Andrew's
examine the possiblesourcesfor Andrew of Crete's use of mystical congregationswould have understood the meaning, not to mention
language,I hope to pursue this subject more fully in a subsequent the literary and theological background of such language. Never-
study.Whereas it is tempting to trace the influence of ps-Denys the theless, it is clear that the preacher is attempting in many of his
Areopagite in mystical texts of this period, a detailed comparison homilies to draw his listeners into a more spiritual understanding
of the vocabulary and ideas used by both authors would be neces- of the biblical events being celebrated in the great feastsof the or-
sary to prove such a connection.ggAndrew does quote ps-Denys's thodox church. According to Andrew, revelation may be attained
De diuinis nominibusin his first sermon on the Dormition of the even by the lairy through diligent reading of the scriptures, virtu-
Theotokos,'oobut this citation does not necessarilyindicate an ex- ous conduct and above all, by regular participation in the
tensive knowledge of the Syrian Father. It is likely that Andrew eucharistic rite.
drew on the wider tradition of Byzantine mystical writing and it is Another factor which should be borne in mind when studying
significant that later homilies on the Transfiguration of Christ con- the homilies of any eighth-century preacher is the possible influ-
tinued to treat the feast in this style.'o' ence of hynnography on the genre.'o7The relationship between
The mystical vocabulary used by Andrew of Crete, while proba- homiletics and hymnography in this period is a field which urgently
bly originating in pagan sources,had long been used by Christian demands investigation; for the moment, suffice it to say that such
writers in connection with the sacraments.Andrew useswords like a connection did exist. On examining just one of Andrew of
pudrrr('toinitiate') and inontelc ('contemplation'),'o'with reference Crete's hymns, the famous Great Kanon,'o8 many parallelswith his
to baptism and to the acquisition of spiritual enlightenment, ex- homiletic works immediately become apparent. The emphasis on
pressionssuch as ra puorlxa 0eorgr]pora('the mystical visions')'o3, the individual Christian penitent, whose sorrow and contrition rep-
ro tel.edltega ('the perfect things')'oaand many others to describe resent the universal condition but whose prayers remain personal
what is perceived, and some of the negative terms associatedwith and heartfelt, resemblesthe tone of the ethical passagesin many of
apophatic theology to describethe Godhead.'o5When addressing Andrew's homilies. Mystical aspirations also appear, as we see in
his audience, as I stated earlier, Andrew uses terms such as d[].ol the followingstanza'.
Awake,O my soul...thatthougaina mindto seeGod,andreachto the
impenetrable darkness in contemplation...'o9
n-n F9. the writings of ps-DenysseeCPG
. 66oo-3; PG 3, rzo-ro4B. I am grateful to Expressionsof penitence and sorroq appropriate to the Lenten
Andrew Louth for correspondingwirh me on this subjeciand lor advisingiaution in
tracing the influence of Denys on middle Byzantine writers such as Andrew of crete seasonfor which this hy'rnn was composed, appear within a highly
andJohn of Damascus.see further his study'st Denys the Areopagite and the Icono- structured framework which is based on the typology of the Old
clast controversy', in Y de Andia (ed.),Actesdu colloque surDaEtsIarkpagtte etsaposteritl
enOrimt et enOccident,
Testament. As different but related forms of liturgical poetry the
Etudes Augustiniennes(Paris,rggr), 327-37.
'oo In dormitionem homilies and hymns of the eighth century both emphasize the faith
b.Marine,PG 97, ro64ff;Jugre (1944),244. Andrew is quotirrg ps-
penys's De diainisnominibus, PG 3, 6BrD. See itro C.M. nosili"i, O.S.M.,-In pieudo- and devotion of individual orthodox believers.
DionigilAreopagilae lo mortedi ManZ SS(Rome, r95B).
'l' for example, D. Balfour (ed.),SaintC,regory
In conclusion,I have attempted to explore in this paper some of
. F:., theSinaite,
DiscourseontheTiansfu-
uration(Athens,r9B3).Note alsothe mystical elementsin the sermonsofAndrew's con-
temporaryJohn Damascene,describedin A. Louth's chapter in this volume.
'u' In Inlarum, PG 'ob
97, 96oB. lbid., g4oB;In dormitionans. Maiae II, PG 97, ro76C.
ro3 In transf.gurationem Domini,PG 97, 936D. 'ol O. this point, seealso Andrew Louth's chapter in this volume.
Io4 lbid., g4oC. lou PG 'O M6ycE Kavdv 'Av6q6ot to0 KQn"tlE
'o5 For example: '... 97, t3zg-851"K. Christou,
- Qil,crv0qornlagfiE ro dneqov xci ro d6qr.orovn6].cryoEi].eiv (Thessalonike,r95z).
d6uvctotocrfr 0eoqig,r{vdxorc},qrpiov r{g0e6qroE, dglqv noleircntrre 'os PG
ifovoE'0etogioE 97, I34B-g;translation by SisterKatherine-Sister Thekla, StAndrewof Crete,
xcri dvcrBdoerog', ibid., gggC. The GreatCanon(Norrnanby, \A4ritby, ry74), 42.
290 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDREW OF CRETE 291

the chief preoccupationsof Andrew of Crete as a preacher,includ- pels may be literal or spiritual, as we have seenin his homilies on
ing the praise of holy figures, the teaching of christological doc- these subjects.To some extent, then, the rhetorical conventions
trine, and the exploration of the mystical truth which lies behind associatedwith individual festal sermons appears to be fixed, but
both the scriptures and the sacramentsof the church. While it is Andrew of Crete is able to exercise a certain amount of freedom
impossible to determine on the basis of the homilies how much within these traditions. It is likely that the stylistic variations which
Andrew's audience actually understood, we may at least imagine we observe in many of his homilies reflects his desire to keep his
that his orations were received in respectful silence.The original audience entertained and interested.
circumstancesof Andrew of Crete's preaching represent in any It is too early on the basis of our limited understanding of the
caseonly one aspectin the life of thesetexts; in subsequentcentu- development of the Greek homiletic tradition in the Byzantine pe-
ries they continued to be used as liturgical and perhaps also as pri- riod to offer conclusions concerning changing trends in preaching
vate readingsin monasteries.The popularity of Andrew's homilies, practices.As study on this subjectprogresses,it may be possibleto
as witnessed by the numerous manuscripts in which they are trans- determine whether Andrew of Crete, with his emphasis on the
mitted, perhaps restsmore on this later usagethan on their original faith and spiritual state of his listeners, is tlpical of his period, or
reception by his own flock."o whether he stands out as one of the most mystical Byzantine
'mystical'in an early eighth-
One question which I askedat the beginning of this paper and preachers.As I statedabove,the term
have not yet answered is whether the style of Andrew's homilies is century context does not mean simply an individual apprehension
influenced more by his aims as preacher or by the conventions of of the fullness of God, but it may also imply participation in an
rhetorical genre.To some extent, genre determines the style of dis- external and shared reality such as the Eucharist. I would like to
course. As panegyrical works intended to praise holy figures such explore this question further, not only comparing Andrew's ora-
as the Theotokos, St Titus or a number of other saints,Andrew's tions to those of his contemporaries and to the works of earlier
encomia adopt an elevated style which could not have been easyto homilists, but also studying them in the context of his other writ-
understand. Some variations may be found within these orations, ings, the kanons and shorter hlmrns which represent such an im-
however, which suggest that opportunities for teaching were not portant part of his oeuvre. For the moment, suffice it to say that
ignored. In two of his sermons on the Nativity of the Virgin, An- thesequalities suggestthe preacher's interest in the spiritual needs
drew embarks on long explanations of her relationship to the of his congregation even though his literary affinitywith that audi-
prophet David. The Dormition sermons, as we saw above, offer a ence may have been remote.The enduring popularity of Andrew's
measured discussionof the exact nature of this miraculous event. homilies must reflect the fact that they are directed to ordinary lay
Praise,in the form of acclamations,listsofepithets and descriptions people, men and women, that they are uncontroversial with regard
of the subjects' holy births, virtuous educations and ways of life, is to topical issuessuch asIconoclasm, thereby alienating no-one, and
not lacking in these orations, but it is clear that the preacher also above all, that they were regarded as eloquent. In our twentieth-
keeps his didactic purpose in mind at all times. Many of Andrew's century preoccupation with audiencecomprehension,we must not
other festal sermons adopt a more exegetical style which may also forget that in previous agesgreater value was placed on rhetorical
be influenced by the rhetorical traditions surrounding thesefeasts. eloquence for its own sake, especially when it afforded the appro-
If a scriptural text forms the basis for liturgical celebration, as for priate means of approaching profound subjects.
the feastsof the Transfiguration,Lazarus Saturday and Palm Sun-
day, then Andrew adheres to this text. His explanations of the Gos-

"o See A. Ehrhard, Uberli{erung und Bestandder hagiographischm und homiletiscfun

Literaturdn grizchischen
Krche aondenArlfangenbis<umEndedes6. Jaluhunderk,3vols. (Leip-
zig tggT-52).
 292 MARY B. CUNNINGHAM ANDRE\M OF CRETE 293

Bibliogmplqt Sevdenko,I., 'Levelsof stylein Byzantinep-rose',XVI International Byz-

antine CongressAkten I/ r,Jahrbuch derOsterreichkchen
B2zantinistik3r/
r
PrimarytSources fy'ienna,rgBr),294.
Vailh6,S., 'SaintAndr6 de Crdte',Echos d'Oriznt5 Qgoz),378-87.
Homi[ineI-IY, In natiuitatemb.Maiae (CPG BrTo-3):PG 97, Bo5-Br.
Homilin in annunt'i.at'ionem
b.Maiae (CPG Br74): PG 97, BBr-9r3.
Homilia in transftgurationem
domini (CPG B176):PG 97, gZ2-57.
Homiha in ktzarum quatri.duanum (CPG Br77): PG 97, 96o-85; M.B.
Cunningham (ed.),Andreasof Crete\HomiliesonLtzarus andPalrnSundal,t:
A CriticalEdition and Commentary (Birmingham, PhD thesis, r9B3), rBB-
229.
Homilin in ramospalrnarum(CPG BITB): PG 97, g85-ror7; Cunningham
(tgBg),335-82.
HomiliaeI-II,In exaltationem s. crucis(CPG Br79-Bo):PG 97, rcq-+S.
Homilinel-IIl,In dormitionem s.Mariae (CPG BrBr-3):PG 97, ro45-rog.
Homilin in s. Iohannisdecollationem(CPG BrB4):PG 97, rrog-4r.
Homilia in apostolumTitum (CPG BrB5):PG 97, u4t-6g.
Homilin dehumanauitaet dedefunctis (CPG Brgz): PG 97, rz68-3or.
MagnusCanon:PG 97, r3zg-85; Christou, K., 'O M6yoE Kavdv Avbq6ou
rot Kqr'1r;E(Thessalonike,rg5z).
Vita s. AndreaeCretensis:Papadopoulos-Kerameus, M. (ed.), 'Avril.ezra
'Iegoool.upltqg
)ra1uo].oyidg 5 (St Petersburg rBgr), r69-79.

SecondarySources

Auz€py,M.-E, 'La carridre d'Andr6 de Crdte', B<BB (rg95), r-rz.

Chevalier, C., 'Les trilogies homil6tiques dans l'dlaboration des {btes
mariales', C,regorianumrB (1937),g6r-78.
Cunningham, M.B., 'Andreas of Crete's homilies on Lazarus and Palm
Sunday: the preacher and his audience', in E.A. Livingstone (ed.),
StudiaPatristica3r (Leuven, ryg7), zz-6.
Detorakis,Th., Oi dyrol rflg nq6trlE BulcrwrvflE negr66ou{g Kg{tqE xal
f oXerrxilngdE crritotE Qr,),ol.oyia(Athens, r97o), r6o-9o.
Eustratiades,S., "Av6g6crE6 Kgqrrlg 6'Iegooo).upwqg', Nea Sionzg (tgg+),
673-BB.
Jugie, M., La mort et I'assomptionde la tris sainteVierge,Studi e Testi rr4
(Rome, 1944).
Nissen,Th., 'Diatribe und Consolatio in einer christlichen Predigt des
achten Jahrhunderts', Philologus92 (rg1il, 177 -gB, 3Bz-5.
 HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY
HOMILETICS: THE HOMILIES OF PATRIARCH
PHOTIOS AND GEORGE OF NICOME,DIA

Niki Tsironis

In Byzantium, aswell as in other civilisations and cultures, from the

Jewish congregation to primitive shamanism and the Maori,' the
preacher played the role of the intermediary between God and the
communiry leading its prayer, interpreting the word of God, mak-
ing the eternal revelation relevant to the present reality of the com-
munity, and teaching the rudiments of faith and the social and ethi-
cal implications of the sacredwritings. In the earlyByzantine period
the preacher was the one who, by means of exegetical,apologetic
and polemic writings, warded off the enemies of the truth, the
dogma of the church, as it was formulated through the negation of
heresiesand the differentiation from non-Christian groups,like the
Flellenes, theJews and later, the Muslims.' On the other hand, one
has to bear in mind that from the early Christian centuries preach-
ing had been a function of the church inextricably linked to the lit-
urgy, and that it was in this sensethat it fulfilled part of the scheme
that was to be set forth bv Karl Barth. namely that Christian truth
is the word of God and ritualised in preaching and sacrament.3
The preacher in ninth-century Byzantium seems to have the
same function. In this case the homilist fulfils the role of the

'
SeeC. L. Rice, 'Preaching', in M. Eliade (ed.), EnclclopediaofReligionT(New York-
London, ryB),494-6.
" K.Corrigan,WualPolanirsintheNinth-Centur2ByzantinePsalars(Cambridge, Iggz),
6; Averil Cameron, 'Disputations, polemical literature and the formation of opinion in
the early Byzantine period', in GJ. Reinink-H.LJ. Vanstiphout (edd.),DisputePoens
and Dialoguesin theAncientand MedieualNear East, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 4z
(Leuven,rggr), ro6-7.
3 K. Barth, Church Dogmatics: TheDoctrineof theWordof God,z vols. (Edinburgh, 1936-
56),passim.Barth,referring to the word of God and to its form, recognisesthre e aspects:
the Incarnation where the Son of God became a human person; the written word, that
is, as I understand it, the Gospel and the canons of the church; and the Word of God
in ritual and in preaching. It is the sameprocessinversedthat justifies our ability to talk
about God. A human being can talk about God becauseGod has chosento become a
human being and to speakin our own language.
 29b NrKI TSTRONTS HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY HOMILETICS 297

prophet and the intermediary between God and his people through astical literature as a whole and with its extratemporal character.
a poetic processwhich aims at transporting the audienie to the di- George of Nicomedia is often referred to as a minor figure of the
vine realm. Rhetoric and rhythm are employed as the essential ninth centuryo and is known through his hymnographic and homi-
tools for such an enterprise, together with the unlimited images letic work that is preserved in numerous manuscripts.T A close
deriving from the scriptures. However, in the homiletic corpuJof friend of Patriarch Photios, who dominates the second half of the
the ninth century we shall be able to distinguish two distinct ap- ninth century, George of Nicomedia died after BBoBand hence we
proaches to homiletics. Two figures will serve us as examples: should place his birth in the first or second decade of the ninth cen-
Photios, patriarch of Constantinople, and George, metropolitin of tury. From the various titles of manuscripts we assume that he was
Nicomedia. our first sourceis much better documentedathan our a monk, rhetor and chartoplrylax of Hag;a Sophia before he was ele-
second and, given that the reader is probably familiar with the sec- vated to the rank of bishop and, subsequently,to that of metropoli-
ondary literature about Photios, the 'minor figure, of George of tan of Nicomedia.e As becomes evident from the correspondence
Nicomedia will-be grve-nfirst place in this paper. The essentialpara- of Photios,'o which varies in tone, length and style depending on
dox of the caseis that the homilies of the fai-ore important fig",rr. the occasion, the two men did not merely share interests but they
of Photios survive only in seventeenmanuscripts, whereasjust one were also linked by a deep friendship."
of the homilies of George is preserved in thirty *urrrrr.riits. The George of Nicomedia must have divided his life between
manuscript tradition attests to the greater liturgical use (and pre- Constantinople, where he started his career, and Nicomedia." His
popularity) of George of Nicomedia, in comparison to work consistsof homilies, most of them dedicated to the Mother of
ly-*ly_
Photios.s God, that were delivered on various feast-dayssuch as the Nativity
How can this be explained? The answer lies in the difference of of the Mother of God, the Presentation into the Temple, and the
approach of the two authors. George of Nicomedia r,wites in a Annunciation. Of the published works that survive more than 75%
more poetic and less direct style, whereas a great part of are marian homilies, including the unique caseof a marian homily
T".l
Photios's homilies are written for particular occasi6ns. perhaps
on Good Riday. Though the homilies themselves do not contain
their conte*por]ry character made their use by other homilists
any clear reference to the location of their delivery we can at least
difficult and for rhis reason they did not circulate widely. Another place them chronologically towards the middle of the ninth cen-
part of the answer concerns the nature of homileti cs per se,and in
tury.
this respect we can take our casestudy as evidence foritr. 'rures' of
As far as Photios is concerned, the rich biographical evidence we
the genre of homiletics. This genre cherished much more the poetic
have about him enables us, in a number of cases,to define the spa-
style of the latter since it conformed better with the style of eiclesi-
tial and chronological framework of the homilies. The whole corpus

6 'Georges de Nicom6die' Dictionnaire

n An extensive J. Darrouzds, , deSpiituatiti 6 (196), z4z.
^, . bibliography is at the disposal of the reader. For the works of 7 BHG r3r, 3Br,683, ro78,rro2, rro8, rrogg,rrrr, rr21z,tr1g, rr44k, rr5e, rt56,
r.notrosseelj'Laourdas, PhotinuHomiliai(Thessalonike,rg5g);Eng.
'rh, trans.with introduc- ry64b, 1967,1968;PG zB, g73-rooo;PG roo, 1336-529.
:i%Py"9 Y-g"; Ilnnltizsofpholtlu
paniarc!
ofCoiitrnt;nop'te1C"-U.ia-gl"M^r., d Darrouzds(196), z4z.
I95d)' bee also_
H Lemerle, Bya.nhne
t9B6), zo5-35; 4!ryon"!, Byzantina Ausirariensia 3 (danberra, 9 In the manuscripts containing the homily on Good Riday he is referred to as
'The fDvornik, Ttn PhotionSthis-: Historyandlzgnatd"-U.fasJ, \gaei; rd"r, inlonorog (Ottob.gr 14, tenth century) dglLenioxonog (Pm gr r5o5, nvelfth century),
Patriarch Photios and lconoclasm',DOp71r-953;,O9i_97;'WTreadiold",Eizantine
dqlwnioxonog Nr.xotrrq6eiag6 Qrltoq (Vat. gr. 1636, f 2or", tlvelfth century) or
ReuiualTBo-B4z (Stanfor4 carifornia, t9o'ay.rn.tioitXr uJ.i'ri"aiJ.n";'. *;"(;-ur,- prlrgonol"lrqg (Vat.gr. 564,f 54v,thirteenth century).
lst' or wrth relerence to lconoclasm, the schism, and the christianisation 'o B.Laourdas-L.G. Westerink, (edd.),PhotinsEpi.snlaeetAmphiloehia,Bibllotheca
of the Slavs,
than as a theoloeian and oreacher.Exceptionaris the study of G. r"rtu., .ui.tof
- - ) u'a Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana, 6 vols. (Leipzig, t9B3-B).
theologyin Phoiius',C,reef Ortnoaoxfh.irg";i R*;; z Qg63_ 4), 37_74.'' " D. White-Stratoudaki, PatriarchPhotiosof Constantinoplz
(BrooHine, Mass., rgBI),
^ .5- _Forthe manuscript tradition of the f,omilies of phoiioi,i,1. i'u6i.au, 11959),r r7*- 77.
B and z4-35..ForGe.orgeof Nicomedia seemy arricle, ,A dil-g.upr,i- '' Probably around 86o, a couple ofyears after Photioswas elevatedto the patriar-
19,-:YT_.JIq5B),
cal note on HosiosGeorgios,Merropolitan of Nicomedia,(forthcoming).
chal throne.
 2gB NIKI TSIRoNIS
HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY HOMILETICS 299

is divided by Laourdas into three categories:historical, i.e. occa-

Michael III, such as the two homilies on the Annunciation'7 or the
sional,nanegyrical, and catecheticarhomilies.The division is some-
emperors) as in the caseof the homily on the inauguration of the
what arbitrary in that in the second and third categories the editor
mosaic of Hagia Sophia.'8The plural employed by Photios for the
includes homilies that, as he himself notes, refer tJ contemporary 'rulers'
issues.Hence, the two homilies of photios that refer to the Arian obviously refers to the time of the joint rule of Michael III
and Basil I. The examplescould be numerous,but it would be more
heresy'3were meant to attack, even if indirectly, the schismatics
of interesting to try to detect who were the others who were present
h1sday. similarly, the homilies on Lent, apart from their instructive
in the congregation, apart from the 'Christloving' emperors.
character, refer to the malice of his opponents and to
the In general, we could assume that his audience was lay, since
preacher's responsibility as the shepherd of trr. flock entrusted
to there is no reference either to monastic rule or discipline and the
him by the church. It is this flock that he addresses,asking it
not to identified churches were not associatedwith any monastic founda-
pay attention to what is said about him and to let its o-n"rrirt,lo.r,
behaviour become a model for the 'others'.'4 Hence we seethat tion.'e Furthermore, the elaborate and highly rhetorical style of
it Photios'shomilies suggestsan educatedand presumablyaristocratic
is not easyto divide up Photios'shomiletic corpus in a meaningful
way. In the first example I quoted, the ancient heresy of Arius audience. In favour of an aristocratic audience is the preacher's
be_ reference to his congregation in the homily on the Synod of 867.
comes an excusefor the preacher to chastiseheresy and
public to preservethe unity of the church - this is also
exhort his Photios, apart from the emperors, refers to the 'choir of patricians',
the subject the ones who have served by the side of so many generals and
of the other two homilies on Lent. I wourd tentatively
r.rgg.ri,rru,, taxiarchs against so many and so great heresies.'o But the
in order to appreciate and read funy the content of
the homiletic aristocrats in ninth-century Constantinople could not have been
.:.pyl not only of Photios, b,t of George of Nicomedia
as well, we more than a part of the congregation.The rest of the people could
should set aside these first-glance divisions and try
to uncover the have been officials of the court, traders and other average profes-
$'mbolism employed by the preacher, which he sharedf.esumably
with his audience. sionals of the capital. Theywere undoubtedly aware of the issuesof
As far as the location and chronorogy of the homilies the day and in this respect it is worth noting Photios's effort to gain
of photios their support with reference to his rivalry with the ex-patriarch
are concerned, we know that certain homilies were
preached at the Ignatios and his followers. These homilies, where Photios tries to
Church of Hagia Eirene, whereas others were
preached at the persuadehis audience that they should not listen to the malevolent
Great Church o-' Hugiu Sophia.'5 ffr.lo.utio.r,
*L.r.rr.r it i, p.o_ comments of their neighbours and that the unity of the church was
vided, is given in the title of the *he.eus ,h; ;;;g ir, ,'or,
casesis provided by the internal_homily,
evidence of the text and-bv ..r.r_
of primary importance," give rise to the idea that, apart from the
ences,to contemporary events such as the attack devoted followers of either party, there was a body which, like pres-
of the Rus, or the ent-day voters, had to be won over. And in this case the pulpit of-
syngd of 867, that are testified to in othe^orr..r.J
a;-J oi ,fr. fered an opportunity for propagating one's cause."
orations were delivered in the presence of the
.-p.ro., pr.r"_.nfy

'3 '7
Homilies rr and 16in Laourdas(r95g),139_63. Homilies 5 and 7 in Laourdas(1959),53-6r and74-Bz.Seeesp.Homily 7.r5-r7:
"Al.),cri,por, ?toogto0@eo0xci,pcor,l.6rrlvQll"olqlor6rore,nqoOuptoEoiir<oxcil"apnq6E
,-o'1 .lo-Ut.sr!and14inLaourdas(r9!9),,Is-3d Seelorexample,esp.r3o.z5_32;
r3d.5-ro. ouvqOpoloOrlrexci. to iegov roiito xci, oenr6v ilorgctoare r6pevoE...'
's The 'u Homily ro in Laourdas (r95g),g9-ro4.
homilies numbered 9.,ro, r3, 14 and rB in Laourdas The presenceof the two emperors is also
'from (rg5g) were preached
the pulpit of saint Sophii,*il.;;r'H;;itL. noted in the title: 'nagouoi,g r6v Qr,Lolqlorov Bcrol],6orv'.
,, , u'a 6 were deliveied ar the 'e RJanin, In Aglises
Church of Haeia Eirene. SeeI a"".a"*, i"".J".,i.", et bs monasthes
deConstantinople(Paris,znd ed. 1969).
rog*. Howeven,note the debate 20 Homily rB in Laourdas(1959),r73-Boand esp.
about the ideniification of the imp..;ul .h*.tr ryg.27-22.
tt ut *x i.rurrgr.ut d by photios; Homily
to in Laourdas(rqrq). qq-ro4 and introducti";,;;;-64-, .'"T* "" " "' Homilies 6, rg, 14,15and 16in Laourdas(r95g).
'b Homilv q UiUfi.!r"ff,f.
i"J r5"1"Laourdas(,r5d; ,r_3, ..,"a ,73_uo.For "2 Recent scholarship has laid emphasison the instability of the followers of the
is alsonarrated-byTheophanesConrinuarus,r96, example, the event 'parties'. A great part ofthe population
Leo ,ir; b;;;;;;:;;;:1. ofthe capital did not have strong convictions
;,.. and were responding to the current of the day. SeeR. Morris, MonksandLaymmin 81-
 3OO NrKr TSTRONTS HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY HOMILETICS 30I

Less obvious is the caseof George of Nicomedia, not only be- sound that befits the exultation of the ones who celebratethe feast
causewe do not know where and when his homilies were preached, in heaven.'5The referenceprobably hints at an act of patronage by
but also becausethey seemto be devoid ofdirect referencesto con- one or more members of the congregation.If my reading is correct,
temporary events.As far as his audience is concerned, we can say thesereferencesallow us to deduce that the audience of George of
with some certainty that it was a lay audience since the preacher Nicomedia was an aristocratic lay audience, an assumption that
often refers to men and women, people of various ranks of society could be further supportedby the high styleof the languagehe uses.
and different backgrounds, giving them advice on various aspects Important for the definition of the audience and for the function
of life. In his homily on the Conception and Nativity of the Mother of homiletics are the ethical imperativesthat the preachersvoice in
of God we read: their homilies. As we have already seen,Photios insistson the unity
...(people of) every age and every rank, of the worldly and of the above of the church and the peace among the people. In his secondhom-
the worldly order. Priests and kings, and those who show to those below ily on the Annunciation, he stressesthe way in which the soul
the lofty attitude and the government. Rulers and ruled, old and young, should be prepared to accept the salvific mystery that reveals the
virgins and mothers and sterile women... 23 economy and philanthropy of God, bringing presents to the
How exact is the description of his audience?In a similar passage Mother of God. By presentshe means the virtues of the soul: the
Germanos of Constantinople addresseshis own audiencein similar unmarried, virginity, the married, the peace and welfare of their
terms: household; and thosewho have failed, repentance and doing good
works.The virtues of justice, forgiveness,endurance, mildness and
...whilewe,thepeculiarpeopleof God,priestsandrulers,Iayandmo-
hospitality are also describedaspresents.'bThe avoidanceof enmi-
nastic, slaves and free, craftsmen and farmers, vintners and fisherr'crr,
young and old. men and women,...'4 ty, fasting, ascesisand the reading of the scriptures are advised in
the first homily on Good Friday where the obtaining of virtues is
The passageshave obvious similarities. Although both preachers described as a continuous fight, for which man will be rewarded by
addresstheir congregationsin like manner, urging them to honour the wreath-giver,Christ.'7 The power of repentance through tears
the feast of the Mother of God, we may presume that, even if it is praised in the secondhomily on Good Friday,where Photios ex-
representsa commonplace of panegyric, this toposwould not have horts his audienceto prepare itself for the hour of death, when they
been employed in the case of a monastic audience where other will be asked to answer for their deeds to God. The best way for
terms of addresswould have been applicable.A highbrow audience such a preparation is the acknowledgment of sin and contrition of
is alsopresumed in the supplication of George of Nicomedia to the the heart, claims Photios. Even if it is not for the sakeof the good-
Mother of God in the epilogue of the same homily: nessof the deed but for fear of punishment, we should be generous,
...so you, for their eagerness,adorn the present congregation both with compassionate,avoid gluttony, disputes and discords, and follow
material and with spiritual joy, contributing in rerurn your great gifts... the commandments of the Lord, saysthe preacher.Wealth is seen
The passageis followed by a supplication to the Virgin to enable as a token of condemnation on the day of the LastJudgment and
the choir to perform in an even more divine way andlo give it the therefore good works are given special emphasis.t8Photios covers
the whole range of pastoral advice to his flock, stressingthe interde-
pendence of virtues which are crowned by purity of heart. Fasting
4antium,Bq3-rrtB (Cambridge, 1995), rr-5 and 9o-3; D. Turner, ,The context of a theol-
is worth nothing if it is not accompanied by a pure heart full of
ogv: Iconoclasm and the development of the Iconophile dynamic, c.
78o-Bqo' (forth-
coming).
"3 Oratio in Conceptionan ac Nauititattm sanctissimaeDominae nostrai Dei Geniticis semoer "s PG roo, r3g7D.
VirginisMaiae, PG roo, r376C-ggB; see esp. r38rC. 2b Homily
7 in Laourdas (rg5g), 79.18-33 and Bo.I-r3.
"+ Encomium in sanctam Deiparam: @mndo niennis praesentata est in tempro, ac in sancta
"z Homily r in Laourdas (Ig5g), I-rr and esp. Io-Ir.
sanctlruma suisparentibusiilata,PG 98, 3rz B-C. 28 Homily z in Laourdas (Ig5g), Iz-z8 and esp. r7-i8.
 NIKI TSIRONIS HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY HOMILETICS 3O3
302

love for one's neighbour, he repeats in the homilies on Lent.2e is characteristic of George's style,Joachim is said not to have given
Prominent in the whole homiletic corpus of Photios is the lesspas- to the poor only part of his goods but to have given them so much
toral and more theological subject of the rebirth of man in Christ that in the end he was left with nothing for himself.33Prayer is seen
that is also to be found in the homilies of George of Nicomedia. as the way to relate personally to God and that is also the meaning
'theology' with reference to the
Encountered in almost every homily in one form or another, the that the author gives to the term
subject of rebirth stands for the rejection of the laws of the Old mother of theVirgin. Anna is said to have been talking to God, i.e.
Testament and as the only human guide towards salvation. Inextri- praying, and hence she had a direct knowledge of God. She is fur-
cably linked is the notion of divine economy that features in numer- ther praised for her sobriety, endurance, faith and especially her
ous occasionsin his homilies.3o fervent prayer to the Lord.3a Endurance is also ratified with refer-
George of Nicomedia edifies his congregation, setting forth the ence to the persecution ofJoachim and Anna by theJewish com-
example given by biblical characters. George does not refer openly munity because of their sterility.The couple does not react with
to his congregation in the way ofJohn Chrysostom; rather, his di- wrath towards their fellow citizens but instead they both turn sepa-
dacticism is artfully covered within his theology and and does not rately to God, asking him to grant them an offspring. In this pro-
consistin a set of rules that has to be followed. George expresseshis cess,utilitarianism when approaching God is castigated since the
reservation about legalism in the context of the Old and the New sole aim of man's actions should be the knowledge of God. When
Covenant, but also on numerous occasionswhere he draws a sharp Joachim questions himself about the barrenness that God made
contrast between spiritual life and the observance of social conven- hi- fu.., this self-questioning is praised as part of an attitude of
tion and law. His deep theologicalunderstanding is expressedin the vigilance and attentiveness towards the ways in which God mani-
guiding model of personssuch as the parents of theVirgin,Joachim festshimself.gsChastity is also referred to as a virtue when accom-
and Anna, and the Mother of God hersell Their qualities and atti- panied by the triptych of virtues and is recommended as a model
tudes towards life and its hardships become at the same time a way not just for monks and nuns but for lay people as well. Above all
to a deeper understanding of the orthodox faith and a pattern to be virtues, George praisesAnna's humility which was received by God
'sweetestscentand offering'. The aim of Christian virtues, as
followed. Joachim and Anna become the subject of an elaborate as the
treatment by the author and are set forth as an example for cou- expressedby the author, is the knowledge of God and the eventual
ples.Their 'common opinion' (6poyvcrtprla) is praised along with deification of humaniry a notion that is denoted by the repeated
their prayer life and the harmony that characterises their relation- referencesto its regeneration or renewal. Finally, the homily on the
ship. Joachim is praised for his dedication to God and to his wife Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple becomes an opportunity
for which he is granted the answer to his prayer.3' for George to refer to the way thatJoachim and Anna offered back
George dwells repeatedly on the triptych of virtues: philan- to God what is his, recalling the spirit and the words of the Divine
thropy, fasting and prayer. In the case ofJoachim, philanthropy is LiturgY.s6
equatedwith justice, an idea that revealsthe author's perception of Interesting for the circumstances under which the homilies were
socialconsciousness.3'Witha certain degreeof exaggerationwhich delivered is the question of continuity. In his article about homiletic
trilogies, Chevalier refers to groups of homilies that were preached
on the same day or night, in the same church and for the same con-
'e
Homilies r3 and 14 in Laourdas (r95g).
30 For the notion of economy and its relevance to Iconoclasm, see M.-J. Mondzain,
Image, ic6ne, 1conomie.Les sourcesblgntines de I'imaginaire contanporain (Paris,
ryg6), passim.
According to the author (87), pictorial representation was only made possible through
the use of the key notion of economy that was 'authorised' by Christ himself through 33 Homily III, PG too, I3B5C.
his Incarnation. For the economical relationship between icon and protot'?e, see ro4-7. Homily II, PG roo, r36rA-4C'
:' Homily I, In Oraculum ConceptionisS. Deiparae, PG roo, r35z A-B. 35 Homily III, PG Ioo, r3BBB-C.
:" Homily IIl, In Conuptinnan ac Natioitatem..., PG roo, r3B5 A-D. 36 'to oa Bx rd)v od)v ooi nqooQ6qtoplev
xcrra ndvta xtri.6r,ondwo'
 30+ NIKI TSIRONIS HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY HOMILETICS 3O5

gregation.3TOne of his examples is provided by George of and broughtthe goodnews,Lady,in the sameway rnayyou revealin
Nicomedia and his two groups of three homilies on the Conception our heartshis spiritualjoy.+o
of St Anne and the Presentationof the Mother of God in the tem-
The epilogue of the Friday homily clearly preparesthe audiencefor
ple. His argumentation for establishingthe continuity of the homi-
the next homily. The homilist leadshis congregationpatiently from
lies is based on the internal evidence of the text, and I would only
the eventsofThursday in HolyWeek to Saturday and to the Resur-
like to add to these two groups a third incomplete set of homilies
rection of the Lord. Hence, the length of the homily on Good Fri-
which I believe were delivered on two subsequentdays of Holy could be explained in
day, thirty columns of the PatrologiaC,raeca,
Week: Good Friday and Holy Saturday.In the first homily, entirled
'Oration on the terms of the liturgical context in which the sermon was delivered.
"there stood by the Cross ofJesus his mother and
If we accept that the homily on Good Friday was read during the
his mother's sister" and in the bodily burial of our Lord Jesus
vigil of Friday, we could explain the repetitions that occur in the
Christ on Holy and Good Friday',38George of Nicomedia after his
text and especiallythe three laments of the Mother of God that
introduction attempts to give an explanation of the discord in the
divide the homily into three parts: the way to Cavalry, crucifixion,
accounts of the Crucifixion given by the 'divine evangelists'.The
deposition and burial. The laments form a refrain which encapsu-
presenceof the Mother of God standing at the foot of the Cross is
late the elements that we find in all the subsequenthymns on the
witnessed only in the Gospel of St John. In the second homily,
'Oration subject and which were officially incorporated into the readings of
on the standing by the Holy Sepulchre of the Mother of
the church in the following centuries.These refrains can be well
God and thanksgiving for the glorious Resurrection', the homilist
understood within the context of an all-night vigil.4' Further evi-
attemptsin an identical way to explain the reasonwhy the presence
dence that favours this option can be found in the liturgical q?ika
of the Mother of God at the Holy Sepulchre is not recorded in ,rry
in which the homily on Good Friday is ordered to be read on the
of the synoptic Gospels.3e The structure of the first part of the two
vigil of Friday and the megalynaria of Saturday in Holy Week,4'
homilies is identical sincein both of them the homilist tries to prove
where we encounter the hymns commonly called the Lament of the
the presence of the Virgin in the respectivesituations and makes
Mother of God.a3The homily on Holy Saturday must have been
her the central character in the oration. The secondhomily is much
delivered during the Saturday morning liturgy of St Basil, in which
shorter than the first and it forms a natural continuation of the
the first resurrection of the Lord is celebrated.It expressesthe spirit
events narrated in the first, which concludes with the deoosition 'internal resurrection' and the conquest of the Lord over
of the
and burial of the Lord. Furthermore, the epilogue of the homily on
death.The content and the tone of the text announce the Resurrec-
Good Friday predisposesthe audience for the subiectof the homilv
tion that is imminent, but for a great part dwell on the spirit of the
on Holy Saturday.It reads:
previous day. Judging from the events narrated it could not possi-
Indeed,Jglorifyher asthe onlyparticipantwho sawyour savingsuffer- bly have been delivered on Easter Sunday at dawn. The homily
ing; as the herald of the benefit and the evangelist of immortalitv and missing in the trilogy is precisely the one that was delivered on
the cause of your glorification. But as you were the first that saw him
Easter Sunday, and this last one either remains unedited in some
manuscript or is lost for ever.
'Les
^ "_ c chevalier, trilogieshomil6tiquesdans l'draborationdes 1€tesmariales,
65o-85o',Gregori.anum rB (rg37),36r-78. 4o PG roo, r4BgC.
3o PG roo, r457A-BqD.
4' S.Janeras, Iz Vmdredi-saintdans la tradilion liturgique blt4ntine, Studia Anselmiana
George of Nicomedia explainsthe discrepancybetweenthe evangelistsin terms
^ :t 99 (Rome,rg88), SSSfl
of the accounts of the crucifi,rion in the synopiic Gospelswhere it is Jentioned that 4' For a study of the megalynaria on the basis of the Triodia, see Th. Detorakis,
'they
all forsookhim and fled-.' (Mk r5:5o).cf. 'Then ill the disciplesforsookhim and 'Av6x6ora Meyoluvdqtc rot Meyo,).or-r )apBdtou',
'EneqgiE'Etar.gelcg Bulovttvrirv
fle.d...'(Mt z6:56).George..of Nicomedii identifiesJohnthe 'beloveddisciple'with the Xnor66v 47 $gB7-Bg), zzr-46.
'drvrne
evangelist',who followed.christto Golgotha,and sothe homilist aiguesthat he a3 M. Alexiou, 'The lament ofthe Virgin in Byzantine literature and modern Greek
was the only one who could testify to the presince of Mary at the foot of tie cross. folk-song', Blzantine and Modern GreekStudies| (r975), ItI-4o.
 306 NIKI TSIRONIS HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY HOMILETICS 3O7

Photios's corpus also provides examples of homilies that were doesnot produce the sameeffect.The personal style of each author
delivered on consecutivedays. Examples include the two homilies remains distinct, a fact that should be consideredas a result of the
on Lent and another two homilies on the first ecumenical Council content and the directnesswith which they do, or do not, approach
of Nicaea. According to their editor, the homilies on Lent must their audience.
have been delivered during the first week of Lent. In the epilouue The complicated style of the marian homilies of George is in
of the firsrhomily the preachersaysrhar if his audiencebehaueiin accordance with the panegyrical character of the texts.4oIt is the
this (i.e.the prescribed)way and showsthat they treasurehis exhor- same baroque style that made George of Nicomedia one of the
tations by their deeds,they will allow him to continue preaching most popular homilists of his time and which has been mostly criti-
and the opportunity will be given in the following week. In the in- cised by modern scholars.aThe author makes use of
troduction of the second homily he refers to his outstanding debt, homoioteleuton, anaphora, and especiallyhyperbole, exclamation,
that is, to the promise that he has to keep. In his homilies on Nicaea rhetorical question, and antithesis.These last four devicescould be
I, the continuity is implied in the introductory lines of the respec- said to form the basisof George's homilies, expressingat the same
tive homilies. Photios startshis first homily with the words: ,Ai the time the essentialparadox of orthodox dogma and his great predi-
end of the last homily, if you remember...'44He clearly refers to a lection for rhetoric.
homily that was previously delivered and in which he narrated the
Judicial rhetoric is echoed in George's homily on the Presenta-
eventsbefore the death of Arius. The second homily on the same tion of the Virgin in the Temple where he usesthe typical apostro-
subject takes up the narrative from the end of the previous one: 'O men' and defends himself for undertaking the attempt to
'The phe
defendersof the church, as we have already said...'+sHere we celebrate the feast of the Mother of God as if he were in front of
have an example of a 'trilogy', but it would be reasonableto sup- a court.48He useshlperbole in order to persuadethe audience that
pose that there could well have been other homilies on the same the Mother of God was present not only at the foot of the crossbut
subject.The nature of the collection of the homilies is such that it also at the Holy Sepulchre, where she was the first to witness the
does not allow us to be sure whether other homilies in the same Resurrection of the Lord. He saysthat the evangelistsdid not re-
seriesexisted. However, the schema that chevalier has suggested cord her presencebecausethey spoke only about the Marys who
should be left open in order to encompasseither setsof two homi- left the tomb and then returned to the sepulchre,and found it un-
lies, or seriesof homilies on a particular subject determined either necessaryto refer to the one that was already there.asThe pattern
by the occasion,such as Lent, or by the preacher, such as the ser- of antithesisis perhaps the most common rhetorical device used in
mons on Arius and the First Ecumenical Council. homiletics. In the homily on Good Friday, when referring to the
Patriarch Photios and George of Nicomedia wrote their homilies pain of the Mother of God as she watched the body of Christ
in an elevated literary style employing all the means provided by 'Whose heart would not be-
hanging from the cross,George asks:
classicalrhetoric as taught in Byzantium and employed by the pre- come softer than wax even if it were harder than stone on behold-
decessorsof the genre.The language of photios ls far more elabo- ing the frightful sight?'5oExclamation is an especiallyinteresting
r-ate
than George's,at least as far as his vocabulary is concerned.A device for homiletics since through it the preacher directs the re-
detailed comparison of the literary style of both authors falls out- sponseof his audience.Thus we could imagine that the exclama-
side the scope of the present paper. They share the quarities that
reveal their classical education and linguistic expertise. Both
a6 I. Sevienko, 'Levels of style in Byzantine prose', rn
preachers extensivelyemploy rhetorical tropes and figures for the Jahrbuchder lsterreirhischm
Akten I/ r fy'ienna, r9Br),
/ r, XVI. Internationaler Byzantinistenkongress,
B1t<antinistiky
composition of their homilies, but their common use of rhetoric
zBg-3rz.
47 Mango (r958),B.
a8 1z SS.Maiae Presentationem,PG roo, .'4o+.
aa Homily 15in Laourdas(rg5g),
r39.r-3. +s 1nS,S.Maiae Assistentiam PG roo, 14968.
in Sepulcro,
+s Homily r6 in Laourdas(r95g),r5z.r-3. so Homily VIII, PG Ioo.
 NIKI TSIRONIS HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY HOMILETICS 3O9
308

tions play the role of the words of the chorus in ancient Greek trag- which aid their understanding. Rhetorical commonplaces are one
edy.They representthe common feeling that is pronounced by the of these recognisableelements.Scholarly researchhas focused on
preacher. At the same time, during the exclamations, the preacher anti-Jewish polemic as the most striking feature of the genre of
setsasidehis position of authoriry sharing and voicing the common homiletics. In the past the question that researcherstried to answer
feeling of his congregation.The exclamationsexpresseither admi- was whether anti-Jewish polemic, which was introduced into homi-
ration and wondeq or abomination and reproach: letics in the secondcentury A.D., reflected a real danger which the
homilist and his congregation confronted.ssThe anti-Jewish litera-
O paradoxicalsuccessl
O prayerthat crosses heavensand fliestowards
theverythroneof gloryl... O faithof thejust!...s' ture of the first Christian centuries found its way in the homiletic
corpus of the Byzantine authors,who incorporated it in their homi-
Or elsewhereit is used as an utterance ofcontempt directed against lies either as a set-piece,or in the form of a dialogue.sb
the human race that put the Lord to death: At the theological level, orthodox dogma was gradually defined
'orthodox'
O mostlyunjustdaring!O unholyjudgement!...O
murderousintent within the context of a dialectic relationship between
'heretics'.The 'otherness' of hereticsimplied by the very defini-
armedagainstmy painlesschildbirthls'? and
'true dogrna' was further emphasised by
tion of orthodoxy as the
The same end is served by the rhetorical questions which in the
means of anti-Jewishpolemic. Such polemic, more often than not,
caseof George are used alternatively either in order to introduce
served for the Byzantines as a vehicle for the definition of their own
the explanation of a biblical quotation, as in the case of the expla-
identity as opposed to those of alien peoples and unbelievers.The
nation of the discord between the evangelistsin the account of the
example ofJohn Chrysostom's homilies has attracted a great deal
crucifixion, or in order to heighten the impact of the description by
of attention if one is to judge from the amount of secondarybibli-
using different words as an alternative form of exclamation. Thus
ography that has been produced on the subject.sT His eight homilies
in the homily on Good Friday we read: 'Hence, was there any dis-
Aduersus Judaeosthat were preached in Antioch represent perhaps
agreement, among the heralds of truth? Not at all'.53
the best known and studied caseof a preacher who was thought to
Elsewhere the impact of the narrative is heightened by a se-
respond to his contemporary reality.ss However, as we move to-
quenceof rhetorical questions:
wards the middle Byzantine period, the danger of proselytism of
But who will enumerate the arrows that penetrated her heart at that Christians byJews or of judaising Christians becomesfainteq and
time? Who will recount in words her pains that are beyond words? ...
How did shehold out to seethe all-good son and Lord being arrestedby Jewish polemic can hardly be consideredas a responseto the exter-
wicked creatures...?
nal danger of the Jewish communities, even though the reign of
Whom was she followine abducted...?Whom was
she awaiting then? 5a Leo III witnessed one of the rare instances of official legislation
against theJews.5eThe function of the toposfor the community in
All the rhetorical devices mentioned above attest to the classical
education of the homilist while indicating the convention of the
genre and the taste of the audience. Examining the homilies, we see ss Corrigan (tggz), and n.
33 33.
that the conventional elements of the genre function as landmarks 5b See, for example, the way in which the fifth-century homilist Proclus of
Constantinople reproducesthe dialogue between a Christian and aJew, a form of po-
which serve as a guideline to the homilist in the composition of his
Iemic that goesback toJustin Martyr's Dialaguewith Trypho,as well as to the numerous
work, while for the audience they represent recognisable forms anonymous dialogues of the time. See Proclus of Constantinople, Oralin in Sanctum
Pascha,PG65, 7964, andJan Barkhuizen's chapter in this volume.
si R. Wilken, JohnChr2sostomandtheJeus(Berkeley-LosAngeles-London, rgB3).See
also M. Simon, 'La pol6mique anti-juive de S. Jean Chrysostome et le mouvement
5' 1z ,SS.Maiae Presentationem,PGroo, r4r3B-C. judaisant d'Antioche' , AnnuairedeI'Instint etd'HistoireOrizntales 4 (Brussels,r936),
etS/aaas
s2 1z SS.MariaeAssistentemCruci,PG roo, r469C. 4o3-er . SeeWendy Mayer's chapter in this volume.
53 1z SS.MariaeAssbtentem Cruci,PG roo, 14618. sb Wilken $g9g),67-7o and passim.
5a 1z SS.MariaeAssistentemCruci,PG roo, r464C, 14654 59 PJ. Alexander, 'Religious persecution and resistancein the Byzantine empire
 NIKI TSIRONIS HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY HOMILETICS
3ro 3II

the middle Byzantine period is a question that has been tackled by with referenceto the Byzantine psaltersof the iconoclasticperiod.
M. Cunningham, who perceives anti-Jewish invective as a vehicle In her book VisualPolemics,Kathleen Corrigan demonstrated the
'others'.bo
for the identification of the community as opposed to the new meaning that the representationsofJews acquired during this
'During
The homilies of George of Nicomedia with their short, sharp anti- period: the eighth and ninth centuries Iconoclasts were
thetical clauses offer further support to her case: regularly calledJudaizers and Iconoclasm was equated withJuda-
For which mysterycould be loftier or more joyous than the one we be-
ism'.b4The reason for the associationof the two groups was on the
hold?...whilefor theJewswho did it it becamefearful and horrible.To one hand their shared views about aniconic worship, but on the
them dim, to us glorious; to them the retribution for killing God, to us other, it was the grouping together of those who challenged ortho-
the delight of the knowledge of God; to them grief, to us exultation; dox dogma, whether unbelievers, heretics, Hellenes or Muslims.
theirs the murder, ours the benefit. They eny our merriment. For they Moreover, in the treatise AduersusConstantinum Caballinum,Jews are
dared against the coming Saviour.They rebuked him, we welcomed describedasthe quintessentialhereticsbecause,unlike the Hellenes,
him; they, throwing out of the vineyard the inheritor, killed him, while
thcy had the truth and they rejected it.6s Hence we see that anti-
we, receiving the benefactor in the church, we are given life; they,cross;
we, salvalionby the cross.6' Jewish polemic in the ninth century servednot merely as a vehicle
of identification lor the community but also as a way of rejecting
It is clear that the preacher is eulogising the righteousness of the Iconoclasm.
'others',
right dogma of his congregation as opposed to the the The caseis also supported by the use of invective by Photios in
murderers and the unbelievers. Also, anti-Jewish polemic is most his homiletic corpus.The patriarch employs invective againstJews,
virulent in the context of the role of the Jews in the Passion of heretics,Iconoclastsand schismaticsalike. A great part of his homi-
'Christ-killer' 'Christ-murderer'
Christ. The epithets and are found letic corpus contains, or is even dedicated to, polemic. On the one
in Christian literature from the fourth century onwards.6'The hand there are the standard caseswhere homilists habitually em-
terms are often exaggerated in a way that recalls the caricaturised ploy anti-Jewish polemic and the invective forms part of the ti,pical
representations of theJews in the iconography of western Christen- featuresof the text. Such are the casesof homilies on Palm Sunday
dom.b3 Recent studies have demonstrated the same phenomenon and on Good Friday. On the other hand, there are instanceswhere
the reader getsthe impression that Photios has consciouslychosen
a certain subjectin order to develop his polemic. Such is the exam-
of the eighth and ninth centuries: methods andjustifications' ,in idem,Religiousand PoLiil- ple of the two homilies on Arius and the first ecumenical Council
cal History'tand Thought in the B1<ant'ineEmpzre(London, rgTB), X, 48-64.
bo M. Cunningham,'Polemic as exegesis: antiJewish invective in Byzantine homi- of Nicaea. There are also homilies, Iike the panegyric delivered at
letics' (forthcoming). the feast of the Nativity of the Mother of God, where Photiosjust
b' ,2,.S,S.MariaeAssistentem
Cruci, PG roo, r457A-C. takes the opportunity to include a piece of anti-Jewish invective, in
6z S.H. Griffith,
Jews and Muslims in Christian Syriac and Arabic texts of the
ninth century', Jewish History g (rgBB), n. 46. Anti-Jewish polemic is encountered in our the form of a dialogue with aJew.
earliest example of a homily on the Passion of the Lord, namely Melito's homily, Oz In the homilies on Arius, there are striking instances where
Pascha.See O. Perler (ed.), Militon de Sardu, Sur la Pdque, SC rz3 (Paris, 1966), roo-r4, Photios draws a parallel between Arians and Iconoclasts,and else-
where anti-Jewish polemic becomes the basic element in the sharp contrast drawn by
the author between the philanthropy of God and the ingratitude of theJews. For an where betweenArius himself and the Iconoclast PatriarchJohn the
English translation oi'the homily see S.G. Hall (ed. andtrans.), Melito of Sardis,On Pascha Grammarian.66The triumph over heresy is also brought into the
and Fragmmts (Oxford, r97g); interesting discussion by A. Manis, 'Melito of Sardis: her-
rneneutic and context', GreekOrthodox TheoiogicalReaiew 3z (ry87),387-4ot.
b3 E. Revel-Neher, The Image of theJew in Blpntine Art (Oxford, 1993), 'Byzantines
79-83 and Cameron, andJews: some recent work on early Byzantium', Blgntine and
esp. Br.The author does not accept thatJews were depicted as caricatures in Byzantine Modun C,reekStudieszo (tgg6), z4g-74; eadem,'TL,e fews in seventh-century Palestine',
'the
art, in contrast to the example ofwestern Christian art. Instead she holds that Bvz- Scripn ClassicaIsraelica r3 (r994), 75-93.
a n t i n e i c o n o g r a p h i c a r t i t u d e w a s c h a r a c t e r i s e db y a p r o p e n s i t y l o m a k e a v i s u a l s l a t e - ba Corrigan (r9gz),
3o-r.
ment without passingjudgment ...'. With reference to the Khludov psalter, cf. Corrigan !f John Damascene, AduersusConstantinumCabalinum, PG gS, :g:.
(tggz), passim. ftor a comprehensive overview of recent research on the subject, see A. bo There is a parallel between Arius andJohn the Grammarian in Homi-ly 15,
gr2 NIKI TSIRONIS HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY HOMILETICS 3I3

picture in the homily on the inauguration of the apsemosaicof the toposof Byzantine homiletics, namely that of humility.6s This topos
Mother of God at the apse of Hagia Sophia. In this homily, the consistsof the deliberate self-debasementof the preacher and it
triumph of orthodoxy is attributed to the Mother of God, who is often concludes with a more general statement about the inade-
'beautiful and dressed as a quacy of speech to expressthe loftiness of the mystery commemo-
further paralleled to the church that is
bride, ciean of all its wounds'.67The end of Iconoclasm is said to rated and celebrated. The preacher excuseshimself for daring to
mark another attack on death, not by the burial of the Lord' but by talk, and beseechesGod, or the Mother of God, to help him carry
the restoration of the icon of his Mother. The identical terms in out his task, adding that it was not his vanity that lead him to the
which the patriarch expresseshis condemnation of all heretics attempt but his fervent desire to praise God and the feast.To As we
shows the equation of all outsiders to the true dogma, probably can see,we are dealing in fact with two topoiof which the first con-
including his personal enemies, namely the Ignatians. cerns the author himself and the secondthe art of speech.The sec-
Other topoi comrnonly employed are the eulogy of the feast, the ond toposcorresponds to the commonplace of the diatribes against
humility topos,and the participation of nature in the events nar- paideia often employe d by By zantine homilists. 7'
rated. Thelntroductorypart of the homilies reveals the awareness The role of nature is a theme that derives from the scriptures and
on the part of the preacher of the need to capture the audience. especially from Genesis. In the Psalms special emphasis is given to
'work of the fingers of God' (PsB:3)which obeys
Introductions, especially of panegyrics, tend to be highly rhetorical the creation as the
'The heavensare thine, the earth also is thine: as for the
and to employ vivid and poetic imagery. Metaphors of sky, sun, his will.
nature, angels singing and glorifying God and so on are commonly world and the fullness thereof, thou hast founded them', saysPsalm
used to transport the audience from the cares of earthly life to the 89: 9, r r. The compassionof nature which shareseither the joy or
eternal reality of the kingdom of God. A great number of syn- the grief of the event celebrated in the homilies is used in order to
onyrns and circumlocutions is employed for the expression of the engage the audience, and to emphasise the importance and the
three components which focus on the eulogy of the feast,.namely, universality of the celebration of the feast.
the divine mystery the feast and the audience. The terms are inter- Examining the homilies, we see that the preacher composes his
changeable since what seemsto matter is not the exactitude of ex- work using the topoiof the genre as building blocks which he inter-
pressionbut the poetics which entice the audience.The poetic im- spersesin his text. The stories are provided by the scriptures and
agery is unfolded by a successionof almost synonyrnous epithets apocryphal literature which are interpreted in a literal, moral or
which expressthe joy, elation, gladness,exhilaration, sweetness, spiritual way. In the case of George of Nicomedia, the interpreta-
brightness, nobility, and so on, of the feast. Most of the panegyrical tion of the scriptures is mostly spiritual, although the term does not
homilies of George of Nicomedia begin with an introduction of expressadequately the effect of his homiletic corpus. The meaning
that kind, and similar examples are to be found in the homilies of that he tries to convey to his congregation is purely theological,
Photios,Andrew of Crete,68Germanos of Constantinople and oth- adapted conveniently to the level and needs of his congregation.
ers. Also common is the conclusion of the panegyic by a supplica- Hence, George doesnot usejargon, i.e. technical theological termi-
tion to Christ or the Mother of God to protect, enlighten and guide nology, although in his narrative the articles of the orthodox faith
the congregation. are asserted.The scriptural stories are commonly embellished with
John of Damascusbeginshis marian homilies employing another details taken from apocrlphal literature and the writings of the Fa-

Laourdas (rg59), r4o.17-32and t4I.I-5. For a parallel betvveenArians and Iconoclasts

'Texts 69
in Homily 16,seeLaourdas(rg5g),I55.12-35and 156.I-I9.SeealsoA. Cameron, S.. the chapter by Andrew Louth in this volume.
as weapons: polemic in the Byzantine Dark Ages', in A. Bowman-G' Woolf (edd.), 7o See, for example,.the opening paragraphs of Photios's Homilies r7 and IB,
andPowu in theAncientWorld(Carnbridge, rg94).
I;iter,ac2 Laourdas(1959),164 andq3.
b7 Homily r7 in Laourdas(1959),167-8.23-35; r-16. 7' See P Allen with C. Datema, Izontius,Presbltterof Constantinopb,
FourtemHomilizs,
68 Seethe chapter by Mary B. Cunningham in this volume. ByzantinaAustraliensiag (BrisbaneIggI),5 and X.I4.19, XI.Iz.
 i
$t
f
I'[
HISTORICITY AND POETRY IN NINTH-CENTURY HOMILETICS
3r+ NIKI TSIRONIS
I 315

thers. The characters are elaborated in a way that reminds the Ir George's homilies possess,but not the only one. Apart from the
narrative, the author, taking ekphrasis one step furtheq concen-
reader of the prog),Tnnasmaticexercisesof ethopoiia and ekphrasis.
Images and adjectives formerly used by other homiiists for the trates on the elaboration of the emotional state of the characters.
Mother of God are taken up by George and often they are com- In his narrative the external and the internal reality are equated
bined with phrases and images which derive from hyrnnography.T' and they are both portrayed in a speech whose visual qualities
All these elements are linked and expressedthrough the personal make the listenersfeel as if they are participating in the eventsde-
ingenuity of the author. The sourceshe usesfor his composition scribed.
derive from both oral and literary traditions.T3
The charactersare brought to life through the homilist's appeal
i
,il
The categoriesunder which the homilies of both preachers fall
do not allow us to make a direct comparison of the two. The surviv-
to the emotion of his audience. In her recent semantic study of t ing homiletic corpus of Photios to a great extent consistsof occa-
.i
economy in preaching MarieiJos6 Mondzain refers to the way in sional homilies, whereas only George of Nicomedia's panegyrics
which persuasion is related to conversion through poetic lan- survive. In Photios the participation of the audience is instigated
guage and appeal to the emotions. Using the example of John I mainly by the direct manner of address,his referenceto contempo-
'un remarquable manipulateur sacr6 qui pratique le rary reality and pastoral concerns. Rhetoric servesits purpose in
Chrysostom, 1
shamanismedu verbe', sheexemplifiesthe importance of emotions the process of engaging the audience, but it is not in the typical
in understanding the divine reality. George of Nicomedia seemsto tl manner of homiletics. Although the basic elements are there,
have been aware of the issue and he skilfully employs his rhetoric Photios does not conform to the pattern of homiletics established
in order to reach and move his audience.The end he achieves by his predecessors,but offers himself as a valuable source of his-
could be identified with the definition of ekphrasis as formulated in torical information for the modern historian. Alternatively, we
the rhetorical theory of HermogenesT4and Aphthonius, to chose could say that he conforms to a different strand of the homiletic
two of the best known and most influential rhetors in Byzantium, tradition, the best known predecessorin which had been John
as 'a descriptive speechbringing the thing shown vividly before the Chrysostom. Perhapsthe deviationfrom the main strandwas a sign
eyes'.7sThe detailed description is certainly one of the qualities of their exceptional acumen. However, should we consider Photios
and George of Nicomedia as representativesof distinct strands?
The study of their work suggeststhat despite the variation of nu-
7" See my article, 'Convention and originality in the homily on Good Friday by
ances they draw material from a common tradition which they in
George of Nicomedia', in E.A. Livingstone (ed.),StudiaPatristica3o (Leuven, rggT),%2-
6.
their turn fashioned and passedon.
73 It would be useful to study the theory of orality asformulated by Lord and Parry
with referenceto the oral singersofYugoslavia and applied to Byzantine literature by
M. and E.Jeffreys in order to see in more concrete terms the way in which toplxare Bibliograplry
employed by preachersas 'building blocks' for the composition of their homilies. Such
a study couid give us a more clear idea about the method of composition and transmis-
sion of homilies. In the near future I intend to develop my preliminary study on the Primary Sources
subject.
7a We do not really know whether the influential corpus that acquired so much
George of Nicomedia, Homilies,published in PG roo.
authority during the late antique and Byzantine periods was truly written by the sophist
Hermogenes, who worked in Asia Minor during the reign of Marcus Aurelius in the Laourdas, 8., PhotiouHomiliai (Thessalonike,rg5g).
second century See G.A. Kennedy, GreekRhetoricunderChristiltnEmperors(Princeton, Laourdas, B.-Westerink, L.G. (edd.),PhotiusEpistulae
etAmphikchia,Biblio-
I9B3),58-9;Hermogenes'scorpusis publishedin H. Rabe (ed.),Opera(Leipzig,Igr3). theca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana, 6 vols.
7s Aphthonius defines the progyrrnasmatic ekphrasis as 'l,6yog neqrqlqpctrxog
rin' 6q'rv cryorvivcrqydrEto 6ql.orpevov'; H. Rabe (ed.), Aphthonius, Progtmnasmata
(Leipzig, r9B3-BB).
(Leipzig ry26),z4z. This definition was commented upon byJohn of Sardisin the ninth Mango, C.,The Homilies of PhotiusPatriarchof Constantinopla
(Cambridge,
century and Doxapatresin the eleventh.ForJohn, see Kennedy $gB3),275-77;for Mass., r95B).
Doxapatresseeibid.,gtz and n. zg.
 NIKI TSIRONIS
316

Sources
Secondar2
'The lament of the Virgin in Byzantine literature and mod-
Alexiou, M., HOMILETIC ACTIVITY IN CONSTANTINOPLE
ern Greek folk-song', ByzantineandModernGreekStudiesr (r975),I I I-4o. AROUND qoo
'Image, audience,and place: interaction and reproduction',
Brubaker, L.,
Ousterhout, R. Brubaker, L. (edd.),TheSacred Image:EastandWut(Ur-
Theodora Antonopoulou
bana-Chicago, I995), 2o+-2o.
'Miniatures and liturgy: evidence from the ninth-century
Brubaker, L.,
Codex Paris gr. 5ro', B2z 66 (1996)'9-34' The title of this paper entails two restrictions with regard to the
'Formes et fonctions du pluralisme linguistique dByzance chronological and topographical limits of the investigationunder-
Dagron, G.,
(IXe-XIIe sidcle)',Trauauxet mimoireslz (1994),2rg-+o. taken. First, only those figures will be examined whose homiletic
Dvornik, F.,The PhotianSchism:Histor2 and l-egend(Cambridge, r94B). foruit falls in the years around goo, a period which effectivelycoin-
'The Patriarch Photius and Iconoclaslr:-',DOPT (tgSg),6g-g7. cides with the reign of the Emperor Leo VI the Wise (A.D. 886-
Dvornik, E,
Janeras, 5., Iz Wndredi-Saint dansla traditionliturgiqueblt4ntine, Studia Ansel- 9rz). The chronological limits imposed here are, howeveq rather
miana gg (Rome, rgBB). flexible given that in severalcasesit is impossibleto define with pre-
Kartsonis, A., Anastasis,The Making of an Image(Princeton, NJ.' 1986). cision the date of a particular work. The secondlimitation concerns
Kennedy, G., GreekRhetoricunderChristianEmperors(Princeton, rg83). the geographicalactivity of the homilists. Only preacherswho were
'Tlvo modes of narration in Byzantine art', in Moss, C.-
Maguire, H., active in Constantinople will be dealt with, and their preaching in
Kiefer, K. (edd.), B2<antineEast,LttinWu| Art-Hi:toical Studusin Honor the provinces will not concern us here.I
of l{urt Weitamann (Princeton, 1995),385-95. No comprehensiveaccount of the homiletic activity of the time
Morris, R., Monks and l-a2menin B1<antium,843-rrtB (Cambridge, 1995). existsso far. The closestone can come to such an exposition is the
'Byzantine hermeneutics after Iconoclasm: word and image in
Olster, D., presentationof the various religiousauthors andwritings according
the Leo Bible', 81264 (tgg+),4Ig-58.
'Levels of Style in Byzantine Prose', in to genre in Beck'shistory of Byzantine ecclesiasticalliterature.2But
Sevienko, I., Jahrbuchder Oster- one has to browse through severaldozen pagesin order to come up
Blt<antinistik3r/ r, XVI Internationaler Byzantinistenkongress,
reichischen
with a complete list of people who delivered sermons regularly or
Akten I/r ffienna, rg8r), z8g-3r2.
only occasionally.
Treadgold, W., 81 <antineReuiual, 7Bo- B4z (Stanford, C alifornia, r 9 BB).
(Broo[ine, Mass., The first of thesehomilists to be consideredhere is, most unex-
White-Stratoudaki, D. S., PatriarchPhotiosof Constantinople
rgBr).
pectedly, the Emperor Leo VI himself. Secondly,we have two of
Whittorv, M.,T heM akingd Orthodox 81 4ntium, 6oo- r oz5 (Hamp shire-Lon- the patriarchs of the time, Euthymios I and Nicholas I (the other
don, r996). two, Stephen and Antony Kauleas, have not left any traces of liter-
Wilson, N., Photius,TheBibliotheca (London, rg94).

I , r . r . .
I hrs rs the case ol Peter ofArgos, on whom see below in this paper. The homilies
referred to here are identified by their number in Fl Halkin, BibliothecaeHagiographicae
Graecae,3vols., Subsidia Hagiographica Ba (Brussels,3rd ed. rg57), and idem,Nouum
Auclaium BibliothecaeHagiographitae Graecae,Subsidia Hagiographica 65 (Brussels, rg84).
Hencelorth both works are abbreviated as BHG.
" Beck (1959).In the following, it is useful to bear in mind A. Ehrhard's distinction
between hagiographical and homiletic works on saints: the former are narratives which
functioned as didactic readings, while the latter are panegyrics delivered belore a con-
gregation, especially on the feast of a saint. See K. Krumbacher, Geschichteder
b1<antinischen Literatur aon./ustininnbis <um Ende desostriimischen (527-rqy) (Munich,
Reiche.s
z n d c d . r B g T ) ,r B r .
 l,
THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU
3IB H O M I L E T I C A C T I V I T Y I N C O N S T A N T I N O P L EA R O U N D
9OO 3I9

ary activity).Thirdly, there are severalmore or lessimportant fig- f ries.The first, which forms the greaterpart of the corpus)comprises
ures of the reign: theprotothronosArethas of Cesarea,Nicetas David I the homilies which deal with various religious feasts.Most of them
the Paphlagonian, the so-called Anonymous author of the are dedicated to the fixed feastsof the Lord and the Virgin Mary,
Theognosi.ct, Leo Choirosphaktes, Peteq later bishop of Argos, an while the rest are encomia celebrating various saints.sThe second
anon).rnousmonk who wrote a sermon on St Evaristos,an anony- category includes occasionaldiscoursesdelivered on special occa-
'Kaiserrede' on St Theophano, and
mous official who authored a sions.These were either related to religious celebrations.such asthe
AnastasiosQyaestor.s consecrationof churches,or had ro-". i-portance for it e dynasty,
The homilies of Leo VI the Wise (19.9.866-rI.5.9rz) have been such as the FuneralOrationon Leo's Darents.
the subject of a recent monograph by the present author.4Here it The examination of the evidenceoffered by the texts themselves
will suffice to repeat certain points which are relevant to this chap- shows that the homilies were written over a period of at least
ter. Leo, the second son of Basil I, was emperor from August 886 twenty years.The earliestwas written when Leo was sixteenyears
until his death. The most famous episode of his reign is the so- old by order of his father Basil L The bulk of the surviving homilies
calledTetragamy affair,that is the crisiscausedby Leo's uncanoni- date from the period after his accessionin 886 until Bg9, a period
cal fourth marriage in 9o6. The crisisthreatened the Constantino- when the government of Stylianos Zaoutzes would have enabled
politan church with a schism,and led to the exile of the Patriarch Leo to concentrate on his literary production. The last surviving
Nicholas Mystikos. In the end (March 9o7)the emperor was accor- homily datesfrom after 9o4. Leo's homiletic activity seemsto have
ded dispensation, but had to observepenance.Leo's internal policy become lessproductive with time, especiallywhen the problems of
was characterrzed by strict control over both secular and religious the Tetragamy arose,but he went on composing new homilies, as
affairs, but also by a concern for his subjects,and by justice and testified by the titles of lost homilies that have come down to us as
philanthropy. The epithet 'the Wise' appears early in his own life- well as by external evidence on his customary annual delivery of
time, perhaps at his own instigation and for political reasons. speecheson Lent.
Leo was the author of military and legislative works, which are The homilies were deliveredpublicly by Leo himself The excep-
not devoid of literary merit. He also wrote a treatise on monastic tion was the second homily on St Thomas, whose title informs us
life, and composedpoetry on both religious and non-religious sub- that it was delivered by a secretarysince the emperor was occupied
jects. A number of other works, such as epigrams and oracles,are with important decisions.There are also clear contemporary refer-
falsely attributed to him. The manuscripts are unanimous in the encesto the emperor's homiletic activity.Most of the homilies were
attribution of forty homilies to Leo. Another homily has come deliveredin various Constantinopolitan churchesdepending on the
down to us anonymously but has been proved to be a work of his, occasion,but mainly in Hagia Sophia. One homily (on the Transla-
whereasone more is attributed to Leo by the great majority of the tion of Chrysostom)was delivered in the church of the HolyApos-
manuscripts. tles, the second on St Thomas in the church of the saint, and the
With regard to their contentsLeo's homilies fall into two catego- homilies on the dedication of churches in the respectivechurches.
However, on certain occasionsLeo delivered his sermons not in
church but in front of a restricted audience. For example, the titles
r Euthymioslrotasecretis (Krumbacher [tBgZ], S+g),the author of two sermons(on of the tvvo homilies on the beginning of Lent indicate that Leo
St Mary of Eg1pt, BHG ro44e,and St Theodore Stratelates,BHG r753b,E Halkin
(ed.),Analecta
Bollandiana gg [r9Br], rg-44, zz3-37respectively),cannot be identified with
spokeat the palace (of the Magnaura)where clergymen and digni-
the Patriarch Euthl.rnios, but was probably one ofthe correspondentsofthe Anony-
mous Professor(c. 9zo-3o);seeibid.,r7-8.Thereforehe will not be includedin our sur-
vey. 5 Stricdy speaking, there are no homilies proper,
since none of these texts is des-
a T, Antonop oulou, TheH omilie s of tfuEmpu orIz o VI, The Medieval Mediterranean tined firr the Sundays of the movable ecclesiastical year. See A. Ehrhard's definition,
14 (Leiden, rggT);on the manuscript tradition seeeadem,TheHomiliesof theEmperorlzo Uberlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischenund homiletischenLiteratur fur giechischen Kirche,
VI. Prolegomenato a Citiral Editinn(Oxford, DPhil thesis,rg95), Part III. vol. z (Leipzig, rg38), zo8-9.
320 THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU HOMILETIC ACTIVITY IN CONSTANTINOPLE AROUND 9OO 32I

taries gathered to celebrate;this information is corroborate dby De which comprises vocabulary pertaining to love, both divine and
CaerinoniisII.Io.The secondhomily on St Demetrios is certainly an human. For example, in severalof the homilies he usesmythologi-
after-dinner discoursepreceding the processionand liturgy in hon- cal exemplain order to contrast pagan and Christian beliefs.In this
our of the saint.There is also evidencethat the homily on St Clem- respect he follows in the stepsof Gregory Nazianzen; but in con-
ent, which in reality is a long poem written in dodecasyllables, trast to the latter, the great majority of Leo's exemplaconcern love
could also have been read out in the palace on the saint's feastday. storiesof ancient gods.As expected in homiletics, the emperor ex-
Rarely in Byzantium did an emperor composeand deliver homi- horts against corporeal sins,but these exhortations occur sporadi-
lies. Leo's homiletic activity was partly dictated by his piety.This cally and only on particular occasions,such as the burning down of
was demonstratednot only in the homilies, but also in the religious a Church of St Thomas, which is attributed to God's wrath at acts
poetry he composed, as well as in his close relationship with his of indecency that had occurred inside the church. Even in this case,
spiritual father, the future Patriarch Euthymios. Nevertheless,Leo howeveq the author's indirect self-critical comments discredit his
also explicitly exploited his literary gift and (primarily religious) own moralizing conclusions.Leo insists on the experience of the
education for the purpose of developinghis concept of the imperial senses(homily on the Birth of John the Baptist), unlike previous
idea. His homilies always call for God's protection on the chosen preachershe avoids condemning young people for their sins,as in
emperor and his people, and Leo explicitly conceived himself as the caseof Herodias's daughter, known as Salome, and allows for
responsiblefor the people's spiritual guidance. Moreover, in accor- human weakness,urging his audience to control themselves'as far
dance with the implicit sacerdotalcharacter of the Byzantine impe- as this is possible'.7Concerning theology, Leo chose to attack the
rial office, which was inspired by the royal models of the OldTesta- ancient heresies(especiallythose of Arius and Sabellius),while he
ment, the homilies contain severalreferencesto David and Solo- made only one reference to a contemporary theological contro-
mon, from whom Leo seemsto draw his authority as a preacher.In versy,that of the procession of the Holy Spirit, where he argued
addition, Leo was determined to control the church, as evidenced against the doctrine of theflioque.
in the deposition of Photios and the appointment of the emperor's With regard to the models used,each one of Leo's homilies con-
brother Stephen as patriarch (December BB6). stitutes a case of its own. However, they can be divided into four
The homilies are written in high style and are full of allusions to groups. The first comprises homilies with recognrzable models,
ecclesiasticalliterature, especiallythat of the fourth century. More- which Leo reworked on a higher stylistic and linguistic level. He
oveq Leo shows a good knowledge of classicalliterature, but the was interestednot in the eventsthemselves,but in their encomium
extent and quality of such knowledge will only become apparent in a highly abstract and rhetorical way.The second group consists
through the critical edition of the text. The homilies offer no inter- of homilies for which Leo drew on earlier sermons for themes in
nal evidence that the orator spoke extempore. Nonetheless, the infor- general, but did not slavishly imitate their structure or thematic
mation that imperial secretariestook down the annual oration of details.The third group shows Leo's style in its most developed
the emperor at the beginning of Lent (De Caerimonzzs II.ro) suggests form: no particular model existsand only common themesare pres-
that the emperor might have used notes,and that the final text was ent. The homilies of the fourth group are characterized by their
the product of a later reworking. In addition, when Arethas speaks dependenceon the text of the Bible, are rather weak both stylisti-
of the homily on St Lazarus the emperor would have liked to de- cally and thematically,and for this reasonwere not included in the
liver,bhe seemsto imply that Leo had not prepared it in advance. main collection of Leo's homilies. All of the homilies with recogniz-
The homilies exhibit certain personal traits of the author. Leo able models were delivered on ancient liturgical feastsfor which a
showspreferencefor a few groups of words, the most important of Iong homiletic tradition already existed.In fact it turns out that, on

7 Atakios, hieromonk, Adowog roii ooQot ncrvtryrlqrzol

o [sic] ],6.1or(Athens, r868),
L.G. Westerink,ArethaeSciptaMinora z (Leipzig, rg7z), t5 Qp. Sg). 243.
 HOMTLETTC ACTIVITY IN CONSTANTINOPLE AROUND
.)- -
ooo THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU 9OO 323

the one hand, Leo tended to follow older homilies or uitaeof major not on the feaststhemselves,but on the dayspreceding or following
importance. On the other hand, the absence of major Patristic them. It can be argued that it was Leo's intention to offer a cover-
models due to the late institution of a feast meant that Leo dis- age of all the major feasts,and that he was in a position to ensure
played originality to the highest degree while using the tradition the survival of the product.
only for themes in general.The caseof the homily on the Burial of The PatriarchNicholas I (A.D. B5z-gz5;patriarch I.3.9oI-Feb-
the Lord is noteworthy, becausein the absenceof a Patristic model ruary go7; r5.5.9Iz 15.5.925)is a well-known figure, whose biogra-
Leo used a homily by Photios. phy has repeatedly been written.s He came from Italy, and was a
Finally, with regard to the surwival of the homilies, it is notable relative of Photios. He appears to have been an older fellow-stu-
that Leo's official specialcollection of homilies or Paneg'trikon,whrch dent of Leo VI (Vita Euthymii85.ry),presumably under Photios. In
is representedby eighteenmanuscripts,appearsto have been con- BB7he became a monk so as to savehimself from the persecution
fined to the capital and to southern-Italian monasteries.As for the of Photios's adherents. Subsequently,he became a m2stikos or pri-
liturgical collections,that is manuscripts of homilies by various au- vate secretary of Leo (a function with no official character), and
thors for liturgical use, seventy-sevenmanuscripts contain one or was finally raised to the patriarchal throne. He seemsto have been
more of Leo's homilies. It is noteworthy that some of the homilies, involved in the failed revolt of Andronikos Doukas in 9o6/7,but
that is all those on special occasionsand some on feasts,are not was not punished for his treason. At first he supported the em-
attestedto independently.On the whole, almost halfof Leo's homi- peror's fourth marriage, then changed his mind in order to avoid
letic production (nineteen out of forty-two homilies) surwivedonly a schism in the church, and was finally exiled together with his in-
within the SpecialPaneg,trikon.Thehomilies on special occasionsdid transigent adherents.He was probably recalled by a dying and re-
not enter the liturgical collections due to the limited interest of pentant Leo and was reinstatedas patriarch of Constantinople un-
thesepiecesfor an ecclesiastical-monastic audience. However, it is der the Emperor Alexander.
difficult to account for the absenceof some homilies on feasts.It Very few works of Nicholas date from the reign of Leo VL In
may well have been an accident of the tradition, but more probably fact, the acts of his first abdication and one homily on the capture
they were overshadowedby other homilies, which were preferred of Thessalonikeby the Arabs (3IJuly go4)arc the only unambigu-
as readingsfor the respectivefeasts.This seemsalso to be the case ously genuine ones.The patriarch's voluminous correspondence
with some rather unpopular homilies, which occur only once or dates from his second period in office, while it has been suggested
twice. At the other end of the spectrum, there are thirteen popular that the correspondence of his first patriarchate was either de-
homilies with multiple attestationover the centuries.One can only stroyed by Nicholas himself before his arrest, or seizedby the au-
guessat the influence which the SpecialPanegtrikonof Leo exerted on thorities after it.e Nicholas might have indeed suffered a damnatio
the introduction of his homilies into the liturgical collections.It is memoriae during his exile, which lasted for more than five years. On
evident, however, that these special collections did not ensure the the other hand, the fire that, according to the chronicles,destroyed
Iiturgical use of the corpus as a whole. Each of the pieces therein the patriarchal archivesin 9Iz might have been the causeof the loss
had to be subjectedto the scrutiny of the compilers of the various
later collectionsin accordancewith the liturgical needs,the actual
interest in a text in comparison with others on the same subject,its " Beck (tg5g), 55o; I. Konstantinidis, Nrx6),aoEa', 6 puotrx6g (ca.B5z-gz51t.X.),
'A0r1vor,g
popularity, and the compiler's personal taste. ncrrqrdgplE Kcuvorcrvtrvound),etoE @or-go7,gtz-gzfl, Bfl"to0rlxr'1 tilE 6v
@il.exnarbeutrzqg'EroqelaE 38 (Athens,Diss.,t967),with emphasison his theology;P
Leo's homilies constitute the most complete middle Byzantine Karlin-Hayter, VitaEuth)miiPahiarchae CPBibliothdque de Bltzantion3 (Brussels,t97o),
collection of homilies for the ecclesiasticalyear apart from the 163-5;RJ.H.Jenkins L.G. Westerink,NicholasI, Patriarchof Consnnfinople. ktters, Cor-
ninth-century Catecheses pus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 6 flNashington, D.C., 1973),xv-rxvii; cf. also L.G.
of Theodore the Studite, which, however, MiscellaneousWitzngs,Corpus Fontium
Westerink, NicholasI, Patiarch of ConstantinopLe.
u'ere originally intended for his monks and were preached usually HistoriaeByzantinaezo (lNashington,D.C., rg8r).
o Jenkins- Westerink(1973),rrx.
324 THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU HOMTLETTC ACTIVITY rN CONSTANTTNOPLE AROUND 9OO 325

of Nicholas's early works.'o Nevertheless)none of these reasons of the girdle of the Theotokos in the Church of the Chalkoprateia
may account for the fact that no homilies survive from his second (3r August) and three on the Conception of Mary by St Anna (g
period in office.The only proof of a probable preaching activity of December).'aTo be noted is the fact that in the second homily on
Nicholas over a period of nineteen years in office is the sermon on the Conception Euthymios refers to brief speecheshe had made
the capture of Thessalonike." It was delivered, according to the previously on the occasion of this feast, which apparently do not
surviving title, from the pulpit of the Great Church after the (Great) survive.I5
Entrance, perhaps on Sunday, rz August go4. It invites the audi- The homily on the girdle was delivered in the Church of the
ence to repentance,since the sinsof the Christians had causedthe Chalkoprateia on the day of the double feast of the deposition of
abandonment of Thessalonikeby St Demetrios to the Arabs. The the girdle of theVirgin and the swaddling-clothesof the Lord, and
homily is contained in a single manuscript of the fifteenth century the consecrationof the church (probably in BBoor BB4,or even at
(Vatic.gr. ryz) as an appendix toJohn Kameniates's report on the the beginning of Stephen's patriarchate when Euthynios was
event. It is obvious that it owes its survival to its historical interest. merely a monk).'b The delivery took place before a numerous con-
If Nicholas delivered other homilies, they certainly did not distin- gregation (So7.z-4),who gathered there in the middle of the night
guish themselvesin any way that would have guaranteed their pres- 6tz.gg). Among them were monks ('the pious and most erudite
ervation for future generations. men'), who formed choruses and drew the greatest profit from
Euth;.rnios(r.BZ+ in Isaurian Seleucia +.8.W) became a monk heaven, while at the same time they benefited the illiterate crowd
when still very young. He was the spiritual father of Leo VI even (5I3.8-Iz). Euthl.rnios called upon his audience as witnessesto the
before 886.The emperor built for him the Monastery of Psamathia plausibility of the comparison of the church with the Third Heaven
and made hirn sltnkellos to the Patriarch Stephen, then patriarch of (5o5.r8-zo).The exposition of the double feast is brief and to the
Constantinople after the deposition of Nicholas. Euthymios re- point. This homily was published from two Vatican manuscripts
mained on the patriarchal throne until he was exiled after Nicho- (Vatic.gr. 167r lroth c.] and Bzo [r4th c.]), but the editor also
las'sreinstatement in 9rz. His Vita,composed after 9zo by a monk pointed to two further manuscripts from the eleventh century and
of Psamathiawho does not seem to have known the saint person- one from the sixteenth century; in addition, fourteenth- and fif-
ally,'2 informs us of certain homilies which Euthymios delivered teenth-century copies survive.ITIt was obviously a popular homily.
when he was still at Psamathia.These included severalencomia and The first surviving homily on the Conception waspublished from
hymns on saints, among which were encomia on St Peter of an eleventh-centurymanuscript (Bodl.Laud.69) and survivesalsoin
Gordorynia, whose body Euthyrnios had transferred to Constan- Athen.25g4(r2th c.).The author is designatedas a monk, presbyer,
tinople. Other homilies were delivered in the first week of Lent and slnkellos.The homily was delivered before his patriarchate in a
(9oo?).An encomium on St Clement of Ancyra was deliveredwhen sanctuary of the Virgin in front of an audience of monks, among
Euthymios was patriarch, on the occasion of the deposition of the whom were his own monks of Psamathia, as well as some lay peo-
omophorion of the saint in the oratory which Euthymios had built for ple.'BThe audience is referred to briefly in the preacher'saddresses
this purpose. None of thesehomilies survives.'3
We do have, however,one homily on the feast of the deposition 'a
Existinghomilies:ed.Jugie(rgzz),4gg-5o5(ConceptionI), 5o5-r4(girdle);Jugie
(tgz6),44r-7 (ConceptionII), 448-55(ConceptionIII).
'5
443.2737.Judging from the contents of the speechesEuthyrios alludes to (the
ll S*"1 Darrouzds, Recherchessur les'OQQL.la"a
deligtise b1<antine
(Paris, rgTo),428. deeds of Mary's parents as described in the Protoeaangelium of James),it could be sug-
" Opusr9z, inJenkins Westerink(1973),B-r6. gestedthat the surviving third homily on the Conception was one of thesespeeches;but
'' M.Jugie, 'Saint Euthyme,patriarchede Constantinople'(='Hom6liesmariales this homily is the longest of the surviving three on the subject.
byzantines',III, XD, PO r6 (r9zz),463-514;r9 (r9z6),439-55; Beck(r959),549-5o; on his 'b SeeJugie(rgzz),
479-Bo;5o5.r.
Vita, seeKarlin-Hayter (rg7o). '7 R.E.Sinkewicz,ManuscriptListingsfortheAulhorsofthePatristirandB2qanlinePerinds,
'3 On the sermonsat Psamathia,
seeVitaEutlqtmii,5g.4-r4; on the encomium on Greek Index Project Series4 (Toronto, rggz).
Clement.seribid..I rl5.4-r I . 'b SeeJugie(tgzz),
479.
 f
32b THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU H O M T L E T T CA C T T V T T Y r N C O N S T A N T I N O P L E A R O U N D 9 O O 3 2 7

or prayers: they are his dear ones, his fathers, brothers, and chil- come bored. Nevertheless,he has undertaken to composethe hom-
dren.'eThe homily developsthe doctrines of the Trinity and Incar- ,i ily becausehe has had to obey a most faithful man (perhaps Ste-
nation, and in the caseof thefilioqueit demonstratesthe influence { phen [5o6.8-25]).Even if such lack of self-confidencewas only a
of Photios.The orator was not a professionaltheologian.'oThe sec- r commonplace dictated by humiliry in the second sermon on the
ond homily on the Conception was edited from cod. Lips.fi7 (roth- Conception of theVirgin his views become much clearer.There he
r rth c.), and the third from cod. Patrn.3Bo(a. 1544).These two hom- comments favourably on the simple but divinely inspired style of
ilies must have been delivered at Psamathiain front of an audience the ProtoeuangeliumofJames, and argues against the vanity of those
of monks and laymen. They are notable for their evidence of spe- who do not realiseits beauty and care only about the sound of their
cial devotion to the Virgin, the all-powerful mediator for human words and the resulting recognition of their art by their audience.23
beings.t' In the manner of severalninth- and tenth-century preach- Euthymios is apparently targeting those contemporaries of his
ers, Euth;.'rnios inveighs against the heretics of the early centuries whose rhetorical preoccupations tended to overshadow the real
such as Arians and Sabellians)as well as against theJews. purpose of preaching. In harmony with his own criticism,
Ehrhard's Ubertieferunginforms us of the existence of a homily on Euthymios generally employed simple vocabulary and syntax, even
the Presentationof theVirgin, which is still unpublished; it survives though he was aware of the traditional rhetorical devices of the
in two manuscripts, Constantinop., Pan.Kam.gt (l6th c.) and Cgrokaster homiletic tradition.'a
gr.6 $7th c.). According to Beck, Euthymios may be the author of The protothronosArethas of Caesareawas one of the great figures
two more homilies, one on the Apostle Thomas and another on St of the time and a prolific writer with wide interests.'5Born in Patras
Hierotheos, the first bishop of Athens. The former survives in a around B5o (perhaps B4B),he died in Constantinople shortly after
single manuscript of the eleventh century (Mosq.Mus. Hi:t. gr z6), 932. He came to the capital probably before the death of Basil I in
and is unpublished.The secondhasbeen published under the name 886, and it seemsthat by the age of forty he had still not taken or-
of truthymios Zygabenosfrom an eighteenth-centuryAthonite ma- ders. Arethas had been ordained deacon by Bg5, and he served as
nuscript (4ogr&u 9; another copy in cod. Mosq. Mus. Hist. gr r8o the official court orator. Although he became archbishop of
22
[r 6th cent.]). The author quotes uerbatirnlengthypassagesfrom ps- Caesarea in Cappadocia in 9o2,'b he resided permanently in
Denys the Areopagite and makes an indirect referenceto Hesiod. Constantinople. In 9oI and 9o6-7 he faced charges of impiety'.
Neither feature seemscharacteristicof Euthymios. The secondcasewas in reality a political trial due to his opposition
Euthymios is unique in providing in detail his view of homiletics to Leo VI's fourth marriage. The first casecould have served as a
in generaland contemporaryhomiletics inparticular. In the homily political cover-up as well. In the Tetragamy affair Arethas's stance
on the girdle of Mary he argues that his sermon should be a-{ree- changedfrom extreme opposition to the Patriarch Nicholas's initial
able to God and the Virgin, profitable and enjoyable for the audi- efforts to accomodate the situation to ardent support of the Patri-
ence. He has to accomplish this task despite the fact that, in con- arch Euthymios and his policy of dispensation.For this reason he
trast to those who aspire to become writers, his education is not of collided with his own pupil, Nicetas David.
appropriate standard. In fact, he continues,preachersshould avoid Arethas was a reader of Plato and Aristotle, and his name is con-
using vague and inelegant language, otherwise their audience
would contrast them unfavourably with the Fathersand would be-
"' Jrgr. (tgz6), 443.37-444.to.
's "4 For more detailson this point seeAntonopoulou (rgg7),z5g.
lbid.,5oz.z9; 43, so3.2s-4. 'O 'Aq60og xoi. ro dgyov critot (Athens,rgr3; repr.
"5 S. Kougeas, Kcrr.ocqelcE
"" Ibid.. t-Br. rg85);Beck (tgSg),Sgt-+;P Lemerle,Iz premierhumanisme (Paris,r97r),zo5-66;
b1<antin
"' J.,S. (i926),439-4o. N.G. Wilson, Scholars (London, rg&3), eo-97. His minor works were col-
of B1t<antium
"" Homily on Hierotheos: N. Kalogeras (ed.),Erifupi,ou ro6 Zrycprlvot €qprlveia lected by L.G. Westerink,ArethaeScipn Minora, z vols. (1968-72);seeibid., z, xi-xvii fbr
eigtcrEIA'inr.orol.cE rot'Anoot6),ou flol),ou xaieigro.EZ' xaOo).lxcrg,
vol. r (Athens, an overviewofthe editorial stateofArethas'sother works.
IBBT),or1-9cr'.The edition of the unpublishedhomiliesis in preparation. 'b For this date seeWesterink (tg7z), q.
 326 THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU HOMILETTC ACTTVTTY rN CONSTANTINOPLE AROUND 9OO 329

nected with important manuscripts of ancient Greek authors. His to prove a specificpoint (33.r8-zo).Some members of the audience
major works include scholia to classicaland ecclesiasticalauthors, are more diligent than others and their studieswere bound to lead
a commentary on the Book of Revelation, treatises,and letters. them to certain questions(3a.26f.).Arethas did not hesitateto give
Some homilies and discourseswith an ecclesiasticalinterest also a medical description ofdrunkenness(4o.3r-4r.r3),which is compa-
survive, including two homilies on the Psalms,a panegyric of the rable to the description of death by struggling in his encomium on
martyrs Samonas,Gourias and Abibos, two orations on the transla- the Arab martyrs of Edessa(69.2-rB).The latter homily was deliv-
tion of the relics of St Lazarus from C;prus to Constantinople, an ered in church on the feast of the saints (r5 November) in front of
oration on the consecrationofthe Patriarch Nicholas, and a funeral a large audience whose dress and mood were festive (59.6-8).
oration on the Patriarch Euthymios.'7Other discourseswith a more Arethas advisesthem that the proper way to celebrateis rather to
secularinterest, even if delivered on a feast (e.g.ogP.r-z),will not be prepare their souls (6o.5-18).Finally, Arethas, who again presents
consideredhere. himself as their father (6r.r-3), compares the listening of his audi-
All of thesehomilies and orations are preservedin the two main ence with a writing-tablet on which he engraveshis story (lS.tSj.
manuscripts of Arethas's works (that is, Marcianusgr 524lr3th c.; The first of the two homilies on the translation of the relics of
zpp.S7-gl, and Mosq.Mus. Hist. gr. 3r5 [r6th c.; npp.3,4, 6, B]).The Lazants to Constantinople was delivered in Hagia Sophia (g.6-Z),
text on the Arab saintsis also found in an eleventh-centurymanu- probably on 17 October gor. Arethas invites the congregation to
script (AthousVatop.456),which contains orations by Chrysostom touch the relics not physically but through their faith (8.5-6).He
and various works on the three saints.The manuscript transmission alsopraisesthe wisdom of the emperor,who was responsiblefor the
thus makes it clear that all the texts in question ) apartfrom the one translation; this act would help him beat his enemies.The second
on the Arab martyrs, survived independently of the homiletic col- homily was delivered on 4May of the following year at the conse-
lections, and that they were preservedsimply by virtue of their in- cration of the Church of Lazarus in Constantinople, an occasion
clusion in the special collection of the author's works. which brought the whole city together (rr.7-9). Arethas describes
In the first of the two homilies on the Psalms,Arethas comments the translation in more detail than in the first homily in order to
on the first Psalm, picking up where Basil of Caesareahad left off remind the city of the event and to edif' thosewho ignored it (t2.7-
in his homilies on the Psalms.Arethas conceivedhimself as the nat- 9). It is characteristicof the feelingsof the time that the emperor is
ural continuator of Basil, who was his distant predecessoras head concerned about his own safetybecausethe extraordinary devotion
of the archbishopric of Caesarea.In the second homily he com- of his people seemsto induce them to take away the relics by force
ments on the thirty-fifth Psalm. The approach adopted is allegori- (r5.zo-3).At the end of the homily, Arethas wishes the emperor
cal. Compernass,the first editor of the two homiiies, believed that victory over his enemies and mentions the contemporary Bulgar
the style of the two texts was so obscure and vague that they could proposalfor peace (r6.9-r4).
not have been delivered in church in their present form.'B A1- Arethas's discourse on the ordination of Nicholas as patriarch
though, indeed, it is impossibleto prove in which form these texts was delivered on r March gor in the presence of the emperor.
were read out, one cannot miss the frequent referencesto the pres- It is an encomium of both Nicholas and Leo, who should offer
ence of an audience (e.g.zo.r6). Arethas is their father (zo), who Nicholas his advice. In the lemma, this discourse is termed an
exhorts them to good deedsthat will make him proud (zg.z4).He ekphonesis (a declamation), which was delivered ex tempore
would not like to bother them by adducing many examplesin order (rbxov6prlrcr.rbg dnoole6raOeioa).
The funeral oration on Euthymios, which datesfrom c. gzo, falls
outside the limits of our investigation. However, it will be men-
"7 Homilies on Psalms,opp.3-q,\N esterink(r968); Arab martyrs, op 6, ibid.; Lazar us, tioned briefly here so as to round off the picture of Arethas's
zpp.-rB-9, Westerink(1972);Nicholas,0p.57,ibid.;Ettthymios,op B, Westerink(r968).
"d J. Compernass,
'Zwei Psalmenhomilien
des Arethai von Kaisareia;. Studi preaching activity.The oration was delivered at truthymios's mon-
Bizant'inieNeoellenici
3 $g3t), r-44, esp.B-g.
 THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU
330 HOMILETIC ACTIVITY IN CONSTANTINOPLE AROUND 9OO 33I

astery of Psamathiain front of a mi-red audience of bishops,priests early one,3'the time when he actually took vows is not known and
and people on the occasionof the translation of Euthymios's relics may have happened only later in his life.3'
from the place of his exile in c. 9zo (83.r;BB.r5).Like the discourse Nicetas was the author of severalworks, including the VitaIgnatii
on Leo and Nicholas, the oration is a political rather than a theo- (an anti-Photian pamphlet) and many homilies, whose titles desig-
logical text, which attacks both Nicholas and his followers (85.3o- nate them as encomia (seee.g. the one on Kosmas).The homilies
86) and the dead Emperor Alexander (BB.3o-9z.rB), and prays for deal mainly with apostlesand other saints of apostolic times. His
the restitution of those,includingArethas himself,who had suffered intention to speak on each apostle separately is announced by
harm (93.7-ro).It is noteworthy that the orator mentions another Nicetas himsell33He also honoured certain saintswho were either
funeral oration, now lost, by an unnamed bishop in the Church of popular, like Nicholas and Panteleemon, or of special interest to
St Aemilianos (BB.r-4).This gives us an indication that unknown him, such as Hyacinth of Amastris in Paphlagonia, the region
authors composed rhetorical works with an ecclesiasticalconnec- Nicetas came from. The only other subjectsthat demonstrably at-
tion which have been lost. tracted his attention were the cross,and the Nativity and Annuncia-
Finally, it should be mentioned that Arethas wrote a treatise tion of the Virgin. It has been suggestedthat his surviving homilies
'in
against theJews the form of a lecture', according to the lem- were part of an ambitious plan to produce a complete menol-
ma.'e He addresses his opponentsin the secondpersonplural (27r.3 ogion.3aNicetas's rich homiletic activity has been studied inade-
ff), and talks of the unity of God; then he stopsand invites his fel- quately.Some of his homilies remain unpublished. In fact, forty-six
low bishops to take on the remaining subjects,becausehis (poor) authentic textshave come down to us under Nicetas'sname, aswell
health does not allow him to stand any longer (z7B.r5-9).It is obvi- as six more or lessdubious ones.35Seventexts, certainly or proba-
ous that Arethas in his old age read out the written text (yqaQrl bly authentic, have never been published and will not concern us
zl9.r5) while standing.When this took place cannot be specified, here.3bNicetas'sencomia constitute an important step in the direc-
since he consideredhimself and was consideredold in 906.30
Past scholarship used to distinguish between t\,voor even three
writers bearing the name Nicetas, but it has been proven that they 3' At leastby the end of 'Nicetasthe Paphlagonianon the
9o6; seeL.G. Westerink,
were all the same person, that is Nicetas David the Paphlagonian, end of the world', MEAETHMATA otrl pvrlpq Boor.l.eiouAaorigbo (Thessalonike,
also referred to as the rhetor, the philosopher, or the servant of $75),U7-95,esp.r8r.
32 On Nicetas,seeBeck(I959),548-9and 565-6;RJ.H'Jenkins, 'A note on Nicetas
Christ. He was a very educatedla)mnanwith monastic connectiorrs, David Paphlagon and the Vita Ignatii', DOP ry (tg65),49-47; repr. in idtm, Studie.s on
a pupil of Arethas of Caesarea,and a teacher himself He refused B1<antineHisnrl of thegth andrcth Centurfus (London, rgTo),no. IX; Westerink (tgZS);A.
Solignac,Dictionnaire deSpiitualiti I I (I9Bz),zzt-4;F. Winkelmann,'Hat Niketas David
to support the emperor in the Tetragamy affair despitethreats and Blzan-
Paphlagonein umfassendesGeschichtswerk ved:asst?' ,JahrbuchderOsterreichischen
promisesfrom the Patriarch Nicholas (end of 9o6). Even his friend- tinktik3Tftg9),t37-52. BHG recordsNicetas'sworks underthelemmataNicetasDavid,
ship with Arethas ended unhappily when Nicetas did not follow his Nicetas Paphlago,Nicetas Philosophus, and NicetasRhetor.
33 Homily on the Apostles, seeV Latyshev,2rl.l.oyrl flcrtrortivqg xoi, xugraxrlg
master in his change of attitude towards Leo's fourth marriage. 'Ayrol.oyiag PravoslavnijPalestinskijSbornik 63 (St Petersburg,r9r7),
3, 35.2r-2.
Subsequently,young Nicetas fled to Thrace, where he became a 34 Westerink(1975),r7B.
hermit, was arrested and imprisoned on charges of treason and 3s Authentic:BHG78,roo, r<16, I6o,23r,3t8,38o,447,488b,55r,556b,643,646c,
6752-6,725,757,762,766a,768,876k, BBrc,BB3c,93o,993c,ro3B,ro77,rt46d, tt6ga,
heresy,was freed at the initiative of Euthl.rnios, and then spent (or
rzz\,ezg, rz83n,rzgr, r364d,r46zn,r4BBb,1496,r5?o,r58o,I636, r7o5,t722,1753,
was forced to spend)two years in seclusionat the Agathos Monas- fi4z, tB4Bn,24g9-g,plus a homily on the Prophet Isaiah not in BHG.
tery.Though his intention to become a monk may have been an Dubious: BHG r4BBnon the chainsof Peter,2I3o on Eupsychios(the authenticity
ofboth has been arguedfor by Ehrhard I [Ig:7], 547arrd613-4respectively),1416on
Panteleemon,165r on the translationofStephen, rz7 on the angels,and Ir47 on the
2q deposition of Mary's girdle (the latter two seem to be works of Michael Synkellos [d.
Op. 33, contained in the Moscow manuscript; for the lemma see Westerink 846]; seeR. Loenertz,lnalectaBollandinna 68 [rg5o], Io3L).The authentic Vinof Gteg'
1 r 9 6 8 ;z. 7 r . ory of Agrigentum (BHG 7oB)is not a homily but pure hagiography.
30 SeeKarlin-Hayter (rg7o)r2o2. 36 (To be published shortly:) BHG 3IB, B76k(a l,'ita?),t:6ga (a commentaius?), tz93n
 I
i5

JJ'
THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU HOMTLETTC ACTIVITY IN CONSTANTINOPLE AROUND 9OO 333

tion of the rewriting of the uitaeof satntson a higher linguistic level was urged by his (monastic)audience to speak.The same scholar
than previously existing texts, a literary development which culmi- also pointed out that most of the homilies in question are imper-
nated in the work of Symeon Metaphrastes a few decadeslater. sonal, although there are exceptions. The panegyric on St
Ehrhard3T has showed the existence of a Spuial Panegltrikonof Eustathios enlargesupon the author's sufferings(perhaps in Sep-
Nicetas,which survivesin four manuscripts.The frrst,Paris.grr rBo, tember go7), andthose on the archangels and on Philip pray for the
dates from the early tenth century, that is, it is contemporary with unity of the church (perhaps c. 916/20; cf. also the homily on
Nicetas. It contains homilies by other authors too, which were des- Chrysostom and on the apostles),while others pray for protection
tined for those feastswhich were not covered by Nicetas. The other from and victory over foreign enemies.4o
three manuscripts, AthousInura zgz (B r rz), Paris.gr 755, and Mosq. The encomia present a fixed tripartite structure: announcement
Mus. Hist. gr ry6, date from the eleventh century and agree in their of a great feast, sketchy narration, peroration/exultation.4'The
contents.The two forms of the Panegtrikonoverlapbut their contents stories of the apostlesin particular present a pattern which is an-
do not coincide; neither containsthe whole of Nicetas'sproduction, nounced by the preacher himself; the conversion of the apostles
since some of his homilies have come down to us independently. from the Mosaic Law to the Law of Grace, a brief account of their
Apart from thesemain manuscripts,the homilies of Nicetas have- life in Christ starting with Pentecost,their death or martyrdom, and
on the average-a rich manuscript tradition as far as the liturgical a short address.4'Thispattern not only givesuniformity to the en-
collections are concerned. Howevet no comprehensive study of comia in question,but alsocompensatesfor the lack of information
this problem exists38and, therefore, no conclusionscan be drawn in the caseof certain apostles(e.g.James,son of Alphaeus)by using
for the time being. topoi.Nrcetasalso made use ofprog).rrnnasticforms, in particular the
Westerink3ssuggestedthat the mass of Nicetas's writings may ethopoiia,a3 and long chairetismoi appear almost always in the epi-
have been produced over a period of time, and that his hagiog- logues. FIe was not very fond of theological discussions,and such
raphical project could have started at the Agathos Monastery. In- considerations appear only occasionally (e.g.the theology of the
deed, the homily on Luke shows that at least in this caseNicetas angels and archangels; the procession of the Holy Spirit, which
implies opposition to the filioque;the predestination of the apos-
(fragment),r4BBn,ztgo (t4BBcmust be deleted; seeAnalecta BollandianagB frg8o], r7-23), tles).++ Nicetas was aware of the encomiasticlaws according to ps-
and the hitherto unnoticed homily on Isaiah. In the BHG serren-o.e se.mon, u.e Menander and warned his audienceaccordingly.as As for the length
consideredunpublished. However, nos. 556b on Denys the Areopagite, 766a onJames
of the homilies, Arethas severelycriticized the encomium on Greg-
the brother ofJesus, g93c on Luke, and rB4Bn on Timothy *eie edited by Latyshev 'along, rambling and shapeless'piece,that should
(t9r7),who alsoedited BHG 16oon the apostles,r46zn on Paul, and r4BBbon Peter. ory Nazianzen:
Latyshev'sbook has until today remained unknown to scholars:A. Vogt, who edited the be rewritten.4bIt is not known whether Nicetas took his advice.But
two sermons on Peter and Paul in OrimtaliaChristinnaz3.r (rg3r),58-96, ignored the
Russian edition as did E Halkin, saints de Bylance a du- Proihrorimt cahiers
d'Orientalismer3 (Geneva,r986),ro7-7o,who ediredagainthe sermonsonJamesrhe
brother ofJesus, Timothy and Luke as well as, for the first time, nos. 646i onJohn ao Eustathios,PG ro5,3764-77.4;Archangels, PG I4o, Iz45A;Philip,PG ro5, rB4C;
Climacusand r364don Nicholas.One more homily of Nicetas(on Daniel, BHG Chrysostom,K. Dyobouniotes(ed.),@eol,oyi.cr e $934),68; apostles,Latyshev(r9I7),
4BBb)
was published by E Halkin, KA@HIHTPI A. Essa\sPrumtedtoJoan Husseltforhei Both
42.22-5;over the foreign enemies: e.g. Hyacinth, PG ro5, 44oC; Diomedes, L.G.
Birthdasr(Camberley,Surrey, rgBB),z973oz. Westerink (ed,.),AnalectaBoll.andi.ana
84 (1966),I65-77.
37 Ehrhard (r938),237ff 4' Westerink(rg7S),r77.
3o Accordingto the descriptionof B. Stephanides,rn B($ (r9o7),z68, no. go, the 4'? Andrew PG ro5, 56D-7A; Matthias, ibid., z73BC.
manuscript of the Benaki Museum Tcpelor 'Awcr],]"a!i,porv227seemsto contain a ser- 43 James,son of Zebedee,PG ro5, g6AC: conversationof Herod with theJews,
mon of Nicetason st clprian.'rhis manuscriptconsistsof two parts that come lrom who want to attackthe Christians.
different manuscripts and were at some point bound together.'Iihe first part contains ++ Archangels,PG I4o, r47Dff.; Mark, PG ro5, zg3B; apostles,Latyshev(rgI7),
indeed works ofNicetas, whereasthe author (to0 oriro6) ofthe piece on cyprian cannot 43.5-6 respectively.
be specified.I would like to thank Mrs P Tisakonafor permission to consuit this manu- +s Paul,Latyshev(rgr7),rB.14-6;Vogt (rg3r),6o;Timothy, Latyshev(r gt7),64.22-4;
script. Halkin (1986),I 17where Nicetas first rejects,then follows the ancient prescriptions.
3s Westerink(1975),rBz-3. 'lb 01.
3z; Westerink(r968),e67-7o.
 334 THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU HOMTLETTC ACTMTY IN CONSTANTINOPLE AROUND 9OO 335

the text implies that even this long Life was written to be read out with the same subject.saThe encomia were probably delivered in
ahe other encomia are about one-fifth of this long piece,
(d,xoi1v).+z all-night offices,becausethe speakerpraisesthose who have come
and Nicetashimselfoccasionallyspeaksof their brevity and symme- to church in the middle of the night in order to partake of the joy
,a
of the celebration.ss At the same time, he repeatedly asks for the
l
try.*" 4
1t

The information which each of thesetexts offers on the relation- attention of those present or calls them to order. They should not
ship between preacher and audience is scarce;but if all the pieces talk to each other or make noise during the homily, otherwise they
are taken together,we come up with an interestingpicture. Nicetas would derive lessbenefit from it and would annoy and distract the
refers to his audience in general terms, which do not always allow preacher.s6
us to specify the people of which it consisted.However, he occa- Nicetas occasionallypresentshimself in the first person express-
sionally addressesthem as 'men' (civbqeE),ae which could imply a ing his own views ('I think': oipa,r,vop[(ol).szHis comments are
monastic audience and would be in accordancewith the dating of noteworthy. For example, he notes the ridiculous (!) fact that not
thesetextsto the time the author spent in seclusion.On other occa- only the poor but also the rich long for money; he praises the apos-
sions,he mentions the church in which the celebration took place: tles for using the language of the natives in their teaching; and, al-
the Church of the Holy Apostles in the case of the feast of peter though a student of Arethas, he arguesthat the Gospel has silenced
and Paul, or that of St Thomas on the feastof that saint.soThe au- the laws of Lycurgus and Solon, the Republicof Plato, Aristotelian
dience there would have been mixed. Among them there were a vagueness,the Academy, the Stoa, and the Peripatetics.ss His view
great deal of simple people, whose needs Nicetas takes into ac- of the purpose of preaching is rather conventional.The preacher
for example when he explicitly distinguishes should praise (rlpveiv) an event not according to its value but as far
19unt, Judas
Thaddaeus fromJudas Iscariot for the sakeof the ignorant mass.s' as this is possiblefor him and the audience can accept it.5eThe best
Nicetas's homilies seem to have been delivered on the feastsof preacher is the one who provides the most decent narration without
the respective saints. He often mentions the panegltrisof the saint ittempting to promote the glory of the martyrs.6oThe narration of
who is celebrated 'today'.52Elsewhere,the temporal sequenceof the stories of the saints is agreeable to God and the saints and bene-
the speechesis established:the homily onJames, son of Aphaeus, ficial to the audience;b'it edifiesthosewho ignore them and pleases
was delivered the day after that on Thomas; the one on Faul fol- those who know them.b'The caseof the encomium on Hyacinth is
lowed that on Peter; and the homily on the apostlescame after the notable for the preacher'seclecticattitude: Nicetaslets others speak
one on Peter and Paul.53once the preacher mentions homilies de- about the pure workings of divine grace, while his own exposition
livered by the elders (of the monastic community) on a previous includes only those deeds that result not solely from divine grace
feast,a fact that was in itself sufficient to prevent him from dealins

sa TheodoreStratelates,inActaSanctorumNov. IV(1925),B3Ewithreferencetothe
preceding feast of another saint of the same name, Theodore Teron.
_- " . JJ Rizzo, The Encomiumof GregorlNazian<m b2Nicaas thepaphlagoniln,Subsidia ss Peterand Paul, PG ro5, 37C; Philip, PG ro5, 1694.
Hagiographica 58_(Brussels,_rg7ay zt.a4;the same is"thecasewithihe Life oic..gory 5o E.g.Andrew,PG ro5,56,{8; Thecla,PG ro5,3r7A;Theodore Stratelates,inActa
of Aprigentum, PG r 16, r8gc, which entered the Mmologionof Sy,rneonMetaphrastes. SanetorumNov. IV (rgz5),B4A; Paul, Latyshev(rgr7),r8.9-r3;Vogt (r93r),6o.
+o 57 E.g. Kosmas, in L. Allacci-S. Wangnereck-R. Dehn, S2ntagrnatis
. *Theodotos, E Halkin (ed.),Kungr,oxci. Xnoubci 4! (r98r), r4;John the Theolo- histoict,seu
gian,PG ro5, rorC. ueterumC,raeciaemonirnmtorumdetribussanctorumAnargltrorum
Cosmae etDamianinominepaibus,
ae
^Prokopios, E Halkin (ed.),Analeeta BollandianaBo(196z),r79 par. 3; Andrew, pG partesduaz(Vienna, 166o),zB.
to5,56,4.. 58 Kosmas,PG ro5,4z; Andrewibid.,65B; and Matthew,ibid.,z3zAB respectively.
so Peterand Paul, PG ro5,
37B;Thomas, pG ro5, r3zA. ls Birth of the Virgin, PG ro5, I7C.
5' Thaddaeus,PG ro5, z6o.48. bo Panteleemon,V Latyshev (ed.),MimoiresdeI'Acad,hnie ImperiakdesScicnces
de St-
?: -E.S. Birttr of the Virgin, PG ro5, r7C; Hyacinth, pG ro5,
4zrB. ''1
i Be.s6rie,e.z (rgr4),54.283r.
Pltersbourg,
s3 James, scn ofAlphaeus,PG ro5, r45D; paul, Latyshev(r9i7),r7.r7ff;Vogt (r93r), b' Andrew, PG ro5,53D.
^ b" Daniel, Hafkin (r9BB),zg5; Eustathios,PG ro5,
58; aposdes, Latyshev (tgt7), gSpar. r reipectively. 377B-BoA.
t;
t
fr
 ao6
.-).1" THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU HOMTLETIC ACTIVITY IN CONSTANTINOPLE AROUND 9OO 337

but from human will as well.b3Accordingly, he hopes that his audi- been attributed to the sameAnonymous who composed two other
ence has not had the slightestdoubt about the veracity of the stories theological works at the beginning of the tenth century, the
he has told, especiallywhen it comesto miracles or actsof torture.64 Theognosia and the Dissertatiocontraludaeos.T3The Theognosiasurvives
His description of torture can be graphic, as in the caseof the mar- only indirectly, the most important testimony to its text being the
tyrdom of Anastasia,where Nicetas surprisingly insistson the am- twelfth-cent:ulry PanopliaDogmaticaof Euthymios Zygabenos. The
putation of her breasts,described from the point of view of anat- treatise against the Jews, which survives in a single parchment
omy (they consistof flesh, muscles,and nerves,and are a most sen- manuscript of the first half of the tenth century (I'aurent.Plut.YII.i),
sitive part of the body).bsHe admits, however,that such storiesare was composed in go7/8. According to its editor, it is a different
not alwayspersuasive,causelaughter or make some people speak work from theTheognosia, although there are parallel developments
either of interpolations to the original texts or of the ignorance of in their contents as far as one can judge from the surviving fiag-
the ancient *.iters.66 ments. The author of the homilies makes references to his
Up to the present there has been no comprehensive study of Theognosia,T+ which thus preceded the composition of the respective
Nicetas's sources.Only occasionally have editors pointed out the homilies. There is similarity in language (e.g.parallel expressions)
use of unknown texts, as in the case of the homily on Simon the between the homilies and the treatise.At least two of the homilies
Zealot. Sometimes,however, Nicetas himself speaksof his use of (nos. 5 and 7) were written at the same time as the treatise,that is
sources.In the homily onJudas Thaddaeus he announces that he after the deposition of the Patriarch Nicholas in February 9o7 and
is unable to narrate the apostle'slife in detail, since he had not en- before Leo's death in May 9Iz. The collection consistsof ten homi-
countered any relevant texts (rinopvrlpcolv).6254o..o.rer, he men- lies, of which the eighth is missing,while five others (nos. r, 4, 5,6
tions certain unspecified texts which describe the martyrdom of and 7) have gaps.They have come down to us in a single manu-
Luke.bu Elsewhere, he invites his audience to draw upon their script of the first half of the tenth century (Lond.B. L. Additional
knowledgeof a story.6e That he had read the works of ps-Denysis gg6oS).Their editor published them as a commentary on the Gos-
evident from his sermon on Denys the Areopagite.z.The use of his pel ofJohn, but this designationis misleading.The first eight homi-
memory is not excluded, as he himself points out.7l It is also note- lies comment on various versesof the Gospel of John, while the
worthy with regard to his literary knowledge that he attributes to ninth and tenth comment on passagesfrom Matthew.
Mark the Evangelistthe composition of a liturgy aswell as of offices In general, the author rarely steps forward, for example when
of baptism and ordination, and that he does not include the Book speaking with humility of the greatness of the Fathers who had
of Revelation amons the works ofJohn the Evangelist. preached before him. Nevertheless,his interestsand personal sym-
The surviving himilies of thE Anonymous author of the pathies become apparent in two of the homilies, thus enabling us
Theognosia are little known. Their editor dated them to the begin- to date them. The author is a partisan of the Patriarch Nicholas in
ning of the ninth century,T2but recently (and correctly) they have the Tetragamy affair, a defender of the canons and of morality- He
or
attacksthosebishopswho did not resistthe powerful orwere placed
H y a c i n r hP. C r o 5 ,4 2 4 C . illegally in their sees,as well as the patriarch (Euthymios), who did
o4 Anasrasia. PG ro5.3+4CD.
's PG ro5,3614'. not do away with those who transgressedthe law; he even attacks
oo Prokopios,Halkin (r96z),r78.
or PG roq.z6o8.
73 M. Hostiens, Anonlmi AuctorarTheognosiae (saec.IX/ X) Dissertati.ocontra ludaeos,
: : f - u k e . L a r y s h e\ tvg t 7 ) . 5 t . 2 7H: a l k i n1 r g B 6 ;r .3 r .
oq E.q.Kosmas.Allaccir/ a/.rr66o;.56. CCSG I4 (Turnhout-Leuven, 1986), introl., esp. xxii-x-rxii; summary in idem,'Ala
7u Latyshev(r9r7), ddcouverte d'un auteur byzantin inconnu du IX,/Xe sidcle', in A. Schoors-P Van
7Bl
]l F\:,Latyshev (tgr),45.2g-4 Halkin (1986),rz7. Deun (edd.), Philohist6r. Miscellanea in honorem Caroli Inga Septuagenari, Orientalia
72 K.Hansmann,EinneuentdeckterKommentarlum,Johanneseuangelzzz,Forschungenzur Lovanensia Analecta 6o (Leuven, ryg4),423-33 with previous bibliography.
_
christlichenLiteratur- und DogmengeschichtexVI, 74 See Homily 6,23o.7-ro; cf- Homily 3, t46-32 and apparatu:(references are made
a5 (paderborn, r93o); ci Beck
(r9s9),5rs. to the edition by Hansmann [tg3o]).
 3gB THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU H O M T L E T I C A C T I V I T Y I N C O N S T A N T I N O P L EA R O U N D 9 O O 3 3 9

the emperor when he speaksof the tyranny which urged people to exhortationsagainstsin alsomake their appearance(4, ryz.zr to the
The preacher makes it clear that it was not a ques-
iilegal actions.Ts end).Two of his favourite sourcesof examplesare mathematicsand
tion of faith but of discipline.Tb
The homily reflectsthe opposition geometry (e.g.5,I7B.zg-32;g,2B+.29-33). Moreover, he is aware of
to the acceptanceof Leo's fourth marriage by some of the bishops. the various interpretations to which a text is susceptibledepending
It might not be too far-fetched to suggestthat this was the reason on the changeof its punctuation (I, Ioo.3-lz).
for the lack of popularity of thesehomilies and for the elimination Leo Choirosphaktes(c. 845-c.9zo), magister,proconsul and pa-
of the name of the prolific author. trician, T8wasalready in the state'sservice under Basil I. He was
There are no clear indications regarding the liturgical time of the sent as an ambassadorto the Bulgars in 896, and to Baghdad in the
delivery. However, the following observations can be made. With- winter of go4/ 5, a mission which lasted for two years. Choiros-
out forming a running commentary, the first three homilies com- phakteswas responsiblefor bringing the representativesof the east-
ment on passagesfrom the beginning ofJohn's Gospel, all of which ern patriarchatesto Constantinople for the synod that gave dispen-
form part of the Easter reading. Homily 3 ends (tS7.gt ff) with a sation for LeoVI's fourth marriage in March 9o7.Subsequentlyhe
referenceto the subject dealt with at the end of Homily z (ry3et was exiled, but was recalled to Constantinople byJune 9r3 at the
ff). In addition, Homilies 3 (156.ro-33)and 4 (r7o.3-15) make clear latest,when he is encountered among the supporters of the revolt
referencesto the Passionand Resurrection respectively.And Hom- of Constantine Doukas after the death of the Emperor Alexander.
ily 6 (zz6.ro-29)refersto the present, that is the time of the Ascen- The failure of the revolt led to Choirosphaktes'stonsure and im-
sion which follows the Resurrection.Therefore, it might cautiously prisonment at the Studios monastery until his death. It is clear that
be suggestedthat the ten homilies originated as a commentary on we are dealing with a functionary who did not enter the clergy until
lections of the period from Easter up to the first weeksafter Pente- late in his life, and then unwillingly.
cost when the readings from Matthew begin. While a layman Choirosphaktes wrote homilies on the Trinity,
The style of the homilies has been judged to be full of images, the Incarnation, and other dogmatic subjects,aswell asencomia on
rhetorical, grandiose,with long periods,rare expressions,andjuxta- saints, and homilies on Lent, purification, temperance, and other
position of synonyms.TT As for their contents,they are almost exclu- unspecified topics.TeNone of these works survives.All we know
sively theological.The author repeatedly attacks the old heresies, about them we owe to Arethas, who wrote a pamphlet against
thoseof Manes, Apollinarius, Arius, Sabellius,and of the Asnoetai, Choirosphaktes after the latter's exile.BoIt seems that Arethas's
as well as the recent heresyof lconoclasm.The theory of the rela- animosity was due to Choirosphaktes's support of the emperor
tionship between the icons and their archetlpes is his favorite sub- in the Tetragamy affanr, and his targ-et was to prevent his enemy
ject. On the other hand, the Anonr,..rnous had a practical mind and from being recalled to the capital.s' Apart from the fact that
wide-ranging interests.He examinesthe main Christian dogmas Choirosphaktes composed his homilies before his exile, nothing
not only on an abstract level, but also on a more practical orri. In more can be said on their date.Together with his other works these
order to make doctrine accessibleto his audienceh. ,.,r., examples homilies contributed to the author's exile, which was probably due
from everyday life (e.g.Homily 3, 153.3+-154.5 the example ofthe
king who saveshis soldier who has been taken captive),from agri-
culture (ro, 3oz.rg-go3.5),and from nature (r, roz.15-23).practical

78 G.T. Kolias, Iton Choirosphactls magistre,proconsul etpatice. Biographie-Correspondance

75 Homily r75 (title),rg8.3o-r,
. 5, 199.5-6;S4-2oo.4, r98.3of.;Homily 7 (on the em- (texteet traduction),-fexte und Forschungen zur byzantinisch-neugriechischen Philologie
peror) z44.rz-27,259.35-z6o15,273.5-274.15,275.5-277.2, (sexualsin)'z5i.gz-25r.r4, 3r (Athens, 1939); Beck (t959), S94-5.
267.35-z68'7,
\7o.26-7,@ishopsirregularly inJtailed)!Bo. ro-g, (thosewho tian"sgreisthi 7e Cf. Kolias (1939), esp. 73.
canonsshouldbe isolated)z67.zo-3o. Bo Choerosphactes or Misogoes(0p 2I), Westerink (1968), 2oo-I2, esp. zto.7; zo; z4 (on
7o SeeHostiens(r9g4),
4zB. Lent, purification, and temperance),zto.z7-zu.zz (dogmatic homilies), zI Lz3 (encomia).
77 Hostiens (tgg4), E ' K o l i a s ( r 9 3 9 ) .6 9 .
423, 427. 7t.
 THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU HOMILETIC ACTIVITY IN CONSTANTINOPLE AROUND 9OO 34I
340

to accusationsof a religious nature. More specifically,the accusa- fame was that his education had made him a capable writer/
'as indicated by his works'.86Being urged to become a
tion of paganism-caused by Choirosphaktes'senlightened attitude preacheq
towards antiquity is clear in Arethas's work (e.g. zor.6-7; at the birfrop (z3o.ro9-rz), Peter resorted to his brotheq who was bishop
sametime, Arethas wrongly accusedChoirosphaktesof being igno- of Corinth. There Peter dedicated himself to askesis'like before'. At
rant of Greek culture, zog.rz).8" According to Arethas, Choiro- the sametime he was studying and, at the behestof many, compos-
sphaktes,who propagated his ideas in church either himself or ing panegyrics for many martyrs and saints (238,par. 9). Later he
through his partisans(zor.r r-4),was in errorwhen treatingtheologi- ac-epted the bishopric of Argos. We are clearly dealing wlth a
cal subjects(zr r); moreover,he lacked originality, and depended on *otrk who eventually became a bishop. If, as seemsthe case,Peter
Patristic models (zo8.r3ff). The publication of Choirosphaktes's composed homilies before gI2, these do not survive. Nonetheless,
theologicaland exegeticalworks will enablethe control of Arethas's his preaching activity made a reputation for him among his con-
latter statement; however, it has already been suggested that temporaries both at Constantinople and, at a later stage,at Argos.
Choirosphaktes's exegetical work is a compilation.83 Finally, Finally, I shall mention three encomia that more or lesscertainly
Arethas spoke of Choirosphaktes's rationalization of the Lives of belong to the period that concerns us here.
saints by doubting the improbable elements that they contained Anastasios, surnamed Qgaestor after the office he held in
(ztt.z4), and accusedhim of leading a life that was not in accor- Constantinople in go7, is a well-known h1'rnnographer.He was a
dance with his homilies on Lent, purification, and temperance friend of Choirosphaktes,to whom he sent a letter when the latter
l2ro.7;20;24). was in Baghdad.BTAnastasios also wrote an encomium on St
Peter of Argos was born in Constantinople after B5o and died Agathonikos (aswell as a kanon on the samesaint of which only the
between 9zo and gz4. He was ordained bishop of Argos c. gtz/ 4. hiimos survives),88which is contained in an eighteenth-century
Seven homilies are attributed to him, but two of them, the funeral Bollandist manuscript, Bolland.gr.ryg (zB5),allegedly an apograph
oration on Athanasios of Methone, and the encomium on St Bar- of an unknown Viennese manuscript, as well as in Mosq. Mus. Hist.
bara, are dubious. Their editor dated all of them to the period of gr. zG (rIth c.), which was not used for the edition. The homily is a
Peter's episcopate,even though only three homilies contain refer- panegyric which dwells on the life and martlrdom of the hero, and
encesto contemporary events,that is, raids by Bulgars and Arabs was delivered on the feast of the martyr after the reading aloud of
(homilies on the Anargyroi, the Presentationof theVirgin, and the trisActa,the knowledge of which Anastasiostook for granted (ggl.+;
'mar-
Conception of St Anna), whereas the dating of the other two au- t4-5).Be The audience is only referred to in the preface as the
thentic homilies (on St Anna and the Annunciation) is more doubt- tyr-loving congregation', while the preacher also spokeof the hon-
l-d.84 our due to the martyrs (+tS.S-S).It is noteworthy that Anastasios
Peter'spupil, Theodore, metropolitan of Nicaea, composed his consideredhis speechas a means of painting, which despitethe fact
teacher'sbiography around thirtyyears after Peter'sdeath. Accord- that it did not produce an icon, contributed indeed to the joy of the
ing to the biographer, Nicholas Mystikos, who needed to establish feast and the audience'srespecttowards the martyr $97.ro-z).
his own supporters at the various bishoprics after his return from An anonymous layman, the son of a high dignitary at Leo VI's
exile in gr2,8sheard of Peter's virtue. The .eason for the saint's court and a family-friend of his first wife,Theophano, composed a

8' B(i
Koliu, (r939), On this point, see Kyriakopoulos (1976),6 (introduction).
o3 Beck (tgSg), 54-6,7r. 97 On Anastasios seeDictionnaired'histoireet degiographieicclesiastiquez (tgt4), | 477s.t).;
Sg+-S. 'Ayiou
u4 K.T Kyriakopoulos, fldrqou 6nr.ox6nou "AgyouE Biog xoi l,6yor. Beck (rqlq), 6ol; Ietter edited in Kolias (rg3g), 93, no. I7 (23).
us "BHG
Eiooytoyrl-Keipevov-MerdQgc.orE-X16l,rc (Athens, r976).On Peter seealsoBeck (rg5g), +z; G. *,an Hooff, Analecta Bollandittna 5 (1886), 396-415, esp. :96 lor the
55o-r and A. Sideras,Diz b2zantinischen
C,rabredm, Wiener Byzantinischen Studien rg introduction by the editor.
(Vienna,r994),ro5-6,who datesthe funeraloration onAthanasiosof Methone to c. Bqo. 89 However, certain details of the homily differ lrom the summary ofthe lclc edited
85 Kyrialcopoulos(r976),e3B,par. B. by P Pinio; see van Hooff(r886), 396.
 THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU HOMILETTC ACTIVITY IN CONSTANTINOPLE AROUND 9OO 343
342
'Kaiserrede' and two kanons on the sanctifiedempress.The oration Conclusion
is contained in a fourteenth-century manuscript, Florent.Conuenti
soppressi B r, while the kanons do not surwive.eoThe work targeted This overview has provided evidencefor severali-portunt aspects
an audience that was well informed about the author's family, of the preaching activity at Constantinople at the end of the ninth
aimed at proving the sanctity of Theophano by relating her life and and the beginning of the tenth century. First, with regard to the
miracles, and ultimately served the author's desire to please Leo identity of the authors the following remarks can be made. The
and achievepersonal favours.His disbelief in his own story at 22.+, preachers were both clergyrnen and lay people. The former in-
where he concedesthe non-existenceof the miracles he narrates,is cluded two out of the four patriarchs of the time, Euthymios and
a significant admission even if this was due to a momentary lapse. Nicholas, who had both become monks at an earlystage;an anony-
The author also implies that he has suppressedcertain events out mous bishop, the author of the Theognosia; a monk, Peter,who later
of fear (zg.z7).or became a bishop; and an anonymous monk who praised on
The third homily to be mentioned here honours St Evaristos(d. Evaristos.The latter group included the Emperor Leo VI, two offi-
Bg).9'Its author is an anonymous monk, who wrote it in response cials,Anastasiosand Choirosphaktes,who was forced to become a
to the demands of his superiors (296.16-8),and delivered it in the monk at the end of his career, and the anonymous layman who
church of the Monastery of Kokorobion before the relics of the praisedTheophano. Of the wo literatiwho,eventhough they might
saint (3z5.ro-r),probably on the anniversary of his death (zB/gDe- have wished to join the clergy earlier, did not do so until later in
cember). Even if the author had not had direct contact with the their lives, Nicetas composed his homilies when still a layman,
saint, it is probable that he belonged at leastto the following gener- whereas Arethas preached after he had taken orders.
ation and must have composed the text in the first quarter of the It should be noted that it was unusual for alayman to speak pub-
tenth century.931h. homily survives in a single manuscript from licly in church, although the practice went back to Origen.s+ On
the tenth century Paris.gr. rr7r, where it bears the title Lfe andDeeds the other hand, each of the lay people mentioned seemsto be a
of Euaristos.Theauthor narrates what he has seenand what others special case. Nicetas possibly started composing his panegyrics
from his monastery have told him; otherwise,he warns his audience whiie in seclusion in a monastery. Anastasioswas an established
accordingly (zg8.g'peoplesay').He comparesspeechwith painting, hymnographeq and his homily on Agathonikos appears to be an
then argues that his duty requires much more study and attention isolatedpiece in his literary production. The homily on Theophano
than a painter's (z96.z-7onoubrl xcil pel"6tq).He describeshis work is also a unique piece composeddue to personal motives and prob-
as a narration and encomium (296.9-ro &vcrygdSer,v, 8lqyqoopol, ably delivered at the palace. The truly exceptional casesare those
iyxtlpr.a[er,v).He even allows for his personal feelings to emerge: of Choirosphaktesand LeoVI. The personal,political, and ideolog-
having described the death of the saint, he reveals that he was ical motives that dictated the preaching activity of Leo were men-
about to cry like the people present at the saint's death becauseof tioned earlier. It is possible that Leo sometimes preached in the
his desire to enjoy the same benefits that they had enjoyed at the place of his brother, the Patriarch Stephen, thus exercising the
time (3zr.z3-7). same sort of control over the church as he did with the legislation
he issuedon ecclesiasticaldiscipline and administration in response
to Stephen's request.This situation could partly account for the
eo BHG r7g4; E. Kurtz (ed.), Memoires de I'Acadimie Impiiale des Sciencesde St'
lack of evidence for a preaching activity on the part of Stephen.
Pitersbourg,Be s6rie, 3.2 (rB9B), r-24, esp. zz.r4; Beck (tgSg), S6+.
e' See A. Alexakis, 'Leo VI, Theophano, amagistros called Slokakas, andthe Vita The case of Choirosphaktes is more obscure. It is probably ex-
'Theophano plained by certain social developmentswhich will be discussedat
(BHG r7g4)', B2<antinischeForschungen2t (= SotqOorrt. Exay in Honour of C.
Mango) (1995),45-56, who also suggested that the author could be identified with a cer-
tain magister Slokakas mentioned in the anonymots Scholiato codex D of Lucian.
e'? BHG2I53;C.vandeVorst,Anal.ectaBollandiana4rlg4),zBB-325;Beck(r959),564.
e3 Van de Vorst s4 See Antonopoulou rtggT).4r.
$gzg), zg4.
3++ THEODORA ANTONOPOULOU HOMTLETTC ACTTVTTY rN CONSTANTTNOPLE AROUND 9OO 345

the end of this chapter. Furthermore, it is noteworthy that the main the rhetorical treatment of old, well-known storiestotally prevailed
preachersof the time formed a circle around LeoVI. Nicholas had in homiletics.Within this developmentLeo marks the passageto the
been a fellow-student of Leo and his private secretary; Euthymios purely rhetorical encomia. His homilies with their rhetorical, per-
was Leo's spiritual father; Arethas was a court orator; Nicetas was sonal and abstract treatment of the subject are chronologically the
a student of Arethas; and Choirosphakteswas one of Leo's main first to display so consistentlythe preferencesof a new generation
diplomats. All of them took part in the controversy over the of preachers.Ofcourse, there were exceptionsto this development,
Tetragamy either for or against the emperor, as was also the case the most prominent being the exegetical sermons of the Anony-
with the Anon)'mous of the Theognosia. Peter was even pressurized mous of theTheognosia.
by Nicholas to become one of his bishops. Finally, two points that are indicative of the attitudes of the time
Second, as regards the survival of the homilies in question, one towards preaching should not go unnoticed. The first concerns the
may observethe following: four authors (Leo, Arethas, Nicetas, and controversy among various authors over miracles. As mentioned
the Anonymous of the Theognosia) owe the survival of their homilies above,Choirosphakteswas accusedby Arethas of rationalizing the
first and foremost to specialcollections of their works. At least one Lives of saints by doubting the improbable elements that they con-
of them (Leo) took care himself that such a collection was formed. tained. The metropolitan certainly aimed at discrediting his enemy;
Some of the homilies of Leo and Nicetas also found their way into his accusation,however,should be taken seriously.In fact, one can
the liturgical collections. The few surviving homilies of Euthymios compare Choirosphaktes'sallegedattitude with that of Leo VI, the
and the single homily of Nicholas are contained only in liturgical other main secular preacher, who largely omitted the miracles
collections.Furthermore, we know of a number of homilies only found in his sources.On the other hand, the opposite side found its
indirectly: this is the case with those of Peter before he became expressionin the criticism which Nicetas exercisedagainst those
bishop of Argos, all the homilies of Choirosphaktes,and some of who did not accept the truth of the relevant stories.
Euthymios; and we can assumethat Arethas and Nicholas probably The second point concerns the role of preaching in society as
delivered other homilies as well, which for one reason or the other mirrored in the activity of the secular homilists. The fact that an
have not come down to us. emperor chose to address his people in homilies indicates that this
Third, as far as the circumstances of the delivery of the homilies constituted effective means of large-scale spiritual guidance and
are concerned, I have tried to trace any information provided by political propaganda. Moreover, the case of Choirosphaktes, who
the texts with regard to the place and time of their delivery the preached his controversial ideas in a church, suggeststhat people
attitude of the preachers towards their congregation and vice versa, took an interest in religious debates,for which the Christian church
as well as the attitude of the various preachers towards rhetoric. constituted a convenient forum. This situation probably reflects the
Furthermore, I have briefly pointed out any special features of the developments in public life in the Byzantine Middle Ages when
authors, their interestsand considerations,and how theseelements public activity centred on the church.9b
come to the fore in their contact with their audience.The presenta- This account of Constantinopolitan homiletic activity around
tion of the trends in the rhetorical treatment of a subject by the goo has aimed at sheddinglight on a period in Byzantine homiletics
various preachers over the centuries is certainly an important as- which has so far been neglected, and at the same time, at paving
pect of middle Byzantine homiletic production. However, I have the way for future work on the subject.
dealt with it elsewhereand it will therefore not concern us here.e5
It is simply worth mentioning that from the end of the ninth cen-
tury exegesisgave place to more or lessabstract narrations, while

e5 See Antonopoulou (rg97), esp. the recapitulation at 257-60. eo Fo. more details see Antonopoulou (1977), 43-4, ro5ro.
 THEODORA ANTONOPOIILOII H O M T L E T TA
CC T T V T T Y
r N C O N S T A N T I N O P LAER O U N D9 O O 3 + 7
3+6

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t77-95. r:27 8z
I Kings
Wilson, N.G., Scholarsof Bltzantium(London, r9B3). ++i2 z6z
t6:7 r58
Winkelmann, E, 'Hat Niketas David Paphlagon ein umfassendes Ge- 4412.-A r92
schichtswerk verf,asst?',Jahrbuchder)sterreichischen Bltaantinisti*g7 0gB:'), Ezra Daniel
8z 2i34 z6z
r37-52.
44i2 z6z 2:44 z6z
Job 3:49-50 z6z
t4t4-5
350 BIBLICAL INDEX BIBLICAL INDEX 35r

Nahurn Zec]nariaJn ffohn, cont.) II Corinthians

I:I5 I9I + fi4 17'.3 r69 3ir2-r4 285
4t-6 r92 2Oi17 r69 Galatians
+:r4 r65 Acts 2iro
IO 65 Ephesians
New Tistamml ro:37-38 \64 2i20 zGz
r5:7 2T
Matthew 17:1632 22 Philippians
r.r8-z;23 258 r4i9 2l
2ot24 2I 2t5-9 r65
z:rB oRq r5:50 30+ z6:r8 2+r o'a I9I

3ir2 B5 r6:15-r6 2I
Rornans Colossians
3:17 2r3 r6:r6 2
6:14 285 2.9 253
+- -J 2l
Luke r63
239 9 I Thessalonians
5i29 I:3I zBr fi+
8;23-7 174 9:rB-g I:5 2l
I9I
"J- r2:5 ro2
9:35 r:35 I9I I Tirnothy
rt'.t2 r97 r+ir-2 67
o 258 5'-24
e:46 67 t74 I Corinthians
7:r-ro flebrews
r4 279 r74,r75 t-e 67
7'.9 rr:3r r59
r4:22-3 r7+ 282 z:6 67
738
r+i3r r7+ B'-24 'tJ t.5) BI
r+i33 Lt3
g:e8 257 9:r6 2I
r5:zr-8 fi4 g:zB-36 257 r5:28 238
rTtr 257 rz:r8 93
rTir-g 257 r4i33 Bo
17i+ 229,278 r6:9 IOI
r8:e3 9+ r6:r9 95
18:.zg-35 r6o r6.r9ff 96, 98
18:27 r6o r9,.23 r6o
zr:t8-zz:r4 257 2Oir7 z6z
2ri23-7 r68 24i47 2I
24:r4 2l
25:I4-3o r6o,z3g John
25i27 r6o 5:39 r65
6:28-9 r55
25:3r 95, ro2
z5:3rff 7ir5-52 r63
97
25i4r r r:r-53 285
76,85
z6:56 II:II 2r+
304
z7:62-6 257 II:2I 213
z8:r8-zo 2I rt:it-z 2r3
rri23 2r+
Mark rri2+ 2r+
rir4 ol
I I:25 2r+
J't I9I
rr:26 214
9i2 257 rri27 214
r2i+2 97 rr:35 279
r3:ro 2I
rz:6 IOI
 INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS 353
Evagrius Scholasticus zo4 John Kameniates 324
John of Sardis 3r4
INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS Fulgentius of Ruspe z6 Josephus 5z
Julian the Apostate z5z
Gaudentius of Brescia z6 JustinMartyr 33,35-6,6r-2,3o9
Abramius of Ephesus 2o3,207-8, Augustine,Bishop of Hippo 12,24, George of Clprus 247
z6, go, ror-2, t5o George of Nicomedia 5,7-ro, 12) Kosmasthe Melodist 259
Alexander of Cyprus 6, zo6, r4-r5, rB,2g5
21t-t2, 223 Basil, Bishop of Caesarea r8, e5, Germanos, Patriarch of Leo VI, Emperor(theWise) 5-6,9,
Ambrose of Milan 26, 3r Constantinople 247, 276-8, z8z, -24, 327,329-30,337-8,
r r-12,317
9r-6, 98, io2, 232, 2j7, 3o5, 328
Anastasios,the monk z3r Basil, Bishop of Seleucia 276 312 34r,3+3-6
Anastasios,quaestor 5, Zr8,34r, Bion of Borysthenes r4o Gregory of Agrigentum 334 Leo I, Pope z6
g+3,346 Gregory of Antioch 4, zo5, zo8-9, Leo Choirosphaktes5, 3rB,339-4r,
Anastasius I, Patriarch of Antioch Caesarius of Arles z6 2iZ,2i6, zt8, zzz-g 3$-6
+, 2o4, 207-9,zr4, 2t6, 222-3.229 Cappadocians 7-8, ro-r2, 8g-go, GregoryNazianzen 25,9r-3, Leo the Grammarian 298
Anastasiosof Sinai B, g, 16, r8-2o, g 9 - r o r . t o 7 , 2 3 2 ,z g 6 , 2 5 2 3 , z 6 z , Leontiusof Arabissus 2o3,229
92,99, ro2-3
227-+3,27o Clement of Alexandria r53/ 4, 2Zr, 276,32r,Zgz Leontius,Presbyterof
Andrew of Crete 4-6. 8-ro, rr / rz, Gregory of Nyssa 6, t4,25,27, Constantinople5, B, ro-rr, 18,
%6
r4-t5,256, 267-9r,3r2 Clement, Bishop of Rome 37, 90-r03, r95 20, 202-3,ZOg,Ztt / 16, 2t8, 22O,
Anonl,rnous Gregory, Pope (the Great) z6 221-3
44-5,58, 146
Author of, Constantine, chartophllax 5, zog, Libanius gr, ro7, r3r, 2o5
Acta Petri 58 2o8,223 Hermagoras r47 Lucian 5r
Apocryphal Acts 78 Cromacius of Aquileia e6 Hermas 5-7, ro, t3, g3-46,57-8,
Apostolic Tiadition 59 Cyri-l of Alexandria r8r 6o-z Macarius the Great z5g
Biography of Symeon Srylites Cyril of Scythopolis zr7 Hermogenes t45, r48, 3t4 Martyrius, biographer ro7
217 Hesiod 326 Maximos, Confessor 20, 254-5,25g
Constitutionesapostolorum rc6 Damian, Patriarch of Alexandria Hesychius ofJerusalem z5 Maximus of Turin z6
ContraludaeosandTltcognosia zt,t, 205 Hilary of Poitiers e5 Maximus of Tyre I3g
gt8, gg6-9,344-6 Dionysiusbar Salibi zr6 Hippolytus of Rome 6-7, rg,25, Melito of Sardis 25, 9r
Eut|rymiacHistory 265 Dionysius of Halicarnassus 5r, 56 33,35, 42-62, r5r Menander, rhetorician r46
ProtoeuangeliumofJames 325, 327 Doxapatres 3r4 Homer 6o Methodius of Olympus z3z
ReligiousConuersationat the Sassanid Horace 94,96 Michael Synkellos 33r
Court z5z Egeria ro7, r9r
The Tistamentsof the Twelue Ephrem the Syrian 25,2o4 Irenaeus 57 Nestorius, Patriarch of
Patiarclx 77 Epictetus roz Constantinople rBo-2, r89, rg3,
Layman on Theophano 5,3r8, Eulogius, Patriarch of Alexandria Jerome 65 r95
34r-9,946 206 John of Antioch r8r Nicetas David the Paphlagonian 5,
Monk on St Evaristos ZtB) 342, Eunapius the sophist 9r John Chrysostom 4-r3, 15, tB,20. 3r8, gz7,33o-6,g4g-6
3+6 Eusebiusof Caesarea 57-g,65,67, 24, 26, 74-7,89-9r, ro3, r05-36, Nicholas I, Patriarch of
Professor3r8 8o-t, ro7, z5z r 5 o , 1 5 2 - 4 r, 7 9 , r B r - 3 ,r 8 5 . r 8 7 , Constantinople (Mystikos) 4,
Anthony of Eglpt zr7,236 Euthy.rnios, Patriarch of r95-6, r98, 216,2+9,z5z,256, Zr7, Z2Z-4,2283c, 332, 337,34o,
Aphthonius,rhetorician 3r4 Constantinople 3r7, 224-30, 337, z5B,3oz, 3o9, 314-5, 328, 3Zg 3*3-+,3+7
Arethasof Caesarea gr8,3z7-3o, 3+3-4,346 John Climacus 33e Nikodimos the Agiorite e59
333,335,339,3+3-6 Euthy'rnioslrotasecretis gt' John of Damascus 5-6, 8-9, rr-rz,
Aristotle 52,r44,r+6,235 Euthlrnios Zygabenos g26, 337 t5-r6, 2o, 25, go, 247-65,277, Origen of Caesarea 3, 5, 7-r5, r8,
Athanasius,Patriarchof Alexandria Eutychius, Patriarch of z8z, zBB, grt-rz 24,26, gg, 47, 54,65-74, j$-g,
25,233 Constantinople zoz-g, zz3 John of Euboia z7o B r - 6 ,9 o , r o r , 2 r o , 2 7 8 ,g 4 S
35+ INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS

Palladius,biographer ro7 Severus,Patriarch of Antioch 4,

Pamphilusof Caesarea 84 6-7,to-tt, 15,r8, 20, 25,2o2,2o+,
Paul,Apostle 22,2+,67,Br, 163, 2o7-r2,zr4,zt6-23,234 INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS
165,237,285 SocratesScholasticus go, ro7,r23,
Paul the Persian zo6, zz3 t7g-Br,z5z
PeterofArgos 3r7,318,34o,343-4, SozomenScholasticus rc7, n3, r2S Akakios,hieromonk 3zr, 346 Bla-ke,R., 267
3+7 Stephen,Bishopof Hierapolis zo6, Alexakis,4., 242,347 Blanc,C., 136
PeterChrysologus z6 2O9,224 Alexander,M., 98 Bobertz,C.A., 59
Peter,PatriarchofJerusalem eo5, Slrneon Metaphrastes ZZ2,334 Alexander,PJ., 95, 3og-ro Bonnet,M., 346
209 SymeonStylitesthe Younger 6, rr, Alexiou,M., 284,3o5,316 Borgen,P, r5o
Philo r5o 2O2r2O4)2O8r2r}-r2, Zt4-5, Zt8, Allacci, L. 335,2+6 Borst,J., 69,7o,87
Philostorgius e5z 224 Allen,P, 6, zB,93,106,ro9, r12, Bouyer,L., z7Z
Philostratus gI, 93, Ioo 2 o r r2 0 3 - 7 , 2 r o - r2r r) 4 )2 t 6 ,z 2 t , Bowman,4., 3rz
Photios, Patriarch of Teles, C1.nic r4o 223,225,27r, 276,28r,3r3, 944 Boyanc6,P, r4o
Constantinopl, 4,7, 12,14)17, Tertullian 37 57 Ameringer,T,E., rr2 Bradshaw,P, ro6
2 o + , 2 g 5 - g , 3 o3ro, 6 ,3 r r - r 2 3
, r5, Theodore Abu-Qprra z5r Anderson,WC., r4o, 146 Bratke,E., z5z
gzz-9,326 Theodore, Metropolitan of Nicaea Anrich, G., 268 Brent,A., 34, 47,54-6,63
Plato 3r, 5r,97-8,ro2, g3S 3+o Antonopoulou,T, 6, u5,3r8, gz7, Bridre,M., zz3-4
Pliny 59 Theodore of Mopsuestia r8r Brightman, EE., 16
34+-6,348
Plutarch of Chaironeia r3g Theodore the Studite 252,922 ArtanzrM., 274 Browning,R., 14
Proclusof Constantinople 4, 6, Theodoret, Bishop of Cprhus ro7, Ash,J.L., 4e Brox, N,, 63
8-ro, I4, 16,tB, 20, 25,r79-9g, 252 Aubineau,M., rog, rr2, r27,r7S, Brubaker,L., 316
2O7,2ro,2r+, 276,3Og Theodosius. Patriarch of 205 Bryer,A.A.M.,269
ps-Chrysostom rBz Alexandria 205-7, 2og-ro, 2r2, Auf der Maur, HJ., 7r Bultmann,R., r4z-3,t4B, r5o,rS7,
ps-Demetrius r45 2r4 Aune, D.E., 3g-4o t76
ps-Denysthe Areopagite zro,236, Theodotus of Ancy'ra r8z AwEpy,M.E, e4B-9,266-9,277-8, Burns,M.A., rr2
288,326,232,326 Theon, rhetorician- r44 284,zgz Butterworth, R., r+2) r5r, rS7,qG
ps-Epiphanius r96 Theophanes, chronographer
ps-Hermogenes r46 248-5o,266 Baasland,E., r+6 Cahill, B., 9o
ps-Hippolytus 47,55-g Theophanes Continuatus 298 Baehrens,WA., 87 Callahan,J.E, 98
ps-Isocrates 5r Theotecnus of Livias 2o5,2o7,224 Cameron,AIan, Io8, II7
BakkeqL., Jr
ps-Menander 333 Timothy, Presbyter of Balfour,D., 288 Cameron,Averil, 3, 2+5,248,267,
ps-Clement 54 Jerusalem,/Antioch ro, 2o5, 2ro, Bardenhewer,O., zo3 285,2gS,Zrr-r2
zt3, zt6, zz4 Barkhuizen,J.H., r25, r88, zt4, Canart, P., 244
Qpintilian 5r Timothy f\{ Patriarch of 276,3o9 Canisius,H., z3o,243
Alexandria zo5 Barnard,L.W, 34 Canning,R., 93, zr6
Romanosthe Melode zoz, zo7,uG
Barth, K., 295 Capelle,8., zo5,zz5
RufinusofAquileia 65 V Vettius Valens 98 Bauer,EX., 179-8r,.r83, r86, r9r- Caro,R., r8o
Seneca rg9 3, I95, r98 CarpenteqHJ., 75
ZenobfVerona zG BauqC., rro Casel,O., r72
Severianof Gabala 5, 8, rr, 13,
Beck,H.-G., ro4,2o2,zo5-6,244, Cavallo,G., 267
roJ, rjp, rJr:Jl
268,3r7,gzg-4,gz6-7,ZZr,337, CawtpJ., 204,225
339-+2 Chadwick,H., go, 98
Berger,K., r4o, r42, r+7,I5o, r54, Chevalier,C., 17,274,292,3og-+
176 Christou,K., 289,e9z
Bernardi,J., 12,go, ro+1r27 Chrysos,8., 244
Bingham,J., 27, rfi, rr4, rr7 Clanchy,M., 14
356 INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS 357
Clark,E.A., eI6 Dorries,H. and H., zg5 Haase,W, r+o, 146,ry6 Karlin-Hayte4 P, 323-4,3Zo,346
Colpe,C., zB Downey,G., t7 Hagedorn, D., r45 Katherine, Sister, 289
Combefis,E, zz9-3o,z4g-4,284, DumortieqJ., nz, 196 Hahnemann, G.M., 36 Kecskem6ti,J., t52, 164,q5-6, zo5
287 Duval, R., zz4 Haidacher,S., zo4 Keil, V, 2o3,223
Compernass,J., 328,346 Duval, YM., 65 Hainthaler,T., zo4 Kelly,J.N.D., go, ro7,rro, r19,
Conrad, L., 245 Dvornik, E, 296,316 Halbauer,O., rgg, r47, 176 tz6, rz8, rZ+,rZ7
Constas,N.P., I8g Dyobouniotes,K., gZ3,246 Haldon,J., 245,267,277 Kennedy,G.4., 275,gt4, gri
Corrigan,K., 286,295,3o9-II Halkin, E, 3r7-8,332-4,936,347-8 Kiefer, K., 316
Courtonne,Y, ro3 Ebied, R.Y, zo5 Hall, S.G., 3ro Klages,L., r4t
Cross,L., gg, z16 Ehrhard,A., 3, e68, 2go,Zr7,Zrg, Hamesse,J.,z Klostermann,E., 87
Crouzel,H., 66, 69 326,g3r-z Hammerstaedt,J., zB Koch, H., ror
Crum, WE., zo5 Engels,LJ., 7 Hansen,G.C., 179-8r Kolias, G.T., 339-4t,346
Cuming, GJ., 6I Esler,P.E, 6z Hansmann,K., ZZ7,346,348 Konstantinidis,I., 3zg, 348
Cunningham,M.B., 2,4, rB5-7, Eustratiades,5., 267,zgz Hardt, I., z3o Kotter, 8., 247,249-5r,259,258,
rgo-9,rgg, 2or,2oZ,zo5-6,zz5, Hermand, X., z 26s
256,267-7r, 277,z8o, 284,287, Fabricius,C., ro4 Herrin,J., 267,z69 Kougeas,5., 327,348
292,3ro,3r2 Fabricius,J.A., z3o Hill, D., 3g Krauss,S., 285
Curcic,5., z7t Fedwick,PJ., 93, ro4 Hill, P, z16 Krautheimer,R., rz7
Rstugidre,A.-J., u7 Hohn, H.;f., zo4 Krumbacher,K., 268, 317-8,347
Dagron,G., n7,24+,277,z86,316 Finley,M.I., 59 Hdrandner,W, r49, r5+, 176 Kugener,M.4., zz4
Daiches,D., 14 Flacelidre,R., 136 Hoftnann, H., 7 Kurtz, E., 342,346
Daley,B.E., zo3 Fletcher,R.A., zo4 Holl, K., 9z Kustas,G.L., 146,49, z96
Dani€lou,J., r36 Flusin, B., 245 Holum, K.G., I8o Kydd, R.A., 6r
Darrouzds,J., zg7,gz4, 948 Foss,C., ro8 Hostens,M., 327-9,248 Kyriakopoulos,K.T,, 34o-r, 347
Datema,C., zo3, 2rr, 2r4, 22r, 22g, Fritz, G., r79-8r Hunt, A.S., 54
225,3r3 Husson,P, 87 Ladne4 G.B., 285
de Aldama,J.A., 4, t9z-g Gadamer,H.-G., - r4r La Piana,G., rg2
de Andia, Y, 288 Gager,J., 74 Janeras, S., r83,r98,3o5,316 Laga,C., z5g
de Boor,C., z4g,266 Galland,4., zzg Janin, R., zg9 Lampe, G.WH., z4g
de Gregorio,G., 267 Gallay,P, ro4 Jay,P, 65 Lampe,P, 35,45-6,57-8,63
de Lange,N.R.M., 7o Garsoian,N.G., 277 Jeffers,J.L., 34, 27,4Z-5,6Z Laourdas,8., 296-9,3or-2,3o6,
de Lubac,H., 84 Geerard,M., 268 Jeffreys,E.M., 2or, 2o3,2c,6,225, 312-3,3r5
de Mendieta,A., rB5-7 r9o, rgz Ghellinck,R.P, 69 27r,28r,3r4 LashrC., zz4
Dehn, R., 335,246 Gillespie,T,W., 38 Jeffreys,M., 3r4 Lassus,J., ro8
Dekkers,E., rrr Godin,A., 86 Jenkins,C., 68 Latyshev,Y., 33r-6, 347
Delehaye,H., e68 Goodall,B., rrz Jenkins,RJ.H., g2g-4,ggr, Z47-8 Le Boulluec,4., 74
D6roche,Y., 245,286 Graffin, F., zz3-4 Jewett,R., 4r I-e Coz,R., 248-9,25r,265
Detorakis,T,, 2oo, 267,zgz,3o5 Grenfell,B.P., 54 Jolivet-L€vy,C., 245 Leclercq,J., 86
Deubner,L., 278 Gretser,J., 225,244 Joly,R., 63 Lemerle,P, z96,3z7
Di Berardino,A., zo3-6 Griffith, S.H., 3ro Jrgt , M., rr8, eo3,222,27o,274, kndle, O., 89
Dibelius,M., 63 Grillett,8., 136 277-8,282,288,zgz, 324-7,346 I-non,HJ., 34,62
Diekamp, F., zo6, zz4 Grillmeier,A., r8o, 2o4,2og,225 Jungmann,J., rr8 kroy*E-J., r8o-2,184-5,r9o, r93,
Dirjak,J., z6 Groh, D.E., 4r Junod,E., r,8o, 87 rd8-9
Dmitrievskij,A., 274 Grumel,V, r8r Lewis,8., 248
Dolbeau,E, z6 Guidi, I., zz4 KacztTnski,
R., ryo Liebeschuetz,J.H.\AfG., gg, rro,
Donfried,K.P, 146,r5o Guillou,4., zz7-9,244-5 Kalogeras,N., 326,346 r17
Donne,J., e6z Guinot,J.N., r36 Kaplan, M., z4S Lim, R., rrz
 INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS 3s9
INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS
358 Sinkewicz,R.E., 325,348
Rauer,M., 87
Morris, R., 2, r85,267,299,316 Sinko,T., t4o
Livingstone,E.A., 54, Io9-Io' Ir2' Regtuit,R.E, 28, r42 ,t5r, r57,
Moss,C., 316 Smith, R., 38
r{8, ry6-7,rg9, 268, 273,292,3r4 t66, r7z, q6-7
Mouriki, D., z7r Sodini,J.P., 245
Loenertz,R., 33r,348 Reiling,J. 39
Mtihlenberg,8., t, 28, 87, t87, t94 Solignac,A., I79, I8I, 33r
LongJ., I17 Reinink,GJ., 285,295
Miiller, U.B., 38 Spira,A., 90, ro4
Longire,J., t99 Revel-NehecE., 3ro
Mullett, M., 14 Stahlin, O., z3r
loofs, E, 189 Rice,C.L., 295
Munitiz,J.A., 244,253 Richard, M., 235,245
Starr,J., 284,286
Lounibos,J., 38
Stehouwer,A.P., t75
Louth, A-, 5, zt5-6, 249,25r,253, Richter, G., z49,266
Nau, E, 242,244-5 Stephanides,8., ggz,348
266,273-4,277,288-9,3r3 Riddle, D.W., 43 A', 4' 54
Nautin, P., 47,5o-4,63,65-7,7o, Riedinger,R', zz3
Stewart-SYkes,
Lumpe, A., r79
87 Stiernon,D., eo3
Rizzo,JJ., 33+,3+7
Newman,J.H., 29,90 Stillwell,R., ro8
Maas,M., zo6 Rondeau,M'-J', 50, 52' 54,03
Neymeyr, U., 58 Stock,8., 14
MacMullen, R', 2, 12,14,rr2-r+, Roschini,G.M., 288
Niewohner,F., 248 Stowers,S.K., 6r, r39-4o,r+7,t5o,
r2r, r2+,I37,I87-8,r96 Rouech6,C., 248
Nikodimos the Agiorite 259 P., 2,12r93, 95, Io4' Ir3 t77
Maguire,H., 316 Rousseau,
Nissen,T., z7o,zgz Stuiber,A., r7o
Mai, A., 2o5,22+,243-+ Rudberg,S.Y, r83, r88^
Norden, E-, to4, r45, r5r, 176 Ruether.R.R., Io4, z7b
Maier,H.O., 34,36
Noret,J., zr6 Taft, R., r7, zor
MalingreY,A.-M., rg6, t5z Russell,D.A., 275
Talbot, A'-M', z7r
Mango,C., I9, r27,267,296,3o7,
O'Cleirig, P, 87 Teilhard de Chardin, P', zgz
3r5 Sachot,M., I, 28,r+5' r5r' r77'
Olivar,4., ,, tt, III, rrTrr35,I8z- Temporini, H., r4o, 46, q6
Maniaci, M., 267 rBz, r87, tg&,225,229' 245
Manis, A', 3ro 3, 185-6,2o2,204'5,2o7,2r2, Sahas,DJ., z4B
Tevel,J.M., 28,ry6
zt8-zo, zz5 Thecla, Sister, 289
Mansi,J.D., t9o,247 Said,S., 267
Marr, N., zz3 Oltramare,A', I53 Sa"kkos, S.N., zo4, 223>229,245 Theissen,G., ++
Osiek,C., 43'6,63 Thomas,J.P, 235
Marrou, H.-I., 147-8 Salaville,S., zo6
Ousterhout,R., 316 Thorlby' K., 14
Marti, H., 65 Salzmann,J.C., 47
Throm, H,, t47-8
Martin,J., 146,r7z,qB M', 269, Santer,M., 189,r97
Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Thummel, G., lg4
Marx,8., r8z, r85, r94, I99 Scha&in,M'A., 136,146,t5z
292,347 Thyen, H., 40, r42, r5o-r, r77
Mason,AJ., to3 Schaublin,G., r87,zt5
Mateos,J., 274 Parkes,M., 14 Schenkeveld,D.M-, t43, t77
Toniolo, E.M., a47
Paulsen,H., 4I Torjesen,KJ, 7o,87
Mathews,T.E, ro8, vB-g) 2or Schmeller,Tl, r39-4o' r+2, r47,
Matter, E.A., z6o Pelikan,J., to3-4 r5r, r57,r77 Tovar Paz,EX., e8
Matthaei, F.C., 244 Pennachini,P.C., zo6 Treadgold,W., 296, 316
Schoors,A., 2o3, 337,348
Peri,V, 65, 68 Triffaux,E., zz4
Maurists z6 Schtitz,W, 69, 87
Mayer,W., 6, r2-r2,28)9r, ro5-6, Perler,O., 3ro Schwartz,E', r8o, r88, I95 Tsironis,N., 277,zg6,3t4
ro9-ro, rr+, r2r, 127-8,r3+, r37' Perrone,L., 78 Sevcenko,1., z69, 2'7r,293,3o7' Turneq D., 3oo
r9r, 3O9 Petit,P, rr3
Pi6dagnel,A', 136 3r6 IJsener,H., r4o
McGuckin,J'A., 65 Sevcenko,N-, 268
Pinio, P., 342 Ua#."t\ K.lH., 7, 8,t{,28,6t,
McKitterick, R., I4 Sgherri,G., 7o
Meredith,A., rr, ro4 Prinzivalli, E., 87 ro7,r+g-5r,r53,166-7,169,q6-7,
Sharf,A., 284,286
M€ridier, L., ro4 2o3,228,233,2+3-+'27o
Sheather,M-, 92
Mohler.J.A., e9 Qpasten,J., fi6,276 Sherry L., tt7
Mommsenr'L, 92 Vailh6, S., 267,zig,274,277,284,
Sideras,A.' 34o
Monaci Castagno,A-, 5, 7, 65-7, Rabe,H., 3t4 293
Sieger,E, t5o
Rahn, H., r4o Van de Kapelle, R.P, 38
77-8,87,2ro Simon, M', 285,3o9
Mon&ain, M'-J., 3oz, 3t4 Rahner,K., 83 Simonetti,M., 55
Morin, G., z6 Rapp,C., 27r' 275
360 INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS

van de Paverd,E, t3, to8, IIo-It, Warre,J.H., e68

r 1 3 r, t 8 ,t 2 r r t 3 7 Weaver,PR.C., 59
Van de Vorst,C., 342-3,346 Weber,M., Z7
SUBJECTINDEX
Van denVen,P, 2o5,2r4,224 Wendland,P, r43, r4g-5o,r7r, r77
Van Deun, P., 2o3,2c6,222,237, Wenger, A., ro9, r36,zo5,2o7,224
348 Westerink,L.G., e6g, 297,3r5, audience tz-5
Acacian schism I53
van Esbroeck,M., zo7 32o,323-+,327-8,ggo-9,339, Acacius, Bishop of Berroia (born c. aristocrats, archons 44-5, 57-8,
Van Heck,A., 96-8 3+6-8
340) r53 92, r24) r96-7, zg9-3or
van Hoofl G., 34t,946 White-Stratoudaki,D.S., zg7,316 artisans t4,72, 196,zzo
Agnoetic debate eo6, zo9
Van Ommeslaeghe,E, rc7 Whittow,M., 316 ascetics r16
Aigiai zt8
van Oort,J., r, zB,87,t87,tg4 Wickham, L.R., zo5, 253
beggars r4, rz4
Akathistos Hi.'rnn e59-6o, 262-3
Van Roey,A., zo5 Wilde,R., zB5 behaviour of 18, ro3, r15, r2o-r,
Alexander, Emperor (9rz-r3) 33o,
Van Rompay,L., z5g Wiles,M., rB9,r97 t32,219,23O,24r
Vanstiphout,H.LJ., zB5,zg5 Wilken,R.L., 13,rr2-3,rr7, r2r, 339
Alexandria65,7o,zo5,zz7 bishops 33o
Vogt, A., 332-5,247 n6, r37,285,3o9
all-night vigils (see vigils, all night) bodyguards and courtiers tzo,
Voicu,SJ., 4,28, r5t, r77 Wilson,J.C., 38
allegorical(sarinterpretation) 299
von Wilamowitz-Moellendor$ U., Wilson,N.G., 275,916,327,348
angels 9, 39,76,78-9,r92,2o8, business-men 14,44-5,72, 2gg
r+o Winkelmann,E, 33r,348
2ror2r7r263 catechumens 13, 17,66,7r, rg7
Voulet,P., z5o,266 Woolf,G., 3rz
anon).rnouspreachers 4-5, 27,53, children 7r, rt6, e4, 196
396-9,345 clergy rz4,3rg
Wagner,M., 65 Young,S., 36
Antioch rg, ro6-7,rog, r r r-4, r 16-7, continuity zzr
Waldram,J., 7r
r2r)r23,r3o-r,134-6,r8o,eo4-5, conversation in church t33,23o,
Wallach,B.P, 146-7 Zahn,T., 43-4
zr8, 3o9 33s
Wangnereck,S., 335,346
Antiochus,Bishopof Ptolemais(t converts fromJudaism 7o
before4o8) r53 converts from paganism 7o
applause I8, I3e dignitaries 3r9
apocrypha 1c.,78, 26r, z9z,gr3, Ebionites 7o, 74
327 ecclesiasticalvisitors rrg
apostles 6, 2r-2,67-8,tz7, 2rr, 269, education of r4-5, 97) to2-2, rro,
33r,333-5 r24, r1r, 185-6,256, 2jo,3oo,
Arab invasions 248, 267,323-4,34o 334
Arabic 248,z5r emperors,empressesr+, rr9-2o,
Arcadius,Emperor (:gS-+oB) rog tz4, tg7, zg8
archbishops5,327 freedmen 44-5
archaeology ro7-8 Gentiles r3, 34
architecture rc7, tr4-5, e6, rz9, Goths r5, r2o,r2S
zo6 grumblingof rB, r3z
Argos 34o-r heretics rz5
Arians rz7,298 immigrants 58-9
Armenia r8r Jews r3-4,r25,rg3-5
astrology 76 Judaizers 75
A t h e n s 8 9 , 9 r , 9 9 ,r o z labourers 14
Atticus, Patriarchof Constantinople laity 16,n6, t97,2r5,24r,27r,
@o5/6-zj r7g z8g,zgt,29g-3or, 3e5-6,33o
audibility 15,trs, rg2 laughter rB,r3z-3,336
'men from the country' r t r, r I B
 SUBJECT INDEX SUBJECT INDEX g6g
362

m o n k s 1 5 ,1 7 ,r 2 4 , 2 O 3 , 2 r 5 , 2 2 O , Caesarea,Asia Minor Bg,3z7 monasticibundations 15,2r5, buvaprE (the persuasive effect of

254' 325-q 339-4 Caesarea,Palestine 65-6, 86 zt8-9, z5r oratory) 4B-9, 5r
mothers I96 c a n o n o l s c r i p l u r e 2 2 . 4 1 .5 r - 2 .6 o palace 3zo
newly baptized r9o Cappadocia 89-ro3, 2og, 227 Palace of Magnaura 3rg (seehomily fgenre] and
3yxtbtrr,rov
non-Greek speakers 15,92, IIg, Cappadocian language 9z private foundations 16, 235 rhetorical forms)
r25 catechumens 7 sanctuary of the Vrgin 325 editing of homilies
old and young 15,17,r23,27r catenae of Psalms 47 Constantinople II, t7, 90-I, I02, by later editors 27, 235, z68,3gr
pagans r25j r3o,2r5 Chalcis zr8-9 ro7, ro9, 14, tr6-7, r2o, r23, by the preacher I8, 99, t58,
peasants I5 chartoplgtlax5, zg7 rg4-6, r5z, r7g, r9t-2, r89, r95-6, rgB-9,32o
pickpockets go, I03, I33 children 95, roo, rBB zoz-3, 267,27O,27+,297,3rJ, emotion 7,69, r44, 16o,234,3t4,
poor 45-6, tr6, rz3, I6o, t96, zzt christology, christolo gical 323, 327,339-40, 343 342
priests 33o controversies 2+,28, rr9, r&o, Corinth 94,44 Ephesus r34, r52,2oz
proximity to church lI6 tg4, zo6, 2oB-9,253 Councils, church episcopacy 35,56,62
reasonsfor attending I16 churches ro8, re6 Nicaea (3e5) 3o6, 3I I (Questions and Answers)
erotapokriseis
senators I97 Antioch: Constantinople (3BI) 6, 9o t6, rg, zg5-42
shepherds r97 Great or Golden Church rIo, Synod of the Oak (4o3) r5z Eucharist (Divine Liturgy) 5, 16,
shop-keepers 7z e6, zt9 Ephesus(43r) IBo 66, r33, 2oZ,242, 272,274, 3o5,
s i z eo f t 3 2 , 2 2 o , 2 2 5 New Church zr8 Chalcedon(45r) Io, 215 32+
slaves t4, {J,58, rt6, rz4 Old Church e6, r34 Constantinople II (553) 234 Eudoxia, Empress (t 46o) tzo, I53
social composition n, t4,33, St Babylas ro8, 126 Constantinople III (69o-r) 234 Euphratesia zo6
r2r, r24r 3OO St Michael zr8 Hieria (754) 247,249 Eutropius, Consul (t after 399) r3o
soldiers r4, tz4 Constantinople: Synod of Constantinople (867) exegesis(seealsointerpretation) ro,
Syriac speakers 15,125 Anastasis 9o 298-9 28,55-7,6o-r,7o,r5B-9,163,r9z,
tradesmen r4, tz4 Chalkoprateia 325 Synod of ConstantinoPle (9o7) zt5-6, z3g, 24i, 254, 27o, 344
virgins, monastic women I24, Hagia Sophia or Great Church 339 exemplaro, rB, 75, 98, roz, r24,260,
rz6, r96,zr5 16-7,rz7-8,r52, r7g-Br,rg5, Crete 267-7o,274,28+
wealthy 7t,93, 116,196,zr5, 274,297-8,3t2, 3r9,324, 329 cross 2o6, 2rt,279, z9r,3o4r 33t ex temporeB, It, IB, 69, 9o, I3i, 3eo,
22t,299 Holy Apostles ej,3rg, Z3+ Clmic-Stoic style of pre aching 329
widows rz6 St Acacius rz7 r39-4O,I5o, I54
women t5, t7, tt6, tzg, tz6, tg6, St Aemilianos 33o Cyprus 6, zo6, ztz, zz7 family 7r
23Or27r129r, 3OO St Anastasia rz7-B Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria flioque gzt,326,3ZZ
authenticity of homilies 3-5, 27, 33, St Eirene r27-B,2gB ff 4a4) t9t F(P)lacilla, Empress (f 386) go-t
47, to8-9, r5r-z St Lazarus 3e9 Cyrrhus zrB-g Flavian, Bishop of Antioch (t 4o4)
St Michael zro Cyzicus r79, r8r Ir8, r53
Baghdad ZZg,Z4r St Paul r2o) r27 florilegium z5g,z65
baptism 22o,243, z7z, zB4 St Stephen r8z Damascus 2+8,259,267 furniture in churches I15, I26'
Basil I, Emperor (867-86) 299, StThomas r27,3r9,33+ Daphne, near Antioch r2r, r27 rz8-9
3rB-9,gz7,33g circumstancesof delivery 5, rr5, deacons 327 ambo r5, tz8
bellanres 7z zr8 devil, demons 9, 74, 76-7,98, 2Io,
Bible, biblical texts 7, g, 4r-2,6c-2, churches ro8, rr5, rz6-8, r5z, 2r5,22r Gabala Ir, I5z
66, 68, 7o, 72,78, tot, r58, r64-5, zt9,3rg,3zg devotional practice g, e4g Gnostics 74
t 6 7 , r y 4 - 5 ,r g o - 2 , 2 2 g , 2 4 r ,2 5 2 , country towns 2I9 didaskalos 67-8, lg-+, 79 grammarians 5, 7o
255,257,z6o,27o,278-9,g2i, Z37 house-churches 6, 15,34-5,38, Diodore, Bishop of Tarsus (f before Great Church (seechurches, Hagia
bishops,metropolitans 5, 89-9o, 43,60 394) rrB Sophia)
g3, 24g, 268, z96-7, 237, 34o-r, imperial palace 6, 16 doxology 66, rry-9,257
mart2ia 6, 15-6, rr5, r2o) r2g, dramatic homilies r7r, r73-+, 192-3, hapaxlegomenazt5
343
Bulgars339-4o r z 6 - 8 ,z r 8 217 heresy 74,3rI-te
g6+ S U B T E C TI N D E X SUBJECT INDEX g6s
heretics r25,2rr Ignatios,Patriarchof Constan- liturgical collections 6-7, rt, 3zz liturgical readings rz, 66, 69, rr5,
Herodes Atticus g3-4, roo tinople(8+7-58,867-78) zgg liturgical feasts rz6-7, 2o3,32r r2g-3o,16z,t64, t6B,257
hesychasm 259 images,icons 2ro, 2r7>257,277, All Saints zo9, gzg liturgy 5, g,rz,t6-7,3r,66, ro6,
Holy Spirit ro, 38,48-9, 6o, 62, 68, 3 t z ,g 3 B , 3 4 r Annunciation r9o, zog, zo7, rr1, r2g-Zr, 13$ r72, 183-4,zog,
r7o, 255,32r,333 infrmiores 7z zog, z6o-r, z69,276, z&o-t, 2r5, 222, 233, 257-9,273-4, 295,
homiletic collections g, zt9, z5o, interlocutor,imaginary B, tz 297,299,331 3o5,322,336
322,332,337,344 interpretation Ascension rB3-4,2r6,338 Liturgy of theWord 16
homily, sermon (genre) r, 16, r9 allegoricalor spiritual rc,73-4, Conception of St Anne 3o4, X6yog (seehomily, sermon)
ascetical zo4-5 B o ,r 9 3 ,2 7 8 - 9 , 2 g g
r ,t 3 , 3 z B 325,340
catechetical 7, 16, r85, r9o, zo8, literal ro, 73-4,165,rg3,2r5, Conception of theVirgin 327 magic 76
zt9, zzo, zg8 278,2gr,3t3 Dormition and Assumption manuscripts 26, 52, 54, 229, 296,
christological 7 moral ro, 278-9,Zr3 2O5,2O7,2Og,21+,249-50, 2+9,268, z96-7,zg7,Zo5,222,
'deskhomily' r, rg,2o4,2og)
typological gr-2, rg2-3 254, 258-6o, z6t, 263-5,z69, 324-6, 528, 232, 937,34r-2
oao Islam 255 27r,27+, 276-8,zgz Marcionites 74
encomium 6, r85, zo9, ztt-2, Easter r3r, rB3-4, zog, 2rB, 22t, marian feasts 17,2o7,2og
256, 268-7r, 275,3r9, 229, 32r, Jerusalem 264,267,27o,274 3o5, 338 marryTs (for individuals, sz saints)
333-+,339-41,
345 J e s u sC h r i s t 2 2 )3 2 , 5 c , 6 8 , 7 4r,o z , Epiphany tBg-4, zog 6, t2o, r2g, tz6, zo3,2o8,2ro,
ethical 7, t6,256 r64, r68, r7o, r72,174-5,rB4,r9g, Exaltation of Cross 27o,279 2r7,2r9-2o
exegetical 2, 7, 19,4t, rgt, 256, rg2)229,255,279-80, zB3,zBG Good Friday 297,Zo+-5,Zo7-8, Marvellous Mountain, Antioch
278,282,g+o,345 Jewishexegesis74 3rr,33B zt5, zt9
'ex
tempore' r Jewishpreaching 40, r5o-r Holy Saturday 25o. 255,257-8, Mary, Virgin or Theotokos, Mother of
l e s t a l 2 . 6 . r o . r z . 1 6 ,r 9 . r 8 e . Jews 34, 65,74, tzt, r2Z,r25, 2rt, 304 God 9, r8o, rB4, rBB-9,r94,
r85, rgr, zog, zt8, 267,z\g 1Jz Lazarus Saturday rg5,2ob 27o, 2o7, 2Og-rO ) 2r7, 255, 259, 27r,
funeral 6,34o Job zrr z7B-Bo,285,zgo 277, z9o-t, 285, 3o5, 325
identification of (in early period) John, Bishopof Antioch (l 44/z) Mid-Pentecost zo9 Maurice, Emperor (582-6oz) 278
JJ IBI Nativiry of Christ, or Christmas Maximinianus, Patriarch of
Kaiserrede y8,34r John the Baptist tgz, zrg, z69, r8o, 183-4,196,eo3, 2o5,2o7, Constantinople (qr-4) r8o-r
kerygmatic z3 278-80,32r 2o9, 218-9,z5o-9, 256, 258, Meletius, Bishop of Antioch (4th c.)
martyrial zo8, zry John'the Grammarian', Patriarch z6o-I go, rz6
missionary zz of Constantinople(834-43)3rr Nativity of Virgin z69, z7r,274, methodology rz-3. tg,267
occasional 7, 17,19, r83, r85, Julian,Emperor(36r-3) 9r, 255 276, 282, 285, zgo, 297,Zoo, Michael III, Emperor (84z-67) zgg
2 9 8 ,3 1 5 3rr,33r miracles g, zr7, 238, 345
panegyical 6-7, zr7. 255, 267. kanon e59,zig, z\g, 2gr,34r-2 Palm Sunday r9o, 2o9, 216, modern preaching practice z7-3r
z69, z7t, zgo, zg\, go6, gtz, kontakion 2o2)2to>zr4, zt6,zzz 22O)27o, 274, 278, Z8g, 286, Mohammed e4g
3r5,3r7, 333 Kosmas,Bishopof Maiuma (743) 29o,3r1 monasteries
proemic 4r 249 nog0evr,xqnavq1uqrg r97 Agathos Monastery 33o, 332
theological treatises 5, z5o Presentation into the Temple EvergetisMonastery 274
homilaria(szehomiletic collections) Latintranslations65,86 2o3, 2o7-B) z6o-r, zg7, 3og-4, Great Lawa or Mar Saba
house-church (srecircumstances of lengthof homilies 66, gr, 93-4,96, 3o7,326, g4o 248-9, z5t
delivery) gg, r2o,r2g-Zo,r85,rg7,33g-4 Pentecost r\g-4, zog, 2r8, 22r, Holy Saviouq Messina 274
hyrnnography r54, t84-5, zr4,248, L e n t 9 6 ,r r o - r ,r 3 o ,z t g , z 9 g r z 9 g , Kokorobion 342
333,338
257,259,265,z7z, 277,z\g, zgt, zg\, 3oz,3o6,3r9-zo,339-4o St Peter and St Paul 334 Psamathia 924, 226, Z2g-3o
3o5,3r+,
34r Leo III, Emperor(7tl-+t) zB4,3og Saturday rfrg &noxq6to z7o St Catherine's, Mt Sinai ee7-B
L e oV I ' t h e W i s e('8 8 6 - 9 r z )3 1 7 - 2 3 , Transfiguration r83, rgr, 229, St Chariton or Old Lavra z4g
Iconoclasm 247, z5o-r, 267-9, 338,34t,343-5 z5o, 256-7,259, 27o, 272, Studios 339
277-8,286,Zrr-r2 l e t t e r s 2 6 ,g r , r 4 2 , 2 r g 278-9,284, zB7-9,zgo monastic t\pika zo
Iiteracy 14
366 SUBJECT INDEX SUBJECT INDEX 367

Monophysite homilies rr, 2o4, 2og, Iconoclasts 3rr,338 priests 5, 8o, 89, 93, r34,222' 24r) assonance 92,96, I85
2r2,215 imperial freedmen 45 249 asyndeton r47,155
processions.stationallirurgies I23. dialogue B, r2, rB, 23, r+2-9,
Monothelitism 267 Jews 9, 14, t6g, t65-7r, tB4,
Montanism 54-6, 59,6I, eB6 193-5,212, 254,z84-6, zg5, r25,32o r54, 156-63,165-75,rgz, zo9,
muitiple preachers rr5, r2o, t26, nQosordE@resident) 33, 36 2r3-+,2r7,23O,232,Z4Z,256,
3og-r r, 326, 33o, 337
z6r, 264,272, 276,2Bo,3o9
r59, r85, r99 Macedonians r95 Progynnasmata r44, tJ2-$ i14;
m2stikos(private secretary) 323 Manichaeans I63, I93, r95,2061 .]JJ
epiphora r5o
propaganda 93, 95, I02, 299,32o, ethopoiia r73,3r4,333
338
Monophysites ethos 69, t46, r53, r73
neo-Platonism 3i,68 9, 234 345
Nestorius, Patriarch of Monothelites 232,254 property ofchurches 35 exclamation 3o7-B
Constantinople (428-3r) r8o-2, Muslims 255,295 prophets,prophecy 5, 36-40.43, homoioteleuton I5o, tB5, 257,
r B 9 ,r 9 5 Nestorians g, 186, rg5 4B-9, 6r, 67-8, z6z-g 276,3o7
Nicomedia 297 Origenists 2oZ,25+ women 55 h.lperbole Zo2-2,3o7
pagans 9. r63, r66.r7r. r84. r93. protothronosgr9,3z7 isocolon r85, zr3
'off the cuff (seeex tempore) 1 9 6 )2 r 2 , 2 9 5 Psalms,titles of 49,53,57 monologue 143,r45, 167,zzg,
itxog (seecircumstance s of delivery: Sabellians 326,338 pseudanon)ryrity 47, r5r-2, rB2' z7z, z\o
house-churches) Samaritans r93 2o4,268 parainesis 3t, 3B-4o, 43, 145-6
6pil.lc (conversation)(seea/sohomily) Tritheists zrz pseudo-epigraphic (seeanonl'rnous parataxis r47, r55, 229, 27o
r45, r5o, r6o, 16z Porphyrius, Bishop of Antioch (4o4) preachers) parhomoiosis r+g
oracles 39-4o r53 Pulcheria, Princessand EmPress pathos 69, 163
orality z, 14, t4r, gr+ poverty (seesubject-matter) (Sgg-+Sg)9o, r79-8I, rg7 peristasis r42, r53
ordolectionum 66 preachers prokatalepsis r74
prosopopoiia B, r44, t7g,257,
originality 24, 95, 23o) 234, 34o absence ry4 Quartodeciman controversY 65
orphans r58 age 25r 264
authority 37, 166,3oB reception of homilies bY audience questions r4o,307-8
paganism, pagans tZ, r2r) r23, r25, charismatic leadership g7-8, 6o r4, rg6-9 repetition 8, 163, zr3-4, z3o
196, ztt, 34o decadence z4 boredom r3z stichometry zr3
panegtrikon 12, 322, 232 didactic purpose 272 comprehension I4, r86-8, r9o, synkrisis B, 95, r4z, t74
Paraklitiki 257 education 7, 46, 57, 62, gt, r7g, r93,2r5 rhetorical forms
Patras 327 r85, 3o6-8,3zo criticism zzo chreia 69-7o
patriarchs 4, zoz, zo4-6, 222, 22g, geographical location zoz-6 enthusiasm .tr6, zt4, ztg ekphrasis 3r4-5
247-8, 296, 3r7-8, 3zo, gz3-4, inability to preach well r79, r8r, hostility 86 encomium I5g,265
329-30,337,343 redaction Ir dialexis I46-7
326-7
Persia zo6 luy z+3-5 r e l i c s r z o , 2 r o )2 r 2 , 3 3 o , 3 4 2 diatribe I, 8, IB, 45,48,5t,6r,
Peteq Bishop of Maiuma (f 743) ministry 35-6 rhetoric 7,296 98, 139-54,I63, I66-7, r69,
249 monastic 5,7, 16, 222, 25o-r, rhetorical figures B 172-3,27o
philosophers,wandering 139 .1.).t admonitio 3r Psogos r59
pilgrimage zr5 pastoral intent z3 adunaton z6o thesis 146, r4B
polemic, against preparation in advance rr, rB, alliteration rB5,276 rhetorical structure
Agnoetai z:rz, g3B zt9, z5zr 3zo anaphora 8, r4g, zrg-4,257, 257
captatiobeneuol.enfiae
Apollinarians 16g,254, g3B responseto audience r3z, r96, z6r, zig-5, 27o, 276,go7 demonstration, probalio 49, 5t,
Arians 9, 163-6,tg5, gtr,3z6, rg9,zzo antimetabole 265 53
338 socialstatus 43-4,46,59, r2r, antithesis B, r85, 257,27o, 3o7, digression, egressio8, 48
Chalcedonians 9 r25-6 3ro development, eltsnsis 146
Eunomians 9, r63, r68-9, r95 presbyters (seepriests) apheleia t49 ethical injunctions rB, r89, rgr,
h e r e t i c s 9 . r 4 . r 6 3 , 1 6 8 ,t 7 r . r 7 4 , priesthood 23, rtl6,2r5 apostrophe rB5,257, z6r, z6g, 256,zB3,gor
I93, I95 exultations 333
307
 368 SUBJECT INDEX S U B J E C TI N D E X g6g
narrative, narratio 8,48-g, 5r, saints, feasts of t7, rr8, 2o4,234 charity 46,75, gg, z.4o poverty 9,97, roo-r
5 3 - 4 , 6 0 ,r 7 r - 2 ,2 7 2 , 2 r 5 ,3 3 2 saints'Lives g, zo,256,z68-9,z7r, chastity 75,g7,99,3o3 pfayef 239,242,302-3
peroration 333 274-5,340,3+5 children roo,24o-r proclamation of salvation 3r, 84
proem, proemium 8,48, t54 sanctuary r6 Christian way of life t54, 167, race-courses rB
unstructured style r6r-z Satan(see devil) 2Bg,3or renunciation of world 75, 83
rhythm B, r4g, t54-5, r6o, r68, r85, school(asmodel for preaching) 76, christology 238-9, z5g, z6z, z7z, sacraments z38
r8B, r9o, 257,z96 t39, t47-8 28o salvation 236,239,242
Roman Breviary e9 Schoolsofexegesis confession z3B selfcontrol 3zr
Rome 33-4, 44, 46,6r Alexandrian go, z15-6 daily life 23o,224, gg\ sexual ethics, sexuality g, Br-2,
Rus, attack by (AD 86o) r7, 298 Antiochene ro, 3o, z15-6 death z3t-2, 239, 264, 3or, 329 235,237-8,24o
scribes(see stenographers) devil zro-r,237,239 sin 49, zg6,242,338
sacraments 22, 3I scripture(sea Bible) dogma zo8-9,238-9 slavery 95,237
saints Seleucia zr8 ecclesiastical order 49, 57,6z social problems 3o, eo8
Arab martyrs of Edessa 3zg Septuagint 66,7o Eucharist 272, 274, z9r, z86-7, theatre t8, z3o,234
Forty martyrs of Antioch zr8 sermon(sre homily [genre]) z 29r topical eventsand issues r3o,
St Abibos 328 sexualethics(see subject-matter) evil 76, Bo 2ZB,24o
St Agathonikos 34r short-hand(see stenographers) external events r53 Trinity 233,326,399
Anagyroi 34o simplices,simpliciores (in Origen) r4, faith 48, t54, z3B virtues 3or
St Anastasia 336 67,72,78-g,84-6 fasting 83, 97,gg,24o, Zot-2 wealth 9, 42, 45,7r,79-80,94,
St Artemius 25o,252-3,256, z5B Sisinnius,Patriarchof feast-days eo7-9 96, 98, roo, 16o,zg7, got
St Babylas n6, zr9 Constantinople(426-) ryg free will 78 succession(6ltr6o1rl) 57
St Barbara z5o,256,258, g4o slavery 43, 95, ror-3 greed 94 synagogue 34, 4o,62, tzt
St Barnabas 6, zo1, rrt-z socialhomogeneityof preacherand hell B4-5 s2nkelhs gz4
St Clement of Ancyra 324 audience 44, 46,5B-g,Gz heresy 5z-4, e38
St Demetrius 6,32o,324 stenographersn, 2g-4,8r,go, human rights 3o Tabor, Mt ee9
St Drosis zzo 157-8, humility 75, 24o, 283, go3 tachygraphy (seestenographers)
ryo,3zo
St Eustathios 333 style r4g,z4z Incarnation t9g, 233, 257, Tetragamy affair 318-9, 323,327,
St Evaristos 342 Asianic Ar, 99, rB5,276 259-6r, 264, z9t, 226, 3Zg 330' 337-9
St Gourias 328 folkloristic zez luxury (rquQrl) 45, 98, roo Theodore, Bishop of Mopsuestia
St Hierotheos 3e6 high-flown 8, re, 68, 92, 96, marriage 59,8t, 238, z4o (t +zg) r8I
St Hyacinth 33r, 333-5 rB5,187,r89,r98,267-8, martps zo8 TheodosiusI, Emperor(SZg-gS)
St Lazarus qe8 27o-r,Zor, 3o6,3zo, 332,g3B Mary Theotokos or Mother of go, rog,r7g
St Luke 336 simple,artless 46, 69, r43, 163, TheodosiusII, Emperor(4o8-5o)
God 257,259-65, 272,2j5,
St Nicholas 33r 23o,27+,327 326 r8I
St Panteleimon 33r sober,dogmatic zr4, zzz medicine 225,2+o Theophano,Empress(l Bg) g4r-2,
St Peter zs6 tortuousand obscure zl4 pvrpwo:xLa zgo J?J
St Peter of Gordorynia subject-matter9
324 morality g Thessalonike 323-4
St Phocas zro afterlife g, 22,B4-5,23r-2,2gg mourning the dead 284 toposor rhetorical commonplace
St Procopius ero angels zro mysticism 8, z3g, z7t-9,286 r 8 , r 9 6 , 2 5 7 , 3 o o , 3 o 93, r 2 - r 3
St Samonas 3zB asceticism9, 83, zzo, 3or obedience 48 translations 47,86, 206, 2tr) 2r4,
St Sergius zl9 baptism rB3,r85, 238,z7z,286 original sin 82, ror-z 296
St Stephen zo4,zo} beneficenceB3,89, 9z-ro3, paradise e39 transmission rr, rg-2o, 24, to8-9,
StTheodore Stratelates 1 5 9 - 6 oz,z r , z 3 7 , z 9 g - 4
335 pardon 237,242 t5g, 2o2, zo6, 2r7, 222, 25o, 257,
StTheodoreTeron 335 brevityof life 98, roo, r57,rB3, penitence 46,83, r57, r1g, 2go, zgo, z96, gzz
StThomas 326 r85,r88,zB4 trilogies (of homilies) z6o, z7g-4,
z 8 z ,g o r , 3 4 o
St Titus z69, 276, zgo burial of Christ 3zz philanthropy 3oz 285, 3o3-6
saints,cults of 277 captives 97 physiology z4o typika (monastic) 274
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