REDESIGNING OF ALEX EKWUEME SQUARE, AWKA

USING LANDSCAPE TO ENHANCE HUMAN ACTIVITIES

BY

NDUKUBA, CRISPUS EBUBE

NAU/PG/MSC/2017276013F

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER
OF SCIENCE (M.Sc.) IN ARCHITECTURE.

TO DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE,

FACULTY OF ENVIRONMENTAL SCIENCES,

SCHOOL OF POST GRADGUATE STUDIES,

NNAMDI AZIKIWE UNIVERISTY AWKA.

SUPERVISOR:

ARC. DR. (MRS) A. I. EMENIKE

MAY, 2019.
DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the work embodied in this thesis is original and has not been previously submitted

in part or in full to this institution or any institution. I further declare that all the sources cited or

quoted are indicated and acknowledged by means of references.

____________________________ __________________________

Ndukuba, Crispus EbubeDate

CERTIFICATION

This is to certify that this thesis was carried out by NDUKUBA, CRISPUS EBUBE with registration
number 2017276013F a postgraduate student of the Department of Architecture, Faculty of
Environment Sciences, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka. He has satisfactorily completed the
requirements for the research, in partial fulfillment for the award of Master of Science (M.Sc) Degree in
Architecture of this University.

_____________________________ ___________________________
ARC. DR. (MRS). A. I. EMENIKE DATE
(SUPERVISOR)

_____________________________ ___________________________
ARC. DR. A. M. EZEZUE DATE
(HEAD OF DEPARTMENT)

_____________________________ ___________________________
DATE
(DEAN OF FACULTY)

_____________________________ ___________________________
PROF. DATE
(DEAN SCHOOL OF POST GRADUATE STUDIES)

_____________________________ ___________________________
DATE
(EXTERNAL EXAMINER)
DEDICATION

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

TABLE OF CONTENT
CHAPTER ONE

1.0.0 INTRODUCTION

1.1.0BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

Public squares play an essential role in enhancing the quality of urban life. The openness and robustness

of squares often make them the center of city events and social nodes. Squares are physical voids that

offer breathing space amid the buildings. Good squares are sociable places (Whyte, 2003).This does not

necessarily mean that strangers will always socialize with other strangers. It implies that people are

comfortable to sit, ‘hang out’, or eat at the square in the public realm. Halprin (1981)explained that our

experience of the city is shaped by the open spaces where people have the chance to engage with the

communal city life. For squares, the social opportunities are enabled by dynamic relationships between

space, form, and function and at times, unexpected factors. Mossop (2001)suggested that if we look at

how cities change over the years, ‘it is no longer possible for us to rely on familiar urban typologies and

principles’. However, we can still gather fundamental qualities that contribute to the success of city

squares by examining how the space and form influence people’s patterns of use.

To further emphasize, public squares (also called civic spaces, town squares, Urban squares,

amongstother names) are Spaces that form focal points in the public space network, providing a forum

for exchange, both social and economic, and a focus for civic pride and community expression. Their

significance and intensity of meaning is typically expressed through “harder” intensively used

landscaping. They tend to be formal and urban in nature in contrast to parks and open space, which

hare typically soft landscaped, larger and less intensively used. Urban squares are typically held in

public ownership and designed to be easily accessible by all.

They are suitable for multipurpose functions, ranging from open markets, music concerts, political

rallies and other events that requires firm ground. A square might not produce as much job

opportunities as an industry would, but it goes a long way in improving the civic activities of the state.

It could be so properly done that it becomes a monument in the state, or even a center for tourist

attraction.

Alex Ekwueme Square is located along judiciary road, Awka South Local Government Area, Anambra

state. It was built in honour of our one-time Vice-President, Late Sir Arc. Alex Ekwueme. The square

has housed numerous occasions, state meetings, school marching parades, interstate summit meetings,

and many more. It is indeed a structure for not only the state but also as a national icon.

Redesigning is the best option for the square, because of the following reasons, one is that the square

has not been completed in accordance to the original architectural design (this information was gotten

from Engr. Okpara, site general overseer) from the work done so far it has not been aesthetically

pleasing has we have the opportunity to improve the final product. Secondly, there is very little

utilization of landscape plants, a complete disarray of parking spaces, poorly drained water paths, a

generally unconducive atmosphere to hold hundreds of people, under the direct glaring sun beam.

Thirdly, redesigning is done here so as to alter certain functions occurring in the facility, so as to better

serve the purpose of the original design and more, finally, to Present a state-of-the-art structure in

Anambra state, which will tourism worthy, functional, firm and delightful.

1.2.0 STATEMENT OF THE ARCHITECTURAL PROBLEM

The design of the existing square fell short to meet the need of the people because of the following

factors:
  The site completely lacks aesthetics, the platforms are archaic. Both the construction style and

the construction materials.

 The square failed to create a flexible space for public use. This had disabled the opportunities for

people to use the square for other purposes other than for state events.

 The platforms for seating have inadequate provisions for guests. Even the available seats are

already fading in colour and weakening in strength, which will lead to breakage, that will

require frequent inspection and change periodically.

 The square was extensively paved, with no little patches of green areas near the platforms.Lack

of greens made it an uncomfortable place for people especially during the dry season. For the

entire site it is not landscaped.

 The car parks are insufficient for the amount of people that the square is to contain.

 The temperature during the dry season is usually high, the open aluminum roofing sheets, and

the hard surfaces and the heat transferred through radiation from the bitumen-coated parade

ground increases the heat on such hot days. This was also contributed by the lack of green

spaces.

1.3.0 AIM

The aim of this research is to create a state-of-the-art Public square for the state.

1.4.0 OBJECTIVES

 To introduce use of modern construction materials and construction styles in the square.

 To ensure vehicular parking areas are sufficient, functional, well-fitting in the landscape and safe

for motorists and pedestrians.

 To introduce leisure activities like sporting complex, eatery and others on the site.
  To improve the landscape immensely. Using green spaces to maximize softscapes.

1.5.0 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

Research questions that will be asked to help guide this study:

 What is makes a public square a state-of-the-art?

 How do I introduce leisure activities to a square?

 What are the functions of a square?

 How can the landscape be improved?

1.6.0 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

Those who will benefit from this study includes the following:

1. The body of knowledge (The Department of Architecture).

2. To serve as an inquiry to research work on development and designing of public squares.

3. Provide recommendations based on the research findings that would benefit future researchers

and general knowledge on related topics.

1.7.0 RESEACH METHODOLOGY

The approach of this study is Descriptive, which describes and interprets “what is”, it seeks to find out

the conditions or relationships that exists, opinions that are held, processes that are going on effects

that are evident or trends that are developing. Descriptive research includes survey and fact-finding

enquiries of different kinds. It is classified into:

  Survey research

 Co-relational studies

 Case Studies

 Ex-Post-Facto-Studies

 Development Studies

Primary data was collected through:

I. Case studies: (Alex Ekwueme Square Awka, Eagle Square Abuja, Michael Opara Square

Enugu.)

II. Personal observation from the existing structures and site, including taking measurement to

produce the measured drawing.

III. Interview with the project manager.

IV. Visit to the Anambra Capital Territory Development Agency (ACTDA), To collect site data.

Secondary data was collected through:

I. Study of existing work done on Relevant thesis reports.

II. Read publications, and articles concerning the topic.

1.8.0 MOTIVATION OF THE STUDY

The primary motivation to this study is having the opportunity to alter completely what is thought to

be an archaic piece of architecture into something completely new and different from what is obtainable

around here. Not just as a meeting point but one that houses other extracurricular activities and at the

same time stands out as an icon for the state.

1.9.0 SCOPE OF WORK

The scope of this study will cover the entire state, the extracurricular zone is opened to virtually

everyone but with restrictions at the entries.

 Seating platforms

 Sporting complex

 Eatery

 Swimming pools

 Lettable shops

 Outdoor garden

 Helipad

 Parking lots

 Monumental platforms

1.10.0 LIMITATION TO THE STUDY

During my case studies, I had serious issues accessing the Eagle square in Abuja, reason being that the

president was using the Venue for his rally, the security was tight and they hindered every form of

photography, so I had to collect data by asking the security men, and I took pictures from outside the

square (secretly, because of fear of being tagged an assassin). Then sourcing for data that corresponds to

our own use of a public square is quite scarce, most of the information I found online, had a different use

of their squares, their stadium was used instead of a square.

There are Insufficient articles on squares in Nigerian context.

1.11.0 STUDY AREA

1.11.1 HISTORY OF ANAMBRA

Plate1.1- Map ofNigeria highlighting Anambra state. (Source:

UNHABITAT, 2018)
Anambra is a state in southeastern Nigeria. Its name was inspired by one of its Northern and riverine

clans Anam but merged with "branch". The colonialists who travelled from the presentday Anambra

region to present Northern Nigeria often described where they were coming from as "Anam branch". The

term coupled with Omambala, the Igbo name of the Anambra River formed the name Anambra.

Anambra's history stretches to the 9thcentury AD, as revealed by archaeological excavations at Igbo-

Ukwu and Ezira. It hasgreat works of art in iron, bronze, copper, and pottery works belonging to the

ancient Kingdom of Nri. These have revealed a sophisticated divine Kingship History administrative

system, which held sway in the area of Anambra from 948 AD to1911. In some towns, such as Ogidi and

others, local families had hereditary rightsto kingship for centuries. Great Britain recognised some of
these traditional kings and leaders in their system of indirect rule of the Protectorate of South Nigeria.

Beginning in the 19thcentury, they appointed some noble leaders as Warrant Chiefs, authorizing them

to collect taxes, among other duties. Anambra is in the Igbo-dominated area that seceded as part of an

independent Biafra in 1967, following rising tensionswith Northern Nigeria. During the

Nigerian/Biafran war (1967-1970), Biafran engineers constructed a relief airstrip inthe town of

Uli/Amorka (code named "Annabelle"). Extremely dangerous relief flights took off from Sao Tome and

other sites loaded with tons of food and medicine for the distressed Biafran population. Uli / Amorka

airstrip was the site where American pilots such as Alex Nicoll, and scores of others, delivered tons of

relief supplies to the Biafran population.(Archived 23 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine) Disgusted by the

suffering and mounting death toll in Biafra from starvation, as well as the continuous harassment of the

relief planes by the Nigerian Airforce, Carl Gustaf von Rosen resigned as a Red Cross relief pilot. He

helped Biafra to form an air force of five Minicoin planes Malmö MFI-9 stationed atthe Uga airstrip. He

named his tiny but effective air force "Babies of Biafra" in honour of the babies who died from starvation

inside Biafra. Old Anambra State was created in 1976from part of East Central State, and its capital was

Enugu. In 1991 a reorganization divided Anambra into two states, Anambra and Enugu.
 Plate1.2- Map ofAnambra state showing Awka South LGA.

(Source: UNHABITAT, 2018)

Local government areas

Anambra State consists of twenty-one (21)Local Government Areas. They are:

Aguata, Awka North, Awka South, Anambra East, Anambra West, Anaocha, Ayamelum, Dunukofia,

Ekwusigo, Idemili North, Idemili South, Ihiala, Njikoka, Nnewi North, Nnewi South, Ogbaru, Onitsha

North, Onitsha South, Orumba North, Orumba South, Oyi.

Anambra state was created on 27 August 1991, with Awka as the Capital. The Governor Willie

Obiano (APGA), Deputy Governor Nkem Okeke. it has a total of 4,844 km2 (1,870 sq mi. It has a

population of 4,177,828, from the 2006 census. Rank 10 of 36 with Density860/km2 (2,200/sq mi).
1.11.2 LOCATION

The Boundaries are formed by Delta State to the west, Imo State and Rivers State to the south, Enugu

State to the east, and Kogi State to the north. The name was derived from the Anambra River

(Omambala) which flows through the area and is atributary of the River Niger. The indigenous ethnic

groups in Anambra state are the Igbo (98% of population) anda small population of Igala (2% of the

population), who live mainly in the northwestern part of the state. Anambra is the eighth-most

populated state in the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the second-most densely populated state in

Nigeria after Lagos State. The stretch of more than 45 km between the towns of Oba and Amorka

contains a cluster of numerous thickly populated villages and small towns, giving the area an estimated

average density of 1,500–2,000 persons per square kilometre.

1.11.3 NATURAL RESOURCES

Anambra is rich in natural gas, crude oil, bauxite, and ceramic. It has an almost 100percent arable soil.

Anambra state has many other resources in terms of agro-based activities such as fisheries and farming,

as well as land cultivated for pasturing and animal husbandry. Natural resources It has the lowest

poverty rate in Nigeria.

Oil and gas In the year 2006, a foundation-laying ceremony for the first Nigerian private refinery,

Orient Petroleum Refinery (OPR),was made at Aguleri area. The Orient Petroleum Resource Ltd,

(OPRL) owners of OPR, was licensed in June 2002, by the Federal Government to construct a private

refinery with a capacity of 55,000 barrels per day (~7,500 t/d).In 2012, following the efforts of Governor

Peter Obi and other stakeholders of Orient Petroleum, Anambra State became an oil producing state.

The indigenous company struck oil in the Anambra River basin. (vanguardngr.com, 2012)On 2 August

2015, the management of Orient Petroleum Resources Plc said the company planned to increase its
crude oil production to 3,000 barrels per day by September 2015, as it stepped up production activities

in two new oil wells in its Aguleri oil fields. An indigenous company, Nails and Stanley Ltd, was to

establish a gas plant at Umueje in Ayamelum Local Government Area to support economic activities in

the oil and gas industry in the state (Thisday Live, 2015).

1.11.4 URBANIZATION AND STRUCTURAL PLANNING

Since the late 1990s, there has been a migration from rural to urban areas in the state, resulting in

Anambra becoming a highly urbanized state: 62% of its population lives in urban areas. In October2015,

the APGA-led state government of Willie Obiano signed a memorandum of understanding with Galway

modular housing company, Affordable Building Concepts International, for 10,000 housing units to be

built in the state(The Irish Times, 2015).Urbanization and structural planning given decades of neglect of

infrastructure and bad governance, the shift in human migration has posed problems for the state.

Infrastructure improvements, both physical and social, have lagged behind the growth in population.

There are problems in environmental sanitation, erosion control, and provision of social services. Major

cities have become characterized by inadequate and deteriorated road networks and walkways

,unregulated building patterns, poor sanitation, uncontrolled street trading, mountains of garbage, and

chaotic transport systems, creating congestion, noise pollution, and overcrowding. The government of

Peter Obi, with the assistance of the UN-HABITAT, produced20-year structural plans (2009–2028) for

three major cities in the State: Onitsha, Nnewi and Awka Capital Territory, tore store urban planning

and guide their growth into the future.

The plans contain policies and proposals or land use, city beautification, road infrastructure, industrial

development, housing, waste disposal, water supply and health and educational facilities to turn the

cities into successful urban areas that can generate employment and wealth, and provide high living

standards for the irresidents. Anambra became the first state in Nigeria to adopt Structural Plans for its
cities (Un-Habitat, 2013). With effective implementation, it should systematically grow as a major

economic center in Nigeria and West Africa. The process of urbanization is fairly contributed by

population growth, immigration, migration, and infrastructure initiatives like good road, water, power,

and gardens, resulting in the growth of villages into towns, town into cities and cities into metros. To

have ecologically feasible development, planning requires an understanding of the growth dynamics.

There is a fear that if too many people leave the villages, only the aged men andwomen will be left to

farm. This pattern has been seen in Amesi, Akpo, and Achina towns in Aguata local government area.

They have been important in the production of yam, Cocoyam, and cassava through consistent

agriculture, but such activities have suffered due to the outmigration of youth to the urban centres.

There has been both food scarcity in the region and over-population in urban areas. To upgrade the

State capital and improve traffic, Awka, Governor Willie Obiano signed off on construction of three

flyovers between the Amawbia and Arroma end of the Enugu-Onitsha Expressway, a distance of about

three kilometers within the city (The Sun, Nigeria. June26, 2014).

1.11.5 AWKA

BRIEF HISTORY

Awka is one of the oldest settlements in Igboland established at the centre of the Nri civilization which

produced the earliest documented bronze works in Sub-Saharan Africa around 800 AD and was the

cradle of Igbo civilization. The earliest settlers of Awka were the Ifiteana people which translates into

people who sprouted from the earth. They were farmers, hunters, and skilled ironworkers who lived on

the banks of the Ogwugwu stream in what is now known as Nkwelle ward of Awka. The deity of the

Ifiteana was known as Okika-na-ube or the god pre-eminent withthe spear and the Ifiteana were

known as Umu-Okanube or “worshippers of Okanube”, which eventually became shortened to Umu-

Oka and eventually Oka and its anglicized version "Awka".

In ancient times, Awka was populated by elephants with a section of the town named Ama-enyi and a

pond Iyi-Enyi where the elephants used to gather to drink. The elephants were hunted for their prized

ivory tusks (okike) which was kept as a symbol to the god Okanube in every Awka home with hunting

medicine stored in the hollow of the tusk .Over time, the town become famous formetal working of a

high level and its blacksmiths were prized throughout the region for making farming implements, Dane

guns and ceremonial items such asOji (staff of mystical power) and Ngwuagilija (staff of Ozo men).

In pre-colonial days Awka also became famous as the home of the Agbala Oracle a deity that was said to

be a daughter of the great Long Juju shrine of Arochukwu. The Agbala Oracle (which Chinua Achebe

drew on for inspiration in his book Things Fall Apart) was consulted to resolvedisputes far and wide

until it was finally destroyed by colonial authorities in the early part of the 20th century.

Before the inception of British rule, Awka was governed by titled men known as Ozoand Ndichie who

were accomplished individuals in the community. They held general meetings or Izu Awka either at the

residence of the oldest man (Otochal Awka) or at a place designated by him. He was the Nne Uzu or

master blacksmith, whether he knew the trade or not, for the only master known to Awka people was

the master craftsman, the Nne Uzu. In modern times Awka has adapted to there publican system and is

currently administered by the Awka South Local Government Area. However, it still preserves

traditional systems of governance with the respected Ozo titledmen often consulted for village and

community issues and a paramount cultural representative, the Eze Uzu who is elected by all Ozo titled

men by rotation amongst different villages to represent the city at state functions. Awka should not be

confused with Awka-Etiti which is a town in Idemili South local government area that is often

mistaken forthe main capital. (Britannica Concise Encyclopedia, 2007) Today, Awka is the capital of

Anambra state of Nigeria. Awka comprises seven Igbo groups sharing common blood lineage divided

into two sections. Ifite Section, the senior section, comprises four groups, Ayom-na-Okpala, Nkwelle,
Amachalla, and Ifite-Oka followed by Ezinator Section, which consists of three groups, Amikwo, Ezi-

Oka People and Agulu. Each of these groups has a number of villages. Altogether, Awka comprises 33

villages:

Ifite Section

Ayom-na-Okpala Nkwelle Amachalla Ifite-Oka

Umuayom, Umunnoke, Achallaoji, Amachalla, Enu-Ifite, Ezinato-

Umuoramma,Umuokpu Umunamoke, Amudo, Ifite, Agbana-Ifite

Agbana, Umudiaba Umuzocha

Ezinator Section

Amikwo Ezi-Oka Agulu

Umudiana, Okperi, Omuko, Umueri, Umuogwali, Umuogbu, Umubele, Umuanaga,

Igweogige, Isiagu, Umuogbunu 1, Umuogbunu 2, Umuike,Umujagwo, Umuenechi,

Obunagu Umudioka, Umukwa Umuoruka

Today, Awka people can be found all across the globe many working as skilled professionals in a wide

range of fields. As a result, there is a large Awka diaspora located primarily in the UK and in the United

States. There, they have formed social clubs like Awka Union USA and Canada, Awka Town Social

Community UK and Ireland and other community associations. These associations have been a way for

people to enjoy their culture as well as to engage in community self-help projects. Over the years Awka

Town has also attracted people from other states in Nigeria who are resident in the city.
References for chapter 1

1. Halprin, L. (1981). The collective perception of cities: We are an image of the landscape. In L. Taylor (Ed.), Urban
Open Spaces. Washington: Smithsonian Institutions
2. Mossop, E. (2001). Public space: Civilising the city. In E. Mossop & P. Walton (Eds.), City Spaces: Art & Design
(pp. 10-26).Sydney: Craftsman House.
3. Whyte, W. H. (2003). Social Life of small urban space. In D. Watson, A. J. Plattus & R. G. Shibley (Eds.), Time-
Saver Standards for Urban Design. New York: McGraw-Hill.
4. vanguardngr.com, Nigeria (24 March2012). "Excitement as Orient Petroleum strikes oil in Anambra"
.vanguardngr.com. Retrieved3 December 2015.
5. Thisday Live, Nigeria (August 3, 2015)."Anambra Refinery Targets 3,000Barrels of Oil Per Day”.thisdaylive.com.
archived from the original on September 26, 2015.Retrieved December 3, 2015.
6. "Affordable Building Concepts International to build houses inNigeria". The Irish Times. 30 October2015.
Retrieved 4 December 2015.
7. " Nigeria | Activities | Structure Plans for Three Urban Areas in Anambra State". Un-Habitat. 13 August
2013.Retrieved 25 August 2013.
8. "ANAMBRA TODAY: Obiano builds 3-Arms Zone, begins moves to relocate Govt House". The Sun, Nigeria.
June26, 2014. Archived from the originalon December 8, 2015. Retrieved December 3, 2015.
9. Archived 23 July 2011 at theWayback Machine
10. "Britannica Concise Encyclopedia". Geoanalyzer.britannica.com. Archived from the original on 2016-01-12.
Retrieved 2007-02-20.

2.0.0 LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1.0 STATEMENT OF KNOWLEDGE ABOUT PUBLIC SQUARES

Open spaces the mother branch supporting every form of public space, open spaces are a necessary

component of housing developments, but poor design of open space can lead to unused areas,

undesirable behaviour, strain on management. Open space should be reasonable to manage, add to the

value of the development, should be flexible in use and therefore adaptable and should foster positive

imparts on the surrounding natural resources.

There are four major branches under Open space, though several authors have argued that only three

exists (The Urban public Space, The Community Public Space and The Private Open Space):

a. Urban Public Open Space

b. Community Public Open Space

c. Semi-Private Open Space

d. Private Open Space

Urban public open spaces: These have the largest landmasses, located at corners or towards the middle

of the urban settlement, used by almost all people group. Main feature is the equal access and variety of

elements, examples includes Plaza and Square.

Community public space spaces: the sizes varies with communities, usually affected by the overall

surrounding housing density and income of the residents. They are usually closer to homes, quieter and

support the public spaces. Examples includes parks.

Semi-Private open space: They have an even smaller land area, located within the neighborhood, either

at corners, in the middle or through the neighborhood. Used for gardens, visual enjoyment (scenic

display) and circulation. Often separated with fences and landscaping. Examples includes mini parks,

playgrounds, gardens.

Private open space: These are open spaces that existing within our compounds or building lot, usually

at the front or the side of the house, they are in our homes. Used for sitting out, relaxing or can serve as

play area for children. Examples includes Backyard, bush bar.

Urban Public Open Spaces are platforms where people can be a part of the public realm, which is

different from the settings of their home, workplace or place of study. It is in the public spaces that

people can physically become a part of the larger community. Mossop (2001) suggested that public
culture and urban values are expressed in public spaces that encourage people to gather and socialize.

Livable cities should accommodate diverse activities for the people by offering more desirable and

attractive spaces. Vitality and sociability in public space means that people can carry out their activities

in relative comfort and

safety while interacting, engaging in spectacles and ceremonies, or just simply sitting or waiting

(Das,2008; Jalaladdini & Oktay, 2012; Lynch, 1981; Mossop, 2001; Tibbalds, 2001). In the context of this

study, sociability is defined as the ability for the public to become attracted to a space that allows them

to conduct social and leisure activities, whether individually or as a group.

The designs of urban squares aim to provide open spaces for people that connect them to streets and

buildings where they can gather and pause from the city’s traffic and busy streets (Carmona, Heath,

Oc,& Tiesdell, 2003; Zucker, 2003). Like a good public space, squares should be sociable and robust

enough to facilitate people’s diverse activities. Francis (2010) described that good public space should

be well connected to other spaces rather than dividing, and offer opportunities for people to do

spontaneous activities. As such, squares need to have qualities of permeability, legibility, opportunities

and robustness to support different purposes (Lynch, 1981; Mossop, 2001). Over the years, numerous

scholars, researchers and practitioners have studied urban squares to examine their typologies,

functions, evolutions and contributions to the city. Studies similar to this are still very relevant today as

cities across the globe dynamically grow and undergo change (Jalaladdini & Oktay, 2012).

Apart from all the wonderful things that happens in a square, the experiences there has not always

been so exciting, the ancient Greeks with their agora, or central meeting place at the heart of their

cities, made this form of urban space not just famous, but compelling too. This is was where the public

complained and demonstrated and, at times, were met, dispersed and even slaughtered by forces of the

regimes they tried to take to task.

So, while the agora was a special and often hugely enjoyable place, it should be no surprise that it also

gave us the word agoraphobia, a fear of public places. For centuries, and certainly today, public squares

have been places of protest, of violence and even revolution. The roll call of disturbing public squares is

long: Tahrir (Egypt), Taksim (Istanbul), Tiananmen (China), Trafalgar (London). And this is just the

entry for ‘T’. (BBC Culture, 2015).

Place de la Concorde, despite its name, was anything but peaceful during the 1968 student riots in

Paris. Palace Square, St Petersburg, will be associated forever with the October Revolution that

brought Lenin and the Bolsheviks to power in 1917. Moscow’s Red Square is a vast space we associate

with Lenin’s tomb and bombastic annual displays of Soviet, and now Russian, military hardware. The

Plaza de la Revolución, Havana, is where, in his prime, Fidel Castro would address crowds a million

strong in the years following the revolution that overthrew the US-backed dictator Fulgencio Batista

in 1959.

Plate 2.1: Palace square in St. Petersburg. Russia, was a focal point of the Bolsheveik revolution in 1917
(Source: Getty image)
Recently, scenes of violence concentrated in public squares have been screened in Tripoli, Istanbul, Cairo

and Kiev, and vast parades of political-military power brought from Beijing and Pyongyang. Some of the

most violent protests in Britain in living memory took place in Trafalgar Square in 1990. No matter how

politically mature and socially content a major city might seem, its public squares are always at risk, so

history tells us of erupting into violence. The public square is not just a meeting place, but an urban safety

valve. It is a place, too, where people come to celebrate, to let rip, to unzip the certainties of everyday life.

Plate 2.2:Tahrir square in Cairo, Egypt, was the site of protests against both Hosni Mubarak and his successor, Mohammed
Morsi
(Source: Getty images)

Focal point

Because they are the central focus of most major cities, they have also long been places where much

architectural intelligence, money and culture have been expended. The Forum in ancient Rome, long a

ruin, was made magnificent by the Emperor Augustus, while other Roman squares from the 1st to the
20th centuries are an essential part of the life of the Eternal City. Who could fail to be moved by the

Pantheon, the domed temple to all the gods that fills one side of the Piazza della Rotunda

Although these great city squares are naturally the focus of attention, many of the world’s most impressive

and enjoyable city centres boast whole sequences and networks of squares: London with its restful,

garden squares; Turin with its glorious colonnaded Baroque piazzas; Venice with its campi, ancient fields

long paved over. Rarely less than magical, these are often a relief – a physical and psychological release –

after the city’s narrow streets and maze-like alleys. The grandest of these is Venice’s Piazza San Marco, a

square Napoleon Bonaparte is said to have described as “the drawing room of Europe”. Enclosed on three

sides by regimented ranks of colonnaded classical buildings, the fourth opens up to the fulsome,

Byzantine glory of Saint Mark’s Basilica and its celebrated campanile, rebuilt in 1912 after the original

collapsed a decade earlier, killing no one.

Plate 2.3: The Piazza San Marco symbolized the economic and political power of Venice
(Source: Getty Images)
When city squares get too big, they lose any sense of embracing their public. Squares like Tiananmen and

perhaps even Mexico City’s Plaza de la Constitución – the great meeting place of the former Aztec city,

Tenochtitlan – can induce agoraphobia in almost anyone

Heart of the city

The might of the People’s Republic was challenged here in 1989 by a popular pro-democracy movement.

On 5 June of that year, police and military opened fire, killing hundreds and possibly thousands of

protestors. Tiananmen Square is named after Tiananmen Gate, or the Gate of Heavenly Peace. In recent

years, not only have many of the world’s major cities invested in their historic squares, but the very idea of

the piazza, plaza or square has become almost fashionable. Perhaps the key to the popularity of these

revived squares is that they are truly places for people to meet. This might sound all too obvious, and yet

some of the world’s grandest squares are little more than giant junctions and speedways for furiously fast

traffic. The Place de la Concorde in Paris, for example, is always something of a disappointment because it

is so very difficult to walk, let alone meet here. There has long been a tendency, though, for imperious

political regimes, including those of Napoleon and Mao Zedong, to sweep away the messy, uncertain

human life that gave the Greek agora its special place in the Athens of Pericles, and to replace its quotidian

life with the pomp of processions, politics and soldiery. And yet despite the way cities have grown and

sprawled, their centres are especially important. At their very heart is the agora, the democratic meeting

place: the public square.

2.2.0 WORLD DEVELOPMENT ON PUBLIC SQUARES

In the contemporary urbanism emerging principles are becoming new paradigms, developing innovative

design approaches. The concept of “everyday space” defines ordinary places that function as connective

tissue in the dispersal urban morphology of the modern city. These spaces can be ambiguous, obvious,

banal, un-designed or invisible but with the potential to foster new forms of social interaction even if

they work as collective places only a few hours during the day or only a few days during the week or the

month. This reverse conventional concepts of “public” and “space”. Instead of reproducing the

morphology of “public spaces”, this theory collects and analyze experiences and activities of different

“publics”, observing the temporal rhythms and daily itineraries that define their spaces. Often such

common places as vacant lots, sidewalks, front yards, parks, parking lots, serve as public space for

private, commercial and domestic purposes. So, the social life of different “publics” produces places

with community significance (Bravo et al 2013).

2.3.0 NIGERIAN DEVELOPMENT ON OPEN SPACES

Before the advent of squares in Nigeria, village squares and community centers performed the roles of

the square. These places were and are still collection points for festivals and market days functions,

which were considered inimical to the living. A little further into the past, ” when the colonial rulers

built Government Reserved Areas (GRA’s) for themselves and a few Nigerians occupying key positions

in the civil service, they ensured that ample public open spaces and recreation parks were created. The

aesthetics condition of these reserved areas brought their residents very close to nature. They had places

to unwind either at weekends or at the end of day’s work. Planners took a cue from this and created

public open spaces for recreation and meetings in new estates scattered all over the country.
The advent of military dictatorship in the country however brought about a reign of lawlessness; the

massive destruction of these spaces and their allocation to themselves and their cronies. The civilians

who took over from them in 1999 continued this wanton disregard of existing master-plans.” (Vanguard

2007).

Falade (1998) has affirmed that African indigenous settlers managed all kinds of public and private open

spaces, ranging from the village greens, town squares, sacred gardens and squares, and private yards to

the royal gardens. Typical examples are the Igbo and Yoruba traditional architecture, characterized

with the courtyard concept (Plate 2.4).

Plate 2.4: A typical rendition of a Yoruba Courtyard (within a compound setting)

Source: Architectural design piece (2012)
From the shelter perspective, it is possible to trace or link what existed within any confinement to what

we can see in the open space.

The importance of open space throughout the course of history is indisputable. The concept of Open

Recreational Spaces as it relates to urban area is in many aspects indigenous to most African traditional

cities. Their planning is structured on open spaces that are permeating the urban fabric serving

numerous functions ranging from socio-cultural to religious, commercial and agricultural purposes

(Abdulkarim,2004).

A brief reflection on Yoruba history has a lot to unfold on the physical environment design pattern and

in the belief of the early settlers. They depended purely on organic formations including the kinds of

shelter they lived and their cultural affiliation which often manifest in some displays such as dancing,

singing and creation of spaces. All these took place within the mixed space (Bascom, 1955). In the early

days of human civilization, the Roman and Greeks generous use of space was admirable (Coffin and

Stacey, 2005). Over the years planning has gone beyond mere organization of land use for the purpose of

building city, housing provision, transportation and regional context to a more fervent continuity

existent between these activities including recreation and tourism, open space and where to go for

leisure pursuit and with whom to associate on a whole variety of personal, social, cultural and sportive

pursuit (Jackson, 1972 and Hussain, 1999).

From the antecedent of Yoruba history, the culture of articulating open space value in the built

environment dates back to the ‘New Stone Age period’ which probably falls within the terminal end of

gathering lifestyle of the early man (settlers). According to Coffin and Stacey (2005), domestication and

development of semi-permanent or permanent settlements processes are the fundamental changes or

breakthroughs that first occurred during the Neolithic age. In Yoruba history this started first in Ile Ife

(the town that is believed to be the cradle of Yoruba race) as far back as 17th century (Mabogunje,

1968). The whole idea and quest to have a more stable settlement for living was probably conceived
through the provision of shelters which in turn paved way for further development. It is believed

however that in the process of time, walking, swimming, fruits gathering and hunting or fishing soon

became the most common forms of recreational activities which grew with the early Yoruba settlers.

The environmental conditions under which all the recreational activities hold may not be fathomed so

easily by many urbanites of this contemporary generation. However, as difficult as these conditions may

appear to civilized urbanites, they composed the normal, acceptable living environment for the great

majority of Yoruba natives throughout the period of ‘dark age’ until the spread of western civilization.

With advancement in learning and settlement expansion many of these activities were said to have

been replicated within proximate walkable distance (Basorun, 2004).

The centripetal nature of Yoruba compounds allows rooms to be organized round the ancestral resting

place usually located in the centre of the courtyard. Courtyard concept typified the Yoruba architecture

– which depicts series of separated apartments occupied by close patrilineal related families. Findings

from Umoru-Oke’s (2010) studies on Risawe’s Palace of Ilesa South west Nigeria, reveals that the

courtyard design concept of the traditional Yoruba architecture comprises of four buildings that usually

faced one another across the courtyard; with the roof being built continuously round the courtyard. The

study further reveals that most Yoruba palaces are characterized by multiple courtyards (Akodi) each

with its open space devised for the purpose of heat control and social interaction (Jiboye, 2004 and

Osasona, 2007). Expectantly in this formation, all the rooms in the house faced the courtyard with

covered verandahs where most of the daily and domestic activities are undertaken. The courtyard style

also gives ample opportunity for public and private activities such as social and religious matters.

Courtyard type keeps the union of family in tightly knot and this therefore strengthened the kinship

bond.
Cultural meaning of dwellings has been elaborated further by Coolen (2006). In his view the human

dwelling has become the center piece of life for ages so much that a large part of people’s daily life is

spent in and around the dwelling, which forms the centre of their activities, and for which enough space

is wanted. The appearance of such prominent meanings as multi-functionality, comfort, privacy, and

social contacts is well in line with the image shown of plate 2.4 ‘a typical rendition of a Yoruba Courtyard

within a compound setting’.

The existing situation described here helps in no small deal to elicit further light to this study. There are

limited studies however, which directly relate to the traditional open space design and recreational

resources articulation in Yoruba towns. This may be as a result of the late transformation of many rural

settlements into urban areas in this part of Nigeria, and the belief that open space or recreational

activities are purely western world/cities affairs.

The contemporary traditional Yoruba towns recognize varieties of open spaces. These include Palace

arena (Ojude Oba), shrine area, sacred forest, and grave yards. There are many shady trees planted for no

other purposes than to serve as shades for sitting, relaxation, meeting and playing some sorts of home-

related games like ayoo (ere ayoo, a peculiar game among the Yorubas). The Yoruba culture is expressed

first and foremost in their traditional architecture (Osasona, 2007). The whole pattern of a typical

settlement in the pre-colonial Yoruba was something very unique in the sense that the King’s palace

was at the centre followed by the market, chiefs’ quarters, the shrine and the houses of ordinary

citizens (Darley, 1978 and Osasona, 2007). The Yoruba traditional compound (agbo’le) is made up of

individual units (Oju’le) brought together as a whole with a spatial relationship that foster social

interaction.
By all assessment it is clear from oral attestations that the traditional Yoruba culture embraces the good

value of open space provision. The western idea of the modernized open recreational space is a replicate

of Yoruba traditional value in this aspect of discussion. For reasons not too far from civilization,

urbanization and technology, several of open space resources have been upgraded, nationalized in the

city development effort.

In the typical Igbo community, only a few architectural features can be accepted as typical for the entire

Igbo land: The rectangular plan of dwellings, which are without windows, the verandah in front of the

houses and universal use of the forked posts to carry the roofs (Dmochowski, 1990). Apart from

dwelling, other common features of Igbo architecture as observed by Dmochowski (1990) are:

communal settlement, massive compound gates, meeting houses (Obu), shrines (Okwu-Alusi), rooms

(mkpachi/ime ulo), and two storey semi-defensive buildings (Obuna Enu/Ulo Enu). Each compound is

fenced with only one entrance and exit. There are roofs made with such exquisite skill that their texture

of palm ribs and grasses serve solely as an architectural adornment. Normally, the men’s section is

separated from the women, and the children section is grouped together. The materials for construction

used in Igbo land are mud, hardwood timber, palm leaves and midribs, bush twines etc.

According to Chukwu (2015), in a typical Igbo society, two distinct areas were discernible – the public

quarters (ama/obodo-ezi) and the kindreds (ezi). The public quarters (ama) housed the assembly building

and the shrines of the various deities of that community. The other part of the community was made up

of kindreds. Within a given kindred, there were individual compounds. The number of houses in a given

compound depended on the number of wives married by the man owning the compound (Achebe,

1958). Agriculture was the mainstay of the people’s economy and for one to actually be a successful

farmer, he must marry many wives to raise many children and increase the labour force for his farming

enterprise. The traditional Igbo building architecture was practically an offshoot of the cave
environment inhabited by the Igbo ancestors prior to the development of house building culture

(Afigbo, 1981). Hence the essential requirements at the cave habitat were provided in the house

environment. For instance the cave provided warmth, shelter and defense against animals particularly

the creeping and the wild animals. The house had thatched roof and it was pre-dominantly these round-

wall houses (ulo aja oto) with thatched roofs (aju or atani) that were available in the traditional Igbo

societies in the pre-colonial era.

The concern of this investigation is that Nigerian cities can no longer continue to rely on the miniature

provision of the recreational space at the traditional level. Rather, adequate steps must be initiated by

all, to enlarge recreational base to more people in their different locations within urban place. The rate

of city growth coupled with erosion of open space value in some quarters demand that both traditional

open space and conventional open space be adequately provided for the surging city population. In that

regards it must be consciously acquired or publicly regulated to serve as conservation and provide

recreational opportunities (Wilson, 1980 and Ward, 1994).

2.4.0 CLASSIFICATION OF URBAN OPEN SPACES

According to Lynch (1981), urban open spaces are defined as publicly accessible open places designed

for human activity and enjoyment. He also argues that open space is open when it is accessible. Impling

that a fenced waterfront or a mall locked at night is not an open space. Therefore a more uesful way of

defining and catergorizing urban space than simply “open” and “closed” may be to distinguish between

“accessible” and “unaccessible” open space.

Whyte (1980) argues that use of an open space is a critical ingredient of success. When empty or

vandalized, a space simply does not work. The nonuse and misuse of neighbourhood parks have also

contributed to the redesign of a number of neighbouehood parks and the argument for expansion of

user involvement in redesign and management (Browner, 1977). This brings up the question who really
uses the urban public accessible spaces? To answer that we would need to understand that people at

different stages of life are a mjor theme in urban open-space studies. Childrens’ use of the environment

has been the focus of considerable research (Marcus and Moore, 1975), a large body of research has

reported that several countries has focused on the needs of children in playgrounds, streets, and

neighbourhoods. Teenages and the elderly are often major users of open space, yet their developmental

needs are often ignored in open-space planning.

While the basic classifications of urban open spaces remain Urban Public Open Space, Community

Public Open Space, Semi-Private Open Space and Private Open Space. There are several forms of

open spaces these includes parks, playgrounds, plazas, play streets, community gardens.

Critical And Historical Perspectives On Urban Open Space

Open space is often discussed under the rubric of public space because many modern open spaces are

freely accessible, but public space includes some roofed space as well, such as civic institutions or

religious buildings. Carr et al. (1992) define public space as “open, publicly accessible places” that

facilitate the popular activities necessary for community building. Some social scientists have

emphasized a more critical perspective on the privatization and management of public space. Smith and

Low (2006) focus on commodification and class-based exclusion, arguing that “it is impossible to

conceive of public space today outside the social generalization of private space and its full

development as a product of modern capitalist society.” More neutrally concentrating on management,

Carmona et al. (2008, p. 5) find that “public space (narrowly defined) relates to all those parts of the

built and natural environment where the public has free access. It encompasses: all the streets, squares

and other rights of way … the open spaces and parks; and the ‘public/ private’ spaces where public

access is unrestricted.” Although public access is common for many types of open spaces, open space

does not automatically imply public access. Although many theorists propose causal effects between
open space and sociopolitical outcomes, disciplines such as urban planning, architecture, and

archaeology often confine analysis to the form and function of urban space—a simpler perspective we

adopt to reconcile the extreme temporal and spatial scales of our study. For example, Al-Hagla (2008)

classifies open space by physical form, defining “green space” as vegetated land and “grey space” as hard-

surfaced (e.g., paved or packed dirt). This contrast relates to a number of current trends in planning and

design. “New urbanist” planning employs the “transect” concept to suggest proportions of green and

grey space relative to a progressive scale of built density (Duany et al., 2010), while the emergent notion

of “landscape urbanism,” rejecting formulaic design, uses open green/grey spaces to contextualize

urbanism through the display of ecological infrastructures (Waldheim, 2006). “Ecovillages” designed

from sustainability principles relate to both of these planning trends and emphasize a balance between

dense architecture and open space that supports local food production, biodiverse preserves, and

communal space (Newman and Jennings, 2008). We employ the green/grey space contrast to categorize

open spaces, both to aid our comparative project as well as to contribute a historical perspective to

these normative debates.

For historians of urban open space (e.g., Crouch, 1981; Carr et al., 1992; Madanipour, 2003; Carmona et

al., 2008), the correspondence between ancient Greek urban spaces and democratic practice often

represents the starting point, as the Greek agora has become a symbol of the public sphere in modern

literature. Roman-planned forums and religious plazas represent other commonly cited ancient spaces

(Ward-Perkins, 1974; Wycherley, 1976; Owens, 1991). Historical narratives often abruptly jump from

these classical settings to medieval Europe, where plazas, usually paired with Christian churches,

hosted a wide variety of socioeconomic and recreational functions (Zucker, 1959; Carr et al., 1992;

Carmona et al., 2008). As the Renaissance and Enlightenment increasingly emphasized secular and

private values, urban open spaces reflected this shift. Urban squares planned exclusively for
surrounding residential use appeared in certain areas, such as the Place des Vosges in Paris, the

Bloomsbury squares in London, and downtown areas of Philadelphia and Savannah (Crouch, 1981; Carr

et al., 1992; Carmona et al., 2008).

A HISTORICAL TYPOLOGY OF URBAN OPEN SPACE

Our typology is constructed around the conceptual tension between form and function. Archeologists

tasked with reconstructing the past with extant physical data are predisposed to focus on form; modern

urbanists, in contrast, emphasize the purposes and uses of open spaces to explore the complexities of

urban experience. In a comparative project it is tempting to privilege form as a more objective way to

classify and compare spaces. Yet function is unavoidable if we wish to employ ancient data to better

understand modern cities; furthermore, for some open spaces (such as food production areas), it is

impossible to fully divorce function and form. Thus our types represent a mix of form and function,

including both functionally specific and multi-purpose categories. Our typology (Fig. 1) delineates

seven major types of open space: (1) food production areas; (2) parks and gardens; (3) recreational

space; (4) plazas; (5) streets; (6) transport facilities; and (7) incidental space. Open spaces within each

are further categorized by a spatial scale continuum: city-wide, intermediate, and individual building.

By city scale we refer to open spaces associated with major institutions that are nationally or

municipally symbolic or oriented to large segments of the population. The intermediate scale refers

to spaces that serve multiple residences in a more localized portion of the city, such as a district or

neighborhood. Given the large variety across urban places compared in this paper and the

methodological issues associated with classifying neighborhoods defined by multiple variables (Reibel,

2011), the intermediate scale described here is intended to be flexible in terms of areal extent. Authors

describing localized city areas have used a rough distinction between smaller neighborhoods and larger

encompassing districts in both premodern (Smith, 2010) and modern (Jacobs, 1961) contexts without
establishing uniform populations or areal extents for either. Some facilities that provide associated open

space, such as schools and religious buildings, recur across cities to serve neighborhoods or districts

at different scales, helping to define them in the process. Finally, at the smallest scale individual

buildings or residences may have open space for occupants, such as a yard or enclosed courtyard.

The typology accommodates a third dimension of analysis (indicated by a sliding scale across the

categories) oriented around Al-Hagla’s (2008) differentiation between “green space” and “grey space.”

In Al-Hagla’s scheme (2008, p. 164), green space represents “a subset of open space, consisting of any

vegetated land or structure, water, or geological feature within urban areas,” and grey space refers to

more civic-oriented spaces such as “urban squares, market places and other paved or hard landscaped

areas.” This distinction applies across the seven types of open space and represents an important

variable in planning research as well as urban ecology and human-environmental relations (Jenerette et

al., 2011).
 Table 2.1. A transdisciplinary typology of urban open spaces spanning ancient and modern history.

This typology—organized by the form, function, scale, and land cover of open spaces— is intended as a

versatile framework for making broad comparisons across extremely diverse time periods, spatial scales,
and human cultures. Although we recognize that there are many potential ways to structure such a

typology, such as privileging scale, land cover, or public accessibility over form/function–based types,

we believe this structure provides the most clarity and flexibility in historical perspective.

Food Production Areas

Food production areas are green spaces utilized predominantly for crops and livestock. Such areas can

be important for their subsistence contributions and condiments. This seemingly straightforward

category blends with the next one, parks and gardens, where a mix of comestibles and aesthetic

plantings are common in antiquity and many modern houselots (e.g., Ming China, Clunas, 1996;

houselots, Kimber, 1973; WinklerPrins and de Suza, 2005; Alayon-Gamboa and Gurri-García, 2008).

Nevertheless, From a broad comparative perspective, urban agriculture is not new, and city life divorced

from urban food production is a recent development. Many urban residents throughout history

maintained small-scale food plots, and in some cases the extent of urban cultivation was extensive.

Premodern, low-density tropical cities provide an extreme example, in which large expanses of land

were dedicated to the production of food and other useful crops. Peri-urban areas are often active in

food production and accessible via day trips, in some cases no farther than some urban installations

across the city, so this topic is particularly sensitive to the urban context. Traditionally, most urban

agriculture has been carried out by individual families, organized on either a household or neighborhood

level.

Parks and Gardens

Parks and gardens are defined as partly landscaped, mostly green areas intended for social and

recreational activities as well as aesthetic or display purposes, although historically

these functions have been intertwined with food production. Parks are usually larger than gardens and

entail less management of plants, but usage of these terms varies by country. While some parks and

gardens are highly specialized and institutionally designed for specific cultural functions, others have

operated as multi-purpose spaces of social interaction, recreation, and ritual. Large urban parks and

gardens originate primarily from municipal or state planning and associated zoning laws, or from the

initiative of institutions with large landholdings, such as churches, schools, and corporations, covering a

range of public, semi-public, and private settings. Parks and gardens in many cultural contexts have

been constructed as sites of aesthetic reflection or for specific social practices, The transition of some

parks and gardens in imperial Rome to public access (Farrar, 1998; Jashemski, 2008) reveals that this

process has extensive time depth. In both ancient and modern times, house yards or courtyards can

provide opportunities for the general population to create and use garden spaces for their own

purposes, but on a modest scale reflecting the economic means of inhabitants.

Recreational Space

Recreational space involves functionally specialized green and grey spaces designed or used for leisure

activities, such as sports or exercise. In many cases, spaces defined solely in terms of recreation are

modern in origin. Stadiums utilized for the public viewing of ceremonial, sporting, or other cultural

events are common to various historical urban cultures. Such spaces are delineated separately from

parks or large formal plazas because they are functionally specialized for recreation and viewing. For

example, coliseums and theaters in the Roman Empire were important cultural and political spaces

(MacDonald, 1986). Dedicated recreational spaces with wide access are quite recent urban phenomena

emerging from sociopolitical responses to the urban problems of the industrial era. Large-scale

recreational spaces tend to be top-down products sponsored by government, wealthy patrons, and

public-private partnerships, due to the associated costs and land requirements. Institutional control of
recreational space is especially prevalent when activities require special facilities and maintenance, such

as stadia and golf courses, and these requirements may translate into reduced accessibility across

socioeconomic classes or uneven quality of facilities.

Plazas

Plazas are defined as intentionally established open space framed by buildings on most sides and

usually hard surfaced. Plazas can host a diversity of civic activities and tend to be multi-purpose. At the

city and intermediate levels they normally are open to public access. Courtyards are the smallest plazas,

normally private or semi-private areas for residents. Arab-Islamic urban residences often conformed to

courtyard-based planning (Bianca, 2000). In West African cities such as Lagos, some residential

districts have been constructed as superblocks with large courtyards behind apartment structures

(Mabogunje, 1968).

Streets

Among the earliest written descriptions of cities, cuneiform inscriptions from Babylonian cities

mention three kinds of streets: (1) “broad street, way of the gods and king,” (2) “narrow street, way of

the people,” and (3) “blind alley” (Baker, 2009, p. 95). This ancient three-part classification matches our

three urban scales, suggesting continuity in the significance of streets from the earliest cities to the

present. In ancient as in modern cities, streets functioned as pedestrian and vehicular corridors as well

as crucial locales of social interaction, political demonstration, ritual, recreation, economic production,

and trade. Boulevards, streets, and alleys in urban history reflect a range of origins, from intensive state

projects of development to passageways slowly carved out by local initiative. Modern planning

intended to accommodate fossil fuel–based vehicles has drastically increased the functional

specialization and top-down control of many streets and boulevards, culminating in expressways that
are completely inhospitable to pedestrians. This drive towards transportation efficiency and increased

city size represents a break rom the multi-purpose use of streets in most historical urban cultures.

Boulevards, streets, and alleys in urban history reflect a range of origins, from intensive state projects of

development to passageways slowly carved out by local initiative. Modern planning intended to

accommodate fossil fuel–based vehicles has drastically increased the functional specialization and top-

down control of many streets and boulevards, culminating in expressways that are completely

inhospitable to pedestrians. This drive towards transportation efficiency and increased city size

represents a break from the multi-purpose use of streets in most historical urban cultures.

Transport Facilities

Transportation areas represent spaces in which the transfer and distribution of goods is conducted

close to forms of transport. This is a specialized functional category, and these areas vary based on the

mode of transport. These spaces may include some marketplace functions, but marketplaces and shops

may exist separately in plazas or buildings. Transportation technology is a major determinant of the

form and function of transport facilities at diverse scales. Some transport spaces represent

Governmental or institutional installations, whereas others reflect residential choices or informally

designated transfer points; the degree of state or local influence is predicated upon a city’s specific

political economy. Transport facilities are often break-of-bulk points and linked to locations of market

exchange, which may be roofed, exist in other open spaces, or overlap with the transport facilities.

Incidental Space

Incidental space, also referred to as marginalized or amenity space, is defined here as any green or grey

space located on the margins of other spaces or buildings that is either ignored or not intended for a

specific use other than safety, visual amenity, or physical separation (Garde, 1999; Al-Hagla, 2008).
These spaces are not easily amenable to either formal or functional classification. Semi-wild and

“natural” open spaces—whether planned or unplanned—represent the largest scale of incidental space.

Semi-wild areas are sometimes conceived as wildlife habitats or green buffers offering a connection to

“nature” in an otherwise urbanized environment. These areas easily become dumping grounds for waste

or spaces of social deviance. The rise of industrial and post-industrial capitalist societies and the

dramatic spatial city growth related to advances in transport technology both seem causally related to

the amount and variety of incidental spaces. Incidental space appears inseparable from the highly

organized planning of state and institutional entities, arising when city zoning ordinances are applied en

masse to a diversity of neighborhoods, lots, and uses, or when large-scale transportation planning

displaces previous uses.

2.5.0 HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT AND APPLICATION OF URBAN OPEN SPACE

From the ancient Rome, there have been public open spaces. The Roman Forum, also known by its

Latin name Forum Romanum (Italian: Foro Romano), is a rectangular forum (plaza) surrounded by the

ruins of several important ancient government buildings at the center of the city of Rome. Citizens of

the ancient city referred to this space, originally a marketplace, as the Forum Magnum, or simply the

Forum.
 Plate 2.5: Remains of Roman Forum
Forum Romanum (Latin)

For centuries the Forum was the center of day-to-day life in Rome: the site of triumphal processions

and elections; the venue for public speeches, criminal trials, and gladiatorial matches; and the nucleus of

commercial affairs. Here statues and monuments commemorated the city's great men. The teeming

heart of ancient Rome, it has been called the most celebrated meeting place in the world, and in all

history. (Michael 1970), Located in the small valley between the Palatine and Capitoline Hills, the Forum

today is a sprawling ruin of architectural fragments and intermittent archaeological excavations

attracting 4.5 million or more sightseers yearly.(Lastampa. Retrieved 25 August 2014). Many of the oldest and

most important structures of the ancient city were located on or near the Forum. The Roman

Kingdom's earliest shrines and temples were located on the southeastern edge. These included the

ancient former royal residence, the Regia (8th century BC), and the Temple of Vesta (7th century BC),
as well as the surrounding complex of the Vestal Virgins, all of which were rebuilt after the rise of

imperial Rome. Other archaic shrines to the northwest, such as the Umbilicus Urbis and the Vulcanal

(Shrine of Vulcan), developed into the Republic's formal Comitium (assembly area). This is where the

Senate—as well as Republican government itself—began. The Senate House, government offices,

tribunals, temples, memorials and statues gradually cluttered the area. Some 130 years later, Julius

Caesar built the Basilica Julia, along with the new Curia Julia, refocusing both the judicial offices and

the Senate itself. This new Forum, in what proved to be its final form, then served as a revitalized city

square where the people of Rome could gather for commercial, political, judicial and religious pursuits

in ever greater numbers. During the Republican period the Comitium continued to be the central

location for all judicial and political life in the city. (Ann 1996) However, in order to create a larger

gathering place, the Senate began expanding the open area between the Comitium and the Temple of

Vesta by purchasing existing private homes and removing them for public use. Building projects of

several consuls repaved and built onto both the Comitium and the adjacent central plaza that was

becoming the Forum.(Norwood 1908). The 5th century BC witnessed the earliest Forum temples with

known dates of construction: the Temple of Saturn (497 BC) and the Temple of Castor and Pollux (484

BC). (Archibald, et al. 1996) The Temple of Concord was added in the following century, possibly by the

soldier and statesman Marcus Furius Camillus. A long-held tradition of speaking from the elevated

speakers' Rostra—originally facing north towards the Senate House to the assembled politicians and

elites— put the orator's back to the people assembled in the Forum. A tribune known as Caius Licinius

(consul in 361 BC) is said to have been the first to turn away from the elite towards the Forum, an act

symbolically repeated two centuries later by Gaius Gracchus.(Simon 1998). In essence, the heart of the

city revolved around the Forum (present day square).

From the Ancient Greek, Classical urbanism imagines two kinds of spaces in which this interaction

could occur. One was the Pnyx, an amphitheatre in which citizens listed to debates and took collective

decisions; the other was the Agora, The literal meaning of the word is "gathering place" or "assembly".

The agora was the center of the athletic, artistic, spiritual and political life in the city (Sharon 1996), the

town square in which people were exposed to difference in a more raw, unmediated form. The Pnyx

was a bowl-shaped, open-air theatre about ten minutes’ walk from the central square of Athens.

Chiselled out of a hill, the Pnyx in form resembled other Greek theatres, and like them originally

provided space for dancing and plays. In the sixth and fifth centuries BC, Athenians put this ordinary

theatre to a different use, in seeking for order in their politics. Speakers stood in the open, round space

on a stone platform called a bema, so that they could be seen by everyone in the theatre; behind the

speaker the land dropped away, so that words seemed to hover in the air between the mass of five to six

thousand bodies gathered together and the empty sky; the sun from morning to late afternoon struck

the speaker’s face so that nothing in his expression or gestures was obscured by shadow.
Plate 2.6: A drawing of the remains of the Pnyx in Athens, 1887, from Griechenland in Wort und Bild by Heinrich Schmidt
and Carl Gunther, via Aikaterini Laskaridis Foundation. Public domain
The audience for this political theatre sat around the bowl in assigned places, men sitting with others

who belonged to the same local tribe. The citizens watched each other’s reactions as intently as the

orator at the bema. People sat or stood in this relation for a long time – as long as the sunlight lasted.

The theatrical space thus functioned as a detection mechanism, its focus and duration meant to get

beneath the surface of momentary impressions. And such a disciplinary space of eye, voice, and body

had one great virtue: through concentration of attention on a speaker and identification of others in the

audience who might call out challenges or comments, the ancient political theatre sought to hold

citizens responsible for their words. In the Pnyx, two visual rules thus organised the often raucous

meetings at which people took decisions: exposure, both of the speaker and of the audience to one

another, and fixity of place, in where the speaker stood and the audience sat. These two visual rules

supported a verbal order: a single voice speaking at any one time. The other space of democracy was the

Athenian agora. The town square consisted of a large open space crossed diagonally by the main street

of Athens; at the sides of the agora were temples and buildings called stoas, the latter sheds with an

open side onto the agora. A number of activities occurred simultaneously in the agora – commerce,

religious rituals, casual hanging out. In the open space lay also a rectangular law court, surrounded by a

low wall, so that citizens banking or making an offering to the gods, could also follow the progress of

justice. The stoa helped resolve this confusion; as one moved inside the building out of the open space,

one moved from a public realm in which citizens freely intermingled into more private spaces. The

rooms at the back of the stoas were used for dinner parties and private meetings. Perhaps the most

interesting feature of the stoa was the transition space just under the shelter of the roof on the open

side; here one could retreat yet keep in touch with the square. The Athenian agora made differences

among male citizens interact in two ways. First, in the open space of the agora there were few visual
barriers between events occurring at the same time. As a result, in coming to the town square to deal

with a banker, you might be suddenly caught up in a trial occurring in the law court, shouting out your

own opinion or simply taking in an unexpected problem. Secondly, the agora established a space for

stepping back from engagement. This occurred at the edge, just under the roof of the stoa on its open

side; here was a fluid, liminal zone of transition between private and public.

These two principles of visual design, lack of visual barriers but a well-defined zone of transition

between public and private, shaped people’s experience of language. The flow of speech was less

continuous and singular than in the Pnyx; in the agora, communication through words became more

fragmentary, as people moved from one scene to another. The operations of the eye were

correspondingly more active and varied in the agora than in the Pnyx; a person standing under the stoa

roof looked out, his eye searching, scanning. In the Pnyx the eye was fixed on a single scene, that of the

orator standing at the bema; at most, the observer scanned the reactions of people sitting elsewhere,

fixed in their seats.

This ancient example illustrates how the making of theatres and town squares can be put to democratic

use. The theatre organises the sustained attention required for decision-making; the square is a school

for the often fragmentary, confusing experience of diversity. The square prepares people for debate; the

theatre visually disciplines their debating.

2.6.0 BENEFITS AND DESIGN STRATEGIES USING TOPICAL INQUIRY BIAS

2.7.0 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

McCool (2012) has defined “Framework” in research as “a process involving a sequence of steps that

leads managers and planners to explicate the particular issue, which in a sense may not necessarily
lead to formulation of the answer to an issue, but provides the conceptual basis through which it

may be successfully resolved”.

As in general use of the term, „Frameworks‟ are structures that enable researchers to apply critical

thinking skills to a complex problem; they are not processes that can be simply followed without

understanding their underlying rationale and conceptual underpinnings.

2.8.0 CASE STUDIES

2.8.1 CASE STUDY ONE: EAGLE SQUARE

LOCATION: Center Area Along Shehu Shagari Road, Abuja.

ARCHITECT : Julius Berger

BRIEF HISTORY: The Eagle square is the main square in Abuja, the capital of the federal republic of

Nigeria. It is located in front of the Abuja international Conference centre, its name “Eagle Square”

comes from the fact that the square has an eagle shape. The square was constructed in 1999 t serve as

the central area for seats of power in Nigeria . In January 2012, the “Occupy Nigeria” protest took place

on the square.
Eagle Square is used as the main venue for the Independence Day parade and the swearing-in ceremony

of the President of Nigeria. Since its completion, it hosted a number of political rallies, religious

program, musical concerts, award ceremonies.

The Square is conveniently located near government buildings and landmarks within Abuja, this

includes the Abuja international Conference Center, the federal Secretariat, the National Cenotaph, the

National Assembly, Supreme court to mention the prominent facilities around.

FACILITIES: The facilities on the site include:

 VIP pavilion

 Regular pavilion with over 2500 seats covered

 Convenience

 Two entrance gates, 2 stand-by generators

 Parking garage that can house 500 cars.

STRUCTURE AND MATERIAL: The pavilion for seating are made of reinforced concrete, precast

concrete, it was not casted in-situ, they were laid step by step with already pre-measured dimensions,

on Steel steps. Now a list of the materials used includes:

 Precast concrete slabs

 Steel trusses of the roofs

 Aluminum roofing sheets

 Glass casement windows

 Huge steel columns supporting the structure

LANDSCAPE PATTERN:

The full site is indeed shaped like an Eagle, but about half of the entire site was given for the car garage,

which is currently dysfunctional. Because the residents around have converted the garage into a market,

littered with all sort of vendors all with their different umbrellas. Now this could be greatly defacing for

the square. From the road (Shehu Shagari road) facing the square is the other part of the square (which
is curved), that is the only section of the square that has trees and other plants on it, while over 70% of

the site is covered in hardscape (completely, and properly interlocked).

2.8.2 CASE STUDY TWO: OKPARA SQUARE

LOCATION: Independence Layout

ARCHITECT :

BRIEF HISTORY: Okpara Square which is named after the late Michael Okpara, former premier of

defunct Eastern Region of Nigeria, is a legendary spot in the coal city and it appears that residents have

found other uses for it, for leisure and physical exercise.

The Square is bounded by government house in the North; state House of assembly complex in the

South; and the Judiciary Headquarters in the East; by the Western side is the abandoned international

Conference centre and Theatre. There is also a dual carriage road around the square
FACILITIES: The facility here includes:

 Sitting pavilion

 Security house

 Convenience

 Store

 Monument stand

 Parade ground

 Tower

STRUCTURE AND MATERIAL: The pavilion was made out of reinforced concrete casted in-situ, the

roof was also made out of concrete (reinforced) casted in-situ, with plastics seats, fastened to the

concrete steps.

Materials identified includes:

  Reinforced Concrete

 Sandcrete blocks

 Steel trusses (used in erecting the light stands)

LANDSCAPE PATTERN: The site is bound on all four sides by dual carriage road, the center of the site

is completely covered ion bitumen (i.e on the parade ground) covering an extremely wide

expanse of the land. While in the other extremes of the site there are vegetations, from the

entrance gate to the left is the monumental stand, with a walkway from the side gate leading

through a small maze-like arranged shrubs planting. And to the right there are trees and shrubs

directing movement towards the tower. There are Neem trees along the fence all round the site

though their stages of growth differs, been a good landscape tree it requires little or no attention

to strive.

2.8.3 CASE STUDY THREE: EKWUEME SQUARE

LOCATION: Along Judiciary road, Awka, Anambra state.

ARCHITECT :

BRIEF HISTORY: renovated in 2015, under the tenure of Governor Willie Obiano, during the

renovation the second pavilion was introduce, though the pavilion that was built do not have seating in

them. Since then the square has hosted several political rallies, school march past,
FACILITIES: The existing facilities on the site includes:

 Security house

 Overhead water tank

 Parking lots
  Helipad

 Two sitting pavilion

 Monumental stands

 Gymnasium

 Convenience

STRUCTURE AND MATERIAL: The material used for the sitting Pavilions is Reinforced concrete

casted in-situ, with steel trusses for the roof and aluminum roofing sheets, the materials identified on

the site includes :

 Reinforced Concrete

 Steel trusses for the roof

 Aluminum roofing sheets

 Sandcrete hollow block

 30 diameter circular section steel bars for handrails and protector at the highest points of the

pavilion.

 Bitumen for coating the parade ground

 Glass at the monument stands, which bears the governor’ speech.

LANDSCAPE PATTERN:

The landscape is relatively scanty, there are hardly five trees on the entire site, it is covered in weed

growing wildly, unless trimmed occasionally. Towards the north of the site is a gully erosion

developing, there are no shrubs.

2.9.0 IMPLICATIONS FOR THE DESIGN

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