Somaliland : Home-grown Democracy in Action

A report to the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association of a

visit by a UK Parliamentary Delegation, September 2007

Rt Hon Alun Michael MP

Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group for Somaliland

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Table of Contents

The All Party Parliamentary Group for Somaliland........................................... 3

Summary of the Historical Background .............................................................. 4
Hopes for reconciliation – the way forward?..................................................... 6
All-Party Group Visit to Somaliland...................................................................... 9
Developments in the Somaliland Government ...................................................13
The need for strong Parliamentary support......................................................15
The potential for CPA engagement .....................................................................17
The need to strengthen Government resources ..............................................19
Developing the institutions of democracy .........................................................21
Visit to the UK by Somaliland President and Ministers ................................ 24

Appendix 1 - Programme of the APPG Visit to Somaliland

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Introduction

The All Party Parliamentary Group for Somaliland

The All Party Group was set up in 2006 to promote understanding in

Parliament and outside of the process of developing democratic
structures in Somaliland (ie the North of Somalia, the area of former
British Somaliland). I am the Chair and the Vice Chairs are John Bercow
MP, Lord Avebury and Baroness Whitaker. The Secretary is Kerry
McCarthy MP.

For some time an aspiration of the group has been to see for ourselves
how matters are progressing in Somaliland. Because Somaliland is not
recognised internationally any visits lie outside the normal channels for
Parliamentary communications such as the Commonwealth Parliamentary
Association (CPA) and the Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU).

We are particularly grateful to the CPA for making a grant to enable the
visit to happen and to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the
British Ambassador in Addis Ababa for facilitating the visit.

Rt Hon Alun Michael MP

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Summary of the Historical Background

“Somaliland has not been recognised - but it has become

respected - as a beacon of democracy”

1. In 1960, the former British Somaliland gained its independence and

shortly afterwards joined with the former Italian Somaliland to
form Somalia. Early hopes that French Somaliland (Djibouti) would
join to form a single Somali nation were dashed, as were aspirations
for the Somali region of Ethiopia and parts of Northern Kenya to
join the alliance.

2. The rule of President Siad Barre became increasingly oppressive to

the North, leading to the emergence of the opposition Somali
National Movement (SNM) which became increasingly successful in
the late 1980s. While the fighting was mainly in the North there
was little international coverage, but as the civil war progressed it
gained increasing international coverage as the fighting affected
Mogadishu where most diplomats and foreign correspondents were
based.

3. As the civil war progressed, the South descended into instability

with increasingly vicious conflict between various warlords. US
intervention and efforts of the international community to support
a series of would-be leaders did not lead to peace, nor to the
emergence of an effective government in the South. It is to be
hoped that the current efforts to support the development of an
“Interim Federal Government” will prove more successful, but at
present it is not federal, has little authority - even in the South -
and appears very fragile indeed.

4. The situation in the North is different. While the Republic of

Somaliland is on the early stages of a long journey, the progress it
has made in developing its own democratic institutions in the past
17 years is quite remarkable – especially in view of the lack of
international recognition. The starting point of this journey into
democracy in the bitter conflict which marked the collapse of the
Siad Barre regime. Somalilanders have waited patiently for the
emergence of leaders in the South with whom they can discuss the
future. In the meantime they have developed their own institutions

4
 and have been through local government elections, parliamentary
elections and presidential elections. The creation of an
independent Electoral Commission – although subject to initial
delays - is a particularly important development. Somaliland has not
been recognised – but it has become respected – as a beacon of
democracy.

5. The All-Party Group for Somaliland in the UK Parliament was

formed in 2005 to reflect the growing concern of a number of
knowledgeable parliamentarians that (while supporting international
efforts to find a way of bringing peace to the whole of the former
Somalia) more should be done to recognise and support the home-
grown democratic institutions of Somaliland.

6. There have been Somali communities in the UK for over 100 years,
making a particular contribution to the Merchant Navy, and also to
the Army, Royal Navy and traditional industries. Their roots are in
the North and sentiment is strongly in support of Somaliland.
There is increasing strength in their plea to Britain and the
international community to recognise Somaliland.

7. The Somali population in the UK has been joined more recently by

many refugees from the conflict in the South who are naturally
concerned for their own homeland. And there are some who retain
a vision of a single “Somali Nation”. However, the International
Community has appeared unwilling to contemplate any alternative to
the reinstatement of a single Government of Somalia. This is
worrying.

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Hopes for reconciliation – the way forward?

1. Our view is that it must be for Somalis to decide their future – but
that it would be unacceptable for the options to be closed off by
outsiders.

2. We agree that the top priority must be to bring peace to the

South – but a new Government in the South must then be required
to sit down with the Government of Somaliland to seek a peaceful
agreement about whether the future involves Independence, some
form of Federation or the reinstitution of a single Nation. It is
worrying that this has never been clearly set out by the
International Community as an expectation, although it appears to
be a view that is shared by significant international players and to
be the clear view of officials of the African Union.

3. Any discussion must also take account of the interests and

aspirations of Puntland in the North-East. We are not qualified to
comment on the Puntland situation, save to say that it needs to be
considered and fully engaged in the process of settlement.

4. Returning to Somaliland, the reluctance of some African countries

to contemplate a “break-up” of Somalia (and their consequent
unwillingness formally to recognise Somaliland) appears to be based
on the misapprehension that this might somehow create an
uncomfortable precedent for parts of Africa where there are
would-be break-away provinces or regions.

5. That is not the case, because “Somaliland” was an independent

nation when it achieved independence from Britain and then “chose”
to join with the South (the former Italian Somaliland) which was
also by then an independent nation. It is therefore clear that
Somaliland does have a clear legal right to assert its independence
– comparisons should be with clear international precedents such as
Senegal and Gambia, or with Egypt and Libya - but there is no
independent court where this legal right can be asserted or tested.
It follows that the right course of action for the international
community is to seek stable governance in the South and to
encourage constructive discussions leading to a settlement as
suggested above.

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6. We fully appreciate the sensitivity of these issues, and that it
would look wrong for Britain, as a former colonial power, to be the
first formally to recognise Somaliland. If Somaliland is to be
recognised as an independent nation, the first to do so should be
nations in the region. And it would be helpful if a country with
significant influence and authority – such as South Africa – were to
take the lead in brokering a way forward. However, the UK does
have a responsibility to our own citizens, many of whom have roots
in Somaliland and Britain, to argue for constructive support for the
emerging democracy of Somaliland and for Somaliland to be
guaranteed its place at the table for substantive negotiations
between genuine representatives of different Somali interests.

7. When fighting stopped in the North, and discussions started within

Somaliland as the first steps on the painstaking road to the
development of democratic institutions, there were hopes that a
government would also develop quickly in the South. At that time,
it was entirely reasonable to expect some form of leadership or
government to emerge in the south. That could then be expected
to lead to discussions between the two, leading in turn to the re-
establishment of a single nation or to the development of a federal
system of government or to separation.

8. The problem is that 17 years have passed and it is a matter of fact

that there is a Government in Somaliland (even if it is not formally
recognised). And it is a fact that there is not an authoritative or
equivalent “government” in the South with whom they can start
discussions or negotiations. It seems odd that there appears to be
an assumption that a provisional government of the South can
immediately take up the former Somalia’s UN seat as if it
represents the whole of Somalia, whereas the democracy in the
North gains no “rights” from the international community despite
17 years of successful, albeit fragile, democratic development.

9. The development of democratic institutions in Somaliland has been

subject to international scrutiny, such as election observers and a
Kenyan Parliamentary Group but so far this has not led to any
positive developments.

10. A report prepared by the African Union has recognised these facts
and indeed states that Somaliland is a nation that should be

7
recognised by the African Union. This appears to be on the basis
that the two halves of Somalia voluntarily joined together, that
they were independent states at the time of that union decision,
that they can therefore separate, and that 17 years of de facto
independence cannot be ignored. Should Somalis disagree on the
way forward, it would be a matter for a referendum rather than
for an imposed solution. We understand that consideration of that
report has now been deferred on a number of occasions by the
Council of the African Union.

8
All-Party Group Visit to Somaliland

The UK delegation with the British Ambassador, Robert Dewar and the American
Ambassador Donald Yamamoto

1. It is against that background that we undertook our visit, with the

primary objective of gaining an understanding of the strengths and
weaknesses of the Parliamentary process in Somaliland and the
challenges faced by their Government and their Parliamentarians in
the future.

2. The visit was delayed from the spring as a result of discussions

with the Foreign Office. The offer of engagement by the British
Ambassador to Ethiopia, Robert Dewar, was extremely welcome as
he has maintained oversight of Somaliland issues for the UK and
has visited Somaliland on a number of occasions. His accreditation
to the African Union, whose headquarters are in Addis Ababa, was
also of significant help to us and we benefited from the
engagement of other members of the Embassy staff, particularly

9
 Wendy Roebuck who is now taking a specific interest in Somaliland
following Mr Dewar’s move to a new posting.

3. Our visit fell into three parts:

• Initial briefing in Addis Ababa together with discussions

with the US Ambassador to the African Union and the Chief
of Staff to Prime Minister Meles.

• Visit to Hargeisa, which included meetings with all the main

parties, the Electoral Commission, the President, members of
the Cabinet, the First and Second Deputy Speaker of the
Lower House of Parliament, members of the Gurti (Upper
House), women in politics, and both local and international
NGOs.

• Visits within the community.

4. At short notice, and at our request, we visited Gamud School in

Hargeisa where we were impressed by the dedication and style of
teaching. There was a clear and concerning drop off in school
attendance by older girls. The teachers had warm and positive
relationships with the students and clearly had huge commitment
despite the obvious lack of resources. Given the considerable
engagement with the internet and IT by the Somaliland diaspora it
is possible that Somaliland would be an appropriate candidate for
Nicolas Negraponte’s $100 laptop.

5. We were also inspired by a visit to the Edna Adan Hospital. We

met the local media and had the opportunity to talk to a variety of
individuals. What impressed us was the dedication and
professionalism of the team and the aspiration to create a really
professional service despite a huge pressure on resources and a
lack of finance. It is extremely difficult for an unrecognised
Government to run an effective system of taxation and
expenditure.

6. Further time in Addis Ababa, where we had a series of useful

meetings to discuss the situation in Somaliland, including over an
hour with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, a meeting with the Deputy
Chair-person of the African Union and a meeting with a range of

10
 diplomatic representatives including several EU Ambassadors and
the US Ambassador to Ethiopia.

Outside the Edna Adnan Hospital in Hargeisa

7. Although our visit was short, it enabled us to get a sense of the

spirit of community and unity in Somaliland, albeit only at first
hand in the capital, Hargeisa.

8. There was a sense of a city “on the move” with strong evidence of a
lively business ethic and strong engagement from the expatriate
community. There was much evidence of home-grown and
competitive services in such fields as IT, Medicine, and Financial
Services. Some buildings show evidence of expatriate investment
in ambitious businesses and the potential for business and visitor
growth.

9. However, there was also a sense of a very fragile basic economy

and of public services starved of resources. Other than
investment from the expatriate community, help from overseas is
largely channelled through NGOs – which is extremely positive in
some ways, but means that there is a lack of strategic direction
and that the Government does not have adequate resources with
which to provide services.

11
Boys learning at Gamud School in Hargeisa

10. It also means that the Government is prevented from being a

member of major international organisations like the International
Postal Union or being a signatory to international agreements. That
is a major obstacle to development of the economy and of business
growth.

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Developments in the Somaliland Government

Meeting members of the Gurthi (House of Elders)

1. One recent development is that the President has recently

appointed as Minister for Planning (Mudane Ali Ibrahim Mohamed).
He is a recently-retired UN official and we were impressed by his
plan to develop a national strategy based on bringing the NGOs and
Ministers together to develop a shared vision.

2. Clearly there are dangers: The plan could inhibit the work of NGOs
or it could prove bureaucratic and cause delays on the ground.
However, on the positive side it could mean that the work of NGOs
could become more effective through making a planned contribution
to a national programme of regeneration.

3. It could also provide a level of co-ordination that would enable

NGOs to better complement each other’s work. It could allow
NGOs to influence Government and apply international experience
and technical knowledge or expertise to the situation in Somaliland
as well as allowing the elected government to influence the work of
NGOs.

4. Clearly a partnership approach could have immense benefits, and

our strong recommendation is that the UK Government in particular

13
 – and also EU and Commonwealth countries – should seek to
increase their support for the Somaliland Government based on
that partnership approach. It is a “home-grown” Somaliland
response to the situation in which they find themselves – and as
such it seems to us to be precisely the sort of approach that fits
with existing policy and it should be applauded and rewarded.

5. The single most worrying fact to emerge from our visit is that
while the will of the people of Somaliland to develop their own form
of democracy has proved remarkably consistent and resilient and
robust over the past 17 years, the lack of recognition means that
their systems are fragile, their resources are hideously over-
stretched, the finances of central and local government are minimal
and they could easily become the victims of insurgency and/or
foreign intervention.

Meeting with the President and Members of the Somaliland Cabinet

14
The need for strong Parliamentary support

1. From a Parliamentary perspective, it is equally worrying that their

elected politicians are largely cut off from the opportunities for
learning from each other that are available through the
Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and the International
Parliamentary Union.

2. After 17 years it is surely the responsibility of the international

community to find new ways of working with a “de facto”
government in ways that will help the continued development of the
democratic institutions, the economy and the health, education and
welfare of its citizens as if it were the government of a recognised
sovereign nation. One of the problems is that there is a view in the
South that Somaliland is inalienably part of Somalia, and if this is
not explicitly challenged in advance of the development of an
effective Government in the South, such a Government might have
problems in being seen by its own public to accept the facts of the
situation in the North. The view that while the priority is to
achieve stability in the South, but that Somaliland cannot be left in
limbo for ever and has earned a place at the table, appears to be
tacitly accepted by the Nairobi conference, but it is not explicit.
That is worrying.

3. If it is necessary to hold back from recognition as such, one option

would be to “recognise” Somaliland as an “orphan regional
government” – effectively as an autonomous region within a federal
structure that has gone missing. That would help because it would
emphasise that nothing can be completed until all parts of the
former Somalia are able to be properly represented in full
discussions leading to formal negotiations, but would protect the
rights of the people of Somaliland and their elected
representatives and avoid a build-up of frustration in the
meantime. It would allow Somaliland’s Parliamentarians to be
engaged in the same way as Regional Parliamentarians from
Scotland and Wales or the States of Australia or Germany in the
work of the CPA or the IPU or both.

4. During our time in Addis Ababa, both before and after our visit to
Hargeisa, we were able to undertake a series of meetings in order
to explore the wider context of the region in which Somaliland has

15
to undertake its struggle for survival and democratic government.
We met representatives of the Ethiopian Government, with an
excellent meeting with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia
who showed very considerable personal engagement with the
circumstances of Somaliland within the wider context of regional
stability which is clearly a major preoccupation. We met both the
US Ambassador to the African Union who has wider regional
responsibilities, and the US Ambassador to Ethiopia as well as a
range of European and other Ambassadors. While the UK has no
permanent representative in Somaliland itself, it is clear that the
British Ambassador in Ethiopia who was also the permanent
representative to the African Union, has provided an excellent link
with President Royale and his Government and with opposition
groups and NGOs. While he has recently moved to be the British
High Commissioner in Nigeria the embassy maintains appropriate
links and have been helpful in facilitating visits by Somaliland MPs
to the UK.

In general we were reassured that there is a good understanding of

the way Somaliland has developed its home-grown democracy and
must not be left out of discussions which aim to provide long term
stability in Somalia. Prime Minister Meles was very specific on this
point as were US Representatives and most of the African Union.
Comments made to us on all sides suggest that the language of
formal resolutions – which appear to ignore the de facto
government of Somaliland, do not reflect the intentions of regional
or international diplomats. This is worrying because it reflects
inconsistency, but we were somewhat reassured to find that our
view of the general situation in Somaliland fits well with the views
of all those with whom we held discussions.

16
The potential for CPA engagement

1. Disappointingly suggestions of this sort have generally fallen on

deaf ears. Internationally, the response of the Commonwealth has
been to say that Somaliland cannot be treated as a “regional
government” unless there is international recognition of a “national”
government of which it is a constituent part. This ignores the fact
that it is no fault of the Somaliland Government that there is
neither a government in the South nor a legitimate federal
government.

2. This situation also precluded the All-Party Group from becoming a

constituent of the CPA or the IPA – and as Parliamentary funds for
such activities are channelled through those organisations the
Group is effectively in limbo within Parliament. We have raised
these concerns with both organisations and with the Speaker of
the House of Commons.

3. No immediate solution was forthcoming – but we are delighted that

the Group’s letter to Mr Speaker led to generous and positive
engagement with the issue by the CPA. The result is that a CPA
grant has broken the logjam by facilitating our visit and in
consequence this report is submitted specifically to the United
Kingdom Branch of the CPA. It is also encouraging that the
international secretariat of the CPA has shown interest in finding a
way forward for the future.

4. In addition copies of this report are being submitted to the

Speaker of the House of Commons, the Foreign Secretary, the IPU
and the secretariats of the Commonwealth, the European Union,
The African Union and the United Nations.

5. It should also be noted that there has been positive engagement at

the EU level in terms of aid though NGOs and at a Parliamentary
level by MEPs, particularly Glenys Kinnock. Funding from the EU
has provided opportunities for seminars and mentoring of
Somaliland Parliamentarians, for instance by Lord Anderson who is
also a member of our All-Party Group.

6. One possible development is a proposed “twinning” arrangement

between the newly formed All-Party Group in the Somaliland

17
 Parliament with the CPA in the National Assembly for Wales. For
that reason this report is being submitted also to the CPA branch
in the Welsh Assembly as well as to the Presiding Officer and the
First Minister who is already aware of this suggestion. This would
build on the fact the Assembly marked its appreciation of the
contribution of people from Somaliland to the Docklands where the
Assembly is based by inviting the Speaker of the Somaliland
Parliament to attend the Official Opening of the new Assembly
building by the Queen.

7. Such steps are of significance in themselves but it is in the growth

and development of Parliamentary skills and knowledge through
engagement in the wider activities of the CPA and the IPU that
would bring the potential for significant growth and personal
development for Somaliland’s Parliamentarians. We are pleased
that the CPA at Westminster has extended an invitation to
Somaliland to send two individuals to attend a CPA UK Seminar on
parliamentary practice and procedures.

8. The population of Somaliland is 3.5 million, making it similar to

Wales at 3 million. At the very least Somaliland has earned a right
to be respected as a regional government and given that without
recognition full engagement with international organisations is
difficult to link with Wales appears to be a sensible way of helping
democratic development. The First Minister of the Welsh
Assembly and the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association branch
in Cardiff have shown interest in developing these links. During our
visit we took the opportunity to reinforce this idea with the
President, his Cabinet and the two Deputy Speakers.

Presenting the Welsh Flag to the Speaker of the Somaliland Parliament and the
Second Deputy Speaker

18
The need to strengthen Government resources

1. The Parliamentary and Governmental system in Somaliland is very

vulnerable indeed. Even if there are significant developments in
the activities of Parliament and if the Parliament develops
mechanisms to hold the President and the Cabinet to account, what
is the value of that if the Government lacks the resources and
capacity to strengthen the country’s infrastructure, to promote
the development of the economy and to significantly improve
standards of education, health and welfare in what is an extremely
poor country?

2. The Government aspires to meet international requirements – for

instance in the field of animal welfare and food hygiene, which are
extremely important given the traditional importance of exports of
animals and meat. Investment in modern slaughter facilities and
port resources will certainly help – but without acceptance into the
international institutions Somaliland is caught in a double bind since
if it does meet the required standards it cannot have them verified
because if cannot be a member of the body that would undertake
the verification.

3. Again, while there is sympathetic interest from several

international organisations, including the World Bank, the
Government does not have direct access to either aid institutions
or international financial institutions in the way that even the
poorest recognised government would have.

4. And investment is bound to be regarded as a risky business in such

circumstances. There are hopes of tourist investment on the
Northern coast, and of the port of Berbera being used for trade
from Ethiopia. Risk capital may come in, especially from
expatriates who have confidence in the Government of Somaliland
or see an opportunity to “get in early”. But Government’s job in
such circumstances is very difficult indeed.

5. One example which illustrates this problem is the issue of mineral

exploitation. The former Government of Somalia issued franchises
for mineral exploitation off the coast of Somalia. The Government
of Somaliland believes it has the right to sell off rights for mineral
exploitation. The possibility of several overlapping franchises is

19
 not healthy. And it is understood that the so-called “Interim
Federal Government” has taken steps to issue rights for
exploitation. Clearly the principle of “caveat emptor” applies in
spades in such circumstances, but it is difficult to see how such a
situation benefits the people of Somaliland.

The visiting MPs meet women engaged in the democratic process

20
Developing the institutions of democracy

1. Any democratic system depends on the universality and integrity of

its system of voting and - in order for that to work - on its system
of electoral registration. If the franchise is to be universal, then
it is essential for everyone to be registered to vote, so far as is
humanly possible. And there must be systems of checks and
balances in place to check that the integrity of the system and its
universality have not been compromised.

2. Given that the development of these processes has been going on

for some 700 years in the United Kingdom, our systems are still not
perfect and we have no right to be patronising about the situation
in Somaliland. Despite our years of history, we still have an
unacceptably low level of registration in some local areas and these
are matters of legitimate and constructive public debate. Our
Electoral Commission has been subject to considerable public
comment and Ministers have brought forward amendments in the
law in recent years to improve our systems. So these will not be
easy issues for a new democracy like Somaliland, especially given
the fact that the written language is comparatively new and
standards of literacy are low.

3. It is against that background that we commend the efforts that

are being made to develop mature systems in Somaliland – but we
believe that the challenges are enormous. We strongly recommend
that the international community – particularly the UK and the EU –
provide help in terms of money and resources to help develop the
electoral registration and voting systems.

4. There was some delay in appointing the last members to complete

the membership of the Somaliland Electoral Commission. Ministers
and the President were criticised publicly for dragging their feet.
But a few days before our visit the final members were appointed.

5. We had wondered whether the Commission would be of the

necessary quality, and we were significantly impressed at our
meeting which was attended by the full membership of the
Commission. It includes some experienced and professional people,
including expatriates with experience of systems in other
countries. But the main impression we all gained from the meeting

21
 was that of business-like determination, unity of purpose, clarity of
vision and commitment. We felt that we were meeting a new team –
but a team nevertheless.

6. However, the size of their challenge is daunting. It is clear that

there is only a rudimentary register, with the challenges of rural
and nomadic people to be registered. The starting point is a very
low base. There are arguments about whether the priority is to
have new elections in order to maintain faith with the voters, or to
make sure that the systems of registration and election are
essential pre-requisites to the elections.

7. We discussed these issues with the Electoral Commission and also

with Ministers and the political parties. We recognise that there
is no one simple answer and we would strongly recommend that the
international community, including Britain, act now to increase
resources available to the Government and the Electoral
Commission in order to establish a robust baseline quickly. We also
recommend that expertise in kind and mentoring support be
provided – and that a seconded team might be drawn together to
help the Somalilanders to develop the right system for their
country and to put it in place. That would require secondees with
an open mind and capable of lateral thinking since it would not be
appropriate simply to parachute in a British system.

8. There is some movement towards the engagement of women in

politics and we were pleased to meet one group of active women
during our visit. However, it is clear that their engagement is not a
natural part of the Somali tradition, and will require sensitive
support and encouragement. The prominence of some individuals –
for example Edna Adan, who had an international career in health
before retuning to Somaliland to establish her own maternity
hospital, and serving for a while as Foreign Minister – is far from
typical.

9. Somaliland needs to be enabled to take its own decisions, but its

Government and its Parliamentarians need help in doing so. Again,
we are pleased that in answer to a question in December to the
Minister (Shahid Malik MP) announced that the Department for

22
 International Development will provide formal support for the
development of democratic systems in Somaliland. 1

10. One area of concern is the dispute involving members of a group

which seeks to establish a new political party. Outside
commentators have criticised the sort term imprisonment of some
members of the group. On the other hand the government asserts
that their political activity was illegal. Certainly the Somaliland
Constitution allows three political parties to contest national
elections and for those three parties to be the ones with the
highest votes in the preceding local elections. There is a ban on
political activities in a period following a general election and that
is where the new group are seen as contravening the requirements
placed on all groups including the three parties that are
represented in the Parliament. The constitution is less clear about
what will happen in the longer term or how new political groups may
emerge legitimately. This is a matter with which Somaliland’s
parliamentarians need to engage constructively and quickly in order
to avoid misunderstanding and conflict.

1
Alun Michael: To ask the Secretary of State for International Development
what assistance his Department is providing for the development of democratic
processes in the Republic of Somaliland.
Mr. Malik: DFID is contributing over £1 million to a Democratisation Programme
in Somaliland. The programme, implemented by Interpeace, currently supports
the National Electoral Commission to: develop its capacity; produce a credible
voter registration system and deliver free and fair elections. It also supports
civil society to engage in the democratic process.
5th December 2007

23
Visit to the UK by Somaliland President and
Ministers

1. On January 9th President Royale of Somaliland, along with his

Foreign and Justice Minister, came to the UK Parliament. With
Kerry McCarthy, I organised his visit to the House of Commons.
The visit started with a meeting with MPs and Peers and a tour of
the House. The delegation met with various members of the All
Party Group and had a useful discussion with John Bercow MP, Vice
Chair of the Group. The visitors also met Baroness Shriti Vadera,
who was Aid Minister for Africa, and Lord Mark Malloch Brown,
Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

2. During the All Party Group meeting a number of issues were raised
by both sides, including the need for Somaliland to have more
support from the international Community, stability in the region,
trade and communications, electoral registration and the treatment
of journalists and would-be politicians.

3. The visitors went into the Chamber for Prime Minister’s Questions
and watched as I raised the issue of Somaliland to a packed
Chamber. Gordon Brown praised the development of democracy in
Somaliland and welcomed the delegation to the UK:

Alun Michael (Cardiff, South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-

op): You are aware, Mr. Speaker, that the President
of Somaliland and members of his Cabinet are
visiting Parliament at present. Will my right hon.
Friend the Prime Minister join me in congratulating
Somaliland on the way in which it has worked over
the past 18 years, very quietly, through local
government elections, parliamentary elections and
Presidential elections? When the people of the south
have no real government and are still in a state of
chaos, does not that record command respect from
the international community?

The Prime Minister: I agree with my right hon.

Friend, who is a friend of that country. I welcome
the visitors to this country, and we will do everything

24
 that we can not only to help with international
development for the countries with which we are
associated, but to help to build the institutions of
democracy.

After Prime Minister’s Questions I introduced the President to both

Shahid Malik – our first Muslim Minister – and Sadiq Khan, who is now a
Labour Whip.

Girls in class at the Gamud School in Hargeisa

25
 Appendix 1

Programme for The Rt Hon Alun Michael MP, Mr Clive Betts MP, Ms Kerry
McCarthy MP and Mr Mark Hendrick MP 3 – 7 September 2007

Saturday 1 Sept Addis Ababa

Meeting at the residence with Ambassador Donald Yamomoto,
US Ambassador to Ethiopia

Monday 3 Sept Meeting with Abdeta Dribssa, Chef de Cabinet, Ministry of

Foreign Affairs; Mohamed Hassan, Somaliland Ambassador to
Ethiopia and Patrick Gilkes, Special Advisor, Strategic
Planning, Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Tour of Addis Ababa.

Discussion with Deputy Head of Mission John Marshall and

colleagues at his residence.

Tuesday 4 Sept Hargeisa

Private meeting with His Excellency Abdillahi Duale, Foreign
Minister.

Round table discussion led by the Foreign Minister with other

key Cabinet Ministers topics to include Foreign Relations,
Economic situation, Health and Education, Development and
Planning.

Ministers:
Ali Ibrahim, Planning Minister
Hassan Haji Mahanouf, Education Minister
Awil Ali Duale, Finance Minister
Said Mahamed Noor, Minister of State, MFA
Abshir Ahemd Hassan, Minister of Resettlement,
Rehabilitation and Reintegration
Mahhdi Osman Buuri, Deputy Minister of Health

Meeting with Members of both Houses of the Somaliland

Parliament.

Meeting with Abdilaziz M Samaleh, 1st Deputy Speaker and

Abdiasis Samale, 2nd Deputy Speaker

Meeting with representatives of the Gurthi (House of Elders).

Meetings with members of the Opposition and Ruling Parties:

Ahmed Mahamed Mahamoud Kulmie Chairman
Faisal Ali, UCID Chairman
Omar Jama, UDUB spokesperson

26
 Working dinner with His Excellency President Rayale and
members of his Cabinet.

Wednesday 5 Sept UK-Somaliland Community Breakfast

International Community
National Election Commission

Meeting with UK-Somaliland community:

Abdirahman Mahaed Jama MP
Mahamed Hussein Abbi, Hargeisa

Meeting with NGOs

Aden Nooh Dulle, BBC Livestock Project
Fatima Ibrahim, UNDP Rule of Law Project
Amran Ali, wife of one of the jailed Qaran leaders
Michael Walls, PhD researcher
Howard Knight, consultant

Meeting with members of the National Election Commission:

Jama Mahamed Omar
Ahmed Dahir
Mahamed Yusuf
Mahamed Ismail
Hassan Mahamed
Hirsi Ali Haji
Ismail Musse

Visit Gamud School.

NGO and International Community round table to discuss

democratisation, human rights issue, women’s rights, migration
etc with:
Save the Children
Tear Fund
IOM
UNDP
European Community

Visit Edna Adan Maternity Hospital.

Airport Press Conference with Somaliland press corps.

Thursday 6 Sept Addis Ababa

Meeting with Prime Minister Meles in Addis Ababa

Meeting at the residence with EU partners, the US and Norway:

Dietmar Krissler, Counsellor, EC
Kirsti Aarnio, Finnish Ambassador
Peter Fahrenholtz, German Ambassador
Fionnula Gilsenan, Irish Ambassador

27
 Raffaele De Lutio, Italian Ambassador
Vera Fernandes, Portuguese Ambassador
Staffan Tillander, Swedish Ambassador
Cindy Courville, US Permanent Representative to AU
Jens-Pettr Kjemprud, Norwegian Ambassador
Danuga Bolimowska, Polish Ambassador
Milan Cigan, Slovak Ambassador

Visit to East African Pharmaceuticals. Meeting with Dr Abdul

Rahid Hashim.

Visit the headquarters of the African Union for a meeting with

Patrick Mazimhaka, Deputy Chairperson, and colleagues.

28