THE MICRO CONTRIBUTION TO MACRO SOCIOLOGY

RANDALL COLLINS
University of California, Riverside

The micro-macro issue has been debated a constructions; so are DNA molecules. Sociol-
good deal in recent years, largely on the ogists of science (Knorr-Cetina, 1981; Picker-
metatheoretical plane (see Ritzer, 1985; ing, 1984; Krone, 1987) show empirically
Fuchs, 1988). I contend, though, that the how such things are inferred, not directly
reason for working on the micro-macro observed; but it is human beings with their
relation is to make a contribution to substan- laboratory equipment who are doing the
tive theory, to advance our power to explain inferring. This sociology of science itself is
the phenomena of the social universe. Here I empirical; it is not a form of philosophical
would like to clear away a few misconcep- idealism. What are privileged are the observa-
tions in this path, and to demonstrate tions that the sociologist makes: in this case,
concretely that one can advance explanatory the scientists interacting with each other and
theories by building micro-macro connec- manipulating the human-sized material world
tions. around them.
The claims of micro-sociology are claims
for the explanatory importance of this human-
(1) MICRO-SOCIOLOGY IS size world. It is not a project of awarding
HUMAN-SIZED, NOT INHNITESIMAL metaphysical grades; after all, philosophers
have made out a case for attributing some
It is a mistake to regard the micro-macro kind of reality to almost everything, concrete
program as merely the theme "the smaller the and abstract, physical, imaginary, or even
better." I have argued, following the prece- contradictory. Nothingness is ontological both
dent of various micro-reductionists (Blumer, in Sartre and in Madhyamika Buddhism; and I
Homans, the ethnomethodologists) that we see no ultimate objection to attributing as
ought to translate macro sociological phenom- much reality-status as Meinong's Golden
ena as much as possible into the micro Mountain to the Parsonian value-system or
realities of which they are composed. (No- the nation-state. But the aim here is to build
tice, however, that I say "translation," not an explanatory sociology. Idealizations, illu-
all-out reduction; for there are irreducible sions and ideologies can play a part, but
macro features in the spatial, temporal, and mainly as things to be explained, not as the
numerical arrangements among micro- ultimate explanations. I am making a practi-
situations: Collins, 1988: 394-5.) It is not an cal claim that micro-sociology—the princi-
argument against micro-translation to propose ples of how people interact as human bodies
counter-examples in the physical sciences, for in sight, sound and smell of each other—is
instance to point out that the structure of the solidest part of what we know about the
biological organisms is no more real than the social world, and that we understand the
molecular level of the DNA. The aim of larger and more long-term patterns when we
micro-translation is not to pursue everything see how they are composed of such micro-
to the smallest possible level, as if we were to situations.
take social institutions apart into social
interactions, those into human bodies, those
in tum into cells, proteins, atomic elements (2) EVENTS VS. STRUCTURES, MICRO
and sub-atomic participles. If one follows that OR MACRO
path, it is easy to conclude that everything at
all levels is a cognitive construction; that Aey Another source of confusions comes from a
are all equally real, or equally unreal; and that lack of clarity about what would count as an
there is no point in trying to reduce or example of a micro influence on macro.
translate any level into any other. Typically some such case is given as when a
But these different levels do not all stand world leader makes a decision in a major
on the same epistemological plane. It is true crisis: John F. Kennedy negotiating with
that sub-atomic entities/processes are social Khnischev over the Cuban missiles with the
242 Sociological Theory, 1988, Vol. 6 (Fall:242-253)
THE MICRO CONTRroUTION 243
fate of the world in the balance. To leave it at over and over again, involving many different
this, however, is to make it seem that people spread out across different places. The
micro-sociology is a matter of story-telling, social world is made up of events, surrounded
the interjection of inexplicable little contingen- temporally and spatially by other events. It is
cies into the patterns of world history. It also just that some of these "events" seem banal
becomes something like a Great Man theory to us—people doing the same thing over and
of history. Not so long ago, travelers of more over again, soldiers leaning on their guns,
than moderate political sophistication would store-keepers sitting at the till—so that we
return from China, extolling Mao Tse-tung ignore that they have the same reality status
and expounding on what he had done to as the more dramatic events on which we like
transform an entire society; or perhaps to focus attention.
pointing to the Gang of Four as turning aside In this perspective, to claim that a crucial
the path of the revolution. decision determines a structure is to claim that
I do not want to debate the point that an some events are highly idiosyncratic, but that
individual decision can sometimes have their consequences ramify very widely and
ramifying consequences over a large social affect the whole pattern of the repetitive
organization. But consider: it is not just any events we call structure. I will cite another
individual who can make such decisions; they Chinese example, where the theoretical pat-
must be in a certain place in the structure. tern is especially clear. It is sometimes argued
And it cannot be just any structure; only that a turning point in world history happened
certain kinds of government organization, i.e. around 1430 A.D.; the Emperor of the Ming
those with extreme centralization of political, Dynasty, possessing an enormous ocean-
military, economic and cultural channels, can going navy, recalled his great Admiral ChSng
be ones in which the great hero-leaders (or Ho after his fleets had crossed the Indian
villain-leaders) can come into being. The ocean and reached the east coast of Africa.
twists and turns of the Chinese revolution are Instead of going on to circumnavigate the
a structural phenomenon; it is the Chinese continent, the Chinese disbanded their navy
structure that created the charismatic figure and pulled back into a conservative, defensive
whom we glorify or vilify as "Mao Tse-tung" position. Think of all that was foregone, the
or any of the other cast of characters. In this argument goes: 70 years before Vasco de
case, a sociological vision of Chinese society Gama had come around the other direction,
as networks of situational interlinkages of a what would have happened if the Chinese had
certain sort (highly focussed upon one "discovered" Europe? China could have been
individual at the center of all networks; no the great overseas imperial power; trade could
autonomous networks which could pattern a have opened up China to commercial and
regular succession in top offices) enables us industrial development; the whole shape of
to see why there is always a charismatic modem history might have been reversed.
leader or villain. That same ritualized focus of But this is thinking in terms of particular
attention reifies the person at its center, events, not structures and the sociological
milking him or her into a gigantic sacred principles that determine them. Suppose the
object of whom the society seems a projec- Ming emperor had not called back his
tion. Seeing how this is produced sociologi- admiral. Does it automatically follow that
cally is part of what I mean by micro-macro Europe would have become a colony of
translation as a project of seeing through China, or that a Chinese world-empire would
social illusions. have supplanted the Spanish or English? The
One still might want to argue for the answer depends on the principles of geopoli-
contingent nature of the decision itself, hence tics. If, as the evidence suggests (Collins,
for crucial micro-turning-points in macro 1981; Kennedy, 1987) empires can be built
history. But notice how we cross frames of only over given distances, depending upon
analysis when we do this. On the one hand, the amount of military opposition, the re-
there is a particular event; on the other hand, sources on each side, and the expense of
we are saying that a whole structure is logistics, I would say it was never in the cards
determined by that event. An event, of that the Chinese could have established an
course, is something that happens only once, empire in Europe in the 15th century. In fact,
in a brief time. Structure is repetition; it is the it appears to have been geopolitical strains
pattern of the same kinds of events happening which caused the Chinese Emperor to pull
244 SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
back his expensive fleet when he did; time. Against this, the analysis of things
large-scale expeditions to the coast of Africa which happen in a small space and over
were already straining the limits of expense- periods of a few minutes on down to fractions
cum-profitability of this strategy. So the of a second, tends to seem trivial. Its only
Emperor's decision is not necessarily so much justification would be if it can be shown that
of an isolated event as one might imagine; some crucial events at this micro level ramify
rather than reifying the personality of the over into the macro patterns. But that leads to
Emperor, one could say that decision was part the "great men" and the "great moments of
of a larger flow of micro-events, all patterned history" kind of viewpoint that I have tried to
together by macro-constraints. suggest is unjustified. What justification is
there, then, in the sociologically more radical
claim, that the endless flow of micro-
(3) THE MACRO-TO-MICRO situations is itself worth looking at? Bear in
CONNECTION IS VALUABLE TOO mind, this overwhelmingly consists of micro-
It might seem that the previous examples situations which are banal and repetitive—the
undermine the thrust of my overall argument full mundanity that the ethnomethodologists
in favor of micro sociology. Am I not have stressed.
showing that what appears to be micro is The most important attraction is: This is
really determined by the macro structure? In where we live. Our lives are micro. Whatever
fact, I am willing to see things that way too. human experience is, high points, low points
The point of making the micro-macro connec- and every other existential dimension, it
tion is to see how things operate, using the happens to us in micro-situations. Now try to
full resources of sociological theory. In order bring in the full force of the fact that we can
to do this, it is necessary to break down some theorize what happens to us in micro-
artificial distinctions; in the preceding, to get situations. Some of that theory is micro-
over the notion that "events" somehow exist situational; some of it has to do with where
in a different realm than "structures". The one is located in regard to links that make up
micro-macro translation shows that every- the macro structure. But the latter is not
thing macro is composed out of micro. simply a matter of saying "this person is a
Conversely, anything micro is part of the member of a certain social class, ethnic
composition of macro; it exists in a macro group, organizational position, social move-
context, which consists precisely in its ment, etc."—instead, think of all those rough
ramifications to and from other micro- categories as mere approximations, as desig-
situational events spread out in space and nations for patterns of linkages among social
time. situations. In other words, use the micro-
For that reason, it is possible to pursue the translation of macro structures to get through
micro-macro connection fruitfully in either to the reality of how social structure is
direction. Later in this paper, I will take up impinging upon the individual. "Class,"
what is usually seen as the big challenge: to "organization," "gender" and all the rest are
show how nMcro affects macro, in a theoreti- crude heuristic concepts; none of them affects
cally generalizing way, not by ad hoc and anyone directly, but only insofar as these are
particularizing examples (like the cases of kinds of interaction networks, shaping cogni-
Chairman Mao and Admiral Cheng which I tions, emotions and motivations from moment
have tried to puncture in the previous to moment.
paragraphs). But first I would like to stress There is a sociological payoff here. If you
the value of understanding the micro, as an want to understand what happens to you, to
end in its own right. the people around you—why you think and
Most of the things that sociologists think feel the way you do, why things happen to
are important to explain are macro: why does you in your daily life—sociological theory
revolution or economic development happen, gives us the best answers. Not psychology;
what is the shape of organizations or infra-individual processes do not capture as
communities, what proportion of the populace much of what is essential as micro-
gets what (or gets deprived) in the realm of sociological processes. And since interactions
power, wealth, status and so on. All of these are linked together in chains, the character of
are typically seen as patterns, affecting many the chain somewhat farther away from where
people and continuing over long periods of you stand (perhaps after having blown up at
THE MICRO CONTRIBUTION 245

your kids, or sharing a laugh in a corridor, or We can take a slice of the micro of
feeling a surge of ambition to get some whatever size we like. It might be a territory
project finished) is part of the explanation of the size of the United States; it might even
what happens here and now. If you wish, have the exact contours of national bound-
there is a potential clinical sociology here, aries. But there is no reason to regard this as a
potentially more powerful than any clinical nattiral unit of analysis, and to expect that
psychology. And apart from the therapy, every micro event within this line will ramify
apart even from trespassing, into Freud's into every other event, while no micro events
explorations, there is the intellectual satisfac- outside the line ever cross over within it.
tion of explaining whatever is most immedi- Macro connections are where you find them.
ate. A micro/macro sociologist never has to Some of the ripples in the ocean are small and
be bored. local; some of diem are huge, and propagate a
long distance. One of the reasons why I
regard as illusory the older sociological focus
(4) LOCAL RIPPLES-IT ISN'T upon the nation-state as if it were "the
NECESSARILY ALL CONNECTED society," is that ultra-macro influences prop-
Since I have argued that all macro is agate much more widely than the state; as we
composed of micro, and that all micro is will see, influences on domestic politics seem
surrounded by other micro which thereby to flow heavily inwards from the larger,
makes up its macro context, I might seem to geopolitical arena. And from the other
be claiming that there is a perfect symmetry direction, the "nation-state" concept over-
between the two levels. The picture suggests states how much uniformity of pattern there is
itself of a huge ocean, in which the character inside those physical lines; there are plenty of
of every drop is produced by the pattern of all local organizations, dissident class situations,
the other drops, and a ripple any place is places that propagate their separate construc-
propagated everywhere. This is the vision of tions of reality within most such territories.
Indra's net in Hua-yen Buddhist philosophy: Any macro structure is composed of micro
the universe is like a mesh of jewels, each situations; but any particular micro situation
reflecting every other jewel. But although is not necessarily linked to all other places
there might be some advantages for explana- and times where interactions take place.
tory theory if this were so, I believe it is not. Some do propagate, in varying degrees. I
The macro-social world, like everything have argued that local situations produce
else in sociology, consists of human beings emotional energy and recycle it up or down;
interacting; what is macro is their patterns and that situations produce and recirculate
across time and space. .There is nothing ideas, especially those highly-loaded symbols
mysterious about this; it is demographic; it is which are sacred objects for group members.
ecological. It is material, both in the Some emotions and ideas can ripple widely
philosophical sense that "matter" is that through social networks; certain patterns of
which has a space-time location, and in the these ripples constitute what we call social
classical Marxian sense that it is the disposi- movements, climates of opinion, feelings of
tion of physical objects; "property" is the legitimacy or of business confidence. A
way people in situations repeatedly appropri- micro-macro theory should tell us the condi-
ate places in the landscape, buildings, machin- tions under which they ripple more widely or
ery, weapons, scientific instruments, pieces narrowly, with what intensity and what
of paper, and so on. And it is material in a effects.
sense shared by Freud and Durkheim: human By the same token, not everything carries
bodies, pulsing with emotions, coming into over very widely at all. Some Wnds of
tighter or looser contact. And of course it is processes are relatively micro, locally re-
also mental—I don't want to get off into stricted. I will venture a homely example: at a
ontological disputes again, except to claim recent conference, there were a dozen round-
that whatever human minds are, they are table discussions in a rather large bare room.
embodied, situationally located in this ecol- Although it was quiet to begin with, voices
ogy of places and encounters. It is because of echoed off the walls; soon at every table
this that we can have a sociology of mind, people were raising their voices to be heard,
and a social construction of reality (as well as with the result that the room grew steadily
a social construction of emotion). louder until it was hard to hear what was going
246 SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
on at one's own table. In a rather restricted (5) CONSTRAINTS OF MICRO THEORY
sense, this was a macro influence upon micro; ON MACRO THEORY
each little local situation (at each table) was
being affected by whole ecology of the room, It is time now to take up the main challenge.
and was feeding back to affect the whole. What, precisely, does micro sociology con-
(Here one might say the local macro situation tribute to macro sociology? As Fuchs (1988)
explains such ultra-micro effects as why some puts the question: what can conversational
people were getting headaches.) But the turn-taking possibly have to do with the world
situation was also restricted, in time and in system?
space. Our hubbub in this room did not affect Notice first that the real problem is on the
anyone else in the conference, much less level of general, analytical principles, not
further away in the city; similarly across time, concrete descriptions. The latter is too easy. It
I don't think that people carried away much can always be shown, if you have sufficient
of that experience after they left the room. patience, that any social phenomena whatso-
This is not a very penetrating example, but ever, no matter how macro, is made up
it should be the same in regard to interaction empirically of micro encounters of people
rituals generally. I theorize that people's spread out across time and space. To speak of
emotional energy revs up and down across a "world system" or anything else is just a
situations, depending upon their market gloss, a verbal category we use for conve-
attractiveness and whether they dominate or nience in summarizing such patterns. When
are subordinated in authority situations; but historians want to dispute the applicability of
many of these emotion-flows stay localized. a concept, they do it by moving the level of
That is partly because local circles of people evidence downwards in a more micro direc-
may be circumscribed; whatever bumper-car tion, toward the actual human actions that can
propagation of emotions or circulation of be documented. But this is not the path that I
ideas there may be, it often stays in a narrow wish to follow here. To speak in defense of
rink. In addition, emotions decay over time macro conceptions: they may be glosses,
(as do ideas, more slowly). As Durkheim summaries of details, but practically speaking
stressed, if they are not recreated by new we cannot do without them. The task of an
ritual occasions, the feelings tend to fade out, explanatory science is to formulate principles
the ideas become less vivid. wherever we can; if there are principles which
What all this adds up to, then, is a picture explain the general patterns found in a world
of the social terrain in which nearby interac- system, a state, a social movement, a
tions may involve considerable propagation of long-term organization, then such principles
feelings and ideas; but farther away, contacts have a validity in their own right.
are usually weaker, less focussed, and less The micro-macro challenge, then, is to
content is propagated across them. Weak and show there is a connection between micro
strong points of contact are both significant theory and macro theory. I have already
for the larger pattern; it is the weak contacts stated in general what form that connection
that mark group or organizational boundaries, will take: macro structures are not entirely
and hence which gives structure in the more reducible to micro processes, since there are
conventional sense. The overall structure, one irreducible macro variables, the numerical
might say, is precisely the amount of distribution of human situational encounters
macro-connectedness among micro-situations. across time and material space. I have also
In Indra's net, all the jewels could potentially conceded the pragmatic usefulness of proceed-
reflect each other, but in fact they don't; ing on the macro level alone, formulating
jewels reflect the jewels nearby (that is why whatever heuristic explanatory principles of
there are locjil patches of conformity and macro structures are possible. What I must
solidarity, and also of negative sentiments show, then, is that whatever macro principles
and confiict); further away, the echoing may exist, are constrained to take that form
fiickers are weaker, and at some point they because of micro explanatory principles. Not
may be so weak that they are indiscernible every hypothetical macro-explanatory theory
against the stronger local glow. If sociology is possible; only those which connect to
were a rnore advanced science we could say micro-theoretical mechanisms by which macro
just how brightly they will fiicker and how patterns are produced and sustained.
long. Establishing the micro-theory connection is
THE MICRO CONTRffiUTION 247
thus a strategy for building macro theory. I izing components which can be extracted. Wal-
want to stress its pragmatic aspect because of lerstein and colleagues (Res. Working Group,
an asymmetry between theories on the micro 1979; for more general summary, see Collins,
and macro level. Micro theories are generally 1988:93-8) formulate the underlying dynam-
much more analytical, more concerned to ics of the capitalist world system as cyclical
formulate generjd principles, than macro phases of expansion and contraction, driven
theories. It is sometimes questioned (e.g. by ultimately by market over-supply and under-
my colleague Jonathan Turner) whether there supply. Market models are not very difficult to
is much macro theory at all, couched on the micro-translate; for a market is precisely a set
level of generic processes. A great deal of of exchanges among real people in real trans-
macro sociology is quasi-historicist. It dis- actional situations. The macro contours of a
cusses particular historical cases, invokes market are nothing but the irreducible macro
comparisons among them, considers various variables: the sheer numbers of exchanges of
alternative modes 6f explanation. What makes various kinds, which present each individual
a particular work of macro-historical sociol- in an exchange situation with a set of con-
ogy stand out from the crowd of particulariz- strained choices, some more profitable, some
ing descriptions, however, is the extent to less. It is not surprising that proponents of
which it incorporates some generalizing sociological exchange theory (Homans and his
model. For instance, Barrington Moore's lineage) have pushed the primacy of micro
Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democ- theory.'
racy has been influential far beyond studies Where Wallersteinian world system theory
of agricultural politics in a half-dozen early gets its sociological punch is situating a world
modem states, because it contains a quasi- capitalist market in a geopolitical setting. The
explicit model of political dynamics in economic and the geopolitical reciprocally
general; and this model has received further feed each other: expansion of markets is
analytical development by Skocpol and oth- carried out by geopolitical strength, whereas
ers. On the other hand, without some -downturn in the profitability of world markets
theoretical implications, macro-sociology is results in geopolitical showdowns among the
just another description of events in 18th core states, and to periodic shifts in military
century Romania. (and economic) hegemony. I will concentrate
It is currently fashionable to be particular- here on the geopolitics, since this is an area in
izing and historicist. A certain version of which some more general theory has been
academic ideology claims that this is the only stated (Collins, 1981; 1988:135-7). The basic
thing one can be, that no general theory is questions of geopolitics concern which states
possible. I think this position is self- will dominate or be dominated; under what
undermining, since even its advocates acquire conditions do they expand or contract; what
intellectual stature for themselves by rising territories will they hold? There are also
above the plane of particulars towards more ancillary questions about the outbreak and
general significance. But it is characteristic intensity of wars, and their consequences
that this particularism is so prominent in (which include the rise and fall in the
macro-historical studies, where indeed it is legitimacy of domestic political factions: see
difficult to attain a clear analytical vision, and Collins, 1986:145-66)
tempting to drop back into more defensible Geopolitical principles. One of the main
posture of "I'm just talking about what geopolitical principles is that economic/demo-
happened in a few places anyhow." All the graphic resources of contending states deter-
more reason, then, to push the micro-macro mine military domination, and that such
theory connection, as an aid to getting resource advantages or disadvantages cumu-
macro's act together, as theory. late over time.2 Another principle is geoposi-
The challenge then: what connection is there
between conversational turn-taking and the ' Indeed pushed it too far sometimes, ignoring the
world system? The terms are not of similar necessity of building some theory in the realm of
theoretical explicitness. Turn-taking (Sacks, irreducible macro-variables connecting micro pro-
Schegloff and Jefferson, 1974) is formulated cesses.
^ It is this principle that is implied in Wallerstein's
on the general analytical level, whereas Wal- connection between economic and geopolitical hegemony
lerstein presents the world system in a more in the world system. Wallerstein adds a special dynamic
historicist mode. But there are more general- for how world markets generate some of the economic
248 SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
tional: the physical configuration of states in Tum-taking and Social Solidarity. To take
space (the number of accessible enemies in the connection frwm the micro side first: the
each direction, especially the difference turning-taking model of conversation is essen-
between "marchland" positions with enemies tially about social solidarity. What Sacks et
in few directions, vs. middle positions al. pointed out is that human beings attempt
surrounded on all sides) also determines the to maintain a rhythm of interaction, such that
pattern of long-term expansion and contrac- one person talks at a time, conversationalists
tion of territorial power. These principles are try to minimize overlaps, while they also try
rather easy to micro-translate, since they are to avoid gaps between one person stopping
basically aggregation effects of micro- and the other begirming to talk. This pattern is
organization, together with an emphasis on not merely cultural; i.e. it is very widespread
one of the irreducible macro-variables, the across cultures/language groups (Deirdre Bo-
sheer expanse of physical space (in this case, den, personal communication), and may be
the number of directions an organization must regarded as a universal structure of sociability
act in). among human beings. Turn-taking is also
I want to focus on another geopolitical more than merely cognitive; as Sacks et al.
principle, since it makes an especially good point out, conversationalists must monitor the
connection to micro theory. This is the rhythm of other people speaking so that they
principle of overextension: when states at- can come in on cue; this is much more
tempt to maintain military control too far important than being able to understand what
away from their home resource base, they are the other person is talking about. The point is
liable to catastrophic defeats: battlefield also strongly made by Sudnow (1979; summa-
events which set the whole process in reverse, rized in Collins, 1988:327-9), in the analogy
but at high speed. There are two proposed between talking and performing music. I
mechanisms by which this occurs, both of would theorize this pattern by saying that
which fill in die meaning of "too far from turn-taking is very Durkheimian. It is an
home base." One of these is logistics strain interaction ritual characterized by mutual
(Stinchcombe, 1968:218-30; Collins, 1988: focus of attention, which builds up its own
136; Kermedy, 1987): the problem of keeping local "collective conscience" and its own
an organization supplied at a distance in- constraints. These constraints are manifested,
creases as the costs of transporting and in typical Durkheimian fashion, when they
administering supplies takes up an increasing are violated: the embarrassing pause when
proportion of totaJ resources; at some point, participants let the rhythm lapse, the frustra-
there is too little left for actual fighting, and tion and heightened efforts to get the floor
local forces on the other side, closer to their when turns extensively overlap.
home resource base will win. The other The theory of the conversational tum-
version (Collins, 1981) brings in cultural/emo- taking mechanism is thus part of a broader
tional resources as well as economic ones: I micro theory, about how solidarity is pro-
call this the "no-intervening-heartland rule," duced, and broken down, in micro-
which says that a state can maintain an empire interactions. Now let us push this line of
over adjacent ethnic territories, but comes theory upwards on the micro-macro contin-
under strain when it tries to control ethnically uum, and ask how organizations are held
identified groups a further layer away. together. Analytically, there are several
The point that I want to concentrate on here components to this; any permanent organiza-
is: why does defeat on distant frontiers have tion will include material property, material
such a disintegrating effect? Why does an incentives and resources; typically some
empire tend to expand slowly but to roll element of coercive control will be present
backwards rapidly from a crisis point? The too (at least to back up the distribution of
answer comes from micro-theory, and it material property). The key to property and
connects with the controversial tum-taking coercive power is always social organization;
process. it is the group that can exercise control over
any individual, and individuals dominate an
resource base for military power, which I have not organization only by getting the members of a
considered in my own formulation of geopolitical theory.
But world system theory is underdetermined on the
group to exercise control over each other.
geopolitical side, since it lacks several other major In a highly coercive organization (such as
principles of geopolitical theory. an army, or the police power at the core of a
 THE MICRO CONTRIBUTION 249
state) this consists of what I call an comparing the conditions in which a coercive
"enforcement coalition." This is a particular organization holds together, with the condi-
kind of interpersonal structure in which tions under which it breaks down. The
individuals are ready to use coercion upon conditions are not far to seek: for this is
each other; in which no single individual exactly what happens on a battlefield, and
wishes to be left out of the dominant coalition distinguishes between victory and defeat. A
and hence subject to its force. Of course battle essentially is a struggle among compet-
power in a coercive coalition can shift. People ing organizations; each is attempting to make
can struggle over power; but they do this by the other side break down, while keeping
trying to weaken one focus of the enforce- itself intact. (Evidence and further detail are
ment coalition and organize another in its presented in Collins, 1988a.) Thus violence
place. And enforcement coalitions can break itself is secondary. As long as organization is
apart, grow bigger or smaller, or disintegrate maintained, violence is not very effective.
entirely. All of this is done as a process of For human beings are not very capable in
micro-macro coordination. action under conditions of extreme danger
More exactly, the extent of the enforce- and fear (another micro principle with macro
ment coalition is a matter of how much effects); they are usually quite ineffective in
coordination (how far in the macro dimen- using their weapons, and do relatively little
sions of time and space) there is among damage to each other as long as opposing
different micro-situations. Concretely, it is organizations remain coherent. It is when an
how much that individual soldiers, police- army breaks ranks, when it no longer operates
men, politicians, or subjects of the state, feel as a mutually supporting coalition, that it
constrained to maintain a focus upon a takes severe casualties. First organizational
coercive coalition involving a certain number breakdown, then physical loss: that is the
of these other people. This is not typically a typical sequence.
matter of conscious calculation. Soldiers do Battlefield tactics consist of efforts to cause
not usually say to themselves: "I had better opposing social organization to break apart:
obey this officer's orders, since the rest of the by concentrating violence on a particular
army will back him up if I don't." In fact, place, hoping thereby to induce a ripple of
when conscious calculations of this sort begin disorganization that will flow outwards; or by
to take place on a wide scale, it means that maneuver, attempting to make opposing
the enforcement coalition is already becoming forces disorganized by the sheer process of
rather shallow, moving away from the geographical movement from one place to
unthinking obedience which is that reified another, under conditions of enforced speed,
sense of macro organization existing impervi- uncertainty, and their emotional effects. Here
ous to individual challenge. Just as in a emotions are micro/macro fiows: the mood of
smoothly-flowing conversation, the partici- an army is not a metaphor, but a palpable
pants do not calculate what to say next, but process whereby a smooth rhythmic condi-
feel themselves caught up in a train of tion, a turn-taking of all the elements of
rhythmic alternation, in a smoothly-flowing violence, threat, and support are kept in
enforcement coalition the members feel their synch, or break apart into little pockets of
focus of attention implicitly includes the troops whose social reality has now become a
chains which link their immediate interactants terrifying negative, the felt absence of their
with persons unseen. This is more than an own organization in macro space.^
analogy: I am suggesting that a coercive There is even a macro-fiow of emotions
organization has the tightly coordinated rhythm across the lines of conflict. At the moment
. of turn-taking (expanded from the verbal to when one army breaks apart into panic retreat
the non-verbal rhythm of acts), with everyone
coming in on the beat, no blank spaces, no
overlaps/struggles to get the floor—and that ' There is also danger for the attacking force, and
those who initiate maneuvers; their own movement has
this turn-taking rhythm extends in a seamless the possibility of straining their own coordination and
webb right across the macro space, generating opening themselves to disorganization. In reality, both
a resonance which is felt at any particular armies in combat are breaking down simultaneously,
situation as an unevadable structure of power. below the level of peace-time discipline that makes them
powerful enforcement coalitions; victory goes to the
Military Organization and Disorganiza- organization which breaks down the least while its
tion. This can best be demonstrated by opponent is breaking apart.
250 SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
and organizational chaos, it is quite common keeping the momentum of local advantage so
for the victorious army to go into what I call a that recovery cannot be made elsewhere on
"forward panic," an attack on the now- the macro plane; it means physically propa-
helpless morass of individualized enemy gating one defeat into another and another,
soldiers. It is this process that produces the until the whole structure falls apart.
typical disparity in casualties between win- Geopolitical principles (as listed above)
ning and losing sides: the losers take most of formulated on the most macro level, are about
their casualties after they have lost, when they what kinds of distributions (i.e. aggregations)
are no longer capable of defending them- of material and organizational resources are
selves. This too is a strong instance of available to be thrown into nieso battlefield
micro-macro connection: the murderous surge situations; and what kinds of geopositional
of a victorious army is itself a kind of huge configurations affect how these resources can
interaction ritual. Quite literally, the micro- be sent across space to become real factors in
participants in the battle line are caught up in violent combat. But these macro distributions
a situation in which their local activity is and configurations are moot, unless they can
intensely coordinated with that of their become activated in real combat situations; on
fellows, up and down the line, possibly into that level, they must be transformed into the
the considerable distance. The complemen- solidarity of an army, keeping itself together
tary focus of their attention is upon their while the opposing organization breaks down.
defeated enemies, again against the backdrop This is the point at which the micro palpably
of macro-space, but in this case isolated from meets the macro (the overall distribution of
supporting help in the distance. The victori- resources and positions). The social organiza-
ous battlefield opens up as a zone where tion, as locally enacted, is the touchstone; it
social pressure has sudden collapsed on the provides the dynamics, for which all the rest
other side; there is safety in driving forward, is but input. When Napoleon said that in war,
and a kind of ritual compulsion at one's back the moral is to the material as a factor of 3 to
and flanks to manifest violent control out- 1, it is this kind of relationship to which he
wards, to make the enforcement coalition referred.
supreme in a place where it had been Now we should be able to understand, in
opposed. The enemy is a negative sacred theoretical terms, why it is that geopolitical
object in the Durkheimian sense; his destruc- overextension tends to bring rapid disintegra-
tion, when it becomes organizationally safe to tion of state power. A military defeat is not
do so, is a structural extension of the merely a local event, unless much social
scapegoating rituals more typically found effort is put into keeping it localized. The
within a domestic hierarchy of power. army is an enforcement coalition, and the
I have made the connection from the theory core of any state's power. The more success-
of processes on the very small micro-level— ful a state in subduing territory, the more the
turn-taking mechanisms and face-to-face inter- presence of its enforcement coalition tends to
action rituals more broadly—to a theory of percolate throughout the political networks
the middle levels of the micro/macro contin- that are connected to it. Victorious generals,
uum—in this case, military organizations the beneficiaries of the ritual focus of
spreading out across a battlefield. Extensions attention which is constituted by the network
to still larger macro levels are not hard to add. structure of an intact army, tend to be
What Luttwak (1987) calls "theatre level" irresistible centers of domestic power as well.
and "grand strategy" levels of military power Thus an empire which has conquered far and
involve coordination which is still more wide has necessarily built up a macro-focus of
macro among meso-level events. A single attention which makes great claims. It
battle does not necessarily lose a war; nor, for constrains the symbolic realm, projecting a
that matter, does the disintegration of a sense of a huge, irresistible organization,
batallion, or a company, necessarily lose the generating its own legitimacy on a virtually
battle. But each smaller micro-level occasion metaphysical scale.
of disorganization is a threat; successful But this is organizational hybris. In reality,
military defense consists in isolating pockets the very big, far-flung empire is especially
of disorganization so that they do not spread, vulnerable, because of the distribution of
bringing down the whole. On the other hand, resources towards distant frontiers. Military
successful offensive strategy consists in resources are also political costs; the networks
THE MICRO CONTRIBUTION 251
at home, in the core of the government and in tion organizations tend to have flat hierarchi-
the organized sectors which are asked to cal structures and the fusion of formal with
transfer their resources to bear the military informal channels; mass production-and-
burden, are drawn together as a ready-made assembly organizations tend to have complex
source of opposition should the military multidivisional structures with long chains of
machine falter. Thus a distant defeat has the command; etc. These relationships between
potential for disaster. Since it typically comes tasks/technologies/environments, on one hand,
in a situation in which logistics, the move- and the shape for the organizational structure
ment of resources across space has become a on the other, are mediated by the micro-
problem, it occurs at a time when the processes of control and group solidarity.
far-flung organizational network of the army Thus coercive interactions result in sharp
is itself hanging by threads. Bad defeats tend micro-divisions among order-givers and order-
to break up the army organizationally, far and takers, which constrain what kinds of tasks
wide; the collapse of military power in tum can be carried out and what sorts of network
tends to upset the focus of power within the structures can be built; flexible coordination
domestic state core, setting off a power in situations of uncertainty involves yet
struggle among opposing enforcement coali- another kind of interaction rituals, and results
tions. These processes can ramify back upon in a different kind of organizational structure.
each other; when large-scale networks lose Organizational hierarchy is itself a macro
their smooth coordination among their parts, coordination of micro activities; hence the
there tends to be a climulating process of nature of theory about organizational hierar-
fragmentation and internecine conflict." chy is constrained by the nature of theory of
what happens on the micro level.
Organizations are meso-stmctures, occupy-
Conclusion: Micro/Macro Theory Building ing the middle ranges of the micro-macro
I could go on in this vein. There is a good continuum.' But the theory of organizations
deal more to be done in the realm of provides a theoretical link upwards to still
constructing a micro/macro theory of geopol- larger structures. For most of the principles of
itics, and its ramifications into the pattems of organizational theory apply to any organiza-
political power generally. My point here is tional networks, whether or not there are
simpler: micro theory constrains the content formal organizational boundaries around or
of macro theory. And more: analytical macro within them. A complex of organizations is
theory concems how local micro-processes itself a "super-organization," and its structure
affect other local micro-processes, across and dynamics can be explained by organiza-
various macro configurations and aggrega- tional principles. (See for example my
tions! analyses of capitalism and of socialism as
This is not the only front on which the super-organizations, subject to Perrow's the-
argument can be made. I have tried to ory of complexity/linearity and tight/loose
demonstrate elsewhere (Collins, 1988:450-91) coupling, in Collins, 1988:484-9). Since
that the structure of formal organizations is principles of organizational structure are
determined by micro contingencies. Organiza- constrained by principles of micro theory,
tional research has produced a series of that means that micro principles constrain
generalizations on the meso-level: unit prbduc- social structures on up to any degree of macro
extension whatsoever.
" I have couched this in the most extreme form: the I would conclude that sociologists' opposi-
actual collapse of an empire because of defeats upon tion to theorizing the micro/macro connection
foreign frontiers. There are numerous examples in the seems to be due mainly to meta-theoretical
histoiy of the Chinese dynasties and many other empires, commitments, rather than to actual problems
such as the collapse of Napoleon's power just after its
height, upon the failure of his overextended campaign
in explanatory theories. When the substantive
into Russia in 1812 (for evidence, see Collins, 1981). It work is actually done, it moves closer to a
is more useful for theory-building to see that this process
is subject to variations: how much overextension, how
much resource strain, how much domestic opposition and ' This is approximately the same location in concep-
conflict, hence how severe the political repercussions of tual space as social movements, another place where
defeats. There are plenty of milder cases: one in vivid theories of micro/macro connection are being substan-
memory is the successive delegitimation of the political tively constructed. See for example Oliver and Marwell
parties in office in the U.S. during the Vietnam war. (1988).
252 SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
micro/macro connection, not farther away impinge on them. In more familiar language,
from it. Jon Turner, for example, has argued this is why traditional communities are
in the past that micro and macro theorizing subject to disruption by contact with more
are best pursued independently of each other. dynamic and conflictual social structures,
Nevertheless, as Turner (1988) lays out his until the traditional structure is itself mobi-
models of a comprehensive micro theory of lized into something that is only quasi-
interaction, the connection to macro theory traditional and actually crypto-modem.
begins to come into view. Thus Turner not To draw another macro consequence of
only has a micro theory of social motivation Turner's micro theory: if we assume that there
and of social interaction, but these flow into a is more conflict in the centers of power
theory of social structuring: the way in which structures (i.e. there is more maneuvering
micro processes repeat themselves over time over power at the top), then members of the
and thus constitute social structure. Granted, upper classes are going to have more anxiety
this is local socied structure; but it is at least than members of the middle or lower classes.
part way up the micro/macro continuum from This anxiety is channeled into energy for
the immediate interactional situation. ritualizing and frame-making, which presum-
Still further, I would suggest that Turner's ably should keep up a pressure for social
micro theory puts constraints on what should change at the top. The upper classes are thus
be the case at a considerably more macro level. structurally constrained not to sit on their
Turner's model (1988:200-209) centers on the laurels. If they do so, they reduce their
dynamics of anxiety. Basic motivational pro- anxiety levels, but also their social motivation
cesses flow through a need for sense of group to put energy into ritualizing and reality-
inclusion (which in turn drives and is recur- constructing; and this in tum makes them
sively driven by self-conceptions in a variety vulnerable to any group which is able to get in
of Goffmanian interactional processes), and striking distance which has a experienced a
through a need for a sense of ontological se- higher level of conflict and hence of anxiety.
curity (which in tum flows to and from the use Tumer's micro theory thus implies a macro
of reality-constructing techniques as spelled pattem, conceming where within the stratifi-
out in social phenomenology). The feedback cation stmcture the dynamics of change will
loops in Turner's model imply that individuals be located.
are most motivated to put energy into interac- Micro/macro theory is not just an opportu-
tion rituals, framing, accounting and other so- nity for metatheoretical debate. More impor-
cial/cognitive processes, when they have high tantly, it is also a path for building substan-
levels of anxiety; when they have lower anx- tive theory, for connecting different arenas of
iety, they accept a less energized (and more sociological research. And that means seeing
flaccid) routine. things about the world that we did not see
Here then is a micro/macro connection. If before.
we assume Turner's theory is correct, anxiety
is going to be higher, both in the group-
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