Leveling Up Part2

Levelling up (part 2):
a discussion paper on European strategies for

tackling social inequities in health
Göran Dahlgren
Margaret Whitehead
WHO Collaborating Centre for
Policy Research on Social Determinants of Health
University of Liverpool
Studies on social and economic determinants of population health, No. 3

Levelling up (part 2)
a discussion paper on European
strategies for tackling social
inequities in health
Göran Dahlgren
Margaret Whitehead
The WHO Regional Office for Europe is one of six regional offices throughout
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WHO European Office for Investment for Health and Development

The WHO European Office for Investment for Health and Development, which
coordinated the activities leading to this publication, was set up by the WHO
Regional Office for Europe, with cooperation and support from the Ministry
of Health and the Veneto Region of Italy. One of its key responsibilities is to
provide evidence on and act upon the social and economic determinants of
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• to monitor, review and systematize the policy implications of the social

and economic determinants of population health;
and
• to provide services to help Member States in the WHO European Region
increase their capacity to invest in health by addressing these policy
implications and integrating them into the agenda for development.
Levelling up (part 2):
a discussion paper on European
strategies for tackling social
Göran Dahlgren
Margaret Whitehead
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Keywords
STRATEGIC PLANNING - SOCIAL JUSTICE - HEALTH SERVICES ACCESSIBILITY
- POVERTY - SOCIOECONOMIC FACTORS - HEALTH POLICY - EUROPE
Contents V
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements VII
Foreword VIII
Introduction 1
Part I. The nature of the problem and pathways to social inequities in health 9
The magnitude of the problem 10
Historical perspectives 10
Inequities in health: western European countries 11
Inequities in health: the CIS and CCEE 14
Growing recognition of the problem 16
Understanding the root causes 19
Determinants of health 19
Determinants of social inequities in health 23
Part II. Policy options and experiences 33
The macro-policy environment 34
Economic growth strategies 35
Income inequalities and health 40
Poverty and health 43
Multisectoral actions to combat inequities in health 54
Education 54
Working environment 57
Unemployment 60
Health care services 62
Social and community inclusion policies 75
Social networks in context 75
Lifestyle-related policies through an equity lens 78
Structurally determined and individually chosen lifestyles 78
Tobacco control 79
Alcohol misuse 83
Nutrition, physical activity and obesity 87
Part III. Developing equity-oriented strategies for health 93
Strategies for tackling the health divide 94
The action spectrum across Europe 94
Setting health equity targets 97
The main types of strategy 100
Putting the last first in health for all strategies 105
References 107
Acknowledgements VII
Acknowledgements
This report was prepared in close cooperation with senior staff of the WHO
European Office for Investment for Health and Development in Venice and with
advice from their Expert Group on Poverty, Health Inequalities and Related
Social and Economic Determinants of Health. Drafts of this paper, and its
companion paper on concepts and principles, have been presented at various
meetings of WHO staff and at European consultations held in the Venice Office
for advice. These drafts have also been subjected to anonymous peer reviews.
Revisions have been made according to the comments gratefully received, but
the authors alone are responsible for the final text and any errors it contains.
Text editing: Jerome M. Rosen

Graphic design: Marta Pasqualato
Administrative support: Antonella Biasiotto
VIII Levelling up (part 2): a discussion paper on European strategies for tackling social inequities in health
Foreword
This new discussion paper on European strategies to tackle social inequities in
health is very timely, given the recent endeavours by an increasing number of
European countries to move from description to action on the problem.
Over the past two decades, WHO European Member States have been at the
forefront in advocating for policies that promote equity, including agreement
on a common health strategy in 1985, which incorporated a landmark equity
target. In 2002, WHO reaffirmed this commitment by setting up the WHO
European Office for Investment for Health and Development (the WHO Venice
Office), which focuses specifically on the social determinants of health and what
health systems can do to confront poverty and other social and economic factors
contributing to ill health. In 2006, the WHO Regional Director for Europe stated
that providing support for the reduction of health inequities will be one of the six
strategic directions for the Regional Office in the long-term plan for 2020.
As part of an effort to develop useful tools and guidance for countries on the
issue of equity in health, the WHO Venice Office invited Göran Dahlgren and
Margaret Whitehead to prepare this paper on Levelling up: a discussion paper
on European strategies for tackling social inequities in health.
Good practice and use of effective measures to tackle social health inequities
means ensuring that a country’s health system is not falling short of its
performance potential. The World Health Report 2000 Health Systems:
Improving Performance defines health systems as encompassing all the people
and action whose primary purpose is to improve health. It also specifies that
the goals of a health system must include reducing health inequities in ways to
improve the health status of the worst-off population groups. Thus, the content
of Levelling up: a discussion paper on European strategies for tackling social
inequities in health is properly conceived within a performance framework of
the health system. Furthermore this paper focuses upon major determinants
outside the health system such as different types of economic growth strategies,
inequities in income, poverty, unemployment and education.
The present paper is the result of a wide range of consultations. Earlier

versions of this paper have been discussed in several meetings organized by
WHO, including one with the European Committee for Health Promotion and
Development, in 2005. This final version is also the result of inputs from the
Foreword IX
WHO Regional Office for Europe and headquarters technical units and experts
in the field in various countries, and brings perspectives and examples from
over 30 countries. Together with the forthcoming Levelling up (part 2): a
discussion paper on concepts and principles for tackling social inequities in
health (Whitehead & Dahlgren, 2006), it is hoped that this work will help policy-
makers in their efforts to address social inequities in health in a Europe that is
rapidly changing.
Erio Ziglio
Head,
WHO European Office for Investment for Health and Development
Abbreviations used in this report
ALPS Affordability Ladder Program

BMI body mass index
CAP the European Union Common Agricultural Policy
CCEE the countries of central and eastern Europe
CIS Commonwealth of Independent States
EU European Union
GDP gross domestic product
GNP gross national product
HIV/AIDS human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immunodeficiency
syndrome
SARS severe acute respiratory syndrome
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
Introduction
2 Levelling up (part 2): a discussion paper on European strategies for tackling social inequities in health
Introduction
“The social conditions in which people live powerfully influence their chances to
be healthy. Indeed factors such as poverty, social exclusion and discrimination,
poor housing, unhealthy early childhood conditions and low occupational status
are important determinants of most diseases, deaths and health inequalities
between and within countries” (WHO, 2004).
Even in the high- and middle-income countries of the WHO European Region,
the possibilities for surviving and living a healthy life are still closely related to
the socioeconomic background of individuals and families. These possibilities
are reflected in substantial and even increasing social inequities in health within
countries across Europe.
These inequities in health are both unfair and avoidable, as they are caused
by unhealthy public policies and lifestyles influenced by structural factors
(Whitehead & Dahlgren, 2006). They even contradict the basic human rights
principle that everyone has “the right to the highest attainable standard of
physical and mental health” (Kälin et al., 2004). Levelling up the health status
of less privileged socioeconomic groups to the level already reached by their
more privileged counterparts should therefore be a key dimension of all
international, national and local health policies.
Increasing numbers of countries and international organizations have

acknowledged the importance of reducing this health divide. The Secretary of
State for Health of the United Kingdom, Patricia Hewitt, expressed this concern
at the European Union (EU) Summit on Tackling Health Inequalities, in October
2005, by stating (Hewitt, 2005):
“For us within the European Union (EU) reducing health inequalities is a central
part of our common European value of a society based as much on social justice
as on economic success. ... Narrowing this health gap and making good health
a reality for everyone is essential if we are to create a Europe of social justice
as well as prosperity”.
The importance of improving health in general and improving it among low-

income groups in particular, is a matter of even greater urgency in the countries
of central and eastern Europe (CCEE) and within the Commonwealth of
Independent States (CIS). The typical trend in health status for the population
Introduction 3
as a whole in most – but not all – of these countries is one of stagnation or

decline, accompanied by increasing social inequities in health. Political leaders
appear to increasingly recognize the need to tackle these negative trends. For
example, this was a main theme in President Putin’s State of the Nation Address
to the Federal Assembly in April 2005 when he stressed that, “We cannot
reconcile ourselves to the fact that the life expectancy of Russian women is
nearly 10 years, and for men nearly 16 years, shorter than in western Europe”
(Putin, 2005).
International organizations, such as WHO, are also promoting and supporting

efforts to reduce social inequities in health. Recent examples of WHO efforts are
the Commission on Social Determinants of Health (WHO, 2004), contributions
to the Bangkok Charter for Health Promotion in a Globalized World (WHO,
2006a) and the new WHO European Office for Investment for Health and
Development, in Venice. In fact, one of the key ethical values in Health 21:
the health for all policy framework for the WHO European Region is “Equity
in health and solidarity in action” (WHO Regional Office for Europe, 1999;
WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2005c). Equity in health is also stated as a
core value in 34 of the 40 national health for all policies developed in different
countries within the WHO European Region (WHO, 2005c), as well as in the
Bangkok Charter for Health Promotion in a Globalized World.
Very few countries, however, have developed specific strategies for integrating
equity-oriented health policies into economic and social policies. The equity
perspective is also missing in many specific programmes that focus on various
determinants of health, even in those countries that claim that reducing social
inequities in health is an overriding objective for all health-related policies and
programmes. Considering that people view health as constituting one of the
most important dimensions of their welfare, the low priority given it is striking.
Richard Wilkinson has noted (Wilkinson, 2005) that:
“Remarkably few governments have pursued policies to reduce the tens of

thousands of extra deaths lower down the social hierarchy that contribute to
health inequalities. ... If people were dying from exposure of some toxic material
the offices would be instantly closed down until the danger had been removed.
But because social processes cause these deaths, there is none of the same
sense of urgency”.
The purpose of the present report is to stimulate and facilitate the development
of evidence-based strategies for reducing social inequities in health. The focus

of the report is on the main determinants of social inequities in health, which
differ typically from the main determinants of health for the population as a
whole. The report pays special attention to policies and actions that either
reduce or increase inequities in health, because the power balance between
these forces determines the possibilities and constraints of achieving equity-
oriented health targets.
The policy options presented in this report are based on scientific evidence
or experiences gained in different countries. Policy changes and different
interventions are, however, rarely evaluated in terms of their health impact
on different socioeconomic groups. Consequently, many of the policy options
presented in this report are based on the assumption that actions that change
the determinants of social inequities are very likely to influence inequities in
health. Obviously, there may be cases where several coordinated actions are
needed to reduce observed social inequities in health and there may be other
cases where the time lag between an action and the actual health impact is not
known. This type of uncertainty is not unique to strategies that aim to reduce
social inequities in health. It is typical of most economic and social policies,
and it is accepted in the WHO health policy framework, Health 21, for the
European Region: “Good health evidence includes not only research results but
also other types of knowledge that decision-makers may find useful.” (WHO
Regional Office for Europe, 2005c). The policy options presented in this report
should be viewed and assessed in this perspective.
The values that underpin this report are based on internationally endorsed
social human rights, and the core values as stated in the health for all policy
framework for the WHO European Region (WHO Regional Office for Europe,
2005c). These stated values clearly indicate the preferred direction of change,
even when it is difficult to assess the magnitude of the change during a certain
period of time.
Given the existence of major differences, between countries, in the magnitude

and causes of social inequities in health, there is, however, no strategic
blueprint for tackling this health divide. Opportunities for (and barriers to) the
implementation of equity-oriented policies may also differ due to a number of
factors, such as political ideologies, institutional frameworks and the strength
of different global and national vested interests. The policy options presented
in this report therefore need to be assessed and developed further for each
Introduction 5
specific country. When assessing and developing country-specific strategies for

reducing social inequities in health, however, the overall analytical approach of
this report should be valid across most of the European Region.
The overall message of this report is that efforts to reduce social inequities
in health need to be seen as an integral part of socioeconomic development
policies (in general) and specific public health programmes and policies (in
particular).
Key terms used in this report
(See also the companion paper (Whitehead & Dahlgren, 2006), which discusses
concepts and principles related to some of the definitions below).
A clear distinction must always be made between inequities in health status

and inequities related to health services.
Terms related to inequities in health status
Equity in health. This implies that, ideally, everyone could attain their full
health potential and that no one should be disadvantaged from achieving this
potential because of their social position or other socially determined factors.
Equity-oriented health policies. These are policies that aim to reduce or

eliminate social inequities in health.
Social inequities in health. These are systematic differences in health status

between socioeconomic groups, as measured by income, education and
occupation. All systematic social inequities within a country are socially
produced, modifiable and unfair.
The phrases social inequities in health and social inequalities in health are
synonymous in this report. They both carry the same connotation of health
differences that are unfair and unjust.
Health divide and health gap. These terms are used interchangeably with the
phrase social inequities in health.
Relative differences in health. These measure the ratio of the health-indicator

value of the disadvantaged group to the corresponding value of the reference
group. The relative difference is thus a measure of the increased risk of
experiencing poor health in, for example, the lowest socioeconomic group, as
compared with the highest socioeconomic group or the population as a whole.
Relative differences can also be stated in terms of the percentage differences
between the two groups.
Absolute differences in health. These measure the difference between the

indicator value for the lowest and highest socioeconomic group – for example,
Key terms used in this report 7
the excess of deaths due to a certain disease that occurs (per 100 000
population) in the disadvantaged group, as compared with the most privileged
group.
Gender differences in health. These are economically, socially or culturally

determined systematic differences in health between men and women – in
contrast to biological differences between the sexes. Social inequities in health
should, whenever possible, be described and analysed separately for men and
for women, as both the magnitude and causes of observed differences may
vary between the two sexes. Conversely, gender differences in health should,
whenever possible, be related to socioeconomic background.
Ethnic differences in health. These are systematic differences in health between

different ethnic groups. Social inequities in health should, whenever possible, be
described and analysed by ethnic background in countries with marked ethnic
discrimination, as both the magnitude and causes of observed differences in
health may differ by ethnic background within different socioeconomic groups.
Conversely, descriptions and analyses of health by ethnic background should,
whenever possible, be analysed by socioeconomic background, to assess
the magnitude of socioeconomic differences in health within different ethnic
groups.
Geographical differences in health. These are differences in health observed

between different geographical areas. Geographical differences in health
should, whenever possible, be described and analysed in terms of the age and
socioeconomic structure of the areas compared. The observed health status in
areas with a homogenous social structure can be used – with due consideration
to differences in age structure – as a proxy for assessing social inequities in
health when information about the health status of different socioeconomic
groups does not exist or is very limited.
Determinants of health. These are factors that influence health positively

or negatively. This report focuses on social, economic and lifestyle-related
determinants of health – that is, factors that can be influenced by political,
commercial and individual decisions – as opposed to age, sex and genetic
factors, which also influence health but are not, on the whole, open to influence
by political or other types of policy.
Determinants of social inequities in health. These are social, economic

and lifestyle-related determinants of health that increase or decrease social
inequities in health. These factors can always be influenced by political,
commercial and individual choices/decisions.
Terms related to inequities in health care
Equity in health care. This incorporates notions of fair arrangements that allow
equal geographic, economic and cultural access to available services for all in
equal need of care. Other dimensions of equity in health care include equal
possibilities for adequate informal care and the same quality of professional
care for all.
Inverse care law. This is an expression often used to describe a situation where
“the availability of good medical care tends to vary inversely with the need for
it in the population served” (Hart, 1971).
Fair financial strategies for health services. These imply progressive financial
contributions, according to ability to pay, which are used to provide care
according to need, regardless of ability to pay.
Part. I
The nature of the problem
and pathways to social
The magnitude of the problem
The very first step in developing a strategy for reducing social inequities in
health within countries is to assess the magnitude of the health divide and how
it has changed over time. This must be put in the context of the overall trends
in population health.
Historical perspectives
In a historical perspective, the possibility of surviving and living a healthier life

has improved beyond expectations. The average human lifespan has doubled
over the past 200 years, and life expectancy is still increasing in most countries
(Williams, 2004). The achievements of better health are, however, still very
different between rich and poor countries and between groups within countries
that are better off and less privileged. The success stories of reduced social
inequities in health are less visible, but they do exist.
From a European perspective, major achievements have been made, for

example, in reducing social inequities in mortality, as measured in absolute
terms (Mackenbach et al., 2002). These achievements are closely related to
general improvements in living and working conditions.
From a historical perspective, certain relative differences in health between

different socioeconomic groups have also been reduced and (even) almost
eliminated for certain health indicators. For example, the substantial
socioeconomic differentials in infant mortality found in Sweden in the early
1930s have been almost eliminated, thanks to such deliberate policies as
the introduction of free maternal and child health services, housing policies
that improve the housing stock, financial support to low-income families and
general welfare reforms (Burström, 2004). This is not, as sometimes assumed,
an automatic by-product of economic development, as many countries
in Europe with the same level of economic development as Sweden still
experience substantial inequities in infant mortality (Mielck et al., 2002). The
key ingredients in the Swedish case are the healthier and more equity-oriented
economic and social policies. It is also important to note that this reduction in
social inequities in infant mortality was achieved in spite of substantial social
differences within Swedish society as a whole. So the argument sometimes put
forth that the elimination of social inequities in health is utopian is thus not
borne out by the evidence.
Despite some successes, major inequities in health still exist in all countries
across Europe and, measured in relative terms, the general trend is increasing,
rather than decreasing. Tackling these inequities in health – to level up the
health status of disadvantaged groups to the same level of health as already
experienced in advantaged groups – is, today, one of the most important public
health challenges. When developing strategies for reducing social inequities
in health within countries in the European Region, it is of critical importance
to take into consideration the differences in general health trends between
western European countries and those countries in eastern Europe and the
former Soviet Union.
In western Europe, the overall pattern for the population is that of rising life
expectancy. At the same time, social inequities in health are widening, when
measured in relative terms. This widening gap is caused by a relatively slower
improvement in health among lower socioeconomic groups than among
higher socioeconomic groups. In contrast, some of the CCEE and the CIS have
experienced a widening gap in social inequities in health, against a backdrop of
static or declining life expectancy for the population as a whole. In these cases,
widening inequities are brought about by lower socioeconomic groups suffering
a greater decline in health than that suffered by the population as a whole.
Given the differences in overall trends, the health divide for west and for east or
central European countries is described separately in the sections that follow.
Inequities in health: western European countries
Social inequities in mortality are substantial in most, if not all, western European
countries (for a review, see Mackenbach, 2005). The excess in mortality rate
in lower socioeconomic groups is often 25–50% or higher than in the upper
socioeconomic groups. These inequities tend to be greater among men than
among women, and they start early in life and persist into old age. In most
countries, almost half of the excess mortality in lower socioeconomic groups
is explained by inequities in cardiovascular diseases. Other major diseases
with marked social inequities are certain cancers, psychosocial problems and
injuries, but a social gradient is found for almost all common diseases.
Over the past two decades, many west European countries have experienced
an unexpected and significant increase in these social inequities “without much
evidence that the widening of the mortality gap will stop in the near future”
(Mackenbach, 2005). Increasing inequities in mortality during the last two

decades have been well documented in, for example, England and Wales (Drever
& Whitehead, 1997), Finland (Valkonen, 1993), France (Lang & Ducimetiere,
1995), the Netherlands (van de Mheen, Reijneveld & Mackenbach, 1996),
Spain (Regidor et al., 1995) and Sweden (Vågerö & Lundberg, 1995).
The possibilities for assessing social inequities in health are better in some
countries than in others. Unique records, which allow detailed analysis of social
inequities in mortality, are found in England, where these differences have been
documented for more than 150 years (Drever & Whitehead, 1997). For example,
in England and Wales, inequities in life expectancy between professionals and
unskilled men working at manual jobs have increased, from 5.4 years in the
1970s to more than 8 years in the 1990s (Mackenbach, 2005).
Recent data from registries in England and Wales also reveal that men between
20 and 64 years of age in semi- and unskilled manual occupations are three
times more likely to die from coronary heart disease and stroke than men in
the same age group in professional and managerial occupations. An estimated
17 000 lives a year would be saved in England if all men of working age had the
same low mortality rate as that of men in professional and managerial groups
(British Department of Health, 1999). Studies also illustrate a gradient across
society, and not just between an extreme group in poor health and the rest in
reasonably good health. Typically, a stepwise or linear decrease in health is
seen with decreasing social position and is referred to as the social gradient
(Marmot et al., 1997).
Social inequities in mortality can also be expressed in terms of chances of

survival. This perspective may have a greater political impact, as it shows, for
example, that “15 year old boys living in the most affluent areas of Glasgow
have a 90% chance of getting to the age of 65 whereas boys in the poorest
parts just have a 50% chance” (Burns, 2005). The Secretary of State for Health
in the United Kingdom used an even more striking way of describing existing
social inequities in health by pointing out that on a journey on the London
Underground “from Westminster to Canning Town in east London, just eight
stops, life expectancy for men drops by one year per stop. That pattern in
some form is repeated in every European country which is utterly unacceptable
in civilised developed countries” (Hewitt, 2005).
In France, the probability of men who do manual work dying between 35 and
65 years of age is twice as high as that for men in senior executive positions
(Mesrine, 1999). In Germany, 16% of children 11–15 years of age with parents
belonging to the lowest social class report poor health compared with 1%
among children with parents from the upper social class (Klocke & Hurrelmann,
1995).
Social inequities in self-reported health are sometimes even greater than the
health divide in mortality. As an example, a study that compared 11 western
European countries showed that the risk of self-reported ill health was one and
a half to two and a half times greater at the lower half of the socioeconomic
ladder than at the upper half (Mackenbach et al., 2002). Unlike inequities in
mortality during the 1980s and 1990s, these social inequities in perceived
health have been rather stable in most west European countries (Mackenbach,
2005).
A focus on gender-specific social differences in health is important, as low-

income women typically experience the double burden of being discriminated
against for both being poor and being a woman. The gender dimension of the
increasing inequities in health has been highlighted in Sweden, where women
who do manual work and women who work as lower civil servants were those
losing most healthy years since 1980 (National Board of Health and Social
Welfare, 2001).
Social inequities in health account for a substantial part of the total burden of
disease in the welfare states of western Europe. In Sweden, about a third of the
total burden of disease is a differential burden that results from socioeconomic
inequities in health. For both sexes, most of this differential burden falls on
unskilled workers. Ischaemic heart disease accounts for the greatest absolute
difference between the least and most advantaged groups (Ljung et al., 2005).
As many countries in Europe have larger absolute socioeconomic differences
in mortality than does Sweden (Vågerö & Eriksson, 1997), it is very likely that
the share of the total burden of disease due to inequities in health is even
greater in these countries than in Sweden. Consequently, efforts to reduce
inequities in health should also be viewed as an important strategy for raising
the average health status of the population as a whole. Indeed, in some
countries it is becoming clear that health gains for the whole population will not
be achieved without extra efforts to reduce the social inequities in health within
the country. This is the situation in England (population 50 million in 2004),
where it has been estimated that national health targets will not be achieved
unless additional progress is made in the north-west region of the country

(population 7.4. million), the region with the worst health and the highest levels
of disadvantage.
Inequities in health: the CIS and CCEE
One of the great tragedies of our time is the declining health and increasing
inequities in health experienced during the transition period from a planned
to a market economy in the CIS and CCEE. Life expectancy in the Russian
Federation today is lower than it was 40 years ago (Vågerö, 2005). Between
1991 and 1994, more than six years of life expectancy among men and more
than three years among women were lost. Noncommunicable diseases are
the leading cause of death, with cardiovascular diseases, cancer and injuries
accounting for 78% of all deaths among the working population in 2003 (World
Bank, 2005). The main burden of this crisis in mortality was borne by males in
lower socioeconomic groups (Walters & Suhrcke, 2005). Male life expectancy at
birth was only 58 years (World Bank, 2005), which is far below life expectancy
in countries at a much lower level of economic development, such as Vietnam.
Regional differences in life expectancy in the Russian Federation are also
increasing. Between 1990 and 2000, the difference between the oblasts
(administrative regions) with the highest and lowest life expectancy increased,
from 10.5 years to 17.9 years (Ivaschenko, 2004).
These negative trends in health in general, and among men with a low
socioeconomic status in particular, have widened the health divide between
the Russian Federation and west European countries, from 4 to 14 years
during the last three decades (World Bank, 2005). The gender differences
in life expectancy are also remarkable in the Russian Federation, as Russian
women live about 14 years longer than Russian men (World Bank, 2005). The
corresponding gender gap in west European countries ranges from 5 to 7 years.
These figures clearly show that present economic transition trends generate a
significant number of avoidable deaths. For example, an estimated 17 million
additional Russians would be alive today if age-specific mortality rates had
followed the patterns of the 15 countries that belonged to the EU before 1 May
2004 (Andreev, 2005).
Trends in Russian morbidity and disability are also of concern. Compared with
40% in the highest quintile, almost 60% of those in the lowest quintile reported
bad or very bad self-perceived health (NOBUS Survey, 2003). Also, a healthy
middle-aged cohort in the Russian Federation would have less than a third
the chance of surviving into old age without disability as that of an equivalent
cohort in Sweden (Bobak et al., 2004).
Many overall populations in other eastern and central European countries have
experienced deteriorating health – particularly among men – and increasing
social inequities in health (Groenhof et al., 1996). Estonia is one of the countries
that have experienced a very substantial increase in social inequities in health
between 1988 and 2000. For example, the excess death rate for adults in
the lowest socioeconomic group (measured by education) was 50% in 1998,
and it increased to 138% by 2000 (Mackenbach, 2005). By the year 2000,
a male graduate 25 years of age could expect to live 13 years longer than a
man of the same age in the lowest educational group (Leinsalu, Vagero & Kunst,
2003). The corresponding gap in life expectancy between women graduates
and women from the lowest educational group was 8.6 years. When comparing
groups with different levels of education, the prevalence of self-reported poor
health among women was three times greater in women with a low level of
education than in women with a high level of education, while this difference
was less pronounced among men with different educational backgrounds
(Walters & Suhrcke, 2005).
The social patterns of disease in other countries in eastern Europe are similar.
For example, the excess risk of dying for people in lower socioeconomic groups
is more than double that for people in higher socioeconomic groups in Lithuania,
Poland (for men only) and Slovenia (Mackenbach, 2005). In Hungary, the risk
of premature death among men doing manual labour was found to be almost
double that of men doing non-manual labour (Kunst, 1997). One exception to
these negative trends, however, is the Czech Republic, where the mortality rate
for the population as a whole changed for the better without an adverse trend
for lower socioeconomic groups (Mackenbach, 2005).
One disease that is closely linked to poverty and poor living conditions
is tuberculosis. Over the past 15 years, it has reached emergency levels in
the eastern half of the European Region. In 2004, over 400 000 cases of
tuberculosis were reported, 80% of which were in just 16 countries: in the Baltic
states, the CIS and Romania (WHO, 2006b). Tuberculosis caused about 69 000
deaths in the Region in 2004. The rates of multidrug-resistant tuberculosis in
the CCEE and CIS are among the highest in the world – over 10 times the rate
for the rest of the world, with rates as high as 14% in new patients. Of the 20
countries with the highest rates of multidrug resistance to tuberculosis among

previously treated cases, 14 are in the WHO European Region. The Region
also reports the highest rate of treatment failure (7%) and the second-highest
rate of death as a treatment outcome (6%) (WHO, 2006b). The burden of this
disease is not spread evenly across the population in these countries, but falls
most heavily on the disadvantaged. The main risk factors for tuberculosis in
the Russian Federation, for example, are unemployment, poverty, drinking raw
milk (another index of poverty), overcrowding, illicit drug use and imprisonment
(Coker et al., 2006).
A report prepared by the WHO European Office for Investment for Health and
Development reviewed recent literature on socioeconomic inequities in health
in the CCEE and CIS (Walters & Suhrcke, 2005). It provides compelling evidence
of substantial and increasing social inequities. The negative effects on health
experienced by large segments of the population are greatest among those
with a lower socioeconomic status. The report highlights the importance of
using existing data, which often seems to be underutilized, to describe and
analyse social inequities.
It is surprising that not more use has been made of vital registration and
census data to investigate the association between socioeconomic status
and life expectancy given that many countries in the region have reasonable
good health registration and some measures of socio-economic status, often
education recorded on death certificates.
Growing recognition of the problem
Against this background of inequity, increasing numbers of countries and

international organizations now recognize the importance of developing more
focused and comprehensive strategies for tackling the health divide within the
European Region. Many declarations to tackle inequities, however, appear to
be merely rhetorical, as they have not been followed by any comprehensive
policies and actions to address the problem.
In some countries, policy-makers may even be unaware of the magnitude

and trends of existing inequities in health among their people. This is quite
remarkable, considering that health is one of the most important dimensions of
human well-being and development.
One barrier to recognizing the problem is that social inequities in health are
invisible in everyday life, where death and disease are often perceived as hitting
family and friends quite randomly. Imagine the possibility of observing who
is to live and who is to die early due to an avoidable cause; most likely, this
visibility would change the health agenda radically.
Because of this invisibility, there is an urgent need not only to improve health
information systems, but also to make the findings known to politicians and
the public alike. Some improvements are already occurring. In the future, for
example, the EU Health Information System will enable Member States to have
a much more sophisticated understanding of health inequities, both within their
countries and in comparison with other parts of Europe (Kyprianou, 2005).
Major efforts, however, remain to be made at local, national and international

levels to put social background on an equal footing with that of age and
sex in descriptive analyses of morbidity and mortality. This is important, as
information on social inequities in health is valuable not only when formulating
and assessing strategies for health, but also when devising ways to allocate
resources for health services according to need. Facts about the health divide
can also be of critical importance when developing social policies in general. For
example, shorter life expectancy among blue collar workers, compared with the
rest of the population, was a major argument for a one year earlier retirement
age for manual workers in a recent reform of the pension system in Italy (Costa
et al., 2006). Finally inequities in health and how they change over time can be
used as indicators of overall social development within a country.
Policy pointers for analysis of health inequities
The following advice should be followed when analysing health inequities.
Use both absolute and relative differences, whenever possible, to express a

inequities in health. This is also important from a policy perspective, as general
welfare strategies are aimed at changing absolute inequities in health, while
both general and equity-oriented strategies are needed to reduce relative
differences in health.
Use income, occupation or education to measure social position. These all b

function reasonably well as indicators of social position in European societies,
though they all have their drawbacks. In practice, the choice is often limited to
what is most readily available in a country’s routine information systems.
c Use the health status in economically privileged and less privileged areas as a
proxy for social inequities in health when data on the health of socioeconomic
groups is lacking. The argument against this – that equity-oriented policies
cannot be developed due to lack of health data linked to social position – can
and should always be rejected.
d Ensure that health information systems provide information about the

distribution of different causes of death and perceived health problems by
social background and not only by age and sex. Whenever possible, social
position and gender should be considered together, as both the magnitude and
causes of observed social inequities in health often differ between boys or men
and girls or women.
e Develop systems and specific indicators for monitoring and analysing social
determinants of health, in general. In particular, focus on the determinants of
social inequities in health – that is, those determinants that significantly reduce
or increase social inequities in health.
f Publish periodic reviews – public health reports – that include in-depth analytical
descriptions of the magnitude and trends in inequities in health and the main
determinants that generate them. Many countries already produce different
types of periodic public health reports, and one recommendation from the EU
Summit on Tackling Health Inequalities, in October 2005, was to produce such
reports every five years.
g Carry out projections of lives saved or health improved when alternative policies
for a particular determinant of health are being considered. These projections
are already done in some countries when different road safety measures
are being considered. Such prospective health impact assessments could be
extended to other determinants of health, and an equity perspective could be
added.
Understanding the root causes
The root causes (determinants) of observed social inequities in health need to

be understood before more effective policies can be formulated to tackle them.
Conceptually, however, the determinants of overall population health have often
been mixed up with the determinants of social inequities in health, and both
sets of determinants have been treated the same for policy considerations. The
danger of such an approach is that the ensuing policy tends to be very general
and is ineffective in reducing the health divide. This section therefore aims to
make this distinction clear. It starts by reviewing the main general determinants
of health. It then goes on to outline the five key mechanisms by which these
determinants of health may operate to cause social inequities in health. The
implications for equity-oriented policies and strategies are flagged for each of
the five main determinants of inequities in health.
Determinants of health
The determinants of the general health of the population can be conceptualized

as rainbow-like layers of influence (see Fig. 1).
The Main Determinants of Health Fig.1
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Source: Dahlgren and Whitehead, 1993

In the centre of the figure, individuals possess age, sex and constitutional
characteristics that influence their health and that are largely fixed. Surrounding
them, however, are influences that are theoretically modifiable by policy. First,
there are personal behaviour factors, such as smoking habits and physical
activity. Second, individuals interact with their peers and immediate community
and are influenced by them, which is represented in the second layer. Next, a
person’s ability to maintain their health (in the third layer) is influenced by
their living and working conditions, food supply, and access to essential goods
and services. Finally, as mediator of population health, economic, cultural and
environmental influences prevail in the overall society. This model for describing
health determinants emphasizes interactions: individual lifestyles are embedded
in social norms and networks, and in living and working conditions, which in
turn are related to the wider socioeconomic and cultural environment.
The determinants of health that can be influenced by individual, commercial

or political decisions can be positive health factors, protective factors, or risk
factors.
Positive health factors. These contribute to the maintenance of health.

Fundamental positive health factors are, for example, economic security,
adequate housing and food security. Control over life outcomes and enjoying
good relationships in the home and other emotionally rewarding social
relationships are also important positive health factors (Wilkinson, 2005).
Protective factors. These are factors that eliminate the risk of, or facilitate
resistance to, disease. The classical example is immunization against a variety
of infectious diseases. Psychosocial factors, such as social support and a sense
of purpose and direction in life, are also increasingly recognized as factors that
protect health (WHO, 2002). Healthy diets, such as the Mediterranean diet
with a high consumption of fruit and olive oil, is also considered to be protective
(Costa et al., 2006).
Risk factors or risk conditions. These cause health problems and diseases that
are potentially preventable. These risk factors or risk conditions can be social or
economic or can be associated with specific environmental- or lifestyle-related
health hazards, such as polluted air and smoking.
In practice, making the distinction between these categories of determinants

may be difficult at times. As the focus is typically on risk factors, it is useful to
try to identify positive and protective factors. The relevance of having a holistic
perspective on the determinants of health can be illustrated by the choice of
focus when considering a group exposed to a certain risk factor – for example, 5
people may fall ill and 95 remain healthy. Medical research often concentrates
on the question of why those 5 individuals get this specific disease, while it
is at least equally important to identify the factors that protect the 95 who
– despite being exposed – remained healthy.
The importance of the contribution of different risk factors to the total burden
of disease should be assessed, so that priorities can be set and appropriate
interventions and strategies developed. This type of risk assessment has been
performed by WHO (2002). Table 1 lists the 10 main contributors to the total
burden of disease in Europe, as identified by WHO. All these contributors could
be considered downstream behavioural risk factors. As a basis for action, these
specific risk factors provide only a partial base, as the broader, more upstream
determinants of health shown on the right of the table are not quantified in the
WHO analysis.
A comprehensive health strategy for a specific country should, of course, include

both downstream and upstream determinants of health and the relationships
between the two, as they are often interlinked closely. For example, analyses
of upstream unhealthy economic and social determinants of health need to
be linked to downstream causes of certain diseases and health problems.
Conversely, downstream determinants of health, such as unhealthy lifestyles,
should be seen in the context of their upstream influences. The success of
tobacco control programmes in many countries can be attributed to policies
that include actions on both upstream determinants (such as legislation and
taxation of tobacco products) and downstream health education and cessation
programmes.
Table Important contributors to the total burden of disease in the WHO European
n.1 Region, 2002
Downstream Upstream
Ten key behavioural risk factors for Europe, Broader risks to health not captured by
identified by WHO precise quantitative analyses
1. Tobacco - Global neoliberal trade policies

2. High blood pressure - National economic growth strategies
3. Misuse of alcohol that neglect
4. Too high cholesterol poverty-reduction strategies
5. Overweight - Income inequalities
6. Low fruit and vegetable intake - Poverty
7. Physical inactivity - Work-related health hazards
8. Drug abuse - Lack of social cohesion
9. Unsafe sex
10. Iron deficiency
Source: WHO (2002).
The importance of a specific upstream or downstream risk factor can be quite

different in different countries within Europe. Table 2 illustrates, for example,
that in Sweden the negative health impact of alcohol on the burden of disease
is less than half that of the impact in the 15 countries that belonged to the EU
before 1 May 2004 as a whole. Each country needs its own assessment of which
determinants of health are the most significant for their national context.
Table Percentage of total burden of disease caused by specific risk factors/conditions

n.2 in the EU and Sweden, 1997
Risk factor/condition EU Sweden
Tobacco 9.0 8.0

Alcohol 8.4 3.5
Obesity 3.7 2.8
Work environment 3.6 2.2
Diet: low fruit and vegetable intake 3.5 3.5
Relative poverty 3.1 1.2
Unemployment 2.9 2.4
Narcotics 2.4 1.7
Exercise: too little 1.4 1.4
Diet: too much unhealthy fat 1.1 1.5
Source: Adapted from Diderichsen, Dahlgren & Vågerö (1997).
Determinants of social inequities in health
Knowledge of the social determinants of health (shown in Fig. 1) is necessary,

but not sufficient, for identifying and analysing the determinants of social
inequities in health. The analysis of causal factors needs to be developed
further, as the determinants of inequities in health may be different from the
social determinants of health for the whole population – that is, the most
important determinants of health may differ for different socioeconomic groups.
For example, unhealthy physical work environments are a major risk factor for
unskilled workers in Sweden, while this is not the case for senior civil servants
or for the population as a whole (Lundberg, 1991).
Poverty is another example. For a high-income country, the role played by

poverty in determining the overall health of the population may only be a minor
one. The size of its role will depend on how many individuals live in poverty in
that country. In a country where, for example, the prevalence of poverty is
low, poverty may only account for 2% of the total burden of disease on the
population. At the same time, it could account for 10% of the difference in the
burden of disease between affluent and low-income groups within that country.
This is because poverty is always a major health hazard for the poor while, by
definition, it does not affect the affluent.
It is therefore of critical importance to distinguish between social determinants

of health for the overall population and the social determinants of inequities
in health.
One approach to understanding the root causes (determinants) of social

inequities in health is to focus on the distinct pathways and mechanisms by
which the known health risk factors and risk conditions bring about the social
gradients in health that are observed within countries (Diderichsen, Evans &
Whitehead, 2001). Applying and further developing Diderichsen’s approach,
it is possible to identify the following five mechanisms or pathways to social
inequities in health within a country.
Different levels of power and resources 1
Social position in society, as defined by education, occupation or economic

resources, exerts a powerful influence on the type, magnitude and distribution
of health risks experienced within different socioeconomic groups. Groups that
are better off typically have more power and opportunities to live a healthy
life than groups that are less privileged. Social position is therefore in itself an
important determinant of social inequities in health (Link & Phelan, 1996).
This stratification is usually stronger when the social divisions in society are
wider. It is also reflected in legal and institutional arrangements, as well as in
political and market forces.
The determinants of social inequities in health generated by different levels

of power and resources can only be understood and measured at the group
or societal level (Diderichsen, Evans & Whitehead, 2001). Efforts to reduce
differences in education or income between socioeconomic groups are likely
to have a positive effect from a health equity perspective, as they increase
the power of (and opportunities for) less privileged groups to avoid unhealthy
living and working conditions. Education can also foster greater understanding
between different groups in society, and thereby help to reduce the distance
between groups, as outlined in the education section in Part II of this report.
The psychosocial effects of social position have also been given increasing
attention in research on determinants of social inequities in health. Social status
is then seen as a determinant of health in its own right, as expressed by Richard
Wilkinson: It has “a huge impact on whether people feel valued, appreciated
and needed or on the other hand looked down on, treated as insignificant,
disrespected, stigmatised and humiliated” (Wilkinson, 2005).
Empirical data show that people in a low socioeconomic position experience,

on average, more psychosocial stress related to financial difficulties and
effort–reward imbalances; they also experience a life or work situation (or
both) characterized by high demands and low control. As Johan Mackenbach
explains, these forms of psychosocial stress can in their turn lead to ill health,
either through biological pathways (for example, by affecting the endocrine or
immune system) or through behavioural pathways (for example, by inducing
risk taking behaviour) (Mackenbach, 2005).
The point is that psychosocial determinants of health, such as lack of control

in the workplace, lack of social support and housing insecurity that generates
unhealthy stress, are socially structured – that is, related to the social position
– and thus typically far more common among people with a low social position,
as compared with people with a high social position.
That the roots of social inequities in health are to be found in the social context
and class structure of the society does not imply that only changing the class
structure as a whole can reduce socioeconomic differences in health. What it
does imply, however, is that processes that reduce the differences between
different segments of the population are likely to be good for equity in health
as well.
Reducing inequities in health can be thought of as increasing the freedom

and power among people with the most limited possibilities of controlling and
influencing their own life and society (Dahlgren, 2003b). Political and economic
democracy, as well as other systems that empower the least powerful, should
therefore be considered within the context of comprehensive strategies for
tackling social inequities in health. Special attention should also be given to
the possibilities of increasing the influence on commercial markets of the most
powerless, as essential goods and services on these markets are provided only
to those who can express their need and demand in purchasing power.
Different levels of exposure to health hazards 2
The most obvious reason why the risks for most major diseases differ among
socioeconomic groups is differences in exposure to the factors that cause
or prevent these diseases. Exposure to almost all risk factors (material,
psychosocial and behavioural) is inversely related to social position – that is, the
lower the social position, the greater the exposure to different health hazards
– and produces the familiar social gradient in health. Conversely, people with
the greatest access to resources have the best opportunities of avoiding risks,
diseases and the negative consequences of poor health (Link & Phelan, 1995).
The unequal distribution of socioeconomic determinants of health, such as
income, employment, education and good quality housing, should be a prime
focus of strategies for reducing health inequities (Graham, 2000).
To aid the process of reducing health inequities, exposure to different risk

factors should be analysed for each socioeconomic group, whenever possible.
It will then become clear which risk factors are important for which group and
whether these differ from the important risk factors for the overall population.
For example, a French report showed that work-related risk factors accounted
for 20% of all cancers (except lung cancer) among people doing manual work,
but only 5% of cancers among the population as a whole (Haut Comité de
la Santé Publique, 1998). The importance of improved work environments is
therefore more pronounced in an equity-oriented health policy than in a policy

limited to the general improvement of the population.
The impacts on equity in health of these skewed distributions are substantial

across Europe, as almost all risk factors have a very pronounced inverse
social gradient, including such lifestyle factors as smoking and alcohol misuse.
Conversely, such healthy behaviours as breast-feeding tend to decrease with
decreasing social status.
It is also important to try to understand why there is a social gradient in

exposure to different health hazards, as well as to factors that promote and
protect health. These causes behind the causes should be identified, whenever
possible, as knowledge about these driving forces is critically important for
developing equity-oriented strategies for health. The focus is then likely to
be on upstream financial and political power structures in a country. In the
illustration above, on the increased cancer risk among French people doing
manual work, a focus for an intervention might be on how to increase the power
of labour unions or government authorities, to bring about reductions in cancer
risks in the workplace, even when employers are reluctant to do so.
When there is a clear social gradient of a certain determinant of health, the

policy implication is that special efforts and additional financial resources – as
well as special methods and approaches – might be needed to reduce health
hazards for those at greatest risk. This does not imply targeting these groups
only, however. On the contrary, these special efforts are intended to benefit the
general public and, at the same time, reduce social inequities in health. The
need for such levelling-up policies can be illustrated by the need to reduce and
eliminate occupational health hazards in all workplaces, whenever possible.
Explicit equity-oriented strategies are also needed in specific public health

programmes. For example, this should be an important dimension of tobacco
control programmes in countries where overall smoking rates have been
declining while, at the same time, social inequities in the use of tobacco have
been increasing. This comes about because the reduction in smoking has
mainly occurred among high- and middle-income groups, while the prevalence
of smoking has stayed the same or increased among low-income groups,
particularly among low-income women in some countries. What is needed now
are general tobacco control programmes that include special efforts to tackle
the gender-specific determinants of the social inequities of smoke-related
conditions, such as negative stress related to living and working conditions.
The same level of exposure leading to differential impacts 3
The same level of exposure to a certain risk factor may have different effects
on different socioeconomic groups. For example, in Sweden, similar levels of
alcohol misuse, as measured in units of pure alcohol, cause two to three times
more alcohol-related diseases and injuries among male manual workers than
among male civil servants (Hemmingsson et al., 1998). This impact differential
between the groups can be explained by differences in drinking patterns and
social support systems at work and at home. The focus of policies to reduce
social inequities in health caused by these types of impact differentials should
therefore be on the social, cultural and economic environment, as well as
on reducing a specific risk factor alone. This may call for social and financial
support, in addition to interventions related directly to the supply of or demand
for alcohol products (see the subsection on Alcohol misuse in Part II).
Impact differentials may also be due to the greater likelihood of low-income

groups being exposed simultaneously to several risk factors that reinforce each
other. For example, prolonged stress may increase the risk of infectious diseases,
as it suppresses the body’s immune system (Wilkinson, 2005). The relative
risk of developing noncommunicable diseases may also increase when various
risk factors are combined. The Ministry of Health in the Russia Federation has
estimated that such multiple factors increase the risk of cardiovascular mortality
by five to seven times (Russian Ministry of Public Health, 1997).
Understanding the causes of social inequities in health calls for an even wider
perspective, as health inequities are generated by the combined effect of many
factors, such as social exclusion, low income, alcohol abuse and poor access to
health services.
Research on the synergetic (reinforcing) effects – of different clusters of risk

factors typical of low-income groups is still quite limited. The WHO Task Force
on Research Priorities for Equity in Health has therefore recommended that a
high priority should be given to research that focuses on the interrelationships
between factors that change the likelihood of achieving or maintaining good
health at the individual level and within the social context (WHO Task Force on
Research Priorities for Equity in Health and the WHO Equity Team, 2005). Such
reinforcing effects are believed to be found among low-income groups exposed
to a cluster of risk factors, such as economic stress due to low income, cramped
housing accommodations, smoking and obesity – all occurring together. It is
also very likely that the perceived possibility of doing something is reduced as
the burden of risk factors increases.
When tackling a cluster of risk factors, a key policy issue is identifying entry
points for reducing or eliminating the synergetic effects and developing a
package of several different policies and interventions to break the vicious circle
of poor health. This is a major challenge when developing and implementing
community-based health programmes, such as strategies for neighbourhood
renewal.
4 Life-course effects
Another important pathway to social inequity in health within a country

involves a life-course perspective, considering the cumulative outcome of all the
pathways above as they interact and operate over a lifetime. Many events early
in life generate poor health later on, and material circumstances in early life
are stronger predictors of health status later in life than social position during
adulthood (Lynch, Kaplan & Salonen, 1997; Eriksson et al., 1999). Deprivation
during childhood has also proved to be associated with experiences of poor
health in adulthood – for example, in the CCEE and CIS (Walters & Suhrcke,
2005).
These life-course effects may be passed from parents to their children, as they
are closely related to social background. For example, the social position of
parents influences the educational achievements of their children, which in
turn influence working conditions and salary levels when the children grow up.
Specific risk factors also link the generations (Power & Matthews, 1997). For
example, the fact that more working-class women smoke during pregnancy,
partly explains the higher rates of low birth weight in lower socioeconomic
groups, which over time increases the risk (and social inequities in health),
when the babies grow up, for coronary heart disease, stroke, hypertension and
non-insulin-dependent diabetes.
Chronic illness in childhood – more common among children of manual workers

– may have long-term consequences for health later in life. Poor socioeconomic
circumstances are also related to certain unhealthy lifestyles during adolescence,
such as smoking.
Such cumulative, life-course effects are considered to be a major explanation of

the variations observed in health and life expectancy for socioeconomic status
(WHO, 2002). From a policy perspective, this highlights the importance of
very early interventions as a key strategy for preventing the processes that
increase the risk of poor health later on. Special attention should be given to
parental poverty, which can start a chain of social risks that damages health
over the entire life-course. Welfare policies need therefore “to provide not
only safety nets but also springboards to offset earlier disadvantage” (WHO
Regional Office for Europe, 2005c). These strategies for reducing childhood
inequities in health should include levelling up living standards and specific
health interventions for children in lower socioeconomic groups, as well as
interventions aimed at improving health among children in general (Mielk,
Graham & Bremberg, 2002). Reducing the intergenerational causes of poverty
and increasing the possibilities for a healthy and positive childhood is one of
the greatest challenges when trying to reduce social inequities in health.
Different social and economic effects of being sick 5
A fifth potential pathway to social inequities in health involves the differential

social and economic consequences of being sick. Poor health may have many
adverse consequences for the life and livelihood of individuals, including loss
of earnings from employment, loss of a job altogether, and social isolation or
exclusion, brought about by unemployment or restrictions on activities because
of the illness. At the same time, sick people may face additional financial burdens
due to high out-of-pocket payments for health care and the drugs they need.
All of these negative consequences of being ill are likely to result in a downward
spiral that damages health further.
If there is a social gradient in the severity of these consequences, with adverse

socioeconomic consequences increasing with decreasing socioeconomic
position, then this may eventually contribute to the observed social inequities
in health. Evidence of this particular pathway has been found in both Sweden
and the United Kingdom, where there are social gradients in employment rates
for people with chronic illness or disability: the chances of being employed
decline with declining socioeconomic position, though the adverse effects are
more severe in the United Kingdom than in Sweden (Lindholm, Burström &
Diderichsen, 2002; Burström et al., 2003).
Members of higher socioeconomic groups that experience health problems often

have a better chance of keeping their jobs than those in lower socioeconomic
groups with similar health problems (Lindholm, Burström & Diderichsen, 2002).
The risk of losing income from work is therefore likely to be related inversely
to initial salary. The risks of economic stress and poverty-related diseases are
further increased among low socioeconomic groups, in particular in countries
with inadequate financial safety nets for those unable to work due to poor
health.
Policy entry points for this pathway include improved financial support systems
– to ameliorate income loss due to poor health – and effective rehabilitation
and retraining programmes (Diderichsen, 2002).
Policy pointers on determinants of inequities in health
The following is advice for researchers and policy-makers.
a More research is urgently needed to deepen the understanding of the precise

mechanisms by which determinants of health generate inequities in health.
b Special attention should be given to the extent to which social differences in

living standards are linked to psychosocial determinants of health, which in
turn – via, for example, chronic stress – cause diseases and health problems.
c A high priority should be given to research that focuses on synergetic effects

of different risk factors – in particular, among low-income groups. Longitudinal
cohort studies will make it possible to identify and analyse determinants of
social inequities in health in a life-course perspective.
d Information on the main determinants of social inequities in health should

be actively and widely distributed in a language that is easily understood by
people without a professional background in epidemiology or public health.
The importance of recognizing the difference between determinants of health
for the overall population and determinants of social inequities within that
population should be explained and emphasized.
e When undertaking impact assessments of different social determinants of

health, similar, but separate analyses of major determinants of social inequities
in health should be performed for men and women.
In any analysis of determinants of social inequities in health, it is important to f

try to assess the lead time – the period between change in exposure and health
impact – to avoid missing key effects due to a too short time frame.
Further research is essential, but enough is presently known for effective g

action. Even without perfect data, preventive and protective action is needed
now. Strategies for reducing social inequities in health are no different from
any other economic or social strategies, as they should be based on the best
possible evidence, but they should also be amenable to change, as additional
experiences are gained and new research findings presented.
Part II.
Policy options and experiences
Having considered the various pathways that lead to social inequities in health,
this report now outlines some policy options for intervening, to tackle the
problem. It is useful to take each layer of influence in the rainbow in Fig. 1,
focus in turn on the impact on social inequities in health, and then consider
what has been learnt from previous experiences that can be used for future
action (Dahlgren & Whitehead, 1992).
It is impossible to capture all important research findings on – and efforts made

to reduce – social inequities in health since the beginning of the 1990s. Instead,
the analysis in this part of the report is intended to illustrate an approach and
present policy options as illuminating examples.
The macro-policy environment
The driving forces that generate social inequities in health are, to a great
extent, related to the macro-policy environment. This environment includes
neoliberal economic growth strategies, which have widened income inequalities
and increased poverty. The increasing globalization of national economies has
reduced the possibilities for national governments to influence these trends.
At the same time, the actions of major players on the financial markets are of
increasing importance – not only on these markets, but also on economic and
social development in general. According to The Economist (2006):
“Globalisation has also shifted the balance of power in the labour market in
favour of companies. It gives firms access to cheap labour abroad; and the
threat that they will shift more production offshore also helps to keep the lid
on wages at home. This is one reason why, despite record profits, real wages
in Germany have fallen over the past two years. That in turn has depressed
domestic spending and hence GDP [gross domestic product] growth. ... In other
words, the old relationship between corporate and national prosperity has
broken down”.
From an equity-in-health perspective, this situation calls for intensified efforts

to strengthen international organizations and cooperation, focusing on
how economic policies can promote human development and reduce social
inequities.
Assessments of the impact of these broader upstream determinants of health

and social inequities in health are often lacking, while the focus of assessments
of the problem is generally only on the effects of interventions in specific

downstream determinants. Intensified efforts must therefore be made to
identify and, whenever possible, quantify the effects of different economic
growth strategies, income inequalities and poverty on the health of different
socioeconomic groups.
A high priority should therefore be given – as recommended by a WHO task

force – to research the global factors and processes that effect health equity or
that constrain what countries can do to address health inequities within their
own borders, or both (WHO Task Force on Research Priorities for Equity in
Health and the WHO Equity Team, 2005).
Economic growth strategies
There is a mutual relationship between economic growth and health, as

economic development can promote health and improved health can promote
economic growth. The equity in health perspective is of strategic importance in
both of these relationships.
Economic growth as a determinant of health
In the long term, the health of populations improves with the economic
development of a country. This trend, however, varies substantially, with some
countries at the same level of economic development achieving very different
levels of life expectancy and child mortality. Conversely, some countries with
a much lower gross national product (GNP) per person have achieved a similar
health status as much richer countries (Sen, 2001). Improved health is therefore
not an automatic by-product of economic development. The extent to which
economic growth improves health depends largely on the political choice of
development policies at local, national and international levels.
A clear distinction should therefore be made between healthy and less healthy,
or even unhealthy, economic growth strategies. The positive linkages between
economic growth and improved health are mainly determined by the extent
to which the economic resources generated raise the living standards of low-
income groups and are invested in public systems for health and education
(Anand & Ravillion, 1993). If economic growth primarily increases the income
of already affluent groups and public health services are heavily underfunded,
then the positive links between economic growth and improved health are
reduced or even eliminated (Sen, 2001). This is then reflected in high mortality
and morbidity rates among disadvantaged groups in very rich countries. The
United States – one of the richest countries in the world – ranks 43rd in the
world when it comes to infant mortality. If this rate were raised to the level that
has been achieved in another rich country – Singapore – the lives of 18 200
American children would have been saved each year (CIA, 2006).
This discrepancy also appears for poorer economies. For example, the Russian
male adult mortality rates for various diseases in 2005 were substantially
higher than those of countries with a similar per capita income (World Bank,
2005). The fact that life expectancies have declined in the Russian Federation
despite periods of economic growth indicates that economic growth alone is
inefficient from a human development perspective.
Facts such as these call for a perspective where economic growth should be
seen as a resource for human development and not as an end in itself (Sen,
2000). This perspective seems to be increasingly emphasized, not least by
researchers and policy-makers in the field of public health, in statements such
as, “The true purpose of economic activity is the maximization of social welfare,
not necessarily the production of goods by themselves” (Suhrcke et al., 2005).
The risk of only looking at economic growth as such has also been expressed
by many national and international organizations. For example, Oxfam – a
United Kingdom-based international nongovernmental organization – noted
that such strategies often suffer from two defects. They are “anti-poor because
they ignore the critical role of income distribution in shaping opportunities for
poverty reduction and they are anti-growth because extreme inequality and the
poverty associated with it wastes productive potential on a vast scale” (Watkins
2000).
The predominant trend, however, is still to focus on economic growth rates

as such, rather on the outcome in terms of human development, particularly
among disadvantaged groups. Privatization of public services and upgrading of
free markets and competition to overriding objectives have further increased
this trend. Francois Mitterrand, at the 1995 Social Summit, expressed the
consequences of this narrow economic growth perspective (Mitterrand,
1995):
“We have reached a point where our societies have become an appendix to the
economy. ... Shall we permit the world to be transformed to a global market

where the rules of the game are decided by the most powerful and the only
object of society is to maximize profit as fast as possible? Do we want to live
in a world where a few hours of speculation destroy the work carried out by
millions of people? Are we able to develop an international order based on
progress, in particular social progress?”
Rather than addressing the above issues, economic growth and equity issues are
often considered separately. Proponents of this stance argue that growth should
be optimized first and then possibilities to redistribute the resulting economic
resources can be considered. This strategy is flawed, as the possibilities to
redistribute resources in reality are usually quite limited at this late stage.
Others argue that there is a trade-off between economic growth and equity and
that reductions in the income gap between different groups harm a country’s
economic growth. The harmonization taxes within the EU, for example, typically
mean reducing taxes to the lowest common denominator, as it is assumed
that increasing taxes would reduce the efficiency of the market and thus
economic growth (Atkinson, 1995; Palme, 2004). The empirical evidence for
this assertion is weak or non-existent in a European context, where countries
with smaller income gaps, such as the Nordic countries, have equal or higher
economic growth rates than countries with greater income inequalities (World
Economic Forum, 2005). In-depth studies carried out in Sweden also clearly
show that there is no empirical evidence for the statement that the level of
taxation in the Swedish welfare state should have had any measurable effect
on economic growth in Sweden (Palme, 2004). On the contrary, countries with
universal welfare systems with high levels of income maintenance for all have
lower poverty rates and narrower income gaps between groups than targeted
systems that provide safety nets for the poor alone (Korpi & Palme, 1998) This is
obviously a finding of critical importance from an equity in health perspective.
Policy options for economic growth with equity
Policy options for economic growth with equity could include the following.
a Recognize economic growth explicitly as a resource for human development ,

and especially among disadvantaged groups .
b Develop efficient economic growth strategies that promote human development

in general and in particular that reduce poverty, improve living conditions for
disadvantaged groups, and increase access to high quality affordable education
and health services. Conversely, inefficient economic growth strategies should
be defined as those that increase poverty and widen income differences and
that are linked to policies that reduce access to health and education.
c Develop health-adjusted measures of GNP, where the total costs of poor health
are considered (in the same way as environmental effects are considered when
calculating a green GNP).
d Define and measure developments in terms of a human development index,

such as the one developed by the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP) (UNDP, 2005). Economic growth is then a resource for achieving targets
such as the Millennium Development Goals, as well as the equity-oriented
health targets defined in the European health for all strategy (WHO Regional
Office for Europe, 1999) and by national governments.
e Stimulate research on global factors and processes that affect health equity
and constrain what countries can do to address health inequities within their
own borders, as recommended by the WHO Task Force on Research Priorities
for Equity in Health, to carry forward the health equity policy agenda (WHO
Task Force on Research Priorities for Equity in Health and the WHO Equity
Team, 2005).
Improved health as a determinant of economic growth
Improved health is an important determinant of economic growth, as it increases

labour productivity, labour supply, educational achievements and savings. This
perspective, of seeing improved health as a factor promoting economic growth,
is further reinforced by the high costs to society and business of poor health.
In Britain, for example, 35 million working days were lost overall in 2004: 28
million to work-related ill health and a further 7 million to workplace injury
(Health and Safety Executive, 2005). This cost the economy between £13
billion and £22 billion, and cost the affected workers between £6.3 billion to
£10 billion (Health and Safety Executive, 2004).
The importance of improved health in an economic development perspective

can also be illustrated for the Russian Federation, where a reduction in
noncommunicable diseases and accidents to the same level as that of wealthy
western European countries would correspond to socioeconomic benefits
equivalent to nearly 30% of the 2002 Russian GDP (World Bank, 2005).
The links between improved health and economic growth – in particular, in low-
and middle-income countries – have been studied in depth by the Commission
on Macroeconomics and Health, initiated by WHO. One of the main findings in
their final report was that, “Each 10% improvement in life expectancy at birth
is associated with a rise in economic growth of at least 0.3 to 0.4 percentage
points per year holding other growth factors constant” (WHO, 2001).
While it is important to recognize that improved health promotes economic

growth, it must be stressed that health is an end objective in its own right,
with economic benefits seen as a positive side-effect. If, on the other hand,
human development is reduced to a tool for economic growth, then there is a
risk of investments in health being guided largely by their effects on economic
growth (Dahlgren, 1996). The health problems of low-income groups with
a weak position in the labour market are then likely to be considered less
important than the health problems experienced by professional groups, who
are perceived as economically more productive. This market-value approach to
health development should never be pursued in any health-equity strategy.
Strategies for reducing social inequities in health are, however, viable options for
promoting economic growth. This is because improving the health of low-income
groups faster than the health of high-income groups can only reduce the health
divide. The risk of discriminating against weaker, less productive groups is thus
eliminated and replaced by special efforts to improve health conditions for these
groups. Within this context, health and economic growth improve together. Equity in
health strategies should therefore be integrated into strategies for economic growth
in high- as well as in middle- and low-income countries in the European Region.
Income inequalities and health
The health impact of income inequalities
The health impacts of inequalities in income and wealth have increasingly been
recognized, not only among researchers but also among policy-makers. The
EU Commissioner for Health and Consumer Protection, Markos Kyprianou,
highlighted this in his speech at the EU Summit on Tackling Health Inequalities,
in October 2005, by stating, “With growing inequalities in wealth have come
growing inequalities in health. And in turn inequalities in population health
contribute to widening disparities in wealth” (Kyprianou, 2005).
People living in wealthy countries with greater income inequalities and higher
relative poverty tend to have a shorter life expectancy and higher rates of
infant mortality (Wilkinson, 1992; Wennemo, 1993; Hales et al., 1999). Strong
associations between changes in income distribution and life expectancy have
also been found in eastern Europe (Smith & Egge, 1996; Marmot & Bobak,
2000). Different regions within the same country also show this link. For
example, in both Italy and the Russian Federation, life expectancy increases with
decreasing income inequality of the regions within the countries (Walberg et al.,
1998; De Vogli et al., 2005). Within the United States, the most egalitarian,
rather than the richest, states are the healthiest (Kennedy, Kawachi & Prothrow-
Stith, 1996; Kaplan et al., 1996).
There is debate about the most likely explanation for this frequently observed
strong association between population health and income inequality levels
(Wagstaff & van Doorslaer, 2000). Income inequality may exert an influence
on health in several different ways: through the increased burden of poverty,
through psychosocial pathways and through public policy pathways.
Through the increased burden of poverty. Societies with large income

inequalities tend to have a higher percentage of people living in poverty, and it
is poverty that has the adverse impact on health. An analysis of the Luxembourg
Income Study, for example, found a strong positive correlation between the
degree of income inequality within a nation, as measured by the Gini index, and
the share of children living in poverty – that is, the larger the income inequality,
the larger the proportion of poor children (Raphael, 2001).
Through psychosocial pathways. Societies with large income inequalities

generate more damaging stress levels throughout the population, but especially
in those lower down the social scale. It is stress that results from greater anxiety,
insecurity, and damaging lack of control over living and working conditions. These
heightened levels of psychological stress, both directly and via subsequent risk-
taking behaviour, affect health (Marmot, 2004; Mackenbach, 2005; Wilkinson,
2005).
Through public policy pathways. Here the impact on health is generated by

greater income inequalities that result in more limited investments in such
public programmes as health and education, which are of particular importance
to low-income groups (Lynch et al., 2000). Smaller social and economic
inequalities improve the possibilities of maintaining and developing welfare
systems financed according to ability to pay and utilized according to need.
Such systems, based on solidarity and trust, are of critical importance in any
strategy for reducing social inequities in health.
Furthermore, major income inequalities within a country are also likely to

increase the risk of interpersonal violence (Wilkinson, 2005). The World Health
Report 2002, on reducing risks and promoting healthy life, also concluded that
the weight of evidence demonstrated that high levels of inequality coincide
with high homicide rates and high rates of non-fatal violence among the
poorest sectors of the population in industrialized countries (WHO, 2002). The
effects most closely related to income inequalities are deaths due to violence,
accidents and alcohol, both in eastern and western European countries (McIsaac
& Wilkinson, 1997; Walberg et al., 1998).
The combined effects of these pathways make income inequalities an

important policy issue from an equity-in-health perspective. Furthermore, it is
also increasingly recognized that reducing inequalities in income along with
economic growth accelerates the rate of poverty reduction (World Bank, 2006).
Given that poverty is an important determinant of poor health in Europe,
the positive health impact of reducing wide inequalities in income should be
acknowledged.
Policy options for reducing income inequalities
Reducing income inequalities could include the following policy options.

a Recognize that the level of income inequality in a society is amenable to change.

Income inequality, measured as the ratio of total income received by the richest
10% to that received by the poorest 10% among the 52 countries of the WHO
European Region, varied greatly in 2002, from 5.2 in the Czech Republic to
15.0 in Portugal (WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2005a). These substantial
differences within the European Region illustrate that the level is not fixed, and
the lowest levels provide a benchmark for what can be achieved in a European
setting.
b Describe present and future possibilities to reduce social inequalities in income

through cash benefits, taxes and subsidized public services. The magnitude of
these transfers can be illustrated by the following example from United Kingdom
in 2002 (Summerfield, 2005): “Before redistribution the highest income
quintile earn 15 times that of the lowest income quintile. After distribution of
government cash benefits this ratio is reduced to 6 to 1, and after direct and
local taxes the ratio falls further to 5 to 1. Finally, after adjustment for indirect
taxes and use of certain free government services such as health and education,
the highest income quintile enjoys a final income 4 times higher than the lowest
income quintile”.
c Identify and tackle policies and actions that increase inequalities in income and
wealth.
d Regulate the invisible hand of the market with a visible hand, promoting equity-
oriented and labour-intensive growth strategies. A strong labour movement is
important for promoting such policies, and it should be coupled with a broad
public debate with strong links to the democratic or political decision-making
process. Within this policy framework, the following special efforts should be
made.
e Maintain or strengthen active wage policies, where special efforts are made to
secure jobs with adequate pay for those in the weakest position in the labour
market. Secure minimum wage levels through agreements or legislation that
are adequate and that eliminate the risk of a population of working poor.
f Introduce or maintain progressive taxation, related both to income and to

different tax credits, so that differences in net income are reduced after tax.
Intensify efforts to eliminate gender differences in income, by securing equal g

pay for equal jobs – regardless of sex. Some gender differences in income are
also brought about when occupations that are typically male receive greater
remuneration than occupations that are seen as female, because women are
concentrated in them. These differences also need to be challenged.
Increase or maintain public financing of health, education and public transport. h

The distributional effects of these services are significant – in particular for
health services – in universal systems financed according to ability to pay and
utilized according to need
Set national targets for the reduction of income differences. i
Monitor the magnitude and changes of income and wealth inequalities in the l
same way as any other important determinant of health among disadvantaged
groups.
Poverty and health
Poverty severely limits the chance of living a healthy life and is still in some
European countries a major cause of poor health (in general) and of social
inequities in health (in particular). Poor health can also be a major cause of
impoverishment, as it puts a heavy burden on the family budget, which can
push families and individuals into poverty. Conversely, improved health can
be a prerequisite for being able to capture opportunities for education and
increased earning power. Training and starting up small businesses, for example,
increase the possibilities to work oneself out of poverty, but poor health is a
barrier to this escape route. These three different linkages between poverty and
health – poverty as a cause of poor health, poor health as a cause of poverty
and improved health as a way out of poverty – are described briefly below,
together with some policy options for integrating health equity strategies into
comprehensive strategies for reducing poverty.
Poverty as a cause of poor health
Historically and globally, poverty has been the main direct and indirect cause
of poor health and of social inequities in health . The poor cannot afford to live
healthy lives and may be forced to accept unhealthy jobs. This negative impact of
poverty on health increases with increased market-oriented policies for essential
services, such as health, education, housing, electricity, water and public transport.
The poor cannot afford to pay increased fees or market prices for these services.
The differential impact of poverty across society further reinforces the negative
effects of poverty on health, as increased poverty is related to increased
vulnerability. Synergetic effects – that is, that the poor experience many risk
factors at the same time that interact and reinforce each other – also contribute
to widening inequities in health. High levels of economic stress, poor housing,
unemployment, limited access to essential health services and structurally
determined unhealthy lifestyles cluster together and heighten the impact on
the health of exposed groups. The health impact of poverty has been quantified
by estimating the number of lives that would be saved by preventing poverty.
For example, in the United Kingdom, it has been estimated that eliminating
child poverty would save annually the lives of 1400 children under 15 years of
age (Williams, 2004).
In spite of poverty being “the worlds biggest killer and greatest cause of ill
health and suffering across the globe” (WHO, 1995), it is rarely stated as a
cause of major diseases. Poverty as a cause of ill health is even marginalized in
WHO’s International classification of diseases, where it is listed almost at the
end, and given the code Z.59.5 (WHO, 1995). Rather than stating it explicitly,
the tendency is to disguise the links between poverty and poor health, by using
misleading terminology. Poverty-related diseases in poor countries are often
referred to as tropical diseases, even though many of these diseases were
common in the cold climate of northern European countries when they were
poor. Equally misleading, in a European context, is the tendency to refer to
cardiovascular diseases and diabetes as diseases of affluence, even though
those with the highest levels of affluence within a country are those with the
least risk for these diseases. Diseases that are directly or indirectly caused by
absolute or relative poverty should instead be referred to as poverty-related
diseases.
The phenomenon of excess deaths in winter has been causing growing concern
in Europe. In a study of 14 EU countries, excess winter mortality was highest in
Ireland, the United Kingdom and southern Europe, while Scandinavia and other
northern European countries were relatively unaffected by the problem. Poor
standards of thermal efficiency in housing, deprivation, and fuel poverty were
strongly related to excess deaths in winter (Healy, 2003). The United Kingdom
has the highest number of avoidable deaths in winter in western Europe, with
about 37 000 excess deaths each winter. This is partly because they cannot
afford to heat their homes, compounded by the poor thermal efficiency of

British housing stock (Healy, 2003). It is likely that the problem is even greater
in the CCEE and CIS, where higher poverty levels are coupled with lower winter
temperatures.
Strategies for reducing poverty – with no explicit reference to health outcomes

– have recently received renewed attention in Europe. For example, National
Action Plans against Poverty and Social Exclusion have been developed in all 25
EU countries (Judge et al., 2005). However, WHO and its European Office for
Investment for Health and Development increasingly recognize the importance
of fighting poverty from an equity-in-health perspective – for example, in its
work on Health systems confront poverty (Ziglio et al., 2003).
Poverty in Europe: magnitude and trends
Although poverty is multidimensional, it is often measured in terms of income.

The poverty line in a country can be defined in absolute or relative terms.
Absolute poverty is usually defined in terms of inadequate financial resources

for physical survival. Definitions of national poverty lines in absolute terms differ
from country to country, making international comparisons difficult. In addition,
some countries set the absolute poverty line very low, to reduce the official
prevalence of poverty in the population. The World Bank used a poverty line
of US$ 2.15 a day to analyse absolute poverty levels in eastern Europe and the
former Soviet Union in 2003. By this definition, the new member states of the
EU – the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia
and Slovenia, not including Cyprus and Malta – have low levels of poverty (less
than 5%), countries in south-eastern Europe have levels of between 5% and
20%, as do the middle-income countries in the CIS. The low-income countries
of the CIS, however, have extremely high levels of absolute poverty – above
40%. At the extreme end of the spectrum, Tajikistan has more than 70% of its
population living on less than US$ 2.15 a day. In the Region as a whole, more
than 60 million people live in absolute poverty (Alam et al., 2005).
Relative poverty is defined in relation to the rest of society. Within the EU,
poverty is defined as living on less than 60% of the national median income.
With this definition, some 60 million people in the 15 countries that belonged
to the EU before 1 May 2004 (18% of the total population) are at risk for
relative poverty and social exclusion. The proportion of the population living
in relative poverty varies in the EU, from less than 10% to about 20% (Judge
et al., 2005). In 2005, the proportion of children living in households earning
below 60% of the national median income was about 20% for the 15 countries
that belonged to the EU before 1 May 2004 . However, there are substantial
differences even among these high-income countries. For example, Denmark
has 7% of the children living in poor households (Diderichsen, 2006). England,
on the other hand, used to have a high child poverty rate, approaching 30%. A
major health policy target set in 1999 aimed to halve child poverty in 10 years
and abolish it by the year 2020. Progress towards this target has been made,
as the percentage of children living in poor households has fallen from 24%
to 20% between 1998/1999 and 2003/2004 (British Department of Health,
2005).
Although relative poverty in Europe has been at a low level, in comparison with
the global situation, it grew faster in Europe and central Asia from 1990 to
1998 than anywhere else in the world. Since then, it has declined somewhat
(Alam et al., 2005).
The issue of fuel poverty has emerged as a serious social concern in Europe since
the oil crisis and associated energy price rises of the mid-1970s. Increasing
numbers of households are facing large challenges in paying for the energy
required to heat their homes. A person who spends more than 10% of their
income on keeping themselves warm could be said to be suffering from fuel
poverty. By this definition, in 2002, one million households in England were
considered fuel poor, and a further one million were considered vulnerable to
becoming fuel poor (DTI, 2004). The seriousness of the situation triggered the
establishment of the United Kingdom Fuel Poverty Strategy (DTI, 2001). Trends
in energy prices suggest that fuel poverty will be a growing problem across
Europe in the future, and not just one confined to a few countries.
In addition to very limited financial resources, the concept of relative poverty

can also include the notion of inability to participate in, or exclusion from, the
normal social interactions in a society (Townsend, 1979).
It is essential to assess the depth, and not just the extent, of poverty – the so-
called poverty gap – among those under the poverty line. This is of particular
importance in an analysis of poverty as a determinant of poor health and
premature deaths, as the deeper the poverty, the greater the negative health
impact (Chien et al., 2002).
Policy options for addressing poverty as a cause of poor health
It is outside the scope of this report to cover all economic and social policies
and actions within local, national and international poverty reduction strategies.
The focus of this report is limited to the mutual links between poverty and poor
health and some related key policy options. The following policy options should
be considered within this focus.
Develop and reinforce comprehensive strategies for reducing the overall rate a
of poverty, and long-term poverty, in particular, taking full account of the many
links between poverty and health. For example, as described below, poverty
can be reduced by investments in health promotion and disease prevention,
by fair financial strategies for health care, and by access to essential health
services according to need, regardless of ability to pay.
Promote gender equality, with a special focus on those experiencing the double b
burden of being discriminated against due both to their sex and low social
position.
Tackle child poverty by giving high priority to early medical, social and c
educational support to disadvantaged children and by enhancing income
support and assistance to poor families and single parents.
Boost incomes of poor families by: d
- equity-oriented economic growth and labour market policies;
- tax credits for low-income families;
- minimum salary levels that reduce the risk of being working poor;
- reducing gender-specific income differences;
- active employment policies;
- securing or expanding child care or preschool care, which increases the

possibilities for parents to earn an income from work outside the home;
- adult education or life-long opportunities to learn new skills;

- social welfare benefits, to provide an adequate income for a family to live on; and
- old age pensions that secure a decent living standard for low-income and
financially marginalized groups.
e Tackle fuel poverty by a three-pronged attack:
1. social protection measures, to increase the incomes of poor households;
2. measures to improve the thermal efficiency of housing, particularly for low-

income and vulnerable households;
3. and measures to control the price of energy and improve energy conservation.
f Recognize that the possibilities of reducing poverty in high- and middle-income

countries are related less to economic resources and more to political will and
a sense of solidarity and trust in the society as a whole. If there is a political will
then there are possibilities. The political will can be rooted in self-interest as
well as in genuine solidarity. Focusing on self-interest, Amartya Sen expressed
the following thoughts, “I sometimes wonder whether there is any way of making
poverty terribly infectious. If that were to happen, its general elimination would
be, I am certain, remarkably rapid” (Sen, 1995).
Poor health as a cause of poverty
Poor health is currently a major cause of poverty in many low-income

countries where families have extremely limited public welfare support to
help compensate income lost due to illness. At the same time, the poor have
substantially increased expenditures, as they have to pay a high proportion of
(or all) medical expenses out of pocket (Whitehead, Dahlgren & Evans, 2001).
The pathways from poor health may lead to reduced income, increased costs for
medical care and drugs, as well as to some counterproductive coping strategies,
as illustrated in Fig. 2. The ability to pay, in particular for treatment of chronic
diseases, needs to take into consideration the reduction of income due to
poor health and limited or no capacity to work. High out-of-pocket payments
also reduce access to essential health services. This is very likely to increase
social inequities in health further, even though it is difficult to quantify the
health impact of not receiving professional care according to need in different
socioeconomic groups. In a longer time perspective, limited economic access

may even increase the burden of payment for health services and thus increase
the risk of being pushed into poverty. In turn, this financial barrier to care might
delay when people seek care. Treatment, when a certain disease has become
more manifest and serious, is then likely not only to be more difficult than
at an earlier stage of the disease but also to be more expensive, as it further
increases out-of-pocket expenditures and related risks of increased financial
problems and poverty.
Linkages between poor health and poverty: an analytical framework Fig.2
Reduced
productuvity/income
Financial and social
consequences
• Increased debts
Increased expeditures • Increased and
Poor heath/diseases on medical treatment deepened poverty
and drug • Reduced food
consumption
• Sale of capital goods/
tools for production
Very limited/no access

to essential health
services and drugs
Source: Dahlgren (2003a)
Historically, breaking these links between poor health and poverty has been an
important integrated part of the development process across Europe. The links
have been weakened as health insurance systems have been developed to provide
adequate compensation for income lost due to poor health and as public health
services have been provided free or at a very low cost at the point of delivery. The
positive effects of these reforms have been remarkable in many European countries,
where poor health is no longer a cause of major financial problems and poverty.
This positive trend, which has promoted equity in health, is now slowly being
reversed in some European countries, where financial support systems are
weakening – for example, due to the requirement to pay an increasing share
of medical expenses out of pocket. This shift from public to private payments
for health services and drugs has, during the last 10–15 years, been typical
in many eastern and south-eastern European countries. For example, the
percentage of total expenditure on health paid privately in Albania, increased
from 23% to 38%, between 1995 and 2000, while at the same time the share
of total general government expenditures allocated to health care decreased
from 7.6% to 6.7% (Walters & Suhrcke, 2005).
Such negative consequences of private financing are beginning to be recognized,

stimulating a swing back towards a greater share of public funding. For example,
in the Russian Federation, after an initial increase in private financing from
18.5% to 35.3%, between 1995 and 1999, the share went down to 27.5%
by the year 2000 (WHO, 2002). Recent major increases in the public health
budget in the Russian Federation are likely to reduce this proportion further.
A comprehensive analysis of the burden of payment for health services within
different socioeconomic groups and the differential access of these groups to
essential health services should, however, be carried out before any definite
conclusions can be drawn about these developments.
The long-term impact of high medical expenditures on poverty was summarized

in the Final Report from the Commission on Macroeconomic and Health initiated
by WHO (2001):
“The economic consequences of a disease episode on an individual household

can be magnified if the cost of dealing with the illness forces a household to
spend so much of its resources on medical care that it depletes its assets and
debts are incurred. This may throw a household into poverty from which it
cannot escape and which has ramifications for the welfare of all its members
and often of relatives as well. ... This depletion of productive assets can lead
to a poverty trap (i.e. persisting poverty) at the household level even after the
acute illness is overcome since impoverished households will have a hard time
re-capitalising their productive activities. ... The poverty in turn may intensify
the original disease condition as well.”
The links between poor health and severe financial consequences, including
poverty, have also been reinforced by the human immunodeficiency virus/
acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) epidemic that has been a

major cause of poverty in many low-income countries (WHO, 2002). Against
this background, and from a poverty perspective, it is also alarming that the
rate of development of new cases of HIV/AIDS in eastern European countries is
among the highest in the world (WHO, 2002).
Policy options for tackling the medical poverty trap
Tackling the medical poverty trap includes the following policy options.
Intensify health promotion and prevention efforts – in particular, among a

socioeconomic groups at greatest risk.
Monitor the distributional effects of public and private financing on health care b
services, day care, school lunches, services for the elderly and other essential
welfare services. This type of analysis should be compulsory and should be
discussed as part of the political democratic process for any major changes in
financial strategies for these types of services.
Maintain or develop public social insurance systems that compensate for c

income lost due to poor health. The level of compensation – usually a certain
percentage of so-called normal earnings – needs to be high enough to ensure
that low-income families can afford to live a healthy life.
Promote and eventually secure a level of public funding of health services via d
taxes or public health insurance systems that eliminates the risk of becoming
poor due to high medical expenses and that makes it possible for the whole
population to have access to good quality care, regardless of ability to pay.
Subsidize essential medicines. A major share of total family expenditures e

on health is out-of-pocket payments for drugs. These private expenses can
be reduced by prescribing cheaper, but equally effective generic drugs, by
regulating the market for drugs and by setting a financial ceiling for private
payments for prescribed drugs per year above which the expenses are partly
or fully paid by public funds.
Provide advice on family budget matters, including counselling for individuals f

and families caught in debt traps.
g Fight corruption. Informal (under-the-table) payments for public health services

constitute a major burden of payment for many low-income patients – in
particular, in some CCEE and CIS countries. These payments not only increase
the risk of being caught in the medical poverty trap, but they also undermine
the possibility of maintaining and developing public health care systems. An
expansion of compulsory health insurance systems is likely to reduce the
informal payments, if linked to efforts to inform patients about their right to free
or almost-free health care services at the point of delivery. Increased salaries
for often extremely low-paid medical professionals, linked with strict rules and
controls on informal payments, is another major policy option to be further
explored in the fight against corruption.
Progress in tackling the medical poverty trap and weakening other links
between poor health and poverty should be closely monitored as an integrated
part of both poverty-reduction strategies and health-sector reforms. This is of
particular importance in countries with a limited social or financial (or both)
safety net and commercialized health care systems with high out-of-pocket
payments for services. Considering that European countries start from very
different positions and with very different financial and other resources, the key
issue to monitor is the direction of change.
Improved health as a way out of poverty
The greater burden of disease experienced by people living in poverty

constitutes a major barrier for them, making it difficult to capture the benefits
of even pro-poor economic reforms. Efforts to improve health among poor
households are therefore of critical importance for breaking the vicious circle
that links poverty and poor health. Improved health can make it possible to
capture the opportunities created within a dynamic development process. This
increases the possibilities for the poor to work themselves out of poverty (Chien
et al., 2002).
These links at the household level between improved health and increased
possibilities to break the vicious circle of poverty and poor health are to be
found from birth to old age. Children in poor families with healthy parents are
more likely to have a better start in life than children of poor parents who are
experiencing mental problems or alcohol-related diseases. Also, poor children
who are healthy are likely to have better results in school than poor children
who are sick. Moreover, a poor, but healthy young person has a better chance
to find a job when leaving school than a poor unhealthy person, and so on.
Healthy people can produce more and are more productive than chronically ill
people, and they are less vulnerable to external economic shocks.
The positive links between improved health in low-income groups and reduced
poverty reinforces the importance of investments in health that, in particular,
benefit those living at or below the poverty line. Strategies for reducing poverty
that miss this health dimension of alleviating poverty are likely to be far less
effective. Poor health that could be avoided, even in poor societies, limits the
positive effects of other efforts to reduce poverty. Reducing poverty and efforts
to reduce social inequities in health are therefore mutually reinforcing and
should be a focal point in all social and economic development policies.
Policy options for promoting health as a route out of poverty
Promoting health as a route out of poverty could include the following policy
options.
Place investments for improving the health of those living in poverty at the very a
centre of any comprehensive poverty-reduction strategy. Special efforts should
then be made to reduce chronic and disabling diseases, which usually have the
most severe financial consequences for the poor and near poor.
Develop and implement strategies for reducing social inequities in health as part b
of comprehensive strategies for promoting health and preventing diseases. Even
though poverty is a major determinant of poor health, there are possibilities to
improve health in spite of widespread poverty, as clearly shown by countries
such as Vietnam and Sri Lanka (Chien et al., 2002).
Multisectoral actions to combat inequities in health
Education
General health impact
Studies across Europe have shown a close association between education

and health: the lower the educational achievement, the poorer the adult
health status and vice versa (Cavelaars, Kunst & Geurts, 1998). In 2004, the
proportion of the population 25–64 years of age with low levels of educational
attainment within EU countries varied from 12% to 75% (Judge et al., 2005).
The pathway between better education and better health may be direct –
greater health knowledge may help people promote their own health and avoid
health hazards, including risky behaviour. The pathway may also be indirect
– through influences on the types of work open to an educated person, the
greater income that they can command, and the lower levels of stress that they
encounter as a result of their privileged position.
Impact on health inequities
Educational achievement is not distributed equally in society. Frequently, it

is the people living under disadvantaged circumstances that have both lower
educational achievement and less access to good quality educational services.
These steep educational gradients are a tragedy, also from a health perspective,
because a well-functioning education system has tremendous potential
for promoting health (in general) and reducing social inequities in health (in
particular), as explained by the following.
a Education has traditionally been an important route out of poverty for

disadvantaged groups in many countries. Generally, qualifications improve
people’s chances of getting a job and of having better pay prospects and the
resulting increase in standard of living. This in turn improves opportunities
to obtain the prerequisites for health – nutritious food, safe housing, a good
working environment and social participation.
b Education has also been a channel for social mobility, allowing people to
improve their socioeconomic position in society. At its best, it can influence
the size of the social division, improving social cohesion by equalizing incomes
and social conditions in the population and encouraging greater understanding

between groups.
Empowerment is an important outcome of education: the role of education c

in encouraging participation in the community, and also in the democratic
process, should not be underestimated. Improving the power of the powerless,
so that they have more control over their everyday lives, gets to the heart
of reducing social inequities in health. From a human rights perspective, the
education system has a responsibility to ensure that every citizen, starting with
the young, knows about their democratic rights and responsibilities.
The education system plays a fundamental role in preparing children for life, d
giving them the knowledge and skills they need to achieve their full health
potential – socially, emotionally and physically.
Policy options for promoting equity in health through the education system
Promoting equity in health through the education system includes the following
policy options.
Identify and reduce economic, social and other barriers to gaining access to a
education at all levels, and provide life-long learning, to increase access to
education and training for disadvantaged groups.
Introduce comprehensive support programmes for children in less privileged b

families, to promote preschool development. Public support is often needed
if children from low-income families are to have the same chances as other
children when they begin school. Randomized controlled trials of good quality
day care for low-income children under 5 years of age in the United States have
shown improvements in educational performance for the children receiving day
care (and in some studies, the mothers of the day-care children benefited as
well, from better educational and employment achievement) (Zoritch, Roberts
& Oakley, 2005). Long-term benefits have been identified from some of these
programmes, including the greater likelihood of continuing in school, of getting
a job, of earning more and of having lower rates of teenage pregnancy. The
success of this type of programme has stimulated similar initiatives in other
countries, such as the Sure Start programme in the United Kingdom (Whitehead
et al., 2004).
c Promote efforts to reduce social segregation within the school system. This calls
for policies to reduce social segregation in general between different residential
areas and also for specific policies within the educational sector to strengthen
the general public school system.
d Ensure that schools in less privileged areas receive extra resources to meet
the greater needs for special support to children from low-income and poor
families.
e Provide extra support to students from less privileged families. The goal
should be that educational achievements do not differ due to socioeconomic
background.
f Prevent children from becoming early dropouts from formal education and
training, by early actions and support.
g Provide extra support in the transition from school to work – in particular, for
those with a weak position in the labour market.
h Develop and secure comprehensive adult-education programmes for those

with very limited basic education or vocational training.
i Maintain and develop Healthy Schools programmes, with a focus on equity. This,
in addition to the policy options for individual schools above, could include:
- increased attention to (and actions on) the physical and psychosocial work
environment of schools, with healthy work environments in schools given at
least the same attention and resources as any other work environments;
- free healthy school lunches;
- promotion of physical activities that also can attract obese children and
that promote sound habits of everyday exercise for life;
- improved nutritional education and cooking skills;
- health education that takes into consideration that special efforts and
approaches may be needed to reach those at greatest risk;
- training teachers, to enable them to recognize and act on early warning

signals, such as a very early smoking debut – that is, at 9–10 years of age
– which is known to be strongly associated with future misuse of alcohol
and narcotics; and
- equity-oriented injury prevention programmes, where students, teachers

and parents are engaged to secure a safe school (including safe transport
and walking to the school) (Dahlgren, 1997).
Working environment
Health hazards at work are still a major determinant of poor health and injuries,
even though remarkable progress towards healthier workplaces can be observed
in many European countries. In the 1990s, for example, work-related ill health
was the fourth major contributor to the total disease burden in the 15 countries
that belonged to the EU before 1 May 2004 (Diderichsen, Dahlgren & Vågerö,
1997). The proportion of the total burden of disease caused by work-related
risk factors is, however, different in different countries. For the 15 countries
that belonged to the EU before 1 May 2004 as a whole, for example, 3.6%
of the total burden of disease was directly related to the work environment,
while in Sweden it was only 2.2% (Diderichsen, Dahlgren & Vågerö, 1997). This
indicates that significant possibilities still exist for reducing work-related poor
health and premature death. Major hazards include exposure to chemicals,
biological agents, physical factors, adverse ergonomic conditions, allergens,
different safety risks and varied psychosocial factors.
Psychosocial factors, such as work-related stress, are recognized increasingly

as major health hazards. People with less control over their work tend to have
higher death rates (Bosma et al., 1997; Hemingway, Kuper & Marmot, 2003;
Wilkinson, 2005). Studies in eastern Europe have also shown that the balance
at work between effort and reward has a significant inverse association with self-
reported health and depression, as well as with alcohol consumption (Pikhart
et al., 2001; Walters & Suhrcke, 2005).
Conversely, the social aspect of a working environment can constitute a very positive
determinant of health. For many people, the feeling of doing something useful together
with colleagues is one of the most important dimensions of life and positive health.
Health hazards at work are often related to the socioeconomic background of

those performing the work. The lower the social position, the higher the risk of
having an unhealthy job. Psychosocial factors related to the organization of work
play an important role in explaining socioeconomic inequities in cardiovascular
diseases (Mackenbach, 2005). For example, in the British Whitehall Study of
civil servants, low control of decision-making in the workplace accounted for
about half of the social gradient observed in cardiovascular disease (Marmot
et al., 1997a). Also, the negative effects of chemicals and other work-related
health hazards are often reinforced by tobacco smoke. Intensified efforts to
improve working environments overall, and the unhealthiest workplaces in
particular, are of critical importance in any strategy for reducing social inequities
in health.
Policy options
Policy options should include legislation and actions that remove physical
hazards at work, improve psychosocial conditions, strengthen the possibilities
to secure a healthy workplace and develop the workplace as a setting for health
promotion.
Many countries have a long and successful tradition of tackling physical and
chemical health hazards, while the same progress has not yet been made with
psychosocial health hazards at work. It is outside the scope of this report to
present strategies for reducing work-related injuries and poor health. The
examples below are limited to interventions of importance from an equity-in-
health perspective.
To remove physical hazards at work
a Intensify interventions to reduce occupation-related health problems, such

as back pain. Back pain and other diseases of locomotion are major health
problems with a steep social gradient. Actions against the hazards that lead to
these problems include physical measures that reduce or eliminate unhealthy
pushing, lifting and pulling, as well as training workers how to handle hazardous
jobs and making changes in the organization of workplaces (WHO, 2002).
To improve psychosocial conditions
Increase the possibilities for employees to influence how the work is to be a

performed – in particular, at workplaces characterized by unhealthy stress.
Analyse the total workload at work and at home and explore possibilities to b
introduce more flexible working hours (without turning to insecure short-term
contracts), which makes it easier to avoid unhealthy stress. This is particularly
important for low-income families with small children, as their possibilities to
buy time – for example, by hiring domestic services and buying ready-prepared
meals – are more limited than those for families in more affluent groups. Low-
income groups are also likely to have less flexible working hours and more shift
work.
To strengthen the possibilities to secure a healthy workplace
Increase democracy at work and facilitate a constructive dialogue between a

representatives of labour unions and employers.
Maintain or develop special occupational health services that are financed b

publicly and are independent of employers. Give the highest possible priority
to primary prevention, such as early warning systems for health hazards at
work, including psychosocial risk factors.
Develop or secure legal systems and regulatory frameworks that make it c

possible to reduce health hazards at work, even when no voluntary agreement
can be reached between employer and employees.
To develop the workplace as a setting for health promotion
The workplace can be a natural setting for a broad discussion on preventing a

diseases and promoting health which, in addition to addressing determinants of
health directly related to the working environment, also addresses such issues
as smoking, over-consumption of alcohol and the positive effects of a healthy
diet and physical exercise. Special efforts should of course also be made to
explore the possibilities of helping those at particular risk.
Health care providers should be at the forefront in developing this type of equity b
oriented health policy within the health care sector. Surprisingly, the health
care system itself displays very striking social inequities in health. At greatest
risk are cleaners, porters and assistant nurses, while medical doctors and
senior administrators tend to have better health and better working conditions.
Systematic analysis of the main determinants of these inequities, as well as
actions to reduce them, can serve a dual purpose. First, such analyses can
demonstrate participation in national or local efforts to tackle social inequities
in health. Second, the experiences gained from initiating the equity-in-health
work within the existing systems, such as a hospital, are likely to increase the
knowledge and interest for equity-oriented health policies in general.
Unemployment
Unemployment causes ill health and premature death, including deterioration

in mental health and the increased risk of suicide (Bartley, 1994). It has been
identified as one of the ten most important contributors to the total burden of
disease in the 1990s in the 15 countries that belonged to the EU before 1 May
2004 (Diderichsen, Dahlgren & Vågerö, 1997).
Levels of unemployment across the continent are high, ranging from 3% to

16% and higher, and the international trend of rising unemployment levels over
the last three decades has meant that it has been an ongoing concern for most
European governments (Duffy, 1998).
In the European context, work plays a central role in society: it provides the
means of acquiring income, prestige and a sense of worth and provides a way of
participating and being included as a full member in the life of the community.
Being unemployed effectively excludes people from this participation and the
benefits that employment brings. It is difficult, however, to study the relationship
between unemployment and health in countries with a very large informal
economy, where official unemployment rates are unlikely to be a true reflection
of the realities in the labour market (Gilmore, McKee & Rose, 2002).
Unemployment can also have a negative health impact on children in households

with unemployed adults. The proportion of all children living in households with
unemployed adults in 2004 varied in EU countries, from 2.0% to 16.8% (Judge
et al., 2005). A perceived risk of incumbent unemployment is also a source of
unhealthy stress. Consequently, the increasing share of the workforce working
on temporary contracts indicates – in addition to unemployment as such – an

emerging determinant of poor health.
The burden of unemployment does not fall evenly across the population. The
risk of unemployment in most European countries increases with decreasing
socioeconomic status and is highest in groups that are already in a weak or
vulnerable position in the labour market (Duffy, 1998; Swedish Institute for
Public Health, 2005). Groups at particular risk include unskilled workers, people
with only a few years of schooling, low-income families, single mothers, ethnic
minorities and recent immigrants (Duffy, 1998).
The main mechanisms by which unemployment damages health for these

groups include: increased poverty from loss of earnings; social exclusion and
the resulting isolation from social support; and changes in health-related
behaviours, such as smoking, drinking and the lack of exercise brought on
by stress or boredom. There can also be life-course effects, as a spell of
unemployment increases the risk of unemployment in the future and damages
long-term career prospects (Montgomery et al., 1996).
Policy options for unemployment and health
The negative health impact of unemployment adds to the reasons why efforts
to reduce it should be given a high priority in any economic development
strategy. It is outside the scope of this report to describe and analyse different
policy options for promoting full employment. The point to be made here is
that unemployment is an important determinant of social inequities in health,
calling for such policy options as:
Preventing unemployment from happening in the first place by: a
- adopting operational targets at national and international levels for

reducing unemployment and gradually securing full employment;
- promoting economic policies and legal frameworks that stimulate or

further promote full employment, including special efforts to ensure
that these policies also benefit those in the weakest position in the labour
market;
- increasing high-quality training and education opportunities for people

most at risk – in particular, long-term unemployed people;
- active labour market policies, including employment creation and

maintenance; and
- including assessments of the health impact of unemployment due to

different economic policies.
b Preventing drastic reductions in income or increases in poverty among

unemployed by developing or maintaining adequate financial support or
unemployment benefits; and ensuring effective links between social protection,
lifelong learning and labour market reforms.
c Improving pathways that lead from unemployment back to work, including

active systems for job seeking, training schemes and special resources, such
as subsidized wages and tax rebates for employing the long-term unemployed,
the disabled, the chronically ill and unemployed youth.
d Strengthening Family Friendly Employment Policies, including the availability

of child care.
e Improving the competence and capacity of the health sector to prevent the
decline in health due to unemployment – for example, through outreach mental
health services – and to provide adequate treatment for those suffering from
the negative health impact of unemployment.
Health care services
Across Europe, mortality has declined dramatically, while life expectancy has
risen dramatically, in beginning in the late 19th century in some countries and
early 20th century in others. In England and the Netherlands, which were two of
the earliest countries to register this rise, life expectancy increased from about
40 years in the mid-19th century to 60 years by the mid-20th century, and to
nearly 80 years by the end of the 20th century. It is difficult to assess how much
of this improvement can be attributed to medical care. From trends in specific
diseases and the dates when effective interventions for them became available,
it seems that improved medical care played only a modest role up to the mid-
20th century. Most of the improvement in England has been attributed to the
general rise in living standards, to improved nutrition and to the public health
sanitary reforms that brought clean water, better housing and safer working
conditions (McKeown, 1976; Szreter, 1988; Guha, 1994). Mackenbach,
however, has revisited the analysis for the Netherlands and estimated that
medical care contributed between 4.7% and 18.5% to the decline in mortality
between 1875 and 1970 (Mackenbach, 1996).
In the second half of the 20th century, medical care made a greater, though
still not the major, contribution to extending life expectancy. In the Netherlands
and the United States, for example, more effective health care has been
estimated to have added five years to life expectancy at birth in those countries
(Mackenbach, 1996).
These mortality studies, however, give only a partial picture of the total health
impact of health services. Arguably, the greatest potential contribution that
high-quality health services can make is in reducing morbidity and disability,
relieving pain and suffering, and improving the quality of life of people who fall
sick. Nearly everyone at some time in their life experiences these benefits, but
the quantified health impact calculations are not available for these dimensions
of health.
Analyses of survival from diseases for which there are effective treatments have
shown that all socioeconomic groups have made gains in survival in the 20th
century. For such causes of death as tuberculosis, appendicitis and neonatal
conditions – amenable to treatment – mortality rates in England and Wales
declined, by 70% in the lowest socioeconomic groups and 80% in the highest
socioeconomic groups, between 1930 and 1960. This differential decline in
mortality rates resulted in a widening in the mortality gap between the groups
when measured in relative terms, but the absolute differences in death rates
narrowed (Mackenbach, Stronks & Kunst, 1989). A narrowing in absolute
inequalities in mortality has also been reported for the Netherlands and
Sweden for conditions amenable to treatment around birth. Such evidence led
Johan Mackenbach to conclude that health care has played an important part
in reducing inequities in health: “The introduction of effective medical care,
aided by perhaps not a perfect but a nonetheless very considerable degree of
access to health care for the lower socio-economic groups, has caused mortality
differences to narrow, at least in absolute terms” (Mackenbach, 2003:527).
The continued existence of inequities in access to health care – found even in the
most advanced welfare systems in Europe – therefore emphasizes the human
rights aspect of the issue (Whitehead & Dahlgren, 2006). Having access to
effective health care denied or limited when needed is a denial of human rights in
a civilized society.
This right to essential health services, according to need and regardless of ability
to pay, is also expressed as a main objective in many policy documents and
declarations made across Europe. The health ministers of Belgium, Germany,
Portugal, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom expressed these objectives in the
following words in a joint communiqué, in August 2005 (Judge et al., 2005:17):
“The fundamental values of equity, universality and solidarity underpin health

systems throughout Europe. All our systems, although they vary greatly in how
they are organised, managed and financed, seek to provide equity of access to
high quality, efficient and financially sustainable health care services to the entire
population, based on need rather than ability to pay. All systems are based on
solidarity – between ill and healthy, between poor and rich, between young and
old and between those who live in urban and rural areas”.
The commitment to these values is very strong, as emphasized by the WHO

Regional Office for Europe (2005c).
“There is hardly any country in the WHO European Region where it would be
acceptable or expedient for a national health authority to declare that it did not
stand for justice, equity, solidarity and widespread participation, or to take actions
that imperilled these values. Nor does any European society conceive of health
and health services as standard market commodities that can be privatized for
profit”.
The actual experience of low-income households across Europe, however, is

often far from objectives such as these. The inverse care law – “the availability of
good medical care tends to vary inversely with the need for it in the population
served” (Hart, 1971) – is still evident in most countries in the European Region.
Furthermore, the situation has worsened in some countries since the beginning
of the 1990s. Inequities in access to high-quality, affordable health services and
drugs have generally increased in central and eastern European countries, in

particular, but this can also be seen in western Europe. This negative trend is even
seen during periods of high economic growth.
These social inequities within health systems have many dimensions, which
are related to the informal health care system and access to, and quality and
affordability of, professional health services and drugs. The magnitude of inequities
observed can also be very different for different types of care. These inequities
can be fully observed and understood from a user or household perspective only,
as the following illustrates.
Equity assessments of health service systems
Equity assessments of health systems are needed as a first step towards

addressing these social inequities. When making an assessment, it is important
not only to consider access of the population as a whole, but also to consider
the experiences of low-income groups when they seek care for different types
of health problems. Also, attention needs to be paid to the burden of payment
generated by fees, other direct payments for public health services and drugs,
and unofficial fees and payments to commercial health services selling their
services at market prices. The Affordability Ladder Program (ALPS) approach,
presented in Fig. 3, can facilitate such an assessment. It advocates a systematic,
equity-oriented and patient- or household-based analysis of the total health
service system, including informal and formal health care (Dahlgren, 2004).
The ALPS approach to assessing equity and health systems Fig.3

AFFORDABILITY LADDER CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Policy inputs/options
Patients/households
by Quality of
• Age prof. care
• Gender Access to
• Social Class prof. care
Burden
• Type of disease Informal
of
• Type of treatment care
payment
No care
NEED
(perceived)
Health and social consequences
Source: Dahlgren (2004)

Using the logic and steps of this framework, the approach can be illustrated
with the following European examples.
Step 1. Considering differences in need for care
Social inequities in health by gender. These constitute the basis of any analysis
of access and utilization of health services. Equity of health services implies
that the higher burden of disease among low-income groups should be fully
reflected in a higher utilization of essential health services. If the same level
of utilization of health services is found for all socioeconomic groups, this may
indicate significant social inequities in access and utilization. Notice should be
taken of the social pattern of disease, as this indicates how the underlying need
for the services will vary. This link between social inequities in health status
and inequities in health care is often neglected in assessments of health care
systems.
Type of health problem or services needed. Economic access to a given health

care system may vary, depending not only on differences in financial resources
of patients, but depending also on the cost of the specific treatment needed
for a particular disease or health problem. This may appear self-evident, but
typical analyses of access to services do not take into account differences in
the costs of treating different diseases. They average out the costs of care. In
reality, however, access to certain low-cost treatments may be available for
almost the whole population, while expensive high-technology treatments are
only available for very affluent groups. Given that all patients seek access to
medical services for their special health problem, it is important that analyses
of the equity of access to and utilization of health systems also trace differences
in access for different types of health problems and treatments. This type of
disease-specific analysis is still rare in most European countries.
Step 2. Informal care or self care
When ill, most care is provided without any contact with a professional provider of
health services. This informal care, performed as self-care or by family members
and friends, is rarely mentioned in analyses of health care systems. This is so despite
the fact that the capacity to provide this type of care is often most limited among
low-income groups with the greatest burden of disease. Assessments of access
should always consider whether forced or unhealthy informal care is occurring as
a consequence of access being limited to the available professional care.
Step 3. Economic access
Financial barriers limit access to care in many countries. For example, in Armenia,
Georgia and the Republic of Moldova, over 50% of the population do not seek
care when ill, due to the inability to pay. In Kyrgyzstan, 36% of the population
as a whole and 70% of the poorest group reported that they could not afford
to purchase prescribed drugs (Walters & Suhrcke, 2005). Equally substantial
inequities in access to care and essential drugs have also been recorded in
Tajikistan, where 70% of the poorest fifth of the population could not afford to
buy prescribed drugs (Falkingham, 2004).
In many European countries, inequities in economic access to essential health

services are increasing. Women in Tajikistan, for example, are increasingly giving
birth at home rather than in a medical facility, because they cannot afford the
services offered by the hospital (Falkingham, 2004). Affluent groups tend to
use public hospitals more than less privileged groups in many countries, even
though their need for care is less than that among lower socioeconomic groups.
For example, rich people in Tajikistan and Kazakhstan utilize public hospitals
twice as much as do poor people (Falkingham, 2001).
Limited economic access to health services and essential drugs is also a growing
problem in western European countries, as an increasing proportion of total
health care costs is paid out of pocket. For example, a quarter of a million
Swedes reported that they could not afford to purchase prescribed medicine
(National Board of Health and Welfare, 2002). Recent in-depth studies on
access to prescribed drugs revealed that 60% of those with economic problems
did not buy the drugs prescribed by doctors. In addition, 27% of men and
28% of women with economic problems did not seek professional care, despite
the perceived need for such care, compared with 10% among those without
economic problems (Wamala et al., 2006).
A 2005 report by the WHO European Office for Investment for Health and
Development concluded that financial barriers were the most important limiting
factor in health care accessibility in the CCEE and CIS and that the situation has
deteriorated since the transition to a market economy. This trend has been
reinforced by reduced state funding for health services, low salaries for medical
personnel, and high informal and formal payments for health services and drugs
(Walters & Suhrcke, 2005).
Step 4. Quality of care
In many European countries, there are substantial social inequities in the

quality of care provided. Poor people in Bulgaria, particularly poor women,
have poorer quality primary care (Balanbanova & McKee, 2002). In Tajikistan,
less privileged groups are less likely to progress beyond primary care services
than are more affluent groups, which may be one indicator of poorer access to
the more specialized care that they need (Falkingham 2004).
Step 5. Burden of payment
Out-of-pocket payments can cause a major burden – in particular, among low-

income groups – and may even push people into poverty. This, therefore, is an
important aspect of the health system to assess from an equity perspective. If
the assessment shows out-of-pocket payments to be low, it does not necessarily
indicate that all is well. The low burden could be because poorer groups cannot
use the services at all, because of the costs. In this case, they would not be
incurring medical expenditure, but they may be suffering because of lack of
adequate care. To distinguish between these two causes of low out-of-pocket
payments, both the burden of payment for people who do use health services
and the extent to which different socioeconomic groups do not use health
services because of the cost need to be analysed.
To assess when a certain level of health care expenditure is unaffordable,

it is useful to express the costs as a percentage of the available household
budget or income of the patient. This type of analysis by socioeconomic group
in Kazakhstan revealed that poor patients in need of hospital care spent the
equivalent of more than double their monthly income for this care. Affluent
patients spent the equivalent of just over half their monthly income, which still
represents a heavy burden (Lewis, 2000). As hospital care is infrequent, it is
important to analyse total out-of-pocket payments for primary care and drugs,
as well as inpatient care.
In an analysis of the burden of payment, assessments need to be made of the extent

to which different socioeconomic groups benefit from existing public subsidies. The
typical pattern in many countries is that most of these benefits are captured by
groups of people who are better off. This, for example, is the situation in Armenia,
where the poorest fifth of the population benefited from (used) only 13% of total
public expenditures, while the richest fifth used nearly 40% (World Bank, 2002).
A special problem in many CCEE and CIS countries is the very high levels of
unregulated, informal (under-the-table) fees, which add to the official payments
paid by the patients. This type of payment is like a cancer in any public health
care system, as it transfers the benefits of public financing from patients to
providers and makes private expenditures for public services increasingly similar
to the costs for commercial services. Against this background, it is a major
problem from both an individual and societal perspective that most patients
in many countries are forced to pay these informal fees. The percentage of
patients paying informal fees is 91% in Armenia and 78% in Azerbaijan. The
median cost of under-the-table payments in Bulgaria was equivalent to 21%
of the minimum monthly salary (Balabanova & McKee, 2002). The problem
appears to be increasing in Europe. In Albania, for example, the percentage of
people paying under-the-table fees increased from 20% in 1996 to over 80%
by the year 2000 (Lewis, 2000). The impact on inequities in health of limited
access, low quality and a substantial financial burden of payment has not yet
been estimated in these countries. There are, however, good reasons to believe
that the negative effects of poor health and premature deaths are substantial
in many CCEE and CIS countries.
Inequities in public systems are even greater where there is a large commercial
health care system, providing services only to those who can pay the market
price for these services. There are thus special reasons to analyse in depth the
impact on social inequities in health and health care of health care reforms that
promote the role of private-for-profit (commercial) health services.
Although these inequities are far more pronounced in the CCEE and CIS, similar
problems of a lower magnitude are found in western Europe, with a similar trend
of increasing inequities. For example, out-of-pocket payments have increased
by between 10% and 16% during the 1990s in Sweden, where a quarter of a
million people a year report that they could not afford to purchase prescribed
medicines (National Board of Health and Welfare, 2002).
Policy options for health systems to confront poverty
A 2001 resolution, passed by all 52 health ministers in Europe, charged the

WHO European Office for Investment for Health and Development in Venice with
the task of analysing and disseminating evidence on what health care systems
can do to reduce the effects of poverty and inequity on health. To that end,
the Venice Office has been promoting the following four-pronged approach for
health systems (Ziglio et al., 2003).
a Confront the inverse care law (found in all European countries), in which “the
availability of good medical care tends to vary inversely with the need for it
in the population served” (Hart, 1971) – for example, by improving coverage,
eligibility, geographic and cultural access, and equitable resource allocation.
b Prevent health services from causing poverty – for example, by attention to

financing and burden of payment.
c Help alleviate the health damage caused by wider determinants of health – for
example, by providing outreach services to the homeless and other hard to
reach people living in poverty.
d Tackle the wider determinants of health more directly – for example, by

providing intensified outreach services through partnerships formed with
agencies outside the health sector.
The need for and possibility of developing this four-pronged approach are
very different in high-, middle- and low-income countries within the European
Region. Also, health sector reforms can only start with, and be based on, existing
health care systems, which differ greatly across Europe. Consequently, specific
strategies for reducing social inequities within the health care system can only
be developed in a country-specific context. The following general questions,
policy options and experiences should however be considered when developing
efficient, equity-oriented health sector reforms for a specific country.
Strengthen good informal care or self-care
A neglected, but legitimate, role of public policy-making is to help strengthen the

possibilities of providing good informal care or self-care – in particular, among
low-income families. This could include public support to improve health literacy
and services that provide respite for family members who provide informal care
for sick children or elderly relatives. Some countries have also embarked on
other strategies to improve the skills and quality of informal providers. A major
responsibility for those formulating and implementing health and health care
policies is to analyse if and to what extent different health sector reforms and
health policies reduce or increase forced or unhealthy informal care, or both.
Promote multisectoral perspectives
The health care sector is one of many determinants of health. This multisectoral
perspective on health development is seldom fully recognized among those
working in the health sector. The health sector may even be seen as the most
important determinant of health without analysing the importance of other
determinants. This narrow view of health development limits the possibilities
to develop multisectoral equity-oriented strategies for health. It is therefore
important to widen the perspective and actively stimulate dialogue and
collaboration with other sectors, which may include:
information about causes, magnitude and distribution of different health a

problems that are of importance for improving efforts within each sector to
prevent diseases and promote health;
development and use of different methods for equity-oriented health impact b

analyses;
multisectoral actions for health, where representatives from different sectors c

work together in planning and implementing equity-oriented health-related
projects and programmes; and
multisectoral collaboration, to facilitate the provision of services to marginalized, d

difficult-to-reach groups, such as the homeless and certain ethnic minorities.
Emphasize that public health services should not be defined as a commodity

on a commercial market
Experiences across the globe clearly illustrate that equity within health care
systems cannot be achieved on a commercial market. It is therefore crucial to
exclude publicly financed health services from general free trade agreements
promoted by the World Trade Organization and within the EU.
Promote tax policies that secure adequate public funding
It is possible to allocate public funds according to need, regardless of ability to

pay, whereas private payments to commercial providers cannot be allocated
in this way. Consequently, attempts to reduce inequities in health care need
systems with a large share of public funding. Policy-makers within the health
sector therefore need to engage in analyses of alternative tax policies. In

addition to national tax policies, it is also important to consider the possibility
of developing international tax systems, such as taxes on financial transfers,
air transport and efforts to limit tax evasion to tax havens abroad. It is outside
the scope of this report to present and analyse national and international
tax-policy options. The point to be made is that such analyses are of critical
importance when globalization reduces the ability of national governments to
raise adequate tax funds from national sources.
Develop or maintain public prepayment systems
In countries that finance health services mainly through taxes or different types
of public health insurance systems, or both, a major challenge is to ensure that
these financial strategies are not undermined by reductions in public funding,
increased user fees or private health insurance schemes, or both. Furthermore,
it is crucial that available public resources are allocated according to need,
regardless of ability to pay.
Private-for-profit providers of publicly financed health services may also

undermine public financing. These commercial providers have a vested interest
in giving priority to patients paying privately, as they tend to be more profitable
than publicly financed patients. It is against this background that, for example,
the Swedish Parliament recently passed a law that makes it illegal for publicly
financed hospitals to accept patients that pay out of pocket or via private
health insurance.
In countries where formal and informal private payments constitute a large

and often increasing share of total health care costs, the only viable option to
reduce inequities in care is a gradual shift towards public prepayment schemes.
This was also the conclusion enshrined in resolution WHA 58/33 adopted in
2005 by the World Health Assembly. A gradual approach, where high user fees
are replaced by public funds via taxes or public health insurance schemes, or
both may include:
a increased public funding for improving the capacity and quality of the existing
public health care system – in particular, for treating poverty-related diseases;
b tax-financed health insurance cards provided free or at a marginal cost to poor

people or families and children;
development of employer-based health insurance schemes that include family c

members;
exploration of the potential to link existing public health insurance schemes, to d

facilitate cross subsidies between different schemes; and
development of compulsory subsidized health insurance schemes that, together e

with other already established health insurance schemes, can achieve universal
coverage.
It is outside the scope of this report to describe and analyse country-specific

options for gradually achieving full coverage. From an equity-in-health and
health care perspective, however, experience clearly indicates that voluntary
health insurance schemes, and private-for-profit health insurance schemes,
in particular, fail to serve those with the greatest need for care. They also
undermine the possibility of developing compulsory public health insurance
schemes, in which groups of people who are better off subsidize the care of
economically less privileged groups. This policy should also apply to dental
care and essential drugs.
Develop ways of allocating resources according to need
Resources can be allocated between different administrative areas by using a

specific needs-based index, which takes into consideration not only population
size and age structure but also takes into consideration social inequities in
health status. The transformation towards a needs-based resource allocation
must be gradual, due to existing physical structures and other constraints.
Only public funds can be allocated according to need in this way. Private
payments out of pocket or via private health insurance schemes cannot be
redistributed to those unable to pay. Official user fees can, in theory, be
transferred from rich to poor areas, but this is very rarely done in practice.
Payments to commercial providers should however be considered when a
country decides on criteria for a needs-based allocation of funds. It might also
be appropriate – in particular, in countries with high user fees – to take into
consideration revenue from user fees, as they are usually higher in areas that
are better off.
A shift towards a needs-based allocation of resources is of particular importance

in countries still using the number of hospital beds as the criterion for resource
allocation. An allocation based on beds reinforces existing geographical
inequalities and blocks opportunities to develop an efficient equity-oriented
health care system.
Limit the brain drain
A major problem in some low- and middle- income countries is that qualified
medical personnel are offered better pay and other benefits abroad and
therefore leave their own country. The same type of brain drain exists from the
public to the commercial health sector within countries. This widens inequities
within the health system, as commercial providers serve mainly groups that are
better off and cannot meet the needs for expensive care among poor people.
There is little ability to limit this type of brain drain within a country, and it is
rarely discussed. It is therefore important to analyse if, and to what extent,
an expanding commercial health sector limits the possibilities to maintain
and develop public health services in low-income areas and for low-income
patients.
Reduce the burden of payment
The burden of payment in market-oriented health care systems is greatest

among low-income groups, despite their having the lowest capacity to pay
and the highest need for care. The way to reduce this burden of payment is
to develop fair financial strategies based on public prepayment schemes, as
described previously. These schemes should also include subsidies for essential
drugs, as expenditures on drugs often constitute a major part of a family’s health
care expenditures. Stricter control of drug prices, increased use of generics,
and possibilities to get low interest loans to pay for health services (including
dental care) and drugs are other viable options for reducing the burden of
payment for drugs.
The possibilities of financing health care services should therefore always be

presented and analysed from both a government and a user perspective.
Monitor inequities within the health care system
The different types of inequities within the health care system should be closely
monitored and reported, not only to professionals and politicians but also to
the general public. Special efforts should also be made to develop a health
care watch. This could show if, and to what extent, different sector reforms and
policies contribute to reducing barriers and other problems experienced by
people (in general) and low-income groups (in particular).
Social and community inclusion policies
Over the past decade, interest has heightened in the third layer of influence
– social and community relationships – as determinants of overall population
health and of health inequities within countries in particular. Part of this field
– the evidence on what is variously termed the psychosocial environment
theory, social capital and social cohesion – has been hotly debated, becoming
something of a minefield (Lynch et al., 2000; Marmot & Wilkinson, 2001;
Whitehead & Diderichsen, 2001). Without entering into the finer details of the
debate, we outline here some key distinctions that need to be borne in mind
when thinking about the most effective policy options for equity in health.
Social networks in context
Berkman & Glass (2000) sum up the body of evidence on this layer of influence,
“The nature of human relationships – the degree to which an individual is
interconnected and embedded in a community – is vital to an individual’s
health and well-being as well as to the health and vitality of entire populations.”
They propose a conceptual model that envisages social networks embedded in
the upstream social and cultural context that conditions the extent, nature and
shape of the networks. The network structure and function, in turn, influence
downstream social support, engagement, access to resources, and social and
interpersonal behaviour, which are depicted in Fig. 4. The model helps suggest
potential policy entry points along the pathways from macro- to micro-level.
First, however, the general health as well as the health inequity perspective
needs to be discerned.
Fig.4 Berkman and Glass’s conceptual model of how social networks have an
impact on health
Social Social Psychosocial Pathways

- structural networks mechanisms
conditions (Mezzo-level) (Micro-level)
(Macro-level)
such as such as such as such as
•culture •social •social •health
•socioeconomic influence the network which provides
support which have
behavioural
extent, shape opportunities an impact on
structure and nature of... structure for... •person-to- health through pathways
•politics person (smoking,
contact alcohol
•access to consumption)
resources •psychological
•interpersonal pathways
behaviour
Source: Adapted from Berkman & Glass (2000)
A distinction needs to be made between individual- and population-level

impacts on health. At an individual level, there is strong evidence that certain
types of social networks, social participation and supportive social relationships
are good for a person’s health. People with strong social networks, for instance,
have mortality that is half or a third that of people with weak social links
(House, Landis & Umberson, 1988; Berkman, 1995). Conversely, people who
are disconnected or isolated from others are at increased risk of premature
death (Berkman & Glass, 2000). A low level of control at work and a low level of
social support are predictors of coronary heart disease and poor mental health
(Bosma et al., 1997; Hemingway, Kuper & Marmot, 2003).
At the population level, there are features of the collective social context (such
as the neighbourhood, community and society), external to the individual,
that influence the level of health experienced in that population. High-income
inequality within states of the United States (Kawachi et al., 1997; Kawachi,
Kennedy & Glass, 1999) and among high-income countries (Wilkinson, 1996)
is associated with poorer levels of self-rated health and mortality in those
populations. Some researchers have found associations between levels of
interpersonal trust, willingness to help one another, and density of group
membership, on the one hand, and better levels of population health, on the
other (Kawachi, Kennedy & Glass, 1999). Other researchers have failed to find
such an association when applied to differences between high-income countries,
but have found better child mortality profiles for countries that had greater
trade union membership and political representation by women (Lynch et al.,
2001), indicative of the wider cultural and political context in which people
live.
Impact on inequities in health
At the individual level, there is a clear social gradient in exposure to poorer

social support, social isolation and a low-level of control at work, with increasing
exposure corresponding to declining social position (Colhoun & Prescott-Clarke,
1996). Being unemployed or living in poverty brings increased risks of social
exclusion. In the British Whitehall Study of civil servants, a low level of control
in the workplace accounted for about half of the observed social gradient in
cardiovascular disease (Marmot et al., 1997a). At the population level, countries
with more cohesive welfare systems tend to promote more inclusive political
participation, which results in the passage of policies that benefit all sections of
society. These more universal systems, in turn, produce less inequity and lower
poverty rates (Korpi & Palme, 1998). The converse of this – targeted services
for the poor only – runs the risk of becoming poor service, as the British social
scientist Richard Titmuss once famously commented.
The quality of social relations also tends to be poorer among low-income

groups. Family life is likely to be more stressed for many families who have
to cope with all the difficulties typical of people who live in relative poverty
(Wilkinson, 2005).
Policy options
Policy options fall into three main categories – bolstering individual social
support, and promoting horizontal and vertical interactions in populations – as
follows.
Provide additional health and social services to disadvantaged groups and a

communities that offer emotional support to parents of young children and
young mothers (Acheson et al., 1998).
b Foster horizontal social interactions – that is, between members of the same
community or group – to allow community dynamics to work. These options
range from:
- initiating community development initiatives that enable people to work

collectively on their identified priorities for health to;
- building up the infrastructure in neighbourhoods – creating relaxing

meeting places and facilities, for instance – to make it easier for social
interaction to take place.
c Strengthen or develop systems that foster vertical social interactions on a

society-wide basis. These are aimed at creating vertical bonds between different
groups from the top of the social scale to its bottom, to build inclusiveness
and full economic and political participation. The underlying theory behind the
vertical initiatives is that fostering solidarity throughout society produces a less
divided society, one with smaller social inequities and hence more equitable
access to the resources for health. Examples include the following:
- building inclusive social welfare and educational systems in which everyone

contributes and everyone benefits;
- employment policies that aim to integrate all groups in society into the
labour market; and
- initiatives to strengthen the democratic process and make it easier for the
disenfranchised to participate in it.
Lifestyle-related policies through an equity lens
Structurally determined and individually chosen lifestyles
Lifestyle-related risk factors, such as smoking tobacco, misuse of alcohol,

obesity, high blood pressure and high cholesterol level are implicated in at
least a third of the total burden of disease in Europe (WHO, 2002). Behavioural
risk factors, such as smoking and alcohol misuse, are sometimes portrayed as
freely chosen and, therefore, as social differences in lifestyles attributable to
unhealthy individual choices. The obvious strategy to reduce these lifestyle-
related risk factors is to inform people about the negative effects on health of
different risk factors, so that they are motivated to change their lifestyle – that
is, make a healthier choice.
The assumption that the lifestyles of different socioeconomic groups are freely
chosen is, however, flawed, as the social and economic environments in which
people live are of critical importance for shaping their lifestyles (Stronks et
al., 1996; Jarvis & Wardle, 1999). Recognizing these structurally determined
lifestyles highlights the importance of structural interventions in reducing social
inequities in diseases related to lifestyle factors. Such interventions include
fiscal policies that increase prices of harmful goods and legislation that limits
access to these products. Equally important is the option of promoting healthier
lifestyles, by making it easier to choose the healthy alternatives – for example,
by public subsidies and increased access to healthy food and recreational
facilities.
The importance of such structural interventions as these may be far greater

among low-income groups than among high-income groups. This further
reinforces the importance of a combined structural and health education
approach for improving population health overall and reducing social inequities
in health in particular.
Tobacco control
Smoking increases the risk of mortality from lung cancer and many other
cancers, heart disease, stroke, and chronic respiratory diseases. Smoking is still
the greatest behavioural risk factor across Europe, even though the prevalence
of daily smokers in most west European countries decreased substantially
between 1990 and 2005. Smoking kills over a million men and over 200 000
women in the WHO European Region annually (Peto et al., 2004). Smoking
rates among men are still very high in the CCEE and CIS. The Russian Federation
has one of the highest rates in the world: 61% of Russian men were smokers in
2004. The rate for females is lower, but it increased from 9% in 1992 to 15%
in 2004 (Walters & Suhrcke, 2005).
The health impact of passive smoking is far greater than generally assumed.
More people in Sweden (which has one of the lowest rates of smoking of all
European countries) are killed each year by passive smoking than are killed in
traffic accidents (National Board of Health and Social Welfare, 2001). Exposure
to environmental tobacco smoke has been associated with lower respiratory
tract infections, sudden infant deaths, asthma, ischaemic heart disease and
different types of cancer. In addition maternal smoking during pregnancy
increases the risk of low birth weight and sudden infant death syndrome (WHO,
2002).
The economic costs of smoking are also very high. For example, a study in
Hungary estimated that these tobacco-related costs represented a loss of 3.2%
of GDP in 1998 (Szilágyi, 2004). The corresponding costs in Germany were
estimated to be 2% of GDP in 1993 (Welte, König & Leidel, 2000). The total
cost due to smoking in the EU has been estimated to be between €97 billion
and €130 billion in 2000, which corresponds to between €211 and €281 per
person and over 1% of the Region’s GDP (Ross, 2004).
The European smoking epidemic has followed a common trend. Initially, most
smokers are found among more affluent men and then, with some delay, also
women in this socioeconomic group. The second phase of the tobacco epidemic
is characterized by a decline in smoking among affluent groups and an increase
in low-income groups, again first among men and then among women. During
the third phase, smoking declines in all socioeconomic groups, but this decline
is much faster among high- and middle-income groups than among low-income
groups. The rate of smoking among low-income women may even increase
or remain the same during this phase (Graham, 1996). Northern European
countries have reached this third phase in the class-differentiated diffusion of
smoking, while southern European countries are generally at an earlier phase.
In the central and eastern parts of Europe, there is a consistent pattern among
men of an inverse association between socioeconomic status and smoking, but
the pattern among women is less clear (Walters & Suhrcke, 2005). For example,
in the Russian Federation, in 1998, smoking rates among men with a lower
level of education were double those of men with a higher level of education
(Carlson, 2001). In Ukraine, the smoking rate among unemployed men was
50% higher than among men who were employed. Even larger differences were
found among Ukrainian women, where the smoking rate among unemployed
women was double the rate among employed women (Gilmore et al., 2001).
The overall reduction in smoking in Europe is a major public health success

story and has been greatly facilitated by progressive tobacco control policies,
which include both health education and structural policies, such as high
taxes on tobacco. The effect, however, has been far less successful from an
equity-in-health perspective, as the main positive effects have been achieved
among middle- and high-income groups, resulting in a substantial widening
of social inequities in health. In such countries as the United Kingdom, the
social differentials in smoking now explain, statistically, much of the observed
differences, between different social classes, in mortality from lung cancer and
coronary heart disease, as well as the widening differentials in mortality among
middle-aged men over the past 20 years (Jarvis & Wardle, 1999).
The equity dimension of passive smoking is also likely to be quite pronounced

– in particular, among children – given the social gradient in smoking and the
fact that people still smoke indoors at home. High rates of smoking among
pregnant working class women are also affecting the rate at which children
in different social classes experience the negative effects of passive smoking,
even before they are born. Specific occupational groups – for example, people
working in restaurants and bars – are not only more likely to smoke but are
also far more likely than other occupational groups to be exposed to smoky
environments.
Smoking is therefore a major determinant of social inequities in health across the

European Region. In the EU, about a third of the differences in mortality rates
between the rich and the poor are due to differences in smoking (Kyprianou,
2005).
Policy options
The Framework Convention on Tobacco Control adopted by the World Health

Assembly in May 2003, which came into force in February 2005, is a major step
forward in the global recognition that strong and intensified efforts are needed on
advertising and taxation to reduce smoking. The balance between investments
and efforts made by the tobacco industry to promote the use of tobacco and
international and national public health policies to reduce smoking is, however
(even from a European perspective), still in favour of the unhealthy policies driven by
commercial interests. Within such a framework on tobacco control, in general, the
following policy options are of particular importance from an equity perspective.
a Formulate tobacco-control targets that specify desired changes by

socioeconomic group and gender. The targets for tobacco-control policies and
programmes are at present usually expressed as reduced tobacco consumption
in the population as a whole. Specific equity-oriented targets for higher-than-
average reductions in smoking among low-income groups and reductions in
social inequities in tobacco-related diseases should now be added. These two
types of equity targets are also important in countries at an earlier stage of
the tobacco epidemic, to avoid the negative trends of increased inequities as
tobacco-control policies reduce the share of smokers in the population as a
whole.
b Keep the price of tobacco products high through taxation. Raising taxes on
tobacco is likely to be the most cost-effective intervention – also, from an
equity perspective. In particular, this is the case in countries with a high level
of smoking, as in many east and central European countries. This strategy
increases tax revenues, while at the same time reducing smoking. It has been
estimated that for every 10% real rise in price due to tobacco taxes, tobacco
consumption generally falls by between 2% and 10%. Studies also indicate
that the impact is relatively larger for young smokers, for smokers with low
income and (possibly) for women (WHO, 2002).
c Introduce comprehensive bans on advertising. Advertising has a greater

influence on the young, and tobacco advertisers in some countries have been
adopting the tactic of specifically targeting disadvantaged areas with tobacco
promotions.
d Analyse in depth the implicit unhealthy policies developed by tobacco companies

when they target the population as a whole and when they specifically target
young and more disadvantaged groups. Implement firm actions when marketing
campaigns for tobacco products violate the regulatory framework for tobacco
control.
e Intensify local tobacco-control efforts in disadvantaged areas. Given that most

smokers are found in low-income areas in European countries, it is important
to give a higher priority to these areas, in terms of financial resources for
cessation services at primary health care facilities, tailored gender-specific
health education programmes for high-risk groups (including pregnant women)
and joint tobacco control programmes with labour unions at workplaces with a
high proportion smokers. These efforts should be based on in-depth analyses
of why smoking in these groups remains high in spite of a general knowledge

that smoking constitutes a major health hazard.
Promote the concept of smoke-free babies. Passive smoking by the fetus during f
the mother’s pregnancy has negative long-term effects, including increasing the
risk of low birth weight, which in turn is related to increased risks for different
diseases later in life (Acheson et al., 1998). A major component in all strategies
for reducing social inequities in health must therefore be to convince and
support women to stop smoking during pregnancy. To help women living in
disadvantaged circumstances, who have the greatest difficulty in quitting, both
upstream and downstream initiatives are needed. Upstream policies include
measures that improve the material circumstances of women living in hardship,
by improving financial support to families with young children and removing
barriers to work. Downstream policies include direct measures to restrict the
supply and promotion of tobacco, and practical support for women trying to
quit (Acheson et al., 1998).
Develop tailor-made cessation programmes. The evidence that cessation g

interventions are effective is compelling, but the effects on different
socioeconomic groups are less clear. An analysis of 16 recent studies targeted at
low-income groups found that half of the cessation programmes demonstrated
effectiveness (Platt et al., 2002). This calls for greater efforts to develop tailor-
made gender-sensitive cessation programmes that aim explicitly at reducing
smoking among low-income groups.
Develop and strengthen a legal framework that ensures smoke-free work h

environments, public institutions and restaurants.
Alcohol misuse
Worldwide, alcohol misuse causes 1.8 million deaths a year and is implicated in
20–30% of oesophageal cancer, liver disease, epilepsy, motor vehicle accidents
and intentional injuries, including homicide. In a European context, alcohol
is a major determinant of poor health and premature death. The very high
consumption of alcohol in the central and eastern parts of the Region has been
identified as a key factor in promoting the dramatic decline in life expectancy
experienced during the 1990s. Alcohol has also generated significant gender
differences in mortality, as it mainly contributed to the rise in mortality among

middle-aged men (Cockerham, 2000). Nine countries in central and eastern
Europe have the highest alcohol-related burden of disease in the world (WHO
Regional Office for Europe, 2005a). WHO has estimated that in eastern
European countries alcohol contributes 50–75% of all cases of drowning,
oesophageal cancer, homicide, unintentional injuries, motor vehicle accidents
and cirrhosis of the liver (WHO, 2002).
In the European Region, however, the differences between countries are very
significant. The burden of disease attributed to alcohol misuse across Europe
ranges from 3% to 4% in such countries as Greece, Israel, Norway, Sweden
and Turkey to over 15% in Estonia, Latvia and the Russian Federation, and up
to 20% in the Republic of Moldova (WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2005a).
The magnitude of alcohol-related mortality in the Russian Federation was
highlighted in President Putin’s State of the Nation address in 2005 (Putin,
2005), when he said, “every year in Russia about 40 000 people die from
alcohol poisoning alone.”
The social pattern of alcohol misuse in Europe is complex and differs by gender.
Some countries have a social gradient among men, with rates of excessive
drinking increasing with declining socioeconomic position, while other countries
show similar rates across the social spectrum. In a study of 11 EU countries,
rates of excessive drinking were significantly higher among less educated men
in Greece, Ireland and Portugal – countries that also had some of the highest
rates of excessive drinking in the population as a whole (Cavelaars, Kunst &
Mackenbach, 1997). In the same study, rates of excessive drinking among
women were much lower than those for men in all 11 countries, and did not
show significant differences by educational group.
In the centre and east of the Region, alcohol consumption among men displays
strong social gradients. In the Russian Federation, for example, 40% of men
in the poorest fifth of the population reported daily consumption of spirits
compared with 22% in the second poorest group and 12–13% in the more
affluent sections of the population (World Bank, 2004). A review (Walter &
Suhrcke, 2005) that covered many countries in the CCEE and CIS concluded
that a poor economic situation was strongly associated with higher levels of
alcohol intake and more risky drinking behaviour. In the review, psychosocial
factors were seen as playing a crucial role in generating the social inequities
observed in health. Also, the review stated, “alcohol may be one of the major
conduits through which psychosocial stress is translated into poorer health and
higher mortality”.
An additional pathway to alcohol-related inequities in health is becoming

apparent. For a given level of excessive drinking, the health damage that alcohol
causes may be greater for manual workers than for professionals. For example,
in Sweden, alcohol-related diseases and injuries were two to three times
greater among manual workers than among civil servants, even when their level
of alcohol consumption was similar (Hemmingsson et al., 1998). In particular,
men working at unskilled manual jobs seem to have increased susceptibility
to the harmful effects of alcohol. This differential effect may be explained by
differences in drinking habits and social safety nets. In some countries, unskilled
workers who abuse alcohol tend to drink excessively during the weekend (binge
drinking) while civil servants who have the same level of over-consumption
tend to distribute their consumption more evenly throughout the week. Binge
drinking is far more common among lower than higher socioeconomic groups,
as illustrated in country studies in Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of Moldova and the Russian Federation (Pomerleau
& McKee, 2003), as well as in the Nordic and western European countries
(Mackenbach, 2005).
The drinking habits of people doing manual work may also be more taxing on
the body and more likely to result in accidents and other injuries, because of
the nature of their work. Also, the social networks at both work and the home
are likely to buffer and reduce the negative effects of misuse of alcohol better
among civil servants than among manual workers. A civil servant coming to
work drunk is more likely to get support to seek medical care for his alcohol
addiction, while a drunk person that does manual work may experience a
greater risk of being fired from their job. The manual worker is then likely to
experience a vicious cycle of poor health due to unemployment, economic
stress, and increased social problems and alcohol consumption.
How much of the social gradient in mortality does alcohol misuse

explain? This varies greatly from country to country. In Finland, where
there are high rates of excessive drinking, alcohol-related mortality
accounted for 14% of the social inequities observed in mortality among
men, 4% among women, and 24% and 9% of the social differentials in
life expectancy, respectively, for men and women (Mäkelä, Valkonen &
Martelin, 1997).
There is thus a double negative effect on increased social inequities due to

excessive alcohol consumption: men in lower socioeconomic groups both tend
to drink more than the rest of the population and also suffer a greater negative
health impact for a given level of over-consumption. The extent to which misuse
of alcohol explains the social gradient in mortality and morbidity varies from
country to country.
Policy options
Alcohol policies at all levels – international, national and local – need to be

sensitive to the separate needs of men and women, as clearly the key issues
are very different for the two sexes. They also need to integrate an equity-in-
health perspective into the general programmes, to address alcohol misuse.
Policy options for this integration include the following.
a Develop or maintain fiscal policies on price and access to alcohol. The most
effective policy for reducing alcohol consumption is to increase the price and
limit accessibility. This is one of the main reasons why countries like Sweden,
with a high tax policy and restrictions on access in the mid-1990s, had the
lowest levels of alcohol-related diseases and injuries in a west European context
(Diderichsen, Dahlgren and Vågerö, 1997). The pricing tool is also of critical
importance for reducing social inequities in health, given the differential health
impact of alcohol misuse described above.
b Tackle upstream causes of alcohol misuse in a society – for example, the

unemployment and social exclusion that triggers problem drinking. Develop
social support systems at work and in the community, to reduce the additional
negative health impact of alcohol misuse typically experienced among lower
socioeconomic groups.
c Analyse the implicit unhealthy policies promoted by the alcohol industry and
international agreements, which treat alcohol as any other product on the
commercial market.
d Advocate international agreements to promote healthy public alcohol policies in

the same way as is increasingly accepted for controlling tobacco. The converse
– a low-tax policy and very few limitations on access to alcohol – is more

profitable from a commercial perspective, as this policy increases consumption.
A trend at present within the EU seems to be that these commercial interests
are considered more important than public health concerns. Consequently
countries like Sweden have to liberalize import restrictions and consider
reducing the high taxes on alcohol.
Develop tailored health education programmes. Isolated general health e

information campaigns that focus on the negative effects of alcohol abuse
tend to have quite limited effects. It is unrealistic to believe that the negative
effects on health of reduced price and increased access can be neutralized
by intensified information about the risks associated with a high consumption
of alcohol. However, tailored health education programmes for those at
greatest risk, combined with structural policies to limit access to alcohol, may
be effective. Special efforts should be made to reach adolescents, pregnant
women and workplace supervisors.
Nutrition, physical activity and obesity
Unhealthy diets with too much fat and sugar and too few vegetables and
fruit constitute, together with lack of physical activity, major and increasingly
important determinants of poor health and premature death across Europe.
Overweight and obesity – that is, having a body mass index (BMI) of 30 or
higher – is estimated to kill about 320 000 men and women in 20 countries
of western Europe every year. The rate of obesity in some areas of eastern
Europe is also high and has risen more than threefold since 1980 (WHO, 2002).
The prevalence of obesity has reached 20–30% in adults in many European
countries, with escalating rates in children. The WHO Regional Office for Europe
estimated that about a third of cardiovascular disease is related to unbalanced
nutrition and that 30–40% of cancers could be prevented through better diet
(WHO, 2001). A report to the EU Summit on Tackling Health Inequalities, in
October 2005, concluded “obesity threatens to become epidemic in many
European countries” (Mackenbach, 2005).
Conversely, certain diets, when coupled with greater physical activity, can
help protect health. For example, accumulating evidence indicates that a diet
rich in fruit and vegetables may help protect against such major diseases as
cardiovascular diseases and certain cancers of the digestive system (WHO, 2002).
WHO estimates that an increase in the consumption of fruit and vegetables by
a factor of two to four in central and northern Europe, for example, should lower
the total disease burden by 4.3% among men and 3.4% among women in the
European Region (WHO, 2002)). Regular physical activity also reduces the risk
of cardiovascular disease, some cancers and Type II (non-insulin-dependent)
diabetes (WHO, 2002). The highest levels of physical inactivity are found in
eastern European countries, where it is the cause of 8–10% of all deaths,
compared with 5–8% in other European countries (Lynch et al., 1997).
Inequities in health due to differences in diet are all too obvious in poor populations
that cannot afford to buy the food needed to avoid undernourishment. But
the health inequities due to differences in diet are also found in high-income
countries, and from the very beginning of life. Women at the lowest end of the
social scale in the United Kingdom, for example, are significantly less likely to
breastfeed their babies. This increases the risk fivefold of their child(ren) being
admitted to hospital for common infections during their first year of life (British
Department of Health, 2003).
After infancy, unhealthy diets, too little physical exercise and obesity are often
linked to each other and to a far more common cluster of risk factors in low-
income groups, compared with more affluent groups. For example, within the EU,
low-income households have the lowest consumption of fruits and vegetables
(National Institute of Public Health, 2003). Women from lower socioeconomic
groups in eastern European countries are at particular risk of eating too little
fruit and vegetables (WHO, 2002).
Leisure time physical activities are less common among lower, as compared
with higher, socioeconomic groups (Tenconi et al., 1992; Lynch, Kaplan &
Salonen, 1997). In Sweden, for example, it is twice as common among people
with limited education to have no leisure time physical activities compared with
people with higher education (National Board of Health and Welfare, 2005).
The social gradient for obese people within the European Region is related to the
level of economic development. In lower-income countries, such as Azerbaijan
and Uzbekistan, obesity is most common among more affluent groups. There
is then a shift towards more obese people among low-income groups in such
countries as the Czech Republic and Poland. Obesity has also increased in
Estonia, but a significant social gradient has only been found among women
(Klumbiene et al., 2004). This inverted trend between income and obesity is
very pronounced in many west European countries. Countries with a very steep
social gradient for both men and women are, for example, Belgium, Denmark,
Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. Small social differences in
overweight people are found in southern European countries, such as Greece,
Portugal and Spain (Cavelaars, Kunst & Mackenbach, 1997).
Obesity among children of parents with lower educational status is also

found in many countries across the European Region. In the Czech Republic,
for example, children of parents with less education are twice as likely to be
obese as children of parents with higher educational status (Walters & Suhrcke,
2005).
Moving from obesity to the opposite end of the scale, undernutrition is still a
problem in many countries in the European Region – in particular, in the CCEE
and CIS. The burden of undernutrition across this part of the Region is borne by
the poor and has increased in the post-Soviet era (Walters & Suhrcke, 2005).
For example, undernourishment has increased among the very young and old
in the Russian Federation between 1992 and 2000. The prevalence of stunting
among 2–6-year-old children increased up until 2000, when there was some
improvement. The increase in underweight young adults was 77% between
1992 and 2003. In Azerbaijan, 11% of the poorest fifth of the population was
malnourished in 2001, compared with 8% of the richest fifth of the population
(which is still a high prevalence).
Given the general health impact of these risk factors and given social patterning,
promoting healthier diets and more physical exercise among low-income groups
is of major importance – also from an equity-in-health perspective.
Policy options
The equity-in-health dimension is often neglected, even when comprehensive

efforts are undertaken to promote healthier diets and more physical exercise.
This may be due in part to rather limited research on the causes that generate
the observed social inequities in diet, physical exercise and obesity. Also,
the structural determinants of these lifestyles are rarely considered. In this
situation, general health education campaigns alone tend to be ineffective
among those who are at greatest risk, while public investments in recreational
facilities primarily benefit more affluent groups that are better off. Even when
average figures for the population as a whole indicate improvements, such as
healthy diets and more exercise, the health divide is likely to widen as the
healthier habits are found primarily among more advantaged groups.
The challenge is to initiate policies and actions that have the greatest positive
effects among the worst off in society. The essential basis for these strategies
should be the reality experienced by, and interests expressed by, low-income
groups. The following examples illustrate what this can mean in practice.
a Carry out health-equity impact assessments on major European agricultural

policies to monitor whether they are helping or hindering access to healthy diets
for low-income groups. Certain components of the EU Common Agricultural
Policy (CAP), for example, create barriers to a healthier diet. A recent health
impact analysis of the CAP, performed by the Swedish National Institute of Public
Health, concluded that these policies “hinder the achievements of lifestyle
modifications that reduce the risk of obesity, coronary heart disease, Type II
diabetes, cancer and alcohol-related social and medical problems – diseases
which cause more than 70% of all deaths in the EU region” (National Institute
of Public Health, 2003). This is because the CAP limits the consumption of
fruit and vegetables among low-income groups by increasing the price, while
at the same time providing incentives for the consumption of animal fats from
dairy products. These assessments should therefore be followed by an action
plan for promoting a healthier diet, to be considered by responsible political
and professional bodies. Decisions taken or not taken should be periodically
reviewed, analysed and widely published, to make both healthy and unhealthy
policies explicit.
b Develop equity-oriented national strategies for promoting and facilitating

affordable and healthier diets and increased possibilities for everyday leisure-
time physical activities. The implementation of these strategies should include
periodic assessments of the prevalence of unhealthy diets and the lack of
leisure-time physical activities, as well as the rate of malnutrition and obesity
by socioeconomic group. Special efforts should then be made to identify the
driving forces behind increased trends in obesity in the general population and
in low-income groups in particular.
Work with the food industry, and catering enterprises to improve the nutritional c
quality of processed food.
Provide free school lunches of a good quality and restrict access to less healthy d
foods and sweets on the premises of the school.
Increase the availability and accessibility of fruits and vegetables, as well as e

other low-fat products – in particular, in low-income areas. Raise the financial
support given to low-income families with children, to make it possible for them
to choose a healthier diet.
Develop tailor-made health information programmes on healthy diets for f

specific target groups. These should be accompanied by structural changes
that facilitate dietary change. For example, the Labour Union in Sweden has
initiated such a programme for truck drivers. In addition to information to the
drivers and their families, the programme includes healthier alternative dishes
at the eating places along the main roads often frequented by the drivers
(Dahlgren, 1997).
Introduce or maintain strict rules and controls on advertising and promotions g

that target children and promote the consumption of foods considered less
healthy (foods and sweets high in fat, sugar or salt, or both).
Give priority to public investments in recreational facilities for disadvantaged h

areas. Facilitate activities to renovate school and preschool playgrounds, so that
they inspire play, movement and outdoor recreation. Also, special attention
should be given to the interests of obese children.
Monitor progress by periodically calculating public investments or subsidies i

per person in recreational facilities in better-off and less-privileged areas.
With regard to physical activity, perform surveys that show the use of different
facilities in less-privileged areas, by social background and by previous habits.
Part III.
Developing equity-oriented
strategies for health
Strategies for tackling the health divide
Strategies for reducing social inequities in health should be seen as an integrated

part of population-based policies and programmes for health development. The
social dimension of these general policies should – just as with age and gender
– always be considered. The general requirements for transforming plans into
action also apply when strategies for reducing social inequities are developed,
implemented and evaluated. These general requirements should include the
following:
a the availability of relevant and good descriptive data on the magnitude and
trends of social inequities in health and their main determinants;
b the existence of explicit equity-oriented objectives and targets that are

directly linked to policies, actions and financial resources needed for the
implementation;
c a realistic assessment of possibilities and constraints, with special attention

given to external unhealthy policies and actions that generate inequities in
health; and
d an adequate management capacity for implementation, including efficient

mechanisms for intersectoral collaboration and coordination at national and
local levels.
Currently, many economic and commercial policies with a significant impact on

health are not analysed from a health perspective. To remedy this, an additional
policy recommendation is that all policies and programmes likely to have a
significant positive or negative impact on health should always be assessed
from a health perspective. Whenever possible, these health impact analyses
should describe the effects on health by gender and socioeconomic group.
The action spectrum across Europe
When surveying what is actually happening in Europe today, a spectrum of

actions for addressing social inequities in health can be discerned, as illustrated
in Fig. 5. At one end of the spectrum are countries that do not even measure,
let alone recognize, that social differentials exist within their boundaries.
Without measurement, the inequities (conveniently) remain invisible. Some
European countries have highly sophisticated information and monitoring

systems that detect health differences, but then the information is not put in
the public domain – at the pre-recognition part of the spectrum. Others have
the information published, but the level of awareness of this information is
very low, as there has been little activity to publicize the data. Some countries
that have a raised awareness of the issue may exhibit denial or indifference
and, thus, may still not attempt to take any action. Others have reacted with
concern when they become aware of the inequity in health existing within their
borders – particularly, those that pride themselves on having achieved a fair
society. This concern, however, induces a mental block in some countries, in
response to the complexity of the problem, leading them to fall back on calls
for more research before they can contemplate action. Signs of movements
along the alternative pathways, however, are increasing, with some countries
taking action, even if piecemeal at first. At the opposite end of the spectrum, a
few countries are moving towards a coordinated national strategy to attack the
problem (Whitehead, 1998).
Even though impressive progress has been made in places, no European

country has yet reached the stage of a comprehensive, coordinated policy.
Some counties, however, have moved in the opposite direction, in response
to changes in their political climate. This diverse European experience does
demonstrate what can be achieved when there is a serious commitment to
take action. Countries within the European Region have the potential to learn
from one another, including setting targets and assessing the advantages and
disadvantages of various strategies, as detailed below.
Action spectrum of inequities in health Fig.3
Measurement
Recognition
Awareness raising
Concern Denial/indifference
Mental block Will to take action
Isolated initiatives
More structured developments
Comprehensive coordinated policy
Source: Whitehead (1998)

There is often a significant gap between policy statements to reduce social

inequities in health and the actions needed to reach this objective. Very few
in-depth analyses have been carried out to identify the main reasons for this
gap. The following constraints and possibilities are worth analysing further,
however.
a Lack of political will. Political statements to reduce social inequities in health

may not be matched by a corresponding political will to tackle the determinants
of these inequities. The extent to which different political parties accept or
reject policy options, such as those presented in this report, can be a test of
political will. In the political democratic process, special efforts could be made
to highlight and discuss alternative policy options that have an impact on the
different determinants of health.
b Lack of knowledge. Even with political will, there is often a genuine lack of
operational strategies to link policy goals to actions. Without being able to
present actions to improve the situation, the political commitment may then
fade away, as politicians are unlikely to give a continued high priority to the
problem. Some researchers may consider existing knowledge incomplete
and require absolute evidence before giving any advice. They are then likely
to respond by asking for additional research funds, rather than providing the
best possible information in the given situation. Highly relevant facts and
experiences gained may also remain unknown, as they are only presented in an
academic language in scientific journals that are neither accessible nor easily
understood by non-specialists. Policy-relevant summaries of research findings
and experiences gained can help to bridge this gap between policy-makers and
researchers and can increase the possibilities of transforming policy goals into
action.
c Lack of financial resources. Health equity policies are typically presented and
discussed as if they could be implemented without any additional financial resources.
As this is rarely the case, they tend to fade away when budgets and manpower
resources are decided upon at national and local levels. When presenting such
policies, financial and manpower resources should be estimated and the targets
adjusted to the resources allocated. In this respect investments in health and other
investments for social and economic development are the same.
d Lack of coordination and management capacity. Multisectoral health policies

and programmes sometimes lack a coordinating and supporting management
structure, both at national and local levels. In this case, a high priority should
be given to capacity building, which may include a strong political leadership
by a special minister of population health (in addition to a minister of health
services), a strong National Institute of Public Health and local multisectoral
health boards. The management and coordination functions developed for
implementing multisectoral environmental policies provide usefull lessons when
trying to strengthen these functions for the implementation of equity-oriented
health policies.
Lack of ownership. Even when attempts are made to incorporate health e

into other policy sectors, it might still be seen as a medical issue only, rather
than one related to social and economic policies and actions. Clearly stated
responsibilities for all implementing bodies connected with specific determinants
of health can help counteract this problem. The formulation of specific short-
and long-term equity targets for improved health and for specific determinants
of health would also be helpful.
Lack of policy audit and evaluations. Equity-oriented health policies are f

rarely evaluated and, therefore, carry no serious consequences for those
responsible for implementing the policies. Furthermore, important social and
economic policies and programmes can be planned and implemented without
any assessment of their health impact. At present, an increasing number of
countries are addressing these shortcomings, by periodic health-policy audits
and health-inequity impact assessments.
Setting health equity targets
The right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health is
a human right endorsed by almost all countries. The health status of more
affluent groups can be used to indicate the current level of health attainable
within a given country. In this respect, specific health-equity targets that state
the extent to which this health divide can be reduced during a certain period
of time should supplement targets for the whole population. Average health
targets for the whole population can never capture this human rights dimension
of health, as they can be achieved even when the poor are not experiencing any
improvements and the health divide is widening.
The WHO Regional Office for Europe was a pioneer in this type of health-equity
target, by stating as the very first target of the health for all strategy launched
in the early 1980s that “differences in health between countries and between
groups within countries should by the year 2000 be reduced by at least 25%,
by improving the level of health of disadvantaged countries and groups” (WHO
Regional Office for Europe, 1985).
This proved to be an important visionary target, giving the equity-in-health

objective visibility and credibility, even when national governments tried to
dismiss or ignore existing social inequities in health within their own countries
(Whitehead, Scott-Samuel & Dahlgren, 1998). However, actually achieving this
target was unsuccessful, as the health divide increased during this period in
most, if not all, European countries.
The health-equity target for Europe has been further developed in the WHO
Regional Office for Europe Health 21 strategy, by repeating that the gap in life
expectancy between socioeconomic groups should be reduced by at least 25%
and stating that the socioeconomic conditions that produce adverse effects
on health – notably, differences in income, low educational achievement and
limited access to the labour market – should be reduced. In addition, the targets
entail greatly reducing the proportion of the population living in poverty.
By now, most European countries have general health policies that state that
inequities in health shall be reduced (Judge et al., 2005), but there are still
very few examples of quantified equity targets that are backed by specific
strategies and financial resources. The reduction of significant and avoidable
inequities for one of the most important dimensions of human welfare is thus
rarely addressed in operational terms.
There are, however, indications that equity-in-health issues might be placed

higher on the policy agenda in an increasing number of countries and within
certain international organizations, in addition to WHO. Quantified and fairly
operational health-equity targets exist – for example, in Finland, the Netherlands
and the United Kingdom – and proposals for such targets are under way in
Norway. Quantitative equity targets are also adopted at local levels, even when
there are no national health-equity targets. This is the case in Spain, where
the Basque region, for example, has a target for reducing social differences
in mortality due to diseases of the circulatory system, from 39% in 2002 to
30% by 2010 (Judge et al., 2005). Inequities in health were also chosen as
one of two main health themes of the United Kingdom’s Presidency of the EU
in 2005. At the EU Summit on Tackling Health Inequalities, in October 2005,
it was recommended that EU Member States should consider adopting equity

targets aimed at levelling the social gradient in health (Judge et al., 2006). It
was also noted that efforts to realize such targets would contribute to one of
the EU’s strategic objectives – promoting a more cohesive society (Judge et al.,
2005:40).
Practical pointers for setting national targets
The following principles should be considered when setting national targets.
The aim should always be level up by improving the health of the worst off in a
society, and never to level down by reducing the health status of the groups
that are better off.
For a reduction in the health divide to take place, the improvements in health must b
be greater among disadvantaged groups than among more privileged groups.
Reducing social inequities in health stands for reducing a gap. Equity targets
should therefore not only be expressed as improved health for disadvantaged
groups, but should also be expressed as absolute or relative differences between
high- and low-income groups. The United Kingdom provides an example of
such a national equity-in-health target: “Starting with children under one year,
by 2010 to reduce by at least 10% the gap in mortality between routine and
manual groups in England and the population as a whole, from a baseline of
1997-99” (British Department of Health, 2003).
Inequities in health exist not only between the most and the least privileged c
groups in the society but are also typically experienced between middle-
income and high-income groups. These inequities can best be described by
a social gradient. Very few countries have yet to state their equity-in-health
targets for eliminating this social gradient – for example, that life expectancy at
birth should be the same for all social groups.
All health-equity targets should be based on analyses of the main determinants d

that influence the observed inequities in health. Special efforts should then be
made to estimate the potential impact of different policies and actions that
relate to these determinants, to assess what changes are needed to reach the
stated health-equity targets.
The main types of strategy
The strategies used for implementing different equity-oriented health policies

differ, depending on the type of health problem, but they should all be
underpinned by a social determinants approach. Taking this social determinants
approach, the following five types of strategies can be identified: integrated
determinants of health strategies, disease-specific strategies, settings-based
approaches and group-specific strategies.
Integrated determinants of health strategies
One of the most effective strategies is to integrate health-equity objectives into

existing social and economic policies and programmes for economic growth,
taxes, employment, education, housing, social protection, transport and health
services, among others. Inclusion of the health-equity impact of these policies
aimed at the determinants of health would be an important advance. Key
questions to ask as part of the integration process are: how does this policy or
programme affect the health of different social groups by age and sex and what
can be done to optimize the positive health impact in the population as a whole
and optimize it for disadvantaged groups in particular?
To answer such questions, the highest possible priority should be given to the
development and use of health-equity impact analyses. Special efforts should
then be made to assess the health impact of unhealthy commercial policies
and other policies that generate social inequities in health. Health-equity
impact assessments should – as with environmental health impact analyses
– be considered a normal part of any assessment of public and commercial
policies and programmes that are likely to have positive or negative effects on
health. It might be necessary to make such health impact analyses compulsory
by law or by regulations.
Disease-specific strategies
When a coordinated system of specific actions is needed, the disease-specific

approach is typically chosen for combating such infectious diseases as HIV/AIDS,
tuberculosis and severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) or for preventing
suicide. The determinants of these specific diseases are then tackled. The
advantage of this approach, compared with the integrated approach described
above, is a closer link to medical science and interventions that are typically
disease oriented. Specialists in different diseases may also be more likely to
participate in disease-specific programmes than in strategies that focus on
wider social determinants outside their normal sphere of activity.
A disease-specific approach risks limiting the perspective to downstream factors

in the causal chain, such as high blood pressure and high levels of cholesterol,
rather than directing the perspective to the causes of the causes. When the
disease-specific approach is applied to such noncommunicable diseases as
cardiovascular diseases and cancer, the risk of duplicating strategies for such
risk factors as tobacco, alcohol and unhealthy diets is also obvious, as these
risk factors are causes of many diseases, including cancer and cardiovascular
diseases. The development of one tobacco-control programme related to each
of the many diseases caused by tobacco is obviously very inefficient. A medically
oriented disease-specific programme may also pay less attention to health-
equity issues, if disease experts have difficulty seeing the social dimension of
the health problem.
Sometimes, however, a coordinated, systematic approach that focuses on a

specific disease is effective in mobilizing public action. Special efforts should
then be made to link these strategies to policies and programmes that focus on
social and economic determinants of health, to reduce the risk of duplication
and of too narrow the focus on downstream risk factors only.
The settings approach
The settings approach can be defined in terms of a specific arena (such as

workplaces, schools or hospitals) or a geographic area (such as a city or
community). This approach has long been used to tackle health hazards at work.
The focus is on all major determinants of health in a certain workplace, rather
than on a single risk factor. This approach has also been promoted, in particular
by WHO, in other settings, such as Healthy Schools and Healthy Hospitals
initiatives. The equity-in-health dimension of these programmes has sometimes
been weak. There is a need, therefore, within this approach, to identify the
determinants of social inequities in health. Special efforts should also be made
to initiate settings-based strategies in disadvantaged communities. Examples
of actions in a setting approach are given in the section on education (page 44-
45) and the section on work environment (page 47).
Injury prevention lends itself to a settings approach and indeed there has
been a great deal of action in relation to accidents on the road and in the
workplace in western Europe in particular. Injuries in the home have been
relatively neglected, however, even though this is an important setting, both
as a site for injury, and as a potential focus for prevention initiatives. There is
a growing problem of death and disability form injury in eastern Europe, and a
widening health divide: people in low-to-middle income countries in the Region
are 3.6 times more likely to die from injuries than those in high-income parts
of Europe (Sethi et al., 2006a). Within European countries, it is the poorer and
more disadvantaged sections of the population who are at greatest risk from
accidents and injury, making injury prevention an important subject for those
concerned with tackling inequities in health. Practical suggestions for what can
be done on injuries and violence, including in different settings, can be found in
a recent WHO EURO report (Sethi et al., 2006b).
Community-oriented strategies are in many respects similar to settings-based

strategies, but are much wider in scope, their focus being on a certain geographical
region, town or part of a city. WHO has promoted the development of such
strategies, including Safe Communities and Healthy Cities. The community-
oriented approach has many advantages of ownership – that is, the people
that live in a community have a natural interest in promoting the possibilities
for a healthy life in their community or town. This may also stimulate political
interest and the start of a democratic dialogue about certain public health
issues. Experiences from local environmental programmes, such as activities
initiated as a follow-up on global and national environmental policies, also
illustrate the possibilities of a community-oriented approach.
Community-oriented strategies also entail some risks. From a health-equity

perspective, there is a risk of relying mainly (or only) on a community-oriented
approach for health development, when wider policies are also required. There
is also a risk that the health-equity perspective will be limited within community-
oriented programmes, when the interests of more affluent groups (who often
are more active in such programmes) differ from the needs of less-active and
less-articulate disadvantaged individuals and families. It is therefore important
to ensure that the community-oriented approach becomes a programme that
benefits all in such a way that inequities in health are reduced as efforts are
made to improve the health within the community as a whole. This may call for
additional policies and actions that focus on the specific determinants of social
inequities in health, as described on pages 21-26.
The equity-in-health dimension can also be integrated with urban renewal

programmes in disadvantaged areas. An interesting example of this approach
is the Health Action Zone initiative in the United Kingdom, which identified
action zones for multisectoral intensive efforts, because their burden of health
problems and level of material deprivation were much higher than normal.
In these areas, extra funds and efforts are employed to improve health, by
interconnected community development and area regeneration strategies
(Bauld & Judge, 2002). An advantage of this type of programme is that
well-coordinated and comprehensive interventions in disadvantaged areas
have a greater chance of breaking the vicious cycle of poor health and poor
socioeconomic status. The potential negative effects, from an equity-in-health
perspective, are that disadvantaged individuals and families that live outside
these action zones obviously do not benefit and may be neglected, even though
they may constitute a much greater proportion of the total number of people in
poverty than those who live in the poorest areas of the country.
Group-specific strategies
Group-specific approaches can include major population groups, such as

children and elderly people, or very marginalized groups, such as homeless
people and certain immigrants with a high risk of poor health. A group approach
is very common and appropriate for promotion of child and adolescent health,
as well as for health promotion among older people. Group-specific strategies
are typically combined with determinants of health strategies, in which the
highest priority is given to the determinants of social inequities in health for
that particular age group.
This type of strategy for infants and children may include, for example:
free mother and child health care programmes with special outreach services, a
to ensure that the whole target group benefits from services offered;
intensified information and support to quit smoking during pregnancy; b
promoting breastfeeding, which in countries such as the United Kingdom have c

an inverse social gradient;
early detection of physical and mental problems, and programmes for children d
from less-privileged or poor families;
e creation of supportive networks for, and among, single mothers with limited
social contacts; and
f support to families with children that have serious problems due to, for example,
financial crises or poverty, long-term unemployment, psychosocial problems,
and domestic violence or excess use of alcohol, or both.
The elderly are another age-specific group that, in addition to universal policies,
need special attention, to reduce the risk of poverty. Policy options include
increasing pension disbursements and promoting coordinated systems for
health and social services. These options need to provide adequate professional
medical and other services for those with the most limited access to adequate
good informal care.
Group-specific strategies can also complement the determinants of health

strategy (described above), when trying to improve the possibilities for surviving
and living a healthy life among very marginalized groups. These groups differ
from country to country, but may include homeless people, sex workers or
ethnic minorities, such as the Roma people, who experience both more and
different health risks, compared with other groups in the country where they
live. To improve their chances to return to a healthier life, there is a need for
group-specific strategies, where a number of different preventive and curative
actions in housing, medical treatment and social support are provided, in
addition to improved access to good quality services for health and long-term
care, social services, and education (Ziglio et al., 2003).
The risk of reinforced stigmatization must always be assessed in strategies

that focus on subgroups in the population. Stigmatization may be reduced if
these special efforts to reach a specific target group are carried out within
the framework of general strategies for improving health and reducing social
inequities in health. Special efforts should also be made to increase access
to routine social and health services. Limited access to these health services
may be due to lack of health insurance. This seems to be the case for the
Roma people who live in Romania, where 75% of the population as a whole is
covered by the health insurance system, compared with 34% among the Roma
people.
When developing group-specific strategies for very disadvantaged groups, it is of

strategic importance to identify and try to intensify efforts to reduce upstream
causes, such as discrimination due to social or ethnic background (or both),

to poverty and to unemployment. Direct causes that force people to live on
the streets, due to their very weak position in an increasingly commercialized
housing market, need also to be tackled.
Putting the last first in health for all strategies
Health for all strategies often turn out to be health for some strategies, with
substantial and increasing social inequities in health. The strategies presented
in this report are intended to be health for all strategies. Compared with many
existing strategies for health, the difference is the special focus on determinants
of social inequities in health. Given the political will that leads to more equitable
resource allocation and given professional competence, there are good reasons
to believe that levelling up strategies will prove beneficial, not only for reducing
social inequities in health, but also for successfully promoting health for the
whole population. Putting the last first is the key to achieving health for all
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notes
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Levelling up (part 2):

a discussion paper on European strategies for

Studies on social and economic determinants of population health, No. 3

To ensure the widest possible availability of authoritative information and

WHO European Ofﬁce for Investment for Health and Development

• to monitor, review and systematize the policy implications of the social

© World Health Organization 2006

Text editing: Jerome M. Rosen

The present paper is the result of a wide range of consultations. Earlier

ALPS Affordability Ladder Program

Increasing numbers of countries and international organizations have

The importance of improving health in general and improving it among low-

as a whole in most – but not all – of these countries is one of stagnation or

International organizations, such as WHO, are also promoting and supporting

“Remarkably few governments have pursued policies to reduce the tens of

of evidence-based strategies for reducing social inequities in health. The focus

Given the existence of major differences, between countries, in the magnitude

speciﬁc country. When assessing and developing country-speciﬁc strategies for

Key terms used in this report

A clear distinction must always be made between inequities in health status

Terms related to inequities in health status

Equity-oriented health policies. These are policies that aim to reduce or

Social inequities in health. These are systematic differences in health status

Relative differences in health. These measure the ratio of the health-indicator

Absolute differences in health. These measure the difference between the

Gender differences in health. These are economically, socially or culturally

Ethnic differences in health. These are systematic differences in health between

Geographical differences in health. These are differences in health observed

Determinants of health. These are factors that inﬂuence health positively

Determinants of social inequities in health. These are social, economic

Terms related to inequities in health care

The magnitude of the problem

In a historical perspective, the possibility of surviving and living a healthier life

From a European perspective, major achievements have been made, for

From a historical perspective, certain relative differences in health between

Inequities in health: western European countries

(Mackenbach, 2005). Increasing inequities in mortality during the last two

Social inequities in mortality can also be expressed in terms of chances of

A focus on gender-speciﬁc social differences in health is important, as low-

unless additional progress is made in the north-west region of the country

Inequities in health: the CIS and CCEE

countries with the highest rates of multidrug resistance to tuberculosis among

Growing recognition of the problem

Against this background of inequity, increasing numbers of countries and

In some countries, policy-makers may even be unaware of the magnitude

Major efforts, however, remain to be made at local, national and international

Policy pointers for analysis of health inequities

The following advice should be followed when analysing health inequities.

Use both absolute and relative differences, whenever possible, to express a

Use income, occupation or education to measure social position. These all b

what is most readily available in a country’s routine information systems.

d Ensure that health information systems provide information about the

Understanding the root causes

The root causes (determinants) of observed social inequities in health need to

The determinants of the general health of the population can be conceptualized

The Main Determinants of Health Fig.1

Source: Dahlgren and Whitehead, 1993

The determinants of health that can be inﬂuenced by individual, commercial

Positive health factors. These contribute to the maintenance of health.

In practice, making the distinction between these categories of determinants