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afck-

(TisU-,-*.

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 FKAGMENTS
OF A

SAMARITAN TARGUM.

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 By the same Author.

TWO TREATISES ON VERBS CONTAINING FEEBLE

AND DOUBLE LETTERS: By R. Jehuda Hayug of
Fez. Translated into Hebrew from the original Arabic by
R. Moses Gikatilia of Cordova; to which ia added. The
Treatise on Punctuation, by the same author, translated
by Aben Ezra; edited from Bodleian MSS., with an English
translation.
London, 1870, 8vo.
pp. xiii, and 147, English; pp. xv, and 1S2, Arabic and Hebrew.
Price 7s. 6(1.

In preparation.

A HEBREW COMMENTARY ON ISAIAH, by a French

Rabbi of the 12th century, edited from a Bodleian MS. with
an English translation.

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 FRAGMENTS
OF

A SAMARITAN TARGUM,
EDITED FROM A BODLEIAN MS.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION,
CONTAINING A SKETCH Or

SAMARITAN HISTORY, DOGMA, AND LITERATURE,

BY

JOHN W. NUTT, M.A.,

PILLOW OP ALL SOCLE’ COLLEGE, QRIKFIELD HEADER ON TEE LIT,
8CB-LIBOARIAN OP THE BODLEIAN LIBEAET, OXFORD,

TRUBNER AND CO., LONDON.

1874.

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 P'-iwji'iiihCA;
;
n-.fi u
V- \ vsjc
X
'
O XF 0 El)':
BY E. PICKARD HALL AND J. H. 8TACT,

PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Preface i

I. History of the Samaritans.

Captivity of the Ten Tribes, b.c. 722 2

Settlement of Assyrian colonists in their place ... 3

All the Israelites not carried away 5
The Jews return from Babylon in 536 7
They refuse the Samaritans’ aid in rebuilding the
Temple 7
Hostility of the latter in consequence 7
The territory of the Samaritans 8
Samaria or Sebaste 9
Shechem, the modern Nablus n
Temple built on Garizim in opposition to that of

Jerusalem 16
The Samaritans under Alexander’s successors ...17
Their apostasy under Anttochns Epiphaues .... 18
Destruction of their temple l>y John Hyrcanua ... 19
Samaria' under the Romans 19
Fortunes of the people under the emperors .... 20
Troubles in the time of Zeno and Justinian . ... 22
The Mohammedan conquest in 636 . . . ,
. 22
The Crusaders in Palestine 1090-1244 22
Little known of the Samaritans during tho Middle
Ages 23
 .

VI CONTEXTS.

PAGE
Communications opened with them by Scaliger . . 23
A Pentateuch procured from them by P, della Valle . 24
Their correspondence with Europeans 24
Present condition of the people 25

II. Doctrines of the Samaritans.

At the first probably not very definite 28
Alliance of Samaritans with certain Jews in the time

of Ezra 30
Secession of Manassch in the following century . . 30
The Samaritans borrow their theology from Jerusalem 30
Sadducean teaching then prevailing there .... 31
It is gradually ousted by Pharisee doctrines . ... 33
Revived by the Karaites 36
Agreement of Samaritans, Sadducees, and Karaites, in

opposition to the Pharisees and Rahbanites ... 37

Jewish testimony to Samaritan doctrines .... 42
Statements of the Fathers 45
Sects of the Samaritans 46
1. Essence 46
2. Sebuaeans 47
3. Gorthenians 48
4. Dositheans 48
5. Simon Magus and his followers 55
Later developments of Samaritan doctrine .... 65
Its five principal articles 66
The Messiah 69
Feasts of the Samaritans ; the JPassover 72
Their religious customs 75
III. Literature of the Samaritans.
The language in which it was written 77
Samaritan Hellenists and their works 80

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 1

CONTENTS. Vll

PASS
i. The Hebrew-Samaritan Pentateuch ;
ita discovery 83
Its superiority oyer the Hebrew Pentateuch
asserted
Opposition to this view 88
Criticism of it by Oescniug 90
Similarity of LXX to Samaritan Pentateuch . q1
Various explanations of the fact 93
1. The LXX was translated from the Samaritan
Pentateuch 93
2- The Sa maritan Pentateuch was co rrected
from the LXX 96
3. Both were derived from similar MSS. .
2 2§
Doubtful when the Samaritans received their Pen-
tateuch 99
Tlieir alphabet abandoned by the Jews under Ezra roo
MSS, of the Samaritan Pentateuch; the Paris MS. 103
The synagogue-roll at Nablus 104
Translations of the Samaritan Pentateuch:
x. Into Samaritan; the Targum 106
Similar translations among the Jews . 107
The Barberini MS. of the Targum . . . 1 1

The Vatican MS. in

The Bodleian and other MSS 113
z. The Samaritan-Greek version its
3. The Arabic version of Ahusaid 116
ii. Samaritan chronicles xxy
x. The ‘book of Joshua' nq
2. El-Tholidoth
3. The chronicle of Abulfath 126
4. Agadic literature

iii. Commentaries on the Pentateuch 134

iv. Miscellaneous theology i3 9

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Vlll CONTEXTS.

PAGE
v. Liturgies: prayers and hymns 142
vi. Calendars 145
vii. Grammar and lexicography 146

Appendix I. The Samaritan MSS, at St. Petersburg 153

„ II. Translation of the Maasekheth Kutliim . 168

Text of the Samaritan Targcm 1-84

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 INTRODUCTION.

More than two centuries and a half have passed

away since the discovery was made at Damascus
of a Hebrew Pentateuch, written in Samaritan
characters, and with readings different from those
of the Masoretic text in use among the Jews, and
also of a complete translation of the same into
the Samaritan idiom. The attention of learned
Europe was thus directed to the literary remains
of a people now languishing and well nigh extinct,
but once the bitter and formidable religious oppo-
nents of the Jewish nation, and an interest was
aroused in them which the labours of De Sacy, Gese-
nius, and others in the present century have again
revived. The results, however, of these enquiries,
extending as they do over so long a period, are
in many cases buried in rare and costly volumes
or hidden away in periodicals and long-forgotten
dissertations. It has been thought, therefore, that
a short sketch, embodying the latest information
attainable with regard to the history, writings,
and religious tenets of the Samaritans, may
^ b
fitly
 2

serve as an introduction to the interesting and

important fragment of their literature which is

here published.
I. The tide of Assyrian conquest which had begun
to overflow the land of Israel under Pul 1
about
770 B. c., and had continued its progress during
2
the reigns of Tiglath Pileser and Shalmaneser 3 ,

reached its height in the time of Hosea, when, in

4
722, ‘the king of Assyria took Samaria, and car-
ried Israel away into Assyria, and placed them in
Halah and in Habor by the river of Gozan, and
in the cities of the Medes supplying their place

1
1 Chron. v. 26 ; 2 Kings xv. 19. * 2 Kings xv. 29.
8
2 Kings xvii. 3-5.
4
Ibid. xvii. 6 ;
xvili. 11. This appears to have been Sargon,
the successor of Shalmaneser. See the article ‘
Sargon ’
in
Smith's Bible Dictionary, iii. 1142, and George Smith's Ckrono-
logy of the Reign of Sennacherib (1871), p. 12. On a cylinder
in the British Museum, Sargon is called the ‘
Punisher of wide
Beth-Omri and in a bull inscription of Khorsabnd, ‘
Destroyer
of the city of Samaria, all Beth-Omri.’ In the copy of his annals
he says, ‘The city of Samaria I besieged and captured, 27,290
people dwelling in it I carried captive, 50 chariots in the midst

of them I arranged and the rest of them I took possession of,

my general over them I appointed, and the taxes paid by the

former king I fixed upon them.’ Cf. Schrader, Die Keilin-
schriften und das A. T. (1872), p. 158 sq.
1
2 Kings xvii. 24. For an identification of these places Bee
Asahel Grant’s Nestorians (1841), p. 129 sqq. Halah is pro-
bably the Calah of Gen. x. 11, 12, now Nitnrud. The Habor
flows S. W. into the Tigris from the mountains of Assyria (so

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 ;

with colonists from ‘Babylon, and from Cutbah,

Ewald, Gesch. (1866), iii. 658 ;

but according to Schrader, p. 161,
it ia tlie greater stream of that name which flows into the
Euphrates near Carchemish). Gozan=Zozan, the Nestorian
name for pastures the high lands on either side of the great
:

Zab river, \V. of lake Ooroomiah. (Rages also near Teheran,

Nineveh, and Ecbatana, arc mentioned in the book of Tobit as
settlements of Israelites : Elkosh, the home of the prophet
Nahum, where his tomb is Btill shewn and greatly venerated,
was north of Nineveh.) Dr. Grant brings forward several
striking reasons for the identity of the independent Nestorian
Christians inhabiting this almost inaccessible tract of country
with some of the ten tribes. They call themselves Bene Israel
the patriarch claimed to be of the tribe of Naphtali ;
the
neighbouring Jews allow that they are of the same stock as
themselves, and speak almost the same dialect with them,
though the two bodies hate each other and will not eat
together. The Nestorians still offer peace-offerings, practise vows
of Nazaritism, bring first-fruits, keep the Sabbath strictly, have
a recess in their churches termed the Holy of Holies ;
children
may be baptized on the eighth day after birth ;
the purification
of women after childbirth extends for forty days in the case of a
male, for sixty of a female infant ; they keep the Passover, but
the holy Eucharist supersedes the Jewish sacrifice; their phy-
siognomy and names are Jewish; their patriarch, both in his

civil and religious capacity, strongly resembles the ancient

high-priest ;
they have ‘
avengers of blood,' the churches serve
as ‘cities of refuge.' The ‘Chaldean’ Church dates from A.D.
1681, when the Nestorian metropolitan of Diarbckir quarrelled
with his patriarch, and had himself consecrated by the Pope
patriarch of the converts to papacy from the Nestorian and
Jacobite Churches who designate themselves by this title. Dr.
Grant’s conclusions are doubted by Ewald, Ge»ch. (1864), iv.

b 2

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 :

and from Ava, and from Hamath, and from Sephar-

vaim V

lao, who however does not bring forward reasons in support

of his view. Ho mentions, giving references, the journey of
Eldad the Danite in the ninth century in search of the ten tribes

describedby Josephus (Ant. xi. g. 2) as existing in great

numbers beyond the Euphrates, Benjamin of Tudela’s descrip-
tion of them in the twelfth, and the various attempts made to

discover them among Afghans, Chinese, Parthians, Buddhists,

and North American Indians. For Talmudical traditions as
to their position see Neubauer, Geoyraphie du Talmud, p. 372 ;

for other references to Josephus, St Jerome, &c., Juynboll, Com-

ment. in Uist. Gent.Sam. p. 26 sq. ;
also Chwolson’s A chtzehn Ilebr.

Grabschriften am d. Krim in Alim, de Tacad. imp. de St. Pelers-

bourg, serie 7, vol. ix. 7, for records of the ten tribes in the
Crimea and (p. 59) Caucasus and for their connection with the
;

legend of Prcster John, cf. Oppert, Der Presbyter Johannes

(1864), p. 17. Benjamin of Tudela has found a successor in
‘
J. J. Benjamin II,' who went on the same quest in 1846-1855 ;

he corroborates Dr. Grant’s statements ;

see his ‘
Eight Years in
Asia and Africa’ (Hanover, 1863), p. 124.
1
For the position of Cuthah, sec below, p. 9, note 4. That
of Ava is not known. Hamath was plundered by Sargon in the
Becond year of his reign, its inhabitants carried off, und others
settled in their place, Schrader, pp. 162-6. Ewahl, op. cil. iii.

655 (1866), places Sepharvaim and Ava near Hamath. Sargon

in his first year transported colonists from Babylon to Samaria
cf.Schrader, p. 162. Other colonists seem to have joined
them later. Sargon says in 715 n.c. ‘The Tamudi, Ibadidi, :

Marsimani and Hayapa, remote Arabians [cf. Geshem the ‘

Arabian,’ Neh. ii. 19, iv. 7] dwelling in Bari whom the Akku
and Sapiru knew not of ... in the service of Assur my lord
I destroyed them, and the rest of them I removed, and in

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 5

It has been much debated to wbat extent this

depopulation was carried out l . In the later con-
quest of Judah mentioned that the
it is especially
‘poorest sort of the people of the land 2 were left ’

behind, and only the nobles, warriors, and artisans

carried away. And it seems most probable that
such had been the case with Israel also, for Josiah,
in 630, puts down idolatry in ‘Manasseh and
Ephraim, and Simeon, even unto Naphtali 3 and a ,’

little later repairs the temple with money collected

for the purpose from Manasseh and Ephraim and

‘

4
all the remnant of Israel as well as from Judah ,’

and Benjamin. Again, after the ruin of Judah,

in 588, worshippers from Shechem and Shiloh and
Samaria are represented as coming with offerings

the city of Samaria I placed . .

.’
Vid. George Smith, op. cit.

p. 14, and Schrader, p. 163. Other tribes also arc mentioned

in Ezra iv. 9, 10, as having been brought over by Asnapper

and settled in Samaria, (for their position see Ewald, iii. 727):
in iv. 2, the Samaritans ascribe their settlement to Esarliaddon.
Makrizi’s account of this shifting of populations is to be found
in De Sacy, Chrestoinalkie A robe, i. 302.
1
For a reference to varying opiuions on the subject see the
article ‘Samaria’ in Smith’s Bible Diet. iii. 1105.
2 3
2 Kings xxiv. 14. 2 Chron. xxxiv. 6.
* 2 Chron. xxxiv. 9. The invitation of Hezekiah to the pass-
over in 2 Chron. xxx. seems to have extended principally, if not
only, to the parts untouched by Assyria : the reference therefore
appears to be of no value for determining the question of what
Israelitish population was left behind by the conquerors.

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 6

to the temple at Jerusalem In all likelihood,

therefore, a considerable population of Israelites
remained behind, who were recruited after the
withdrawal of the Assyrian armies by returning
2
fugitives and fresh drafts of foreign popula-
tions from the various countries which, in their
turn, came beneath the yoke of the kings of
3
Assyria .

At first the worship of Jehovah seems to have

been entirely overlooked amid that of the numer-
ous deities 4 introduced by the new settlers, but
in consequence of the country being visited by a
5
plague of lions, it, or some modification of it ,
was
established by an Israelite priest" at Bethel, the

1
Jer. xli. 5.
* Cf. Jcr. xl. 7-12 for the similar case of Judah.
1
The term (iAAoyo'ijs as applied to a Samaritan in Luke xvii.

1 8 cannot fairly be pressed so as to exclude the notion of there

being an Israclitish element among the Samaritan population.
* 2 Kings xvii. 30, 31. Succoth-benoth, the deity of the
Babylonians, cannot be traced. Nergal signifies the ‘
lion-god,’

mentioned in cuneiform inscriptions as worshipped by the people

of Cutha. This source gives no information as to Ashima,
Nibhas, and Tartak. The burning of children by the inhabi-
tants of Sepharvaim may have been connected with their wor-
ship of the sun, the name signifying the ‘city of the sun.’
Schrader, 166-168.
* Possibly the old calf-worship was restored again, Bethel
having been the seat of it. Ewald, iii. 729.
0
The priests, as being an educated and important class of the
community, would naturally have been among the captives.

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 7

former centre of state idolatry under Jeroboam and

his successors ;
each nationality meanwhile retain-
ing its own peculiar divinity and religious rites.
Although, therefore, the influence of the sanctuary
at Bethel seems in time to have spread through-
out the new immigrants and to have expelled the
various deities and rites introduced by them *, still

Zerubbabel and his returning brethren may have

had good reason for declining the co-operation of
2
the ‘
lion-converts ’
in the work of restoring the
ancient ritual and temple at Jerusalem. This
refusal roused the deep hostility of the Samari-
tans, and from this time the relations between the
two people became continually more and more
embittered, till an absolute separation ensued be-
tween them. Even now, when one common ruin
has for so many centuries involved them both,
they hold no intercourse with each other. From
this time forward one thought alone presented
itself to the Samaritans’ mind, to depress by every
possible means, fair or foul, their hated rivals of
Jerusalem, to represent themselves as the true
and Gari-
disciples of the great prophet of Israel
zim as the sanctuary chosen of God on which the
first temple was at His command built by Joshua,

while Eli, Samuel, David, and Solomon were held

1
Ezra iv. 2. * Bab. Baba Kama, 38 b.

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 8

up to reprobation as the apostate leaders of a

l
national and religious schism .

By the possession of a tract of country remark-

able for its fertility, and venerable for its religious
associations, the Samaritans were well qualified for
maintaining an opposition to the rival state 2 . It
extended, according to Josephus 3 from Ginaea or ,

En-Ganniin, on the south side of the great plain

of Jezreel, to the borders of Benjamin, thus includ-
ing the old territory of Manasseh and Ephraim.
Its principal towns were Bethshan 4 famous for its ,

fertility, known
later under the name of Scytho-
polis ;
Abelmeholah 6 the home of Elisha Jezreel 6
, ; ,

the residence of Ahab ;

Tirzah 7
,
proverbial for
its beauty, where dwelt the kings of Israel from

1
Yet, when it suited them, the Samaritans would deny all

connection with the Jews and assert their heathen extraction :

thus in the time of Darius Hystaspes they claim to he Persians

(Josephus, Ant. xi. 4. 9), under Alexander the Great, Sidonians
(ib. xi. 8. 6 ;
xii. 5. 5).
s
The old tribe of Ephraim, whose territory they possessed,
had been of great political importance under the Judges ;
under
Abimelech it gained the royal power, and later opposed Ishbo-
sheth to David and Jeroboam to Keboboam, always bearing with
great unwillingness the supremacy of Judah: the Samaritans
assumed exactly the same position.
5
B. J. iii. 3. 4 ;
but in the next chapter he makes Anouath
or Burkin the frontier. Cf. Neubauer, Geographic, p. 57.
6
* 1 Sam. xxxi. 10. 1 Kings xix. 16.
1
* 1 Kings xviii. 46. Cant. vi. 4.

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 9

Jeroboam to Zimri ;
Shiloh, the resting-place of
1 2
the ark ;
Bethel, the scene of Jacob’s visions .

But the principal events of Samaritan history

gather round the two centres of Samaria and
Shechera. Built originally by Ornri in a com-
manding position of great fertility, strength, and
beauty, on a hill some six miles north-west of
3
Shechem ,
Samaria continued till the Assyrian
captivity the capital of the kingdom of Israel,
the centre of Ahab’s Baal- worship, the scene of
many of the miracles of Elijah and Elisha dis-
played in famines brought upon the land, in the
sudden return of plenty, and in deliverance from
Syrian invasions the object of the bitter denun-
;

ciations of Hosea and other prophets for luxury,

idolatry, and oppression. Taken in 722, after a
three years’ siege 4 the city must have sunk for a
,

1 1 3
Josh, xviii. 1. Gen. xxviii. 19. 1 Kings xvi. 24.
4
2 Kings xviii. 9, 10. For further references cf. Robinson,
Palestine (1867), ii. 304, and Winer, Bibl. Real-W'orterbuch
(1847), p. 369. The term DUIDC4 is once (2 Kings xvii. 29)

used in the Old Testament for the ‘

inhabitants of Samaria.’ In
later times the Samaritans designated themselves as D , "'D6 i
,

4
which, by a play upon the word, they interpreted observers ’
of
the Law or Sabbath, or, according to others, ‘guardians’ of the
land, senses recognised by Origen (Comm, in Joan. p. 355 Horn, ;

in Eztch. ix. 1), Eusebius (C/iron. ii. ad aim. Abraluimi 1270),

Hieronymus (
Onomastica ed. Lagarde,, p. 66, cf. also p. 197),
Epiphanius (Ilaeres. i.
9) ;
cf. also De Sacy, Not. et Extr. xii.

p. 175. They were termed by the Jews D’DO, from Cutha, a

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 10

while into ruin, for it does not reappear in history-

till the time of Alexander the Great, when it was
captured by him, part of the inhabitants put to
the sword, others removed to Shechem, and a new
colony introduced. Some frontier towns also were
lost to Judaea at this time It appears soon after
to have been rebuilt by Perdiccas, but in 31 1,

during the wars of Antigonus and Ptolemy Lagi, it

suffered the demolition of its walls : restored again

in a short time, it continued to exist till about b. c.
129, when it was taken and utterly destroyed by
John Hyrcanus, the Jews retaining possession of
the site 2 It was restored by Pompey to its former
.

district in Asia of doubtful locality, whence colonists, perhaps

the most important, had been transplanted to Samaria by the
king of Assyria (cf. 2 Kings xvii. 24). Abulfath, in his Chro-
nicle (ed. Vilinar, p. lix), expluins that in a persecution under
Darius some Samaritan exiles fled from the Jews to the valley of
Cutba, hence the name was fixed upon them in order to deprive
the nation of that of ‘Israelites.’ On the position of Cutha, cf.

De Sacy, Chrest. Arabe, i. 331 ; Herzfeld, Geschichte, i. 473,

iii. 598; Ewald, Gesch. (1866), iii. 727; Neubauer, Geogr.
p. 379. According to Schrader, p. 164, it must be sought for
in Mid-Babylonia. ,
1
Eusebius, Chron. ad ann. Abrahami 1684 ;
cf. Munk, Pales-
tine, p. 483. This was in revenge for the murder of Androma-
chus, the Macedonian governor of Coelesyria. Herzfeld, ii. 120.
* The 25th of Marheshwan was kept in memory of this ;
the
15th and 1 6th of Si wan in memory of the annexation of Beth-
eban and the plain of Jezreel; Meg. Tu'anith, 3, 8; Gratz,
Gesch. (1863), iii. 422.

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 11

owners, and rebuilt by Gabinius a few years B. c.,

and somewhat later again fortified, colonised, and

magnificently adorned by Herod the Great, receiv-
ing the name of Sebaste, in honour of Augustus,
to whom a splendid temple was erected within
the city. A Roman colony was planted there by
Septimius Severus early in the third century, and
coins are found extending from Nero to Geta, the
brother of Caracalla '. At what time Herod’s mag-
nificent erections were laid waste is not known.
A bishop of Sebaste was present at the council
of Nicaea in 325, and another at the synod of
Jerusalem in 536. When the place fell into the
hands of the Crusaders, a Latin bishopric was
established there about 1155, the title of which
was still kept up by the Roman Church till the
fourteenth century. A small Arab village now
occupies the site of the old town, traces of whose
former grandeur are still visible in the stately
remains of the church of St. John Baptist 3 and
long rows of broken columns.
But more interest attaches to Shechem, the

1
Or perhaps somewhat later to Alexander Severus, 222-235.
Cf. De Saulcy, Numiemalique de la Terre Sainte (1874), p. 281.
’ St. Jerome gives Sebaste as the burial-place of St. John
Baptist, as also of Elisha and Obadiah later a tradition sprang
:

up that it had been the scene of the Baptist's imprisonment and

death also, whereas Josephus, followed by Eusebius, places these
at Maehacrus, on the east of the Dead Sea. Robinson, ii. 306.

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 12

modern Nablus ', the principal centre of Samaritan

lifeafter the decline of Samaria, where still lingers
on the feeble remnant of the last Samaritan com-
munity. Built upon a gentle slope at the foot
of Mount Garizim, at a point where the mountain
and the opposite height of Ebal enclose a valley
of some 500 yards in breadth, Shechem, with its
bright streams and luxuriant vegetation, has always
drawn forth the warmest admiration of travellers
Its associations were especially sacred. Near it
stood the oak of Moreli (Gen. xii. 6), the resting-
place of Abrahamimmediate vicinity of
;
in the
which was the parcel of ground (xliii. 22) bought
by Jacob from Hamor and given bv him as a pos-
session to Joseph ;
it is marked still by Jacob's
well and Joseph’s tomb. Here dwelt the patriarch
till compelled to leave in fear of the consequences

1
There seems to he no good reason for the identification of
Shechem (in LXX, 2 v\<fx and SUifia) with the of John,
iv. 5. Kusebius and the Bordeaux pilgrim expressly distinguit-h
them : see the reft’, in Smith’s Bib/. Diet., art. ‘
Sychar,’ iii. 1395 ;

Robinson, ii. 291 ;

Neubauer, 169 ; Barges, Les Samarilaine de
Xaplouae, 10 sqq. Raumer identifies the latter with Askar,
half an hour east of Nablus, whence apparently were named the
plain and fountain Sahl-el-Asgar, and Aiu-el-Asgar mentioned
by Berggren (in which case the derivation from ipc, the ‘city

of lies,’ cf. Hab. ii. 18, suggested by Reland, or Lightfoot’s from

"lots' ‘of drunkards,’ cf. Isa. xxviii. 1, will fall through): but
Robinson (iii. 133) demurs to this.
1
See the interesting quotations in Smith’s Diet. iii. 1236.

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 13

which might ensue from the vengeance taken

upon Shechem by Levi and Simeon for the insult
offered to their sister. Under the same oak which
gave shelter to Abraham he buried the gods
brought by his family from Mesopotamia (xxxv.
1-4). By all probability, was Abi-
the same, in
meleeh made king Near Shechem Joseph and
1
.

2
his brethren from Ebal and
fed their
flocks ;

Garizim were pronounced the curses and blessings

of the Law 3 on Ebal Joshua built an altar and
;

set up stones on which were written the words of

the Law 4 at Shechem, which had been appointed
;

a city of refuge and possession of the Levites, he

gave his last warning to the assembled congre-
gation of Israel, setting up as a witness a great
stone under an oak which was by the sanctuary
‘

of the Lord 5 on Garizim was delivered Jotham’s

parable after Abimelech’s slaughter of his brethren,

1
Judg. ix. 6. * Gen. xxxvii. 12.
3
Deut. xxvii. 11. For tlie account of an interesting ex|>eri-
rnent as to the acoustic capabilities of the spot, see Mills, Nablus
(1864), p. 57. The voice of a reader can with ease be heard
from one mountain to another, and there is ample space for the

accommodation of a crowd like tho Israelites.

* Josh. viii. 30. The Samaritans charge the Jews with
having altered Garizim to Ebal in Deut. xxvii. 4 out of spite
to them, in order to rob Garizim of its honours. In the
neighbourhood of Sicheni they shew the tomb of Eleazar,
Ithamar, I’hinehas, Joshua, Caleb, the Seventy Elders, &c.
6
Barges, p. 1 5. Josh. xxiv. 26.

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14

the connivance of the inhabitants of Shechem in

this deed of blood soon after returning on their own
heads in the destruction of their city by Abimelech
hither came Rehoboam to receive the kingdom 1
;

and here for some time dwelt Jeroboam after his

accession 3 The city no doubt suffered like others
.

during the Assyrian invasion, but is mentioned

3
as existing about 588 . It gained in importance
by the erection of a temple on the neighbouring
height of Garizim in opposition to that of Jeru-
salem, which lasted from about the time of Alex-
ander the Great to b.c. 129, when it was destroyed

by John Hyrcanus 1 Later it acquired the name

.
>

5
of Mabortha or Mamortha', and, apparently
under Vespasian, that of Flavia Neapolis 7 whence ,

3 5
' 1 Kings xii. 1. 1 Kings xii. 25. Jer. xli. 5.
4
The 2ist of Kliislew (or, according to Bab. Yuma, 69 a, the
25th of Tebeth) was long kept by the Jews in memory of this.
Meg. Ta'anith, cap. 9.
5
Josephus, B. J. iv. 8. 1.
4
Pliny, II. N. v. 1 3. Olshausen suggests Nn"OytD as the deri-
vation of the name, Nablus being a halting-place between Jeru-
salem and Galilee; Neubauer, p. 172, ttnyGD. Cf. ‘Torberie,’

the ‘blessed,’ as a name of Garizim mentioned by Masudi and

Makrizi, De Sacy, Chrexl. Arabe, i. 303, 343.
T
Robinson (ii. 292) thinks the old city may have extended
further eastwards than Neapolis (hence Eusebius’ statement
that Sichem was «r irpoau-motr N las rroXtas), and now have dis-
appeared entirely : to the same effect Ewald in Gutting. Gel.

Anz. 1865, p. 1671. Coins of the city are found from Titus

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 15

its modem name is derived. Here our

of Nablus
Lord made many converts *, and here in all pro-
bability was founded a Church in apostolic times 2 :

Justin Martyr, who suffered at Rome about 163,

was a native of the place. A bishop of Neapolis
was present at the council of Ancyra and Neo-
caesarea in 314, of Nicaea in 325, and at the synod
s
of Jerusalem in 536 . After this brief survey of
the country occupied of old by the Samaritan
people, it is time to return to their history.
Disappointed in their wish to unite with the

(or Domitiuu) to Volusiauus (a.d. 251-4), or Gallicnua (253-68).

The year 72 was termed the ‘era of Neapolis,’ probably in

consequence of the ruin of Jerusalem and Judaea in 70-1. In

the time of Hadrian a representation of Garizim first occurs
on coins of the city, the temple having heen rebuilt by him
(
Chron Sam. . cap. 47). The mountain is of conical shape,
with two summits : on the one to the left appears a temple
with columns in front and a long flight of steps leading up
to it, as described by the Bordeaux pilgrim in 333 ;
that on
the right has a smull edifice on it, without columns. Neapolis
had received the ‘jus Xtalicum’ under the Flavian family, hence
its name 1
of Aurelia Flavia Neapolis.’ Of this it was deprived
hy Septimius Severus (1 93-211) for supporting the cause of
Pescennius Niger. Under the Emperor Philip (244-9) be-
came a Latin colony, receiving the title of ‘Colonia Julia Scrgia
Neapolis.’ Dc Saulcy, p. 244 sq.
1 3
John iv. 39-42. Acts viii. 25, ix. 31, xv. 3.
3
Robinson, ii. 293. The portal and other remains of the
cathedral, which was dedicated to St. James the Less and is now
converted into a mosque, arc still to be seen. Barges, p. 93.

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16

Jewish on the return of the latter from

exiles
captivity in 536, the Samaritans succeeded in
preventing the erection of the Temple for twenty
years, and offered the same unrelenting opposition
to Nehemiah when, in 445, he set about rebuild-
ing the walls of Jerusalem, which till now had
lainin ruins. They welcomed with open arms
any refugees from Jerusalem who, for crime or
to escape the strict Mosaic rule there established,
might wish to leave their country No doubt
the stern reforms introduced by Nehemiah on his
second were highly distasteful to
visit (chap, xiii)

many who preferred the laxity which had crept

in during his absence, and to these an asylum was
always open at Shechem. The alienation between
the two nations was finally completed when the
Samaritans at last succeeded in erecting a rival
2
temple on Garizim and endeavoured to transfer
thither the prestige of the older one of Jerusa-
lem. The immediate occasion of the undertaking
was the refusal of Manasseh, brother of Jaddua the

1
Josephus, Ant. xi. 8. 7.
2
The date of the erection is doubtful. Josephus (Jnt. xi.

8. 4) seems to place it in the reign of Darius Codonmnnus (335-

330), the last king of Persia, but if the Sanballat he mentions is

the same as in Noli. xiii. 28, the event should be placed under
Darius Nothus (413-10); cf. Winer, op. cit., art. ‘Nehemias.’
Jost (
Gesch i. 48, note 2) thinks the temple must be much
earlier than Alexander.
 17

high-priest and son-in-law to Sa'nballat the Sama-

ritan governor, to dissolve his irregular marriage
in obedience to the admonition of the Jewish
elders. To reward him for his constancy, San-
ballat exerted himself to erect a rival sanctuary,
and there established him in the high-priesthood 1 .

On the troubled scene of politics which opened

after the death of Alexander the Samaritans suf-
fered equally with the Jews from the cruelty and
ambition of their ever-changing masters. They
unfortunately served as the battle-field as well
as the prize of victory to the holders of Syria
and Egypt, and passed from the dominion of one
sovereign to that of the other according as the
tide of victory rolled hither or thither. From
the peaceful rule of Laomedon, the governor of
Syria, they passed into the hands of Ptolemy Lagi
in 320, to fall under the dominion of Antigonus
of Syria in 314. Three years later, by a sudden
incursion, Ptolemy repossessed himself of his former
conquest, but being compelled almost immedi-

1
Tliis temple the Jews termed DUD7D ( Bereschith Baiba,
c. 81), signifying, according to Reland (Garizim, c. 3), m
i>ads, but tho word is probably connected with irlarmos, i.e. the
of Gen. xxxv. 4 ;
cf. Frankel, Kinfluss d. palcistin. Exegcse,
p. 248. The Samaritans in turn stigmatised that of Jerusalem
'
as n '3 or ttTDQ 2 : by a play upon they called
it oi’E' mix ‘
the cursed Salem.’ Neubauer’s Chronicle, Joum.
Asial. (1869), p. 402; see below, p. 125.

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ately to retire, endeavoured to do as much mis-

chief as possible to his enemy, and consequently
before his departure razed the walls of Samaria
and other fortified towns. In 301 he, by treaty,
entered again into peaceable possession of the
country, but, in 298, it underwent a cruel
ravaging at the hands of Demetrius Poliorcetes,
the son of Antigonus. Thenceforth, for many
years, Palestine enjoyed a respite from trouble
under the mild and beneficent rule of Egypt, and
nothing more is heard of Samaria except petty
squabbles with the neighbouring Jews during the
sway of the feeble and avaricious high-priest
Onias II, till the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes,
when a determined effort was made by this
monarch to root out the worship of Jehovah and
establish the ritual of Greece throughout his do-
minions. The conduct of the Samaritans at this
juncture formed a marked contrast to the noble
independence of the Jews in maintaining the faith
of their fathers: they abjured all connection with

Israel or its God, claimed to be Sidonians by

origin, and requested that their temple might

be dedicated to Zeus Hellenios'. To one prin-
ciple of conduct however, with rare exceptions,
they always remained constant, to take the oppo-
site side to the Jews and injure them to the

1
Josephus, Ant. xii. 5. 5.

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 19

utmost of their ability. This at last drew down

upon them the vengeance of John Hyrcanus, and
the destruction of their temple about 129 b. c.,
followed by that of Samaria a few years later.
The Samaritans responded by all the means of
annoyance at their command, killing Galilean pil-
grims on their way to Jerusalem, and lighting
sham beacon-fires in opposition to those kindled
by the Jews as a signal to their distant brethren
that the Paschal new moon had appeared. On
one occasion it is related how a Samaritan suc-
ceeded in polluting the Temple on the eve of the
Passover by scattering human bones over the
pavement 1
. The Gospel narrative shews that in
our Lord’s time there was a complete estrange-
ment between the two nations: the very name
of Samaritan had now become a term of abuse 3
.

When the independence of Judaea declined and

Palestine passed under the Roman rule, matters
began to look brighter for the Samaritan people.
Pompey freed them from the Jewish yoke Ga- ;

binius rebuilt and fortified Samaria the national ;

worship was restored, exiles suffered to return, and

government by a council of elders established the :

’ See reff. in Neubauer, Geogr. p. 166.

s
John viii. 48. Cf. also Ecclus. 1 .
25, 26 (whero ‘Scir’ is

possibly to be read for Samaria’) and Testamentum

1
XII Patrum,
p. 564 : "Karat yip cirro (rrjptpop 'S.ixijp A tyoptvrj iroAtr dtrvwTur.

C 2

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20

reign of Herod the Great also, one of whose wives

was a Samaritan, was marked by the execution
of great public works for the embellishment
3
of
Samaria.
But the unquiet spirit which had distinguished
the old tribe of Ephraim in former times, and is

said even now to mark the modem inhabitants

of Nablus 1
,
would not suffer the Samaritans to
rest. Their history is a constantly recurring tale
of insurrections, massacres, and bloody reprisals
taken on them by the conquerors. The severity
with which Pilate put down a tumultuous rising
2
occasioned his recall . Under Vespasian a revolt
was quelled with the loss of 1 1 ,600 persons and ,

Sichem received a garrison and new name from

the conqueror. It is uncertain whether they took
any part in the Jewish revolt under Trajan * in :

the terrible insurrection which a few years later

burst out with such desperate violence under the

1
Juilg. via. 1-3, xii. 1-6, 2 Sam. xix. 43; cf. Robinson,
ii. 301.
s
Josephns, Ant. xviii. 4. 1, 2 : a certain man promised to
show tliem the sacred vessels hidden by Moses (or the high-priest
Usi, who, according to the Samaritan book of Joshua, chap.
42, hid them 261 years after the entry into Canaan) under
Garizim. The legend is borrowed from 2 Macc. ii. 5, where
the prophet Jeremy does the same on Ncbo.
5
Josephus, Ji. J iii. 7. 32.
4
Juynboll, Comment, in Ilist. Gent. Sam. p. 129.

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 21

leadership of Bar Cocheba in the reign of Hadrian

the Samaritans apparently at first aided the Jews,
hut afterwards deserting their allies assisted the
Romans in putting an end to the war, being
rewarded at the hands of their conqueror by the
restoration of their temple on Garizim With
the rest of the empire they benefited from the
gentle rule of the Antonines. Under Commodus,
Septiinius Severus, Constantine and Constantins,,
their condition was unsatisfactory, but quieter
times fell to their lot under Julian, Valentinian,
and Yalens ; their fortunes varied under the later
emperors. Laws unfavourably affecting their posi-
tion were passed by Honorius in 404 and 418;
Theodosius II in 426 took from them testamentary
rights, aud in 439 forbade them to exercise any
office which dealt with the affairs of Christians ;

new synagogues also might not be erected 2 .

The hatred with which they had formerly

regarded their Jewish rivals began to coneen-
trate itself upon the Christians, now that the new

'
Juvnboll, Chron. Sam. cup. 47 ;
Iiurgefl, p. 10 1 ;
Ewald,
vii. (1868), p. 409. Bettar is said to have fallen by Samaritan
treachery: as to its position sec Neubauer, Geoyraphic, p. ) 05.
In Jer. Kidduschin, iv. 1, it is said that thirteen places were
merged among the Samaritans in the time of ‘the destruction,’

i.e. under Hadrian: this was done by them in order to avoid

the fate of the Jews.
* Jost, Gtsch. i. 76 ;
Juvnboll, Comment, p. 50.

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 22

faithhad become that of the empire. In the year

484 while under the rule of Zeno they attacked
the church at Nablus, maimed the bishop, and
murdered many of the worshippers, committing
the like atrocities at Caesarea also. UndePAnasta-
sius and Justinian fresh troubles broke out 1 In .

529 a general revolt of the Samaritans took place

against the Christians, whole villages were burnt,
churches destroyed, and the worshippers tortured
to death. The severity with which this was put
down by Justinian, followed by the enactment of
severe laws against them, completely crushed the
Samaritan people 2 . Many fled to Persia, many
became Christians 3 . Henceforth they appear but
little In 636 they fell under Moham-
in history.
medan when the conquest of Palestine was
rule
effected by the Khaliph Omar. After the capture
of Jerusalem in 1099 by Godfrey de Bouillon and
his allies, Nablus and the surrounding country

1
Petermann, in Herzog’s lieal-Encyclojiadie, xiii. p. 369.
!
They were rendered incapable of holding public employ-
ments, or of acquiring property by inheritance or giftamong
themselves their synagogues were to be destroyed and no new
:

ones erected. Some of these provisions were relaxed a few

years later : some time after again, they were ordered to under-
take civic offices with duties attached to them, without however
acquiring any of the corresponding rights. Their testimony
against Christians could not be received. Jost, i. 78.
* Robinson, ii. 294, 295.
 23

came power of the Crusaders, and, with

into the
the exception of some temporary occupations
by the Saracens 1 remained Christian till 1244,
,

when it again became subject to Mohammedan

rule by the complete and utter rout of the
Christian forces at the fatal battle of Gaza.
Brief notices .of the Samaritans and their country
appear in works of Benjamin of Tudela
the
(twelfth century) and Christian pilgrims and
traveller's
2
but little was known of them till
,

the close of the sixteenth century, when Joseph

Sealiger first opened communications with them,
addressing a letter to the congregations at Nablus
and Cairo 3 Answers arrived in 1589, but not
.

1
As, for instance, when Nablus was plundered during a
temporary incursion of the Saracens in 1113, again by Saladin
in 1184 after his repulse from Kerak, and in 1187 after his
victory at Tiberias.
2
Bargds, pp. 10 sq., 33 sq.; Kobinson, ii. 297. Arabian
writers often confound them with the Jews. Ibn Batuta (1326),
while describing Nablus, does not mention them.
3
A careful deseqiption of the correspondence of the Samaritans
with Europeans, from Sealiger to Dc Sacy, is given by the latter
in Notices et Extraits ties MSS. de la Bibl. du Hoi, vol. xii. (1831),
together with the original texts and a translation of most of the
letters : two (to Ludolf) were published by Ccllarius, 1 688 ;

others arc to be found in Eichhorn’s Reperlorium ,

vols. ix.

and xiii. One more has since been published by Heidenheim

in his Vierteljahresschrift (vol. i. p. 88), that of Meschalmah ben
Ab Sechunh to the Samaritans of Europe, coming, as is supposed

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till after Scaliger’s death, and these passing into

other hands the correspondence ceased. But in

1616, Pietro della Valle having in vain endeavoured

at Cairo, Gaza, and Nablus, then centres of Sama-
ritan life, to carry out the injunctions of De Sancy,
then French ambassador at Constantinople, and
procure a Samaritan Pentateuch, succeeded at last
in purchasing one at Damascus, as also a transla-
tion of it Samaritan dialect.
into the The
publication of these excited great interest and
provoked angry disputes as to their intrinsic
value among the learned of Europe, but no further
communications appear to have been opened with
the Samaritans till 1671, when Huntington, the
learned bishop of Raphoe, whose Oriental MSS.
form part of the treasures of the Bodleian Library,
paid a visit to Nablus, while holding the office

of chaplain to the English factory at Aleppo.

He found there community of thirty
a small
families, procured from them a Pentateuch, and
in conjunction with Dr. Marshall, Rector of Lincoln
College, Oxford, earned on a correspondence with

by the editor, between the correspondence of Scnligcr and

Huntington. Emendations of the text are suggested by Geiger
in the Zeilachr. d. D. if. G. xvi. 725, and by Vilmar, ibid.
xvii. 375. The letters are written partly in Arabic, and partly
in Hebrew marked by Samaritanisms and Arabistns; they
display the most complete ignorance of all history and of every-
thing outside the little community of Nablus.

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 25

them which lasted with intervals till the latter’s

death in 1685. About this time a few letters
also passed between them and the celebrated
Aethiopic scholar Job Ludolf, and then, with the
exception of one letter addressed in 1790 to their
‘
Samaritan brethren’ in France ', nothing more is

heard of them till 1808, when the bishop and

senator Gregoire set about making enquiries with
regard to them by means of the French consular
agents in Syria. The information thus acquired
and the communications which subsequently en-
sued between Salameh the high-priest and De
Sacy himself are contained in the memoir drawn
up by the latter. They give the same picture as is
presented by later travellers of a small community
despised and ill-treated by Jew and Mahommedan 2 ,

from the very fact of their present depressed con-

1
Published by Hamaker in Archief voor Kerkelijke Ges/'hie-
denis, v. p. 56. Heidenheim, i. 82.
2
A touching picture of the miseries undergone by the
Samaritans during the first half of the present century from
the cruelty and avarice of their ever-changing governors is given
in the autobiography of Jacob-esh-Shelaby, London, 1855. He
came at that time to England to collect funds for his impoverished
countrymen and to intercede with the government on their behalf.
A translation of his petition may be seen at p. 50. Another, to
the government of Louis Philippe, is given with a translation in
Bargfes, p. 65 sq. See also his letter in the Times of April 3,

1874. The congregation is now reduced to 135 persons, nud

grievously oppressed by the Mohammedans.

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26

dition clinging with all the greater obstinacy to

their lofty traditions of the past and to the hope
of future restoration to the Divine favour ;
with
little or no education
depending for their his- ;

tory upon legendary mediaeval chronicles drawn

in great measure from Jewish sources for their ;

religious knowledge, upon the successive gleanings

of centuries from their Jewish rivals ;
yet interest-
ing as the possessors of what they assert to be
an independent revision of the Pentateuch, and
as the sole remaining representatives of the people
who have now for more than 2500 years claimed
to be the chosen Israel of God *. The correspond-

1
Formerly there were flourishing communities of Samaritans
in other countries besides Palestine. Alexander the Great is

said to have settled his Samaritan auxiliaries at the siege of

Tyre in Egypt (Josephus, Ant. xi. 8. 6) : Ptolemy Lagi carried
off considerable numbers with him (i6. xii. i), other colonists
probably followed during the troublous times of John Hyrcanus :

a dispute between the Alexandrian Jews and Samaritans is said

(
ib xiii. 3. 4) to have taken place before Ptolemy Philometor
(181-146) : here the Samaritan-Greek version of the Pentateuch
in all probability and the Arabic of Abu-Said were composed. A
sect of Dositheans is mentioned there in the sixth century A. D.,

and some remnants of the people lingered on there till the seven-
teenth. A colony of Samaritans was found by Edrisi in the
twelfth century in islands in the fled Sea, where they are said
to have taken refuge after the Arab invasion of Egypt in 638.
Meshullam ben llenaliem of Volterra (rn’O^ll or m'D^O, not
iTD^D, Malta or Toledo, as Heidenheim supposes, cf. Biscioni,
Calal. Medic, p. 1 28, aud Zunz in Asher's Benjamin of Twiela

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27

ence is of high value for the light it throws on

the later developements of Samaritan doctrine,

(1841), ii. 267) found fifty Samaritan families in Egypt on the

occasion of his visit there in 1480. They hold, he says, partly

to the written Law, but are idolaters ; their writing is different

to tljat of the Jews, and they have no ft, n, V, X, 3, n (cf. as to
this last statement Benjamin of Tudela, i. 67 Isaac Helo, A. D. ;

1344, in Carmoly’s Itineraires, p. 252, and Makrizi, in De Sacy,

Chrett. Arabe, 303) they go in pilgrimage thrice each year to
i. ;

Garizim, where a golden dove may be seen on the altar ; they live
apart from the Jews, having a separate synagogue ;
the Sabbath
they observe only to mid-day. See his letter in Heidenhcim, iii.

354. He was probably the same that Obadiah of Bertinoro met

on his journey to Jerusalem seven years later, cf. Neubauer’s Zwei
Briefe Obadiah's in Jahrb.fiir d. Gesch. d. Judea. (1863), iii. 198,
229. The latter (ibid. 241, 243) gives much the same account
he found fifty Samaritan families in Cairo, employed chiefly as
cashiers and agents for the principal officials, occupations in which
they acquired considerable wealth. The anonymous traveller of

1 495, whose narration is given ibid. p. 271 sq., visited Sichem,

but makes no mention of the Samaritans, his whole mind being
apparently taken up with endeavours to avoid the extortions of
custom-house officials. In the third and following centuries
they seem to have been widely scattered in both East and West,
employing themselves chiefly as merchants and money-changers :

in the time of Theodoric (493-526) they had a synagogue in

Rome. A colony of Samaritans is mentioned as existing in the
fourth century at Babylon (Git tin, 45 a). Benjamin of Tudela
in the twelfth century found communities in Caesarea, Nablus,
Askelon, and Damascus : tho great numl>er of MSS. written at
the last-named place shews that it must have been All important
centre for them. The chronicle El-Tholidoth (see below, p. 126)

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 28

and also of interest as shewing the intellectual

condition of this once numerous and powerful but
now nearly extinct The later
religious sect.

descriptions ofmodern travellers, such as Robinson,

Petennann, and others, shew that few changes
have since passed over the little community.
II. In the preceding historical sketch the reader
will no doubt have observed the extreme paucity,
or rather the almost total absence, of any trust-
worthy information derivable from the Samaritans
themselves as to the circumstances of their origin
and early condition ; and for this reason will ex-
pect no very exact account of the tenets held by
them in the earlier aces of their national existence.
Even with the fullest details at our disposal,
nothing very definite or distinctive in the way of
religious belief would in all probability have been
found existing among them. For it must be re-
membered that they were a population consisting
of the poorest Israelites, who had been left behind
by their conquerors as politically too insignificant
to be worth the trouble of removing from their

gives the names of many families settleJ in Damascus, Palestine,

anil Egypt. Cf. Robinson, ii. 293, 300 ;
Rasnage, Hist, den J uif«
(1716), ii.140-142, 152; Juynboll, Comment, pp. 37-54 in ;

the Inst very full references will be found. In a prayer given by

Heidenheim (Vierteljahresschr. i. 418) supplications are offered
for the .Samaritan congregations in Damascus, Gaza, Philistia,

Egypt, Aleppo, Hamath, Sefad, and Haserim.

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 29

land ; they had moreover, after long centuries of

corruption by means of state idolatry and devotion
to the crueland licentious rites of Baal, Ashtoreth,
and other monstrous deities, afterwards been re-
cruited from time to time by the arrival of fresh
parties of foreign idolaters. The nation had in-
deed, under the influence of fear, partially abjured

their idolatry and professed the worship of Je-

hovah, so much so as to be anxious to unite with
the returning Jews in rebuilding the Temple at
Jerusalem, in all probability however their re-
ligious views had at this time gained no great
depth or distinctness. But" the refusal of the
national party among the Jews to recognise them
as in any way belonging to Israel must have com-
pelled the Samaritans to consider their religious
position, to test the validity of the claims put
forth by them, and to shew both by their faith
and practice that they, and not their rivals of
Jerusalem, were the true disciples of Moses. By
themselves however they were unable, from lack
of the necessary learning, to carry out their pur-
pose, and it will be seen from several instances
which will be brought forward, that the Samari-
tans, powerless to invent, wore compelled to borrow
the doctrines and usages then in vogue at Jeru-
salem.
No one will be surprised at this who considers
the intimate relations which were from the first
 30

maintained between their leaders and a powerful

section of the Jews. It was in vain that Ezra,
aided by such as had ‘separated themselves’ from
the heathen of the land, dissolved by force the
marriages which had taken place between the
latterand numberless priests and rulers of Jeru-
salem. A few years later the mischief had not
abated Nehemiah complains that his plans were
:

betrayed bv the nobles of Judah, who had allied

themselves with the enemy his last work
;

was to purify the Temple from the presence of

Tobiah the Ammonite who had established him-
self there with the assistance of Eliashib the
high -priest, and to expel the grandson of the
latter for his marriage with Sanballat’s daughter.
These temporary checks caused by the zeal of
Ezra and Nehemiah being removed, no doubt
such alliances became frequent as before, and
although the influence of the national party at
Jerusalem was sufficient to prevent a complete
fusion of the two nations, yet a most intimate
connection must have been kept up between
certain members of each, and thus the Law and
the prevailing interpretation of it have readily
passed from Jerusalem into the opposite camp.
More especially after the of Manasseh
secession
and his establishment as rival high-priest in the
Temple of Garizim, must all the then existing
Jewish learning have been at the disposal of

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 31

the Samaritans. To understand their position

therefore it will be necessary to enquire what
was the state of religious parties and what the
tone of thought which after the return from the
exile prevailed in Jerusalem.
It was not apparently till the pontificate
of John Hvrcanus, about 130, that the two
B. C.

rival factions of Pharisees and Sadducees made 1

their appearance under these names in history.

But they must have existed long before there :

was nothing, as far as we know, in the special

circumstances of the time which could have then
produced them the principles which actuated
:

their conduct must have been at work in the

nation in the preceding centuries as well. The
government had all along been in the hands of
the high-priest and the other sacerdotal families
to whom he was related to these would naturally
;

ally themselves the other wealthy classes in the

state. this, the Sadducee party,
In the hands of
would be all judicial and administrative posts, the
arrangement of the calendar on which all the feasts
of the year depended, the conduct of the services
of the Temple, the authoritative exposition of the

1
Derenbourg ( Palestine i. 78, 452) thinks that Pharisee and
,

Sadducee were nicknames, invented long after the qualities of

Peruhouth and Sedaqah had become the characteristics of the
two parties. Sec also Gratz, Gexch. (1863), iii. 454, sq.

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Law. Whatever might be the merits of individual

members of the body, such as Jaddua and Simon
the Just, still the tendency of a privileged and
wealthy class always would be to take life

quietly, to content themselves with following the

requirements of the Law and as far as the letter
ancient tradition required them (in other words to
comply with Sedaqah), but not to invent rigorous
observances which would interfere with the in-
dulgence of those tastes which their wealth and
position enabled them to enjoy. Their interpre-
tation of the Law was characterised by the same
spirit. Though not always consistent in carrying
out the principle, still as a rule they clung to
the literal meaning, allowing the authority of no
tradition unless some ground was apparent for
it in Scripture *. The official sanctity of the
priesthood, as distinguished from the personal
purity of its members, and the maintenance of

its emoluments and privileges were eagerly con-

tended for by them. Their disbelief in the re-
surrection of the body, which is expressly affirmed
of them by all ancient testimony 2 was due pos- ,

* Jost, Gesch. i. 214.

Matt. xxii. 23; Mark xii. 18 Luke xx. 27; Acts iv. 2, xxiii.
;

8; Bab. Sanhedrin, 90b ; Josephus, Ant. xviii. I. 4 Origen, In ;

Mali. pp. 467, 81 1 ;

Epiphunius, Haeres. xiv, &e. The celebrated
Antigonus of Socho is said to liavc taught that ‘men should
serve God without any claim for reward from this doctrine

—~ P ' iafeed-bv-Gooqle
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sibly to the almost exclusive attention which

their principles led them to give to the Penta-
teuch (in which this doctrine less clearly stands
forth) in preference to the later books of the
canon, and also to the easy circumstances of life

in which most of this party found themselves.

ThePharisees, or Separatists,’ were of a different
‘

spirit. They were the descendants and repre-

sentatives of the national party who at the bidding
of Ezra and Nehemiah had ‘
separated’ themselves
from the heathen of the land, while many of the
priests and rulers had not scrupled to ally them-
selves with the ancient and deadly foes of Israel.
Though differing in no very important particulars
from the Sadducees either in doctrine or practice,
they found themselves outside the pale of an
official and priestly aristocracy, and were thus
compelled to throw themselves for support and
sympathy upon the middle and lower classes of
the community. Having no official character for
which to depend, they laid especial
sanctity on

his scholars Sadoq and Boethus developed the further result

that ‘
no reward is to be expected from God,’ and this was
naturally followed by a disbelief in the resurrection and future
judgment. The Boethusians first appear as an offshoot from,
but united with, the Sadducees, about the time of Herod the
Great; the exact points of difference between the parties are
difficult to distinguish. Geiger, Urschrift, 105, 149; Jost,
Gtsch. i. 215.

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stress upon personal purity, avoiding contact with

any person or thing which might interfere with
it;
by means of brotherhoods and minute regu- 1

lations endeavouring continually to reach higher

degrees of it, extending their care even to all

vessels used in the Temple service, on the plea

that they might have been defiled by the touch
of an unclean priest*. In imitation of the grave
and reverend banquets held by the priests at
which their portion of the sacrifices, the tithes
and offerings were consumed, the Pharisees es-
tablished brotherhoods for taking solemn meals
together, hallowed by special prayers, especially
on sabbaths and feast-days 3 in the same spirit :

* Jost, Geseh. i. 197.

s
ThU circumstance shews that some priests must have be-
longed to the party of the Pharisees, though these probably
were few as compared with those who joined the Sadducees.
The touching of the Law rendered any one unclean : Deren-
bourg, i. 1 33. On one occasion a Sadducee seeing them bathing
the golden candlestick, exclaimed, ‘
See'! the Pharisees will at last
purify the sun !’ Jost, i. 217. Cf. Mark vii. 4.
3
The device by which the Pharisees evaded the two prohibi-
tions of not going more than 2000 cubits from home and of
not carrying anything out of their houses on the Sabbath, was
worthy of the legal ingenuity of a more civilised age. By placing
some food on the eve of the Sabbath at a spot 2000 cubits
from their real home, they created there a fictitious domicile,
whence they might move in any direction 2000 cubits more.
Each of the brethren, moreover, at the same time placed some

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of rivalry they endeavoured to curtail the emolu-

ments and privileges of the priesthood Their
interpretation of the Law was marked by a
reverence for tradition and by an absence of the
strict adherence to the letter which distinguished
s
their rivals . Their method of life was rigorously
simple, spent in carrying out the minute ob-
servances of religion : they held the doctrine of
the resurrection and of a future reward mid
punishment 3 . This zeal was roused to fury by
witnessing the disgraceful pontificates of Jason
and Meuelaus, when the rites of Zeus Olympius
were celebrated in the Temple itself, and a
determined attempt made by these apostates to
trample down obedience to the Law of Moses,
and in its place to introduce the sensuous ritual
of Greece. By an energetic exercise of the in-
fluence which they possessed over the people they
must have greatly contributed to the success of
the Maccabees in their war of independence but ;

when the victory was once gained, there was but

little place for them in the Court of the Asmo-

fooil in the common hall, thus a sort of community of houses

was imagined, and by joining the ends of the streets with beams
and ropes the whole city was made as it were one house. This
was termed the 'Erubh. Dercnbourg, i. 143.
1 1
For instances see ibid. 135. Ibid. 138.
3
For Josephus’ account of them see Ant. xviii. 1.3; also xiii.

5. 9 ;
xvii. 2. 4; B. J. ii. 8. 14 i. 5. 2.

d 2

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nean princes, filled as it was with warriors and

priestly allies ;
so they retired to their old and
simple among the people.
life The struggle
between the two parties went on till the fall of
Jerusalem, the Pharisees continually gaining more
and more advantages over their rivals with the :

ruin of the Temple and the cessation of its services

the Sadducees disappear from history, all the
teaching and interpretation of the Law falling into
the hands of the Pharisees, or Rabbanites as they
were afterwards termed. Thus matters went on
tilla.d. 754, when, at the very moment when the
labours of the two schools of the Geonim appeared
to have established Rabbinism on a firmer basis
than ever, the celebrated A nan ben David raised
his voice against the system then in vogue, utterly
denying the right of tradition either to supplement
or interpret the written word, asserting the sole
authority of the Law, the unchanging character
of its and the necessity of seeking the
precepts,
1
explanation of in the book itself
it Thus after .

the lapse of nearly seven centuries was the old

method of interpretation revived, and the obsolete

1
Jost. ii. 294. Here is to be found a very full account of
the literature and dogmas of the Karaites. See also Neubaucr,
Awt der Petersburger Bibliolhek, 88 sqq. They assumed the
name as being skilful ' readers ’
or interpreters of the ‘
literal

meaning’ of the Law.

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teaching of the Sadducees and Samaritans repeated

in the Karaite school of Bagdad.
A few instances may he of interest, though the
subjects in dispute were not such as modem
theology takes much account of. The fruit of a
young tree in the fourth year belongs, according
to the old interpretation of Lev. xix. 23, 24, to
the priest, from whom it must be redeemed by the
owner ; in this both Samaritans and Karaites
agree, while a later explanation directs that the
fruit or the value of it be consumed by the owner
in person at Jerusalem '. According to the ancient
interpretation of Lev. xxvii. 30; Deut. xiv. 22;
xxvi. 12 and xiv. 28, two tenths of the fruit of
trees and must every third year be given
fields

to the Levites and poor, a third consumed by the

owners in Jerusalem ;
this last direction is not
maintained by by Samaritans
later doctors, only
and Karaites 2 . Samaritans, Sadducees, and Kara-
ites agree in deducing from Lev. iii. 9 that the
tail part of sheep belongs to the priest alone,
and may be consumed by no one else, whereas
the Rabbanites make no such restriction 3 When .

in Exod. xl. 31 priestly functions are attributed

to Moses, the. Samaritans alter the text so as to
ascribe them to Aaron alone, and thus heighten
4
the dignity of the latter . For fear of irrever-
1
Geiger, Urichrifl, 1 8 r .
* Ibid. 176.
3 4
Ibid. 467. Ibid. 381.

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ence, term ha-Shem was in reading sub-

the
stituted by early doctors for the sacred name
Jehovah whenever it occurred this custom was ;

afterwards given up, and later again the name

Adonai substituted the Samaritans still cling to
;

the old habit, employing the term ShemA, 1 In .

order to avoid anything approaching to an in-

delicacy of expression, the Samaritans interpret
in Exod. xx. 26 (neither shalt thou go up
‘
by steps’ unto my altar), * with craft,’ as if from
by®, and this rendering has been revived by the
Karaites 2 . The Samaritans allow the directions
in Deut. xxv. 5 to be carried out only in the case
of a betrothed, not actually married, brother’s wife,
and with them agree the Karaites 3 The decision .

as to the exact moment at which the new moon

appeared, on which depended the time of all the
other feasts, was formerly in the hands of the
Sadducees. Gradually the Pharisees wrested this
power from them, and out of spite the Samaritans
and Boethusians endeavoured by false signals and
suborned witnesses to stultify the official intima-
tions of their antagonists. The Samaritans and
Karaites imitate the Boethusians in counting for-
ward to Pentecost in Christian fashion, not from
the Sabbath following the first day of the Pass-
over, but from the day after the Sabbath, in oppo-

1 3
Geiger, Ursclirift, 262. * Ibid. 395. Ibid. 235.

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sition to the The same agree-

Pharisee rule 1
.

ment between Samaritans and Karaites in oppo-

sition to the Pharisees is to be found in their use
of the skin of a properly-killed animal only, not
of an unclean one or of carrion 2 ;
in allowing
no fire to bum through the Sabbath 3
;
nor any
4
one to move from home on that day ;
nor any
cooking to be done on festivals 5 : they do not
permit a dying animal to be killed and eaten,
and hold that the unborn young found in a slain
animal has a separate existence and so must be
properly slaughtered the high-priest may, accord-
:

ing to them, marry only a virgin (not widow) of

6
priestly family .

In other and more important points also the

1
Geiger, Urachrifl, 137.
2
Geiger, in Zeitschr. d. D. it. G. xvi. 718. Peterman 11, in

Iterzoij's Real -Encyclop. xiii. 383, mentions that when they go

iu procession to Garizim they only use shoes made of leather
from lambs killed by themselves ;
bo the famous copy of the
Law at Nablus is said to be written on skins of rams which
have served as thank-offerings.
5
Zeitschr. d. D. it. G. xx. 532. For their later practice, cf.

Eichhorn, Repertorium, ix. 32 ;

De Sacy, Not. et Exlr. xii. 124.
4
Zeitschr. d. D. it. G. xx. 535. As to the Pharisee rule, see
above, p. 34.
s
Zeitschr. d. D. it. G. xx. 536.
4
Ibid. 561. Fraukel ( Einfluss 252) believes that some prac-
,

tices of the Samaritans were borrowed directly from the

Karaites.

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40

Samaritans seem to have borrowed Sadducean

theology; for instance, a denial of the resurrec-
tion is expressly affirmed of them in the Siphre
and Massekheth Kuthim, a testimony borne out 4

by the evidence of the Fathers as well Whence

or at what time they adopted a belief in a coming
Messiah 2 is not clear, possibly from their Jewish
neighbours as however he was to be a son of
;

Joseph, not of David, it is more probable that

the idea had its origin among the Samaritans
themselves, and was due to their anxiety to exalt
3
the tribe of Joseph at the expense of Judah .

There was but one point which they could not in

accept the creed of their neighbours, and that was
the choice by God of Judah as the ruling tribe and
Jerusalem as the centre of the national religion .

For this reason probably they were compelled to

reject all the later books of the canon, and retain only

1
Siphre (on Numb. xv. 31) ;
Massekheth Kuthim, see below,
p. 172; Derenbourg, i. 130. Cf. R. Klieser in Bah. Sanitedrin,

90 b ;
Epiphanius, Haeres. ix and xiv ;
Leontius, De Seeds, viii
Gregorius Magnus, Moral i. 15, &c.
2 8
John iv. 25. See below, p. 69.
* They could not admit
the assertion of the Psalmist that the
Lord refused the tabernacle
‘
of Joseph and chose not the tribe
of Ephraim, but chose the tribe of Judah, even the hill of Sion
which He loved : and there He built His Temple on high, and laid
the foundation of it like the ground which He hath made continu-
ally. He chose David also His servant .... that he might feed
Jacob His people, and Israel His inheritance.’ Ps. lxxviii. 68-72.

L. ' Dicjilizerihy Cioogle

 n

41

1
the Pentateuch and a mutilated portion of Joshua .

In these there was little to wound their suscepti-

bilities : Ephraim was still an honoured and power-
the place which God would ‘choose to
ful tribe,
put His name there was still left undetermined 2 ’
:

nothing was needed but a few slight alterations

which should depress the hated sanctuary of
Moriah and establish the glory of its rival of
Garizim 3 .

From the foregoing sketch therefore it appears

1
Jost ( Gesrh. i.
53, note) thinks tlie Samaritans rejected all

but the Pentateuch from ignorance of them as being written in

a character they did not understand. Loewe (in Allgem. Zeitung
d. Judenlhum for April 18, 1839) asserts that he found the books
of Kings and Song of Songs among them. The anonymous com-
mentary described below, p. 1 34, quotes from the prophets, &c.
* But in Deut, xii. 14 they rend *in3 for m3 '
;
cf. Ex. xx. 24.
3
In Gen. xxxiii. 18 the Samaritans read for D^t?, ‘Jacob
came in peace to the city of Shechem,’ instead of ‘
to Salem a
city of Shechem,’ in order to bar the Jewish interpretation of
Jerusalem being here intended. The place is identified by
Robinson (ii.
279) with Salim near Nablus. In Deut. xxvii. 4
they read ‘
Garizim for ‘ Ebal,’ inserting vv. 2-8 and xi. 30 as
’

an additional commandment after Exod. xx. 17 and Deut. v. 21,

and adding in xi. 30 the words ‘
opposite Shechem,’ to make
certain of its identification, the Jews having asserted that the
Garizim and Ebal mentioned in the Pentateuch were not those
belonging to the Samaritans: (Sola, 33 b; Jer. Sola, vii. 3; and
Siphre on Deut. xi. 30). For other examples of changes made by
the Samaritans see Kohn, De Pent. Sam. 1 1 sqq. That ‘
Ebal
’

must be the true rending of Deut. xxvii. 4 is well maintained by

Friedrich (Z)e Christologia Samarilanorum, 57)against Keunicott.

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to be abundantly evident that theSamaritans

were in no degree the inventors of any part of
their theology, that they borrowed it wholly from
their neighbours, merely rejecting such parts
as did not square with their prepossessions, and
that they doggedly held on to the old traditional
interpretations, when these had been left by their
rivals centuries behind. They did, it is true,
modify and enlarge their creed, and that in im-
portant particulars, at a later period of their
history, but then, as before, by the same process of
absorption ; it was in no sense a development of
the religious feeling of the people.
The statements of Jewish writers throw but
little light upon Samaritan theology, nor are they

by any means uniform in their tenour. In some

passages of the Talmud, for instance, the Sama-
ritans are looked upon as Israelites by reason of
their religious observances, and credited with even
greater conscientiousness in carrying them out
than the Jews themselves on account indeed 1
:

of their misinterpretation of Deut. xxv. 5 mar-

riage with them is forbidden, and their slavish
adherence to the letter of Scripture is reprehended,
but their orthodoxy is extolled with regard to
unleavened bread, slaughtering of cattle”, pollu-

1
Holin, 4 a.
s
Holin, 3 a. So in John iv. 8 the disciples do not scruple to
buy food of the Samaritans.

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43

tion from dead bodies or graves, and purifications ;

their testimony also is to be admitted in matters of

1
divorce : while in other passages they are excluded
altogether from the community of Israel and their
very bread forbidden. It is uncertain when this
change of feeling took place and to what it was
due 2 No charges of any weight are made against
.

them, merely vague statements such as these

‘Formerly the Kuthim were plunged in false
though they observed the Mosaic law
beliefs, ;

now it
3
they have no idea of
R. Elieser ben .’

Arakh at full length how a curse was

relates
pronounced upon them with all solemnity by
Ezra, Zerubbabel, the high -priest Joshua, and
six hundred of his attendant priests no Israelite :

was to eat with them ; to do so would be as if

1
Neubauer, Geagraphie, 165 ;
Frankel, Vorstuclien, 197 ;
Einjluss, 245, where are very full Talmudical references ;
Winer,
Ileal- W.-B. ii. 371, 372.
J
Frankel (
Einjlass , 248) attributes it to the influence of
R. Simon ben Elie9er (Jer. Yebam. i. 6), perhaps the same as
Elieser ben Simon (Sola, vii. 3), who reported to R. Meir, in the
second century a. d., the Samaritans’ falsification of the Penta-
teuch, whereupon the latter excommunicated them. R. Simon
ben Gamaliel, a contemporary of his, held the Samaritans in
great respect, but his son R. Jchuda ha- Nasi considers them as
heathen, and is borne out in this by his friend R. Ismael ben
Jose. After the time of Diocletiau they seem to have been quite
excluded from Israel.
’ R. Simon, in Jer. Pesahim, i. 1.

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4

he ate swine’s flesh : no Samaritan was to be

received as a proselyte none would have a share
:

in the resurrection of the dead The ground of

this exclusion is variously statedgenerally they :

a
are charged with the worship of a dove an ,

accusation which originated as early as the second

century A.D., is repeated again in a commentary of
Rashi 3 revived by Maimonides
, and reasserted ,

as late as 1808, though repudiated with horror

by the Samaritans themselves 6 Or it is alleged .

against them that in the time of Diocletian they

denied their Jewish origin and offered libations
to heathen deities, a charge which must be re-
9
ceived with considerable caution . Similar accu-
sations and apparently equally destitute of proof
are, that they worshipped one of the idols hidden
7
by Jacob under the oak by Shechem , or those

1
Pirke R. Elieser, cap. 38. Cf. Beer, Gesch. Lehrrn, &c., i. 35.
3
Ilolin, f. 6, et al.
3
On Bab. 'Aboda Zara, 26b; ‘The Samaritans circumcise in the
name of the image of a dove,' quoted in Drusius, Observatl. xiii. 24.
*
On Minima Berakhoth, viii. 8, in Reland, Dr. Samaritanis,

iii. So Obadiah de Bertinoro, on Mishna Rerakhoth, vii. 1.

Cf. Friedrich, op. cit. pp. 80 sq., and above, p. 27.

5
De Sacy, Not. et Extr. xii. 19, 43, 70, sqq. Cf. Herzfeld,

iii. 596. Josephus knows nothing of it. The colonists may

have brought the worship of a dove with them from Nineveh ;

see references in Herzfeld.

• Jost, i. 61, from Jer. ’Aboda Zara, v. 4.
7
Jer. ’Aboda Zara, v. 4 ;
Gen. xxxv. 4.

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45

of the Samaritan colonists which were buried

1
under Garizim ;
or that they circumcised in
honour of Mount Garizim 2 or that they wrote ,

Ashima for Elohim in Gen. i. i or that they were ,

no genuine worshippers of Jehovah, only lion-

converts*: charges which the Samaritans were
not slow in retorting, accusing their adversaries
in turn of anthropomorphism and anthropopathism
because they left untouched such passages in the

Pentateuch as seem to ascribe human acts and

5
feelings to the Deity .

The testimony of the Fathers with regard to

the Samaritans’ disbelief in the resurrection of
the body has been already quoted ;
from the
same source we also learn their denial of the
existence of angels, and of the immortality of the

1
Epiphanius, Haeres. ix.
2
R. Jehuda, in Masseklieth Kuthim ; see below, p. 169.
* Aben Ezra, in Introduction to Comment, on Esther. It was
probably from some Jewish legend that Mohammed relates in

the Koran (Sura, 20) how a certain Sameri (Samaritan) made

the golden calf in the wilderness and was punished by Moses with
having to cry la mesdsa (touch me not) to the end of his life.

Masudi and Biruni say the Samaritans still used these words in
their time (tenth and eleventh centuries a. d.) ;
De Sacy, Chrest.
Arabs, i. 304, 343; cf. Abulfath, Ann. p. 175.

4
Bab. Baba Kama, 38 b.
6
They themselves were careful to change them ;
see below,

P- 135

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46

soul and also gain some information with regard

1
;

to the several sects w'hich made their appearance

among them these notices are supported by the
;

statements of Mohammedan writers and of the

Samaritans themselves. It may be as well in this
place to say a few words about them before noticing
the later developements of Samaritan theology.
The most important information on the subject
is derived from St. Epiphanius in the fourth cen-

tury a.d. He mentions 8 four different sects, the

Essenes, Sebuaeans, Gorthenians, and Dositheans.
With regard to the first of these bodies nothing
further known, it
is is however possible that
there may have been separatists known under
the name among the Samaritans. If so, they were
probably an offshoot from the Dositheans, just as
the Jewish Essenes were from the Pharisees ; for

' Origen, In Mali. p. 81 1 ; Leontius, Be Seclie, 8 ;

cf. Acts
xxiii. 8, as to the Sadducean disbelief in angels. Makrizi, in
De Sacy, op. cit. p. 306, sayB, ‘
the Zanadiqata (i. e. Sadducees)
are of the nation of the Samaritans, sprung from the Sadducees
they deny angels and the resurrection after death, and all pro-
phets hut Moses.’
2
Ilaeres. i. p. 28 : he is followed by St.John Damascenus, Be
IIacres, p. 79, and Nicetas, Thesaur. i. 35. For the whole sub-
ject Bee Basnago, livr. ii. chap. 13; Juynboll, Chron. Sam. 112.
Epiphanius strangely asserts ( Haeres p. 469) that in his day a
feast was held in the summer at Sebaste inhonour of Jephthah’s
daughter, to whom divine honours were paid : a statement which
he repeats (p. 1055) with reference to Neapolis.

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47

as the tenets of the latter were a protest against

the literal interpretation 1
and negative teaching
of the Sadducees, so the Dositheans appear to
have had much in common with the Pharisees,
and to have in like manner entered the lists in
opposition to the Sadducean teaching which, as
we have seen before, prevailed in their nation.
Nor is the information with regard to the Sebu-
aeans 2 more satisfactory they are said to have :

1
Abulpliaraj, a Christian writer who died in 1286 (Hist.
Dyn. p. 1 16), makes the Samaritans a Jewish sect who received
the Law alone and interpreted it in its literal sense. Juynboll,
Chron. Sam. 1 1 1

’ The origin of their name has been sought in '3D ,

who,
according to the Tanhuma, sect. Wayyeschebh, and the Yalqul,
ii. 234, was one of the two Israelite priests sent by the king of
Assyria to instruct the Samaritans at the time of the lion-plague.
Scbuaeans are mentioned in the Chronicle of Abulfath as oppo-
nents of Baba Rabba, the Samaritan reformer about 250 a.d.
Sabbaeus was a name in use among the Egyptian Samaritans
(Josephus, Ant. xiii. 3. 4). Cf. Herzfeld, iii. 599, for another
explanation and an account of these sects. Herzfeld connects
the name with their peculiar keeping of Pentecost. Ewald,
Gesch. (1868), vii. 135, identifies them with the Masbothaei of
Hcgesippus, the Basmothaci of Const. A post. vi. 6. 1, the Fasqu-
tai of Abulfath. He derives their name from the stress they
laid upon the number ‘
seven,’ as, for instance, in the observance
of that number of feasts. Petennann (in Herzog, Real-Encycl.
xiii. 387) could gain no information from the modern Sama-
ritans with regard to any of the foregoing sects. From the
subscription of a MS. dated 1513 it has been supposed that

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distinguished themselves by commencing the year

in the early autumn : soon after this they held
the feast of unleavened bread, Pentecost later,

and that of Tabernacles in the spring, when the

Jews were celebrating their Easter these changes :

were made by them out of animosity to Ezra,

and to avoid quarrels with the Jewish pilgrims
who were passing through Samaria on their way
to Jerusalem. Of the Gorthenians, termed Soro-
thenians by Nicetas, nothing whatever is known *.
With regard to the last of the four sects and
their leader Dositheus, it is impossible to recon-
cile the discordant testimony of Jewish, Chris-
tian, Mohammedan, and Samaritan writers 2 .

a sect of Musawi existed at Damascus, and that they may have

been connected with Mesawi of Baalbek who lived in the twelfth
century, whose tenets bore some resemblance to those of the
Druses. Cf. Jost, i. 68. But it is more probable that the name
signified orthodox Samaritans, 'followers of Moses.' Cf. Juyn-

boll, Chron. Sam. p. 37 ; Comment, p. 60.

1
Hegesippus (in Eusebius, Ilisl. iv. 22) makes them post-
Christian heretics, deriving their name from a certain Gortheus :

Theodoret ( Haer Fab. . i. 1) considers them followers of Simon

Magus.
2
At least three Dosilhei, if not more, are mentioned by other
writers besides those cited in the text. (1) Dostai the son of
Jannai, sent to Samaria by Sennacherib, with Sabbai another
Israelite priest, at the time of the lion-plague. Tan/iuma, l. c. ;

YaltjUt, l. c.; Pirke Elieser, cap. 38. (2) Also B. c. Philas-

trius (Uaeres. 4) says he was a Jew, the teacher of Sadoq. He

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49

St. Epiphanius relates of them that they were

believers in the resurrection, and austere in their

held the Law was to be obeyed only according to the flesh,

denied the resurrection, Holy Spirit, angels, and last judgment.

(3) A
post-Christian heretic mentioned by Hegesippus (in
Eusebius, Hist. iv. 22) and Hippolytus (ibid. vi. 22 Photius, ;

Biblioth. 121). According to the Clementine Recognitions, ii. 8,

Horn. ii. 24, he was the teacher of Simon Magus, to whom he
had to resign his claim to be the Messiah. The testimony of the
Apost. Const, vi. 8, and Theodoret, ffaeres. i. I, is to the same
effect. Eulogius, patriarch of Alexandria in 608, was called
upon to settle a dispute between the Dositheans and other
Samaritans of his day. Photius (
Biblioth 230), in describing
this, also makes him coeval with Simon Magus ;
he calls him an
insulter of God’s prophets, especially of the patriarch Judah.
His followers held him, the other Samaritans held Joshua, to
be the prophet promised by Moses. He denied the resurrection,
corrupted the Mosaic Octateuchus [so], applied the prophecies to
himself, &c. Origen (Adv. Cels. i. 57, vi. it ;
in Matt. p. 851,
and in Joann, xiii. 27) says made himself the
Dositheus
Messiah, the Son of God. His followers, who were almost
extinct in Origen ’s time, still had his writings, and believed him
to be alive. He ridicules the sect (De Princip. iv. 17) for their
excessive strictness in observing the Sabbath. Tertullian (De
Praescript. Haeret. 45) says Dositheus was the first who dared
to reject the prophets. St. Jerome (Adv. Lucif. p. 19;) follows
him ;
but whether they are speaking of (2) or (3) is doubtful :

probably of (2), as they make the Sadducees an off-shoot of the

Dositheans.
So much for Jewish and Christian testimony ; that of Moham-
medan writers is not more satisfactory. According to Masudi
(who died in 956 A. d. ; cf. De Sacy, Chrestom. Arabe, i. 305),
there were two sects of Samaritans, Couschan and Bouschan
e

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 50

manner of life, avoiding animal food, some marry-

ing but once, others not at all : as to the
observance of circumcision, the Sabbath, avoid-
ing contact with others, fasting and penance,
they were not distinguishable from the other
Samaritans. Their founder was, he continues, a
Jew who for his learning aspired to be chief
among his party, but being disappointed in his
ambitious schemes, went over to the Samaritans
and founded a sect later he retired to a cave :

and there starved himself to death out of affected

(corrected by De Sacy to Cuthana and Dust&na ; but according

to Juynboll, Chron. Sam. 112, the former word signifies ‘truth-

telling,’ not Cutbite) ;

one of these held the world for eternal,
i. e. uncreated. Sharastani (ed. Haarbrtlcker, Th. i. p. *57), two
centuries later, also divides the Samaritans into Dusitanija or
Ilfanija (‘ lying separatists ’) and KfisSnija (‘ true people ’), the
latter believing in a future life and rewards and punishments,
the former confining them to this world : the two parties differed
in their legal rules and ordinances. Al-Ilfan said he was the
prophet foretold by Moses, the * Star he lived about too years
before the Messiah. (The name Ilfan probably signifies that he
was a millenarian ;
cf. Vilmar’s Abulfath, p. lxxii, note : or ‘a
strict observer ’ [i_il&.] of the Law.) To the same effect is the
testimony of Abulfeda, two centuries later, in De Sacy, op. cit.

p. 344. He mentions Dostani or Fani and Cousani, the former

denying future rewards and punishments, the lntter admitting
them. The quotation by Abraham Ecchellcusis from an Arab-
Samaritan Chronicle in Cardinal Mazarin's library, to be found
in De Sacy, op. oil. 337, is probably from Abulfath. Cf. Vilmar’s
Abulfath, p. xvii.

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 piety. This account, it will be noticed, mentions
but one Dositheus and one party named after him.
But as the preponderance of evidence is in favour
of there having: been at least two heresiarchs of
the name, and two sects taking their title from
them, it will perhaps be best to acquiesce in this
conclusion, more especially as it agrees with the
account transmitted to us by the native Samaritan
chronicler Abulfath. He relates that (apparently
about the time of Antiochus Epiphanes) a sect
appeared calling themselves Dost&n or *
the
friends,’ who varied in many respects the hither-
to received feasts and traditions of their fathers.
Several of their peculiarities are mentioned. They
held for impure a fountain into which a dead
1
insect had fallen : altered the time for reckoning
the purification of women and commencement
of feasts : forbade the eating of eggs which had
been laid, allowing those only to be eaten which
were found inside a slain bird considered dead :

snakes and cemeteries as unclean, and held any

one whose shadow fell upon a grave as impure
for seven days. They rejected the expression
* blessed be our God for ever 2 and ,’ substituted

1
It is similarly alleged of all the Samaritans in the Masne-
Icheth Kuthim (sec below, p. 170), that they held oil to be unclean
into which a mouse had fallen.
* In Mishna Berakhoth, 9, 5, it is stated that the expression
‘for ever and ever' was introduced as a protest against the
 52

Elohim for Jehovah 1

: denied that Garizim had
been the first sanctuary of God : upset the Sama-
ritan reckonings for the feasts, giving thirty days
to each month, rejecting the feasts and order of
fasts and depriving the Levites of their portions
2
of the offerings . They counted the fifty days
to Pentecost fromthe Sabbath, the day after
the day of the Passover, like the Jews (i. e.
first

the Pharisees), not from the Sunday like the other

Samaritans. According to them a priest might,
without becoming impure, enter a house suspected
of infection, as long as he did not speak. When
a pure and impure house stood side by side, and
it was doubtful whether the impurity extended
to the former as well, the question was decided
by watching whether a clean or unclean bird
first settled upon it. On the Sabbath they might
only eat and drink from earthen vessels, which, if
defiled, could not be purified 3 they might give :

no food or water to their cattle; this must be

done on the previous day. Their high-priest was
a certain Zar’a, who had been turned out of his
own community for immorality of life.

‘
sectarians ’
(D'3'D) for their disbelief in the resurrection. Dosi-
theus’ reason seems to have been the same.
1
See above, p. 38.
* Cf. the account of the Pharisees given above, p. 35.
* That they might not be tempted to break the Sabbath by .

dipping them in water to cleanse them. Herzfeld, op. cil. iii. 602.

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 53

At a later period lived a Jew, a certain Dusis 1

:

beiDg condemned to death for immorality he was

respited on the promise of sowing dissension
among the Samaritans by founding a new sect.

Accordingly he went to Nablus and formed a

friendship with a Samaritan distinguished for his
learning and piety. Compelled however to fly
for his life on account of a false accusation which
he had brought against his friend, he took shelter
with a widow-woman, in whose house he composed
many writings ;
but finding that a hot pursuit after
him was still maintained, he retired to a cave,

where he perished of hunger and his body was

eaten by dogs. Before his departure, however,
he left his books with his hostess, enjoining her
to let no one read them unless they first bathed
in the tank hard by. Accordingly, when Levi
the high-priest’s nephew, a pious, able man, arrived
with seven others in search of him, they all bathed,
one after the other, in the tank, and each, as he
emerged from the water, exclaimed, I believe in ‘

Thee, Jehovah, and in Dusis, Thy servant, and his

'
He is mentioned just after n certain Germon, whom Juju-
boll (
Chron Sam.
.
p. 347) takes for Gernmnus, bishop of Nablus
in 323, and therefore puts them both at this time: Petcrmann

(Herzog, R. E. xiii. 391) in the first or second century A. n.

The Chron. El-TIwJidoth (p. 58), see below, p. 124, appears to

place him near the time of Zeno, towards the end of the fifth

century a. d.

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 54

sons and daughters Levi adding, when his turn

came, ‘
Woe to us, if we deny Dfisis the prophet
of God.’ Whereupon they took the writings of
Dfisis and found that he had made many alterations
in the Law, more even than Ezra. But this they
concealed on their return to Nablus, saying only
that Dfisis had disappeared before their arrival,
they knew not whither. At the next Passover
Levi had to read out Exod. xii. 22 in the syna-
gogue, but for ‘hyssop’ he substituted ‘thyme.’
Corrected by the congregation he still persevered,
crying, ‘
This is right, as God hath said by His
prophet Dfisis, on whom be peace ! Ye are all

worthy of death, for denying the prophetic office

of His servant Dfisis, altering the feasts, falsifying

the great name of Jehovah, and persecuting the
second prophet of God whom He hath revealed
from Sinai Woe unto you that you have rejected
!

and do not follow him!’ Whereupon Levi was

stoned. His friends dipped a palm-leaf in his
blood, and ordained that whoever would read his
writings and see the leaf must first fast seven days
and nights. They cut off their hair, shaved their
beards, and at their funerals performed many
strange ceremonies. On the Sabbath they would
not move from their place, kept their feasts only
on this day, during which they would not remove
their hands from their sleeves. When one of their
friends died, they would gird him with a girdle,

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 55

put a stick in his hand and shoes on his feet,

saying, ‘
if we rise, he will at once get up,’

believing that the dead man, as soon as ever he

was laid in the grave, would arise and go to

Paradise. — Of the later fortunes of the Dositheans

we have no information : they existed however in
Egypt early in the seventh century a.d., when
Eulogius patriarch of Alexandria was called upon
to mediate between them and the rest of the
Samaritan community settled there l
.

This part of the subject would be incomplete

without some mention of the person and teaching
of the celebrated Simon Magus, though a complete
enquiry into his system and an examination of the
sources whence he drew it would far exceed the
limits of the present sketch. He appears early in
the Apostolic history as practising magic arts in
Samaria, and giving himself out as ‘some great
one,’ or, as it is otherwise expressed, ‘
the power of
God which is called great 2 ,’
i.e. the Supreme Deity
himself, as opposed to angelic powers, the creators
of the world. Converted by the preaching and

1
See above, p. 26, note. Dr. Beer, in his Buck der Jubilaen
und sein Verhdlfnist zu den Midrcuchim, considers that it wag
compiled in the interests of Dositheanism for the use of Egyptian
Jews ;
it is said, on the authority of modern travellers, still to

maintain its influence among the Falascha (Jews) of Abyssinia.

Jost, Gesch. i. 66, note.
2
Qvtos tarty fj bvvapis to C Qtov fj *oA ovfityrj ^tydXrj. Acts viii. IO.

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 56

miracles of the deacon Philip, he suffered himself

to be baptized, but the unworthy character of his
motives in so acting was soon displayed in his
attempt to bribe the apostles communicate their to

supernatural gifts to him, hoping thus to acquire

greater powers for his own ends. His answer to
the indignant rebuke of St. Peter betokens rather
apprehension than contrition, and tradition associates
his name with the first entry of Gnostic teaching
into the Christian Church. The most trustworthy
particulars of his life are given us by his fellow-
countryman Justin Martyr in the middle of the
following century. According to his account
Simon was born at Gitton, a Samaritan village,
and making his way to Rome in the time of

’ Apol. i. 26, 56, ii. 1 5 ;

Tryph. 120. A stone was found on
the island of the Tiber in 1574 with the inscription ‘
Semoni |

Sanco |
Deo Fidio |
Sacrum |
Sex. Pompeius Sp(urtt) F(ilius) |

Col(/ina, sc. trihu) Mussianus |

Quinquennalis |
Decur(io) Bi-
dentalis |
Donum Dedit’ (Orel!, i860, Wilmanns 1300, Gruter
96. 5 ;
the similar one in Orcll. 1861, Gruter 96. 6, is suspected
by some critics); and Jnstin Martyr has been accordingly
charged with having mistaken this for a dedication to Simon
Magus. The question is discussed in the preface to his works
published in Migne's Bibl. Patrum, p. 141. It is singular that

the deity to whom the inscription refers, the Sabine Semo-

Hercules, is, according to Banr’s view ( Christliche Gnosis, 1835,
p. 308), to be identified with the Tyrian Horcules, and that the
legend of the latter and of Astarte probably gave rise to the
Simon and Helena myth.

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 57

Claudius gained so great an influence with both'

senate and people by the aid of his magic arts
that they honoured him as god, and erected a
statue to his honour in the island of the Tiber.
As time goes on, more minute and full particulars
of his life are given by ecclesiastical writers. The
author of the Clementines, for instance, knows the
names of his parents,and describes him as having
received instruction in Hellenic literature and
magic at Alexandria l
Later in life he, with his
.

companion Helena, was among the thirty disciples

of John the Baptist, this number having been
chosen by the master as representing the days of
the month, with a woman among them to signify
its incompleteness, as twelve apostles had been

selected by our Lord in correspondence with the

twelve months of the year. On the death of the
Baptist, Dositheus, in the absence of Simon,
succeeded to the headship, but after a while was
compelled to succumb to the superior powers of
his rival. Simon now travelled about in company
with Helena (a dissolute woman whom he had
picked up at Tyre), practising magical arts, and by
their aid making statues to walk, rolling without
hurt in the fire, changing into a snake or kid,
displaying two faces, &c. But St. Peter con-
tinually throws himself in his path ; at Caesarea

1
Recogn. ii. 7 ;
Epit. 25.

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58

Stratonis they have a disputation which lasted

three days ;
flying hence he is pursued by his
triumphant antagonist to Phoenicia, Antioch,
Laodicea, and at last, according to further ac-
counts, is brought to bay at Rome, where, in order
to regain his wavering credit with his disciples,

he suffers himself to be buried alive, promising to

rise again on the third day, but instead miserably
perishes. In another version he attempts to fly,

but failing in the undertaking owing to the prayers

of the Apostle, he falls headlong and loses his life

on the spot ;
or being horribly maimed, he flings
himself in shame and anguish from a rock and so
perishes
However unsatisfactory many of these details of
his history may be, a very complete description
of his doctrinal system has descended to us in the
works of early ecclesiastical writers, among which
are to be found long extracts from the heresiarch’s
own treatise, the *
Great Apophasis,’ or Declaration,
in which he unfolds all his wisdom and theories of
creation 2 . He explains that there are six original
‘
roots’ or principles whence all things were derived ;

1
The various modifications of the story are well described by
Miiller in Herzog, Keal-Encycl. xiv. 392, who also gives a careful
account of his system. Cf. also Ewald, Gesch. (1868), vii. 124 ;
Baur, op. tit. and the art. ‘
Gnosticismus ’
in Ersch and Gruber,
p. 278.
2
Hippolytus, IIaeren. vi. 9, x. 12.

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59

in the intellectual world these are voo? and iirlvota,

l
tpmvt) and ovo/xa ,
\oyt<r/x6t and ;
and cor-
responding to them in the world of sense are
heaven and earth, sun and moon, air and water
but as his whole system is based solely upon the
relation of the sexes, all of these ‘roots’ are
arranged, as will have been noticed, in pairs,
representing the male and female principle of
thought, speech, and reflection 8 respectively.
These
however by themselves are incapable of production :

for this they need the help of the seventh, the

highest and first principle of all, the unlimited
Power (anepavTot Suva/xis). This exists indeed in
all the six, but only in potentiality, not in realisa-
tion (Swduti owe evfpyda). For its nature is two-
fold, it is both hidden and manifest, apparent to

the intellect and to the senses (voijto'i/ and aiaQqrov) ;

it is described as a supercelestial fire, the treasure-

house (dtja’avpdi,) of both alcrOtird and iloip-d, or, to
use a Biblical image, it is the tree seen in Nebu-
chadnezzar’s vision whence all flesh was nourished.
Now if this fire remain only in potentiality it

geometry or grammar from the

will vanish, like
mind of man, but if it be realised, assume sensible

1
In Theodoret, llaeret. Fab. i. i, tvroia. I do not venture to
translate these terms, being doubtful whether they can be ren-
dered accurately. Ewald gives them as Verstand and Verstand-
lichkeit, Sprachsinn and Sprache, Gcdankc and Ucberlcgung.
8
Or, ‘
understanding.’

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 60

shape (e^etKovlcrOri), take art (rixyij), then it

becomes the light of all generation (c pws run* yiyvo-

fxtvwv). Again, it may be described as past, present,

and future 1
(e<mo?, cm!?, o-T»/<rJ/i«'o?) : it stands on
high in ungenerated potentiality («V ayew/ntp Swd/uet),
it stood beneath ‘on the face of the waters’ in
generated form (ei> ei/c6n yevvqOels) ; it will stand on
high, if it be by the side of the blessed
realised,
unlimited Power. The first principle did take
form in the person of Simon himself and by the :

aid of him, who is the incarnation of it, all men can

think and speak and reflect rightly heaven and ;

earth, sun and moon, air and water can each

perform their appointed task in union with each
other.
So far possibly the system as taught by Simon
himself extended, but a further development of
it,which may have been due to the imagination
and enthusiasm of his scholars,’ has also come
down to us, and in this his companion Helena
2
plays a conspicuous part . According to this he
is the highest Power, the Father who is above all,
who suffers himself to be called among men by
what name they please, the Supreme Mind ;
Helena

1
An idea borrowed from the Jehovah of Exod. iii. 14 ;
the
a oiv Ka'i 6 t/v xai 6 ip^optvos of Rev. i, 4.
1
Hippolytus, op. cit. vi. 19 ;
Irenaeus, Uaeres. i. 23 ;
Theo-
doret, he. cit.; Tcrlullian, Anim. 34; Epiphanius, Uaeres. 21.
 61

is the female principle corresponding to him, his

Intelligence, the universal Mother, through whom
he first conceived the idea of creating angels and
archangels. She springing down into the lower
regions produced angels and powers who created
the world, and afterwards detained her out of
envy, wishing to be thought self-produced. Him
they ignored entirely, her they subjected to all

contumelious usage, making her pass from one

woman’s body might not re-
to another that she
turn to the Father. Thus she was once the Helen
for whom Greeks and Trojans fought at Ilium,
and who after many transmigrations found her-
self at last in a brothel at Tyre. Then it was
tliat the supreme Power came down from on high
to rescue this his ‘lost sheep:’ he passed through
all the angel-spheres, assimilating himself to each,
till he appeared as man on earth, among the Sama-
ritans as the Father, among the Jews as Son,
where he suffered death in appearance only,
among the Gentiles as Holy Ghost He over- 1
.

came the powers of the world, each of them ruling

unrighteously and striving for the mastery, freed
his Intelligence, brought salvation to mankind,
and likewise delivered them from the bondage
of the spirits who created the world. It was

1
So Jerome on Matt. xxiv. g. ‘
Ego sum Semio Dei, ego sum
speciosus, ego Paracletus, ego omnipoteus, ego omnia Dei.’

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 62

they who inspired the prophets, consequently their

words are not regarded by those who believe on
Simon and Helena these may act as they please
; :

they can do no wrong, for nothing is evil in itself,

only by ordinance ;
certain things have been de-
clared to be so by the creating angels who thought
thus to enslave mankind. The result of such a
doctrine upon the lives of Simon’s disciples may
be easily imagined *.

Greek mythology was also pressed into the

service of Simon in order to illustrate the re-
lationship of him and Helena their admirers:

were fond of representing them under the form

of Zeus and Athena (she according to the legend
having sprung fully formed from the brain of
her sire), and of making offerings before images
and paintings so depicting them. Such was the
strange mixture of Judaism, Christianity, Oriental
legend, and Greek mythology which took such
deep root in Samaria, that, according to the testi-
mony of Justin Martyr, nearly the whole nation in
his days had given in their adherence to it. One
circumstance no doubt powerfully contributed to
this end, that the vanity of the people was flattered
by the idea of possessing a Messiah of their own
whose high pretensions should equal those of the
Christ of Nazareth. The sect however had no

1
Eusebius, Eccl. ii. 13.

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63

great vitality, and had almost ceased to exist in the

time of Origen '.

Roused to emulation by the success of Simon,

one of his disciples, Menander of Capparetaia 2 ,

another Samaritan village, endeavoured to im-

prove upon his system. His pretensions were
more modest. Unlike his master, he made no
claim to highest Power,
be considered as the
teaching that this is unknown it had however ;

by means of the divine ewola produced the angels,

and by them the world had been created his own ;

mission was to set man free from the dominion of

these powers, and give them immortality this ;

he promised he would do for all, even in this

life, who believed and were baptized in his name.

He does not seem to have had any great following

among his countrymen, the ground having been
too completely occupied by his master he con- :

sequently migrated to Antioch on the Orontes

and there founded a school some of his disciples :

were still to be found there in Justin Martyrs

day.

i. 57, vi. n.
1
Origen, Celt.
1
Justin Mart. Ap. i. 26,56. In Theodoret, op. cil.i. 2, his birth-
place is called CbabraL His teaching is described by Irenaeus,
loc. cit. Hippolytus, JIaeres. vii. 28 ;
Eusebius, op. cit. iii. 26.
In Hippolytus it is said to have resembled that of Saturnilus,
but it is not clear how much of the description given of the
latter will apply to him.

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 64

Another disciple, Cleobius, though founding a

school of his own, appears to have kept so close
to his master’s teaching as to have been looked
upon as an apostle of his. Nothing is known
of him, but that he imitated Simon in his hos-
tility to Christianity, forging and circulating books
in the name of Christ and His apostles *.

To return after this digression to the question

of the religious belief of the Samaritans ; — it would
appear from the foregoing sketch that their
original creed was wholly borrowed from their
neighbours of Judaea at a time when Sadducean
opinions prevailed among them, and that the later
Pharisaic views which gradually ousted the former
beliefs did not for centuries obtain any hold in
Samaria. Thus matters continued till the fall
of This event must have greatly
Jerusalem.
altered the tone of mind with which the Sama-
ritans regarded their old enemies. The sight of
the Jews’ humiliation and dispersion over the
face of the earth must have greatly modified the
repugnance with which they would naturally have
repelled any acceptance of their rivals’ views.
Accordingly when next we receive any information

1
Const. Ap. vi. 1 6. Ewald identifies his followers with the
'Evru^irai of Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. 1 7, ascribing the name to the
:

importance ascribed by them to solemn 1

supplications ' they
arc however termed Ev-nixirai in Theodoret, Uaer. i. 1, and
distinguished from the KXfojSanm.

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 65

with regard to the creed of Samaria, we find it

greatly changed and many of the Pharisaic articles
of faith now forming part of it, to the exclusion of
those Sadducean doctrines which had formerly
prevailed. Moslem influence also was later
brought to bear upon the Samaritans, when in
636 a.d. they passed under the rule of the
Saracens, and it is no doubt to this, or to the
neighbourhood of the Druses ', that strange —
eclectic sect which borrowed its principles alike
from the Law, the Gospel, and the Koran, that —
they owe many Koranic expressions and ideas,
for instance, the passionate assertion of the unity
of God, the high and peculiar honour paid to
Moses as the one prophet, and the notion that
the Law was created ideas all of which find :

their counterpart in Mohammedan theology.

Our information with regard to the later de-
velopements of Samaritan faith is very full : the
sources from which it may be obtained are the
hymns and other religious documents published

1
The Beet was founded by Hakim, the sixth khaliph of the
house of the Fatimites that ruled in Cairo, in opposition to the
Abbasides of Bagdad. In 1017 a. d. he gave to the inhabitants
of Syria liberty of conscience and leave to rebuild their syna-
gogues. Hamza his disciple taught that God had manifested
Himself by prophets, last of all by Mohammed and Hakim. The
latter had, in 1020, disappeared to return later. Juynboll,
Chron. Sam. 1 16 ;
De Sacy, Expose de la Religion Jen Druses.

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66

by Gesenius and Heidenbeim, the earliest of them

dating possibly from the seventh century, the book
of Joshua and Chronicle of Abulfath, composed in
the thirteenth and fourteenth, the Samaritan cor-
respondence with Scaliger and others from the
sixteenth century downwards, and lastly the very
complete information afforded by modem travellers.
Froma combination of these various documents
it would appear that the Samaritans, like the
Mohammedans l had five principal articles of
,

2
faith they hold that
:

1. God is One, without partner or associate,

without body and passions, the cause of all things,
filling all things His nature is inscrutable His;
:

powers were hidden in Him before the creation,

and by it His majesty and magnificence were dis-
played He is knowable by reason, by His works
:

and revelation from the kindness He formerly

:

shewed to His own people in continually pro-

tecting them a return of the Divine favour may
be expected to them alone was His great Name
:

revealed on mount Garizim.

2. Moses is the one messenger and prophet of

God, for all time : all other prophets are as nothing

1
The Mohammedan creed are belief in the
five points of the
unity of God and the mission of Mohammed, prayer, alma, fast-
ing, and the pilgrimage to Mecca. Cf. Weil, Mohammed, 288.
* Cf. the letter of Meschalmah in Heidenheim, Viertel-

jahretschr. i. 100.

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compared with him he is the glory of prophecy, :

the end of revelation, the friend and familiar

servant of God, the head, the sun, the crown 2 of
the world, above all kings and priests none will ;

1
arise like him he is superior even to the Messias
: :

after ascending into heaven he dwelt in the splen-

dour of God.
3. The Law is perfect and complete, destined

for all time, never to be supplemented or abrogated

by later revelation it was created in the six days,:

beforeall other creatures by the study of ;

it men
become partakers of eternal life.
4. Garizim is the one abode of God on earth, the
home of eternal life, the ‘
mount of blessing its

higher eminence is most sacred, it is the ‘

ever-
lasting hill V the ‘
house of God * its lower one
is ‘Jacob’s pillar*,’ the ‘stone of Israel*:’ there
the Tabernacle was placed, there Joshua built the
first altar ;
there does God manifest Himself by
His presence : over Paradise, thence comes all
it is

rain : they can shew where Adam and Seth raised

their several altars, and the seven steps leading to
that of Noah : they know where Abraham offered

1
The Sam. Targum in Deut. xxxiv. 10 reads Dip' for the Dp
of the Masoretic text: cf. also the Sam. text in Ex. xviii. 7.
J
Deut. 29; sec above, p. 14, note 6.
xi.
a
Gen. xlix. 26; Deut. xxxiii. 15; where the Sam. Pent,
reads nj? 33 .

4
Gen. xxviii. 19. * Ibid. xxxv. 14. * Ibid. xlix. 24.

f 2

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68

up Isaac
4
there still remain the twelve stones on
:

which is written the Law (Deut. xxvii. 4), the site

of the former temple 8 below it stood the high-
:

priest’s house not far from the cave of Makkedah :

Garizim was alone spared by the flood when every

other mountain was covered 3 .

5. There will be a day of retribution, when the

pious will rise again ;
false prophets and their
followers will then be cast into the fire and
burnt .

Other points in their creed may be noticed. The

world is twofold, one apparent to the senses, the
other spiritual, the abode of angels it has not ;

always existed, it was created. Man was formed

from the dust of Mount Safra, that is Garizim,
in the image of the angels, not of God. The
Sabbath is to be rigidly observed great rewards ;

await those who honour it. Angels are the powers

1
Cf. Petermann in Herzog, xiii. 377. The claim of Garizim
as the place of sacrifice in opposition to Moriah in Jerusalem is

upheld by Dr. Stanley, Sinai and Palestine (1866), p. 251, but

controverted by Ewald, Gotting. Gel. Am. (1863), p. 638, and
by Thomson, Land and Book (London, i860), p. 474.
!
To this the Samaritans always turn in prayer, as the Jews
to Jerusalem and Moslems to Mecca.
5
This is borrowed from the Jewish legend that Palestine was
not covered by the flood. Berethith Rabba, 33, and Zehahim, 113b.
4
See the Sam. Pent, in Ex. xv. 18 and Deut. xxxii. 35.
Yilmar (in Abulfath, p. xxxvii) thinks that (4) and (5) were
later additions to the Samaritan creed.
 ;

69

of the unseen world, and of God : they appeared

at the giving of the Law on Sinai ;
by one of
them, not in person, God spake to Moses 1
.

The belief in a coming Messiah or ‘

Restorer V
who plays so conspicuous a part in later Samaritan
theology, was probably of home origin, or at all
events, even if borrowed from their neighbours,
adapted to their own ideas and hopes 3 . It is

1
It is doubtful bow tho Samaritans regard angels, whether as
attributes of the Deity or uncreated existences. Cf. De Sacy, in
Not. et Extr. xii. 26. Their belief on this point and also with
regard to the resurrection is probably somewhat hazy. De Sacy
could extract no satisfactory replies from the priest Salameh.
Fetermann was informed by the priest that by the Spirit of 1

God’ and ‘darkness’ of Gen. i. were signified good and bad

angels respectively. He gave him the names of the four greatest
angels, Fanuel (Gen. xxxii. 31), Anusa (Exod. xiv. 25), Cabbala
(Num. iv. 20), and Nasi (Exod. xvii. 15), all founded upon a
misinterpretation of these passages. The devils are Azazel (Lev.
xvi), Belial (Deut. xv. 9), and Jasara (perhaps the ‘
hornet ’
of
Exod. xxiii. 28). The descendants of Cain became evil spirits

the Nephilim (Gen. vi. 4) also are evil angels who fell from
heaven. He varied in his account of the resurrection ;
at one
time stating that the spirits of good and evil men would receive
their bodies at the last judgment and with them return to Para-
dise and hell respectively at another, that they would always
;

remain in an incorporeal state.

* Called also in Arabic El-muhdi, the ' guide.’ Robinson, ii.

278.
3
It is not likely that the idea of a Messiah the son of Joseph
would have its origin anywhere but among the Samaritans, who
were always eager to raise the tribe of Joseph at the expense of

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fully explained in the letter addressed by the

Samaritans to their ‘brethren in England’ in a.h.
1096 (
= a.d. 1684) *
: ‘You have spoken of the
arrival of the great Prophet. This is he who was
announced to our father Abraham, as it is said
there appeared “a smoking furnace and a burning
lamp” (Gen. xv. 17): “to him shall the people
submit themselves” (ib. xlix. 10) of him also it is :

said (Nuin. xxiv. 17), “he shall destroy all the

children of Sheth, and Israel shall do valiantly
of him, “ the Lord thyGod shall raise thee up from
amidst thy brethren a prophet like unto me, unto
him shall ye hearken” (Deut. xviii. 15). Our
teachers have said on this point that this prophet
shall arise, that all people shall submit to him
and believe in him and in the Law and Mount
Garizim : that the religion of Moses son of Amram
will then appear in glory, that the beginning of

that of Judah. The summary of Jewish doctriue on the subject is

as follows : Messiah the son of Joseph will come before Messiah

the son of David, will assemble the ten tribes in Galilee and
lead them to Jerusalem, but will at last perish in battle against

Gog and Magog for the sins of Jeroboam. See references in

Gesenius, De Sam. Theologia, 43. annn 0 r WIWl signifies the

‘restorer.’ Ibid. 44; Vilmar, p. xlii.

'
De Sacy, Not. el Extr. xii. 209. The Samaritans do not
interpret ‘Shiloh’ in Gen. xlix. 10 of the Messiah, but of Solo-
mon, the magician, after whose time the sceptre departed from
Judah. Cf. the Samaritan letter to Ludolf in 1691 (Eichhorn,
Repertorium, xiii. 281).

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71

tbe name of the prophet who will arise will be M 1

;

that he will die and be interred near Joseph “ the

fruitful bough,” that the Tabernacle will appear by
his ministry and be established on Garizim.’ As
to the time of his appearance the Samaritans were
formerly uncertain ;
*
no one knows his coming
but Jehovah,’ says Ab Zehuta in 1 589
2
:
‘
it is a
great mystery with regard to Hattaheb who is to
come and who happy shall
will manifest his spirit :

we be when he arrives,’ writes Salameh in 1 8 3 1 .

But the modern Samaritans are more communica-

tive. The appearance of the Messias,’ writes
*

Petermann in i860, ‘is to take place 6000 years

after the creation 4 and these have just elapsed,
,

consequently he now, though all unconsciously, is

going about upon earth. In 1853 the Samaritans

expected a great political revolution, but in 1863
the kings of the earth will, according to them,
assemble the wisest out of all nations in order by
mutual counsel to discover the true faith. From
the Israelites, i.e. Samaritans, will one be sent,
and he will be the Taheb. He will gain the day.

1 ‘
The Messiah has not arisen yet, hut he will come, and his
name will be Hattaheb ibid. Cf. Vilmar, p. xliv.
8
In Eicbhom, liepertorium, xiii. 266. The Jews, after

repeated disappointments, forbade any one to calculate the

arrival of the Messiah. Cf. Bab. Sanhedrin, f.
97 b.
5
De Sacy, Not. et Extr. xii. 122.
4
This is borrowed from the Jews ;
cf. Bab. Aboda Zara, 9
' a.
 72

lead them to Garizim, where under the twelve

stones they will find the ten commandments (or

the whole Law), and under the stone of Bethel

the Temple utensils and manna. Then will all
1

believe in the Law, and acknowledge him as their

king and lord of all the earth. He will convert
and equalise all men, live 1 10 years upon earth,
then die and be buried near Garizim, for upon
that pure and holy mountain can no burial take
place. Afterwards will the earth remain some
hundreds of years more till the 7000 are com-
pleted, and then will the last judgment come in*.’
This part of the subject may be concluded by
a sketch of the religious observances of the Sama-
ritans at the present day. They celebrate seven
feasts in the year, although only one, the Passover,
is observed with its former solemnities ;
for, the
former obligation to sacrifice having ceased with
the disappearance of the Tabernacle and the cessa-
tion of the divine favour, prayers have been sub-
stituted for the former rites. For this feast they

prepare themselves some days before by a puri-

fication of themselves and their houses : the un-
3
leavened cakes are baked of corn specially bought

a
* See above, p. 20, note 2. In Herzog, xiii. 373.
5
Their number of days for eating unleavened bread seems to
have varied : in the seventeenth century they write to Ludolf
‘
six ’
days (cf. Eichhorn, Repertorium, xiii. 283) ;
in this cen-
tury, to De Sacv, ‘seven.’ Nut. et Extr. xii. 104, 120.
for the purpose while still in the ear, and not
threshed by oxen according to the custom of the
country, but preparedby the women of the con-
gregation the lambs must have been born in
:

the previous Tisri (October), and be without

blemish of any sort. On the 14th of Nisan the
congregation ascend to the lower plateau of Gari-
zim and pitch their tents there : at sunset on
'

the following day the lambs are slain amid the

recitation of prayers, hymns, and passages of the
Law describing the original ceremonial, then
stripped of their wool, cleaned and sprinkled with
salt ;
next, sticks are run through the leg-sinews
and the animals suspended in a trench lined with
stones wdiich has been well heated by a fire lighted
within wet earth and turf are then piled over
;

and trampled down, so that the hole is hermeti-

cally sealed and the lambs thoroughly roasted.
At sunset they are brought forth and eaten in
haste with unleavened bread and bitter herbs,
the men and boys first partaking of them, and
afterwards the women and girls, all with staves
in their hands as if equipped for a journey the :

remainder is consumed with fire. Then follow

the morning prayers, lasting for four hours the :

next day is spent in general rejoicing and the

consumption of fish, rice, eggs, and all sorts of

1
Or after noun, when the Passover falls on a Sabbath.
 1

74

delicacies which however no leaven may be

(in

used), in the drinking of wine and brandy, accom-

panied by the recitation of hymns either extem-
porary or learnt by heart, suitable passages of
Scripture, &C The 2ist of Nisan, or last day
.

of unleavened bread, is also counted as a feast,

and is marked by a pilgrimage to Garizim, visiting
the various sacred spots there, and recitation of
the Law. The third feast is Pentecost, com-
mencing on the Wednesday previous to the day
itself this is also marked by going to Garizim in
:

procession, visiting the holy places, and reading

through the whole Law. The fourth is that of
Trumpets, on the first day of the first Tisri on :

this occasion the oldest synagogue roll is displayed

and kissed by the worshippers, as on eight other
occasions during the year. The fifth is the Day
3
of Atonement, on which from sunset to sunset
no eating, drinking, sleeping, or talking is allowed,
but the whole twenty-four hours must be spent
ia the synagogue in reading the Law from end

1
For a minute and interesting account of the ceremonies of
the Passover, as celebrated in 1853, for the first time after an
interruption of many years, on Garizim, see Petermann in
Herzog, xiii. 378 ;
also Dr. Stanley, Jewish Church, i. 513.
* Even the children fast (De Sacy, Not. et Extr. 177) among :

the Jews they do not till they are twelve or thirteen years of age.
Fjr an account of the ceremonies of this duy see Mr. Grove’s
paper in Galton’s Vacation Tourists for 1861.

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 75
1

to end and singing hymns. The first and eighth

days of Tabernacles count for the remaining feast-
days, the intermediate time is spent in huts of
laurel and other fragrant leaves pitched on the
slope of Garizim, and employed in daily pilgrim-
age to the top. The Sabbath moreover is kept
with great strictness no fire may be lighted on
:

it the years of jubilee and release are also still

:

observed. The Samaritans have two more days

of assembly, though they do not count them as
feast-days, termed Summoth 3 sixty days before ,

Passover and Tabernacles respectively: the number

of the congregation is then taken, and in return
each male over twenty years of age presents the
priest with half a shekel (three piastres), in ac-
cordance with Exod. xxx. 12-14, receiving from
him a calendar for the coming six months pre-
pared from a table in his possession, originally,
it is said, composed by Adam and committed to

writing in the time of Phinehas 3 from these :

offerings, the tenth of the incomes of the congre-

gation, and other small gifts, the priest gains his
living 4
. He may consecrate any of his family

1
Not. et Extr. xii. 124 ;
Repertorinvi, ix. 32.
1
Cf. the chron. El-Tholidoth (below, p. 124) in Joum. Afriat.
s
(1869), p. 452. See below, p. 125.
4
The Samaritans allow that their high-priest is only a Levite,
and that the family of Aaron has long died out. Not. el Extr.
xii. 30, 218.

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76

that he pleases to the priesthood, provided the

candidate for the office be twenty-five years of
age and never have suffered his hair to be cut.
Like other Orientals, he never removes his turban,
and so is not easily to be distinguished from the
rest of the congregation ;
but, in accordance with
Lev. x. 6, he does not rend his clothes by wear-
‘ ’

ing a on his sleeve as other Samaritans, and

slit

when the roll of the Law is taken from the ark

lie, like his assistants, places a tallith or cloth
round his head. On festal occasions and in the
synagogue the Samaritans wear white turbans
ordinarily they are compelled, by way of distinction
from Mohammedans, to wear them of a pale red
colour : they may cut their hair or not as they
please, but not their beards, this being forbidden
in Lev. xix. 27; xxi. 5 '. Women must let their
hair grow, and may wear no earrings, because of
them the golden calf in the wilderness was made :

for fear of scandalising the Mohammedans, none

but the old ones venture to attend the synagogue.
Great rejoicings are held over the birth of a boy
his circumcision always takes place on the eighth
day after birth, even though it be a Sabbath 2 .

Boys marry as early as fifteen or sixteen, girls at

twelve the latter receiving as dowry from their
:

1
The Karaites interpret these passages in the same manner.
2
Cf. Repertorium, xiii. 261.

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77

bridegrooms sums varying from £40 to £60.

When a man has a childless wife, he may take
a second but if she also be barren, not a third :

divorces, though permitted, are uncommon. The

dead are prepared for burial by their own friends 2
:

the whole body is washed, but especially the hands

(thrice), mouth, nose, face, ears both inside and
out, (all this in Mohammedan fashion), and lastly
the feet : the burial takes place, if possible, before
sunset the same day, accompanied with the reci-
tation of hymns and of the whole Law. These
readings are continued every day to the next
Sabbath, the women of the family watching near
the grave : on the Sabbath it is visited by the
whole congregation (except the near relations), who
eat there together, reciting part of the Law and
singing hymns, finishing the recitation later in
the day with the relations 3 .

III. It will be time to pass on to a review of the

’
This was not always so. In their letter to Scaligcr Reper
(
iorium, xiii. 261) they say, ‘we take but one wife, the Jews
many.’ In their letter to De Sacy (
Not. et Extr. xii. 108) they
say the same aa in the text.
’ Not by Mohammedans, as reported by M. Pillavoine. See
De Sacy, Not. et Extr. xii. 34.
’ Some observances the Samaritans appear to have relin-
quished : thus in the letters to Scaliger (Repertorivm, xiii. 260)
and Huntington (Not. el Extr. xii. 178) they say they use the
‘water of separation' (Num. xix. 21), but in 1820 (ibid. 127)
they did so no more.

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 78

literature of the Samaritans when a few remarks

have been made upon the peculiar dialect in which
a great part of it is composed. It is probable that
even before the captivity of the ten tribes the
closer intercourse which had sprung up between
them and neighbouring Aramaean nations had
already had some influence upon the Hebrew of
northern and central Palestine *. Doubtless also
the changes which were brought about by the
Assyrian invasion in the removal of the educated
classes into exile and the settlement of a mixed
Aramaean population in their places must have
served still further to corrupt the ancient Hebrew
and give rise to a dialect of the Aramaean which
under some form or other was spoken from Baby-
lonia to the Mediterranean 3 Other elements also
.

besides Aramaean are observable in the language.

The non-Semitic settlers left their mark behind in
foreign words which can be traced to no known

1
The existence of a vulgar idiom in the north of Palestine
verging towards Aramaic is possibly discernible even so early as
the song of Deborah. Renan, Languts Semitigues ( 1864), p. 143 ;

Ewald, Grammatik (1838), sect. 5.

1
The eastern branch of Aramaean is still spoken by a con-
siderable Christian population on the Upper Tigris, in Koor-
di8tan, and on the lake of Urmia. The western is entirely lost,
except in Ma’lflla and two neighbouring villages in Antilibanus,
and this is not likely to survive long, as the people speak Arabic
as well. Noldeke in Zeilschr. d. D. M. G. xxi. 183.

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 79

source Greek, Latin, Persian, Arabic, and possibly

other languages as well, have each contributed
something to enrich the vocabulary. The grammar
bears all the signs of irregularity which would
characterise that of an illiterate people, the or-
thography is uncertain, there is a profusion of
quiescents,and a complete confusion between the
several gutturals and cognate letters respectively;
the vowels are uncertain, the A sound being most
prominent. Such is the dialect which was spoken
in Samaria till the Arabian conquest of the country
in the seventh century A. D., when the language of
the victors was introduced, and by its superior
vigour gradually overpowered its rival till, probably
by about the eighth or ninth century, it had entirely
taken its place. The old language however still
continued to be understood and written by the
priests, so that like the Jews they had two sacred
languages, which however they had. not the skill

completely to distinguish from each other: the

‘
Hebrew' consequently which appears in the cor-
respondence of Samaritans with Europeans is
largely impregnated with Aramaisms Arabisms ;

also are not by any means unfrequent.

In the literature of the Samaritans there is little

1
Kohn, Sam. Studien, p. 95. Noldeke however (in Geiger’s

Zeitschr. vi. 204 sq.) is not disposed to allow this. Kohn recog-
nises Aethiopic, Coptic, and Armenian roots as well.

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 80

to be found of much
For they interest or value.
were a people of neither genius nor originality as ;

in their creed, so in their literature, all they could

for the most part do was
borrow from their to
neighbours, endeavouring by alteration and loud
assertion to hide the fraud which, from the
clumsiness with which it was carried out, became
apparent on the first searching investigation it

underwent
But before passing on to such parts of Samaritan
literature as have come down to our times it will
be as well to notice the remains, in many cases
amounting only to a name, of certain Samaritan
Hellenists who appear to have lived during the
last two or three centuries B.C. Thus Eusebius
has preserved for us considerable extracts made
by Alexander Polyhistor, an author living at Rome
at the time of Sulla, from the writings of a certain
Eupolemus 2 . Many of these have perhaps been

1
In the Cliron. Sam. chap, xlvii, the Samaritans are stated to
have lost the following books in the persecution under Hadrian ;

the ‘
book of selections,’ consisting perhaps of proverbs and wise
sayings ;
songs and pray ers for the various offerings ;
other
hymns ;
the ‘
book of the high-priests,’ which traced their line

up to Phinehas, and lastly their Annals ;

nothing being left but
the Law aud a similar book of Annals. In Abulfath (Ann.
pp. 120, 1 2 1 ) this loss is ascribed to the time of Commodus.
* Praep. Evang. ix. Polyhistor himself appears to have been
a Samaritan. (Juynboll, Comment, p. 49.) The varied cha-
racter of the fragments attributed to Eupolemus in chaps. 17,

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 81

wrongly attributed to his authorship, but there

is one of which the Samaritan origin cannot be

mistaken. It is there related how the Giants

after building the tower of Babel were dispersed
over the earth, how Abraham was the inventor
of astrology and Chaldaean (arts), and after his
removal to Phoenicia taught astronomy to the
inhabitants of that country. After rescuing Lot
from the Armenians he is entertained at Argarizim,
that is, as it is explained, the ‘
Mountain of the
Most High,’ where he receives gifts from the priest
Melchizedek who reigned there.
Passing on later
into Egypt, he becomes intimate with the priests,
and instructs them in astrology and other sciences.
In the same book of Eusebius are preserved some
fifty hexameter lines by Theodotus, an Alexandrian
poet, taken apparently from a versified history of

26, 30-34, 39, has induced different writers to take the most
opposite view of his opinions, and hold him for a Jew, a Sama-
ritan, and a heathen. The whole question has been fully dis-
cussed by Freudenthal in the J ahresbericht d. Seminars zu Bres-
lau (1874), pp. 82 sq. He believes chaps. 17 and 18 to be the
work some unknown Samaritan, and to have been wrongly
of
ascribed by Polyhistor to Eupolemus. The title n<p\ TouiatW
also he thinks to be a mistake. The writer, whoever he was,
appears to have known and used the LXX version. The remain-
ing chapters are probably the work of a Jew. Eupolemus is

also mentioned in Clem. Alex. Strom, i. 21, as giving 3149

years from Adam to the fifth year of Demetrius Ptolemaeus,
and 2580 from the Exodus to the same time.

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Sichem, in which the beauties of its situation are

described and its sacred character
3 extolled ;
the
history of Jacob also is related in connexion with
it from his Mesopotamia to the
flight out of
destruction of the town by Simeon and Levi *.

The Cleodemfls-Malchas also mentioned by the

same historian 2 would appear to be of the same
nationality, and a Samaritan hand has been
detected in a passage occurring in the eleventh
Sibylline book where famine and pestilence are
denounced against the Egyptian Jews during the
reign of eight of the Ptolemies . Thallus also,

possibly the freedman of Tiberius mentioned by

5
Josephus 1
,
the author of a work on Syria ,
who
notices Moses’ leadership of the Israelites 6 ,
ex-
plains the darkness at the Crucifixion as arising
from an eclipse of the sun 7 and, like the pseudo- ,

Eupolemus above mentioned, relates how Belus

and the Titans rose in insurrection against Zeus
and the confederate gods 8 he also is supposed to ;

1
Cap. 22. Cf. Ewald, Gesch. (1864), iv. 338 ; Herzfeld, iii.
520 ;
and Freudenthal, p. 99. No one but a Samaritan would
have called Sichem hpi) ItKipav : the work was probably not ntpi
’lovSutuK, but as described in the text.
1
Op. cit. ix. 20; Freudenthal, p. 100.
s
Sibyll. xi. 239-242 ; Ewald, ibid. p. 340.
4 5
Ant. xviii. 6. 4, Eusebius, ibid. x. 10.
4 7
JuBt. Mart. Coh. 9. Syncellus, Chronoyraphia, p. 322.
4
Theophilus, ad Autol. iii. 29.

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 83

have been a Samaritan by origin : and another

countryman of his is thought to be designated
by the 2,e/ji)]p<Lviof 6 Baf3 v\u>vios 6 llepcrris of the
Chronicon Paschale'. It is remarkable that out
of the nine writings of Hellenists of Israelitic
origin quoted by Alexander Polyhistor and pre-
served to us by Eusebius, some five or six appear
to have had a decided bias either for or against
the Samaritans it would seem therefore extremely
;

probable that a considerable controversial literature

between Jews and Samaritans had sprung up by
the first century b.c., of which only some few
fragments now remain.
Of the Samaritan literature which has come
down to our times, first in importance and order
will be the Pentateuch.
It had been well known to early Jewish and

Christian writers that a recension of the Penta-

teuch differing in important respects from that in
use among the Jews was in possession of the
Samaritan community. It was regarded however
by these writers in very different lights : the
former treat it with contempt as a forgery. ‘
You

1
p. 68. The philosopher Marinos, a convert from Samari-
tanism to heathenism, the biographer and successor of the Neo-
Platonist Proclus in the school of Athens in 485, speaks of
Abraham’s having ‘sacrificed on Argarizim, where is the most
holy temple of the supreme Zeus,’ thus betraying his Samaritan
origin. Photius, Bibl. p. 345 b.

S 2

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have your Law,' says E. Elieser ben Simon 1

falsified

to the Samaritan scribes about 160 A.D., ‘and

have done yourselves no good by it,’ referring to
their insertion of the words opposite Shechem’ ‘

in Deut. xi. 30 to obviate the Jewish objection

that it was not the Samaritan Garizim here referred
to. ‘
Who has led you into error,’ says another
2
writer of the same period ,
jeering at their
ignorance of grammar displayed in the inter-
pretation of the ordinance in Deut. xxv. 5 as to
marrying a brother’s widow. Early Christian
writers on the other hand speak of it with respect,
in some cases even preferring its authority to that
of the Masoretic text. Origen quotes it under the
name of to Tan/ ^a/iapeiTwv 'l'lfipaiKOV, giving its

various readings on the margin of his Hexapla 3 .

1
Jer. Sola, vii. 3 the Siphre and Bab. Sola, 33 b, ascribe the
:

saying to R. Elieser ben Jose. There is much valuable informa-

tion on the subject of the Samaritan Pentateuch to be found in
Frankel’B Vorstudien zur Sej/tuaginta, pp. 260 sq., but especially
in his Einflust d. pahistin. Exegese auf d. alexandrin. Ilerme-
neutik, pp. 237 sqq. English renders may also consult the
article in Smith’s Bible Did. iii. 1106.
2
R. Simon ben Elieser, Jer. Jeb. i. 6. He may however be
the some as R. Elieser ben Simon ;
see Frankel, Yorstudien,

197; E influx*, 243. Through ignorance of the use of n locale

they took nwifl to be an epithet of nS’K, and translated it the
1
outer wife,’ i. e. betrothed, who had not yet entered the house
of her husband. See above, p. 42.
2
e. g. on Num. xiii. 1 : cf. xxi. 13, and Montfaucou, Ilexapl.
Prelim, i. 8, 9.

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85

Eusebius of Caesarea notices the agreement in the

chronology of the LXX and Samaritan text as
against Hebrew, and remarks that it was
the
written in a character confessedly more ancient
than that of the latter 1 Jerome also mentions .

3
this fact : in his comment on Gal. iii. io he
upholds the genuineness of its text over that of
the Masoretic one, which he considers to have been
purposely altered \ Cyril of Alexandria mentions
that the Samaritan supplies words wanting in the
Hebrew 4 : Procopius of Gaza that portions of
Deuteronomy have been inserted in the parallel
5
passages of former books : Georgius Syncellus,
the chronologist of the eighth century, is most

1
Citron, i. xvi. 7-1 1.
3
Prolog, to Kings : ‘ Samaritani etiam Pcntateucliura Moysis
1
totidem literis scriptitant, figuris tamcn ot apicibus disrrcpantcs.
* St. Paul has, ‘
Cursed lie he that abideth not in all that is

written,’ &c. This word appears in the LXX and Samaritan, but
not in the Masoretic text of Deut. xxvii. 26, whence it is quoted,
though it does in parallel passuges such as xxviii. 15. In his
commentary on Geu. iv. 8, St. Jerome speaks more favourably of
the Hebrew: ‘Suliauditur, “ea quaelocutus est Doininus.” Super-
fluum ergo est quod in Samaritanorum et nostro volumine est,
“ Transeamus in campum.” ’

*
tlnp’ ovStv'i rCiv \omCtv Kcirm to pijpara too Kale ra npus A,y<X '

*
dXX* oo3« nap ’E^paioir* dXX* iv ttnoKpvtfxp tfvia lv‘ napa 3* row o’ KtiTiu

aura sal to SapoptiTutov mentioned by Migne in a note on

the last quoted passage of St. .Jerome as attributed to St. Cyril.
5
In his commentary’ on Deut. i. 9.

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86

outspoken in his praise of it, terming it the ‘

earliest and best even by the testimony of the

Jews themselves V
But all recollection of this recension afterwards
entirely died out, so that the plain statements of
Fathers and other early writers were
3 looked upon
as misapprehensions, till in 1 6 1 6 Pietro della Valle
succeeded in procuring a complete copy of it at
Damascus, which, after much delay, was published
2
in the Paris Polyglott of 1
645 . The editor of
the part which contained this text, Joannes
Morinus, priest of the Oratory, seized the oppor-
tunity of the discovery of the long-lost treasure
for pressing his own peculiar views as to the
value of the Hebrew text of the Old Testament.
Ludovicus Cappellus, the learned professor of
Saumur, had indeed as early as 1624 attacked
the views of the elder Buxtorf and endeavoured
to establish the comparatively modem origin of
the Hebrew points and accents : and in his

1
Chronographia , p. 83. Xte^pt rainy rov KaraxXvapnv Knfluis

irpoKdrat diatfxarovtrt r 'K Apiwca dvriypa(j>a irpiis to 2apnptnvv

apxaitWarov Kat xnp(ucn]p<n biaXXarrov 6 Kelt aXrj&ts tixnl kqi irpwros
'
Krtpnini KaOopoXoyov'rtv.

* For the history of this edition see G. W. Meyer, Gesch. d.

Schrifterkldmng (1804), iii. 153 sq.

5
In his A rcanum Punctationis Iievelatum followed by his
Arcnni Punctatiouis Vindiciae in 1689, in reply to the rejoinder

of Buxtorf the younger. In his Diatriba de Verts et Aniiquis

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‘
Critica Sacra,’ -which after great delay, caused
by the opposition of the Protestants, finally ap-
peared in 1650, he put forth the view that the
Hebrew text of the Old Testament has been in
numberless places corrupted by the errors of copy-
ists, and that the true reading in such cases is to

be found only by comparison of MSS. and ancient

translations, and finally by conjecture *.
But Morinus went to much further lengths.
He maintained that the Hebrew original had been
so hopelessly depraved by continued blunders and
falsi fictitious as to be utterly untrustworthy, and

with all a convert’s zeal he urged that recourse

must under these circumstances be had- to the
two translations authorised by the Church, the
Vulgate, and LXX version
2
and in accordance ,

with these views he naturally took up the cause

of the Samaritan text, placing
. it far above the
Hebrew for correctness and importance 3 .

The assertion of theories so different to those

I/ebraeotrum Literis, 1645, he proved that the Samaritan letters

were older than the square characters.
1
Meyer, ibid., p. 287.
* In his Ejcerritaliones Biblicae, Part i, 1633. Part ii was
published after his death in 1669.
* He lmd first noticed the Samaritan Pentateuch in the
preface to his edition of the LXX in 1628, and spoke of it with
high praise in his Exe.rcitatione* EccUtiasticae in iitmmque
Samaritanorum Pentateuchum, 1631.

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88

generally accepted called forth doughty champions

on the other side, the most conspicuous among
whom were Simon de Muis, archdeacon of Soissons *,
and Hottinger, the learned professor of Oriental
languages at Zurich 2 ; and the contest was kept up
with great vigour on either side for a considerable
time. But there was too much party spirit infused
into the strife to allow the combatants calmly to
weigh the merits of the questions under debate.
A more moderate position was taken up by Walton,
the editor of the London Polyglott of 1657 3 , and
Richard Simon the Oratorian *. They neither,
with the Buxtorfs, upheld the absolute authority
of the Masora on the one hand, nor committed
themselves to the extravagances of Morinus and his
friends on the other as to the excellencies of the
LXX and Samaritan text, but held that the latter,
though on the whole of inferior value, had never-
theless preserved readings which are to be pre-
ferred to those of the Hebrew text.
Thus matters rested for a century, when Houbi-

'
He published the Assertio Veritatis JJebraicae ad rerun#
J. Morini Exercitaliones in 1631, and in 1634 Assertio Altera
in reply to Morinus’ Exercitaliones Biblicae later again, in

1639, a Castigatio Animadversionum Morini.

2
Exercitationes Anlimorinianae de Pent. Sam. 1644.
5
In the Prolegomena to vol. i.

4
In his Histoire Critique da Vieux Testament published iu
1678, hut immediately suppressed by the influence of Bossuet.

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 89
3

gant, also a priest of the Oratory, once more

resumed the old weapons of his predecessor
Morinus, contending 5for the authority of the
Samaritan Pentateuch in preference to that of
the received text he however found more than
1
:

hismatch in Ravins, Oriental Professor at Utrecht 2 ,

and the same fate befell the Benedictine father

Poncet at the hands of J. D. Michaelis when he
commenced the discussion once more 1 since his :

time no one has again ventured to put forth the

same extreme views on the subject though a few ;

years later the depreciatory estimate of the Sama-

ritan recension put forth by Tychsen, the famous
Orientalist of Rostock ,
was warmly disputed by
Hassencamp of Rinteln, the former holding it for
a mere copy of the Masoretic text, the latter on
the contrary maintaining its importance and con-
tending for the view that from it the Alexandrine
version had been made °.

1
In his fiiblia Hebraica of 1753.
2
Sjiecimtn Observationum ad C. F. II ubigantii Prolegomena,
1761 ;
afterwards reprinted.
* Cf. Orient, und exeg. lUbliothek, xxi. 177-189; Meyer,
op. cit. v. 363.
4
In his Nouveaux eclai rcissements eur I’origine el le Penta-
teuque. lies Samaritains, 1760.
6
Ditpulalia hietorico-philologica-crilica Biitzow, 1765.
,

* Der enldeckle wahre Ursprung d. alien Bibeliihersetzungen,

Minden, 1775. The dispute was continued into the present cen-
tury in defence of the Samaritan Pentateuch by Alex, h S. Aqui-

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00

In the course of this protracted discussion, ex-

tending over a space of two centuries, the merits
and demerits of the Samaritan text had been
keenly disputed by the various combatants and
many personalities exchanged between them, but
till the time of Gesenius no one seems to have

attempted the only satisfactory solution of the ques-

tion. To him the happy idea presented itself of
subjecting the recension to a rigid analysis, and
arranging its variations under different heads.
Later writers who have approached the subject
have some respects modified and amended his
in
conclusions, but no one has succeeded in upsetting
the general result at which he arrived, that out of
the many hundreds of various readings presented
in this text some three or four solitary ones,
though of little importance, may be genuine, the
rest being due in the first instance to improvements
introduced for the sake of avoiding obscurities, and
secondly to the Samaritans’ ignorance of grammar
and exegesis, and to alterations made by them in
the interest of their national religion \

lino, Lobstein, Geddes, Ilgen, and Bertholdt ;

the opposite side
being maintained by Yater, Eichhorn, Bauer, and Jahn.
1
In his De Petit. Sam. Origine, &c. (1815), pp. 26 sqq., he
enumerates eight heads of variations:
(1) Grammatical emendations, such as the insertion of quies-
cent?, for Dt, nt- for n-, <tc. ;
the substitution of commoner
for rarer forms of the pronouns, as uruK for uro ;
of the longer

’
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But with the question of the comparative merits

of the two texts, is bound up another which has

for the apocopated future, as Tjni for um ;

of common for
archaic forms, as pc* for U 3 B' (Deut. xxxiii. 16), fvn for livn
(Gen. i. 24) ;
alterations of genders, of common nouns to mascu-
line or feminine, e. g. Enb to masc. (Gen. xlix. 20), ;—iX to fem.
(ibid. xiii. 6), iyj, in the sense of girl, to myj ; the infinitive
absolute is changed into a finite verb, 21tn "pbn 12 E "1 (Gen. viii.

3) into 13 tn labn 'l, or into a participle, as JTIJ yrvn (ibid.

xliii. 7) into the meaningless

')
jnvn ;
common forms are sub-
stituted for unusual, as n:xn nby (ibid. ii.
7) for 'n 'by, &c.
(2) Glosses received into the text, some being found in the
LXX also, others in various versions and Jewish commentaries,
most of them therefore the result of exegctical tradition ;
as lit
D 2 p3 t for HEW t?'K (ibid. vii. 2), when spoken of animals ; bfWt
Q 13 N (ibid. xiii. 18) becomes 'ft ‘jb’t.

(3) Conjectural emendations of difficulties ;

as for nxa pbn
ibv D’3t? (ibid. xvii. 17) I'blN is substituted.

(4) Words corrected or supplied from parallel passages, as

new t<b (ibid, xviii. 29) becomes n'TC’N t<b according to ver. 28.

(5) Insertions of long passages derived from the same source;

for instances see above, p. 41, note 3.

(6) Alterations to add dignity to the patriarchs, e. g. in the

antediluvian chronology of Gen. v, none is allowed to beget his
first-born son after the age of 1 50, consequently years are cut
off before the event and added after, as is required. No post-
diluvian patriarch, on the other hand (chap, xi), may beget a
son before he is 50, nor may in cither case a patriarch live
longer than his father. Or changes are made for the greater
glory of God, as (Gen. ii. 2) ‘on the sixth day God ended his

work,’ instead of seventh, lest He should be thought to have

worked on the Sabbath.
(7) Samaritanisms ;
the substitution of one guttural for

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92

already been incidentally noticed, that of the

relation of the LXX to the Samaritan Pentateuch,

another, as DUD for D”HN (Gen. viii. 4) ;

of forms of the vcrh
especially Samaritan, as 'npnx for npnv (ibid, xviii. 16) ;
*ni 3 tK
for 'main (Exod. XX. 24).

(8) Alterations in support of Samaritan doctrines ;

e. g. in

the interests of monotheism D'r6x may never (as in Gen. xx.

13) be joined to a plural, only a singular verb; or to avoid
anthropomorphisms and anthropopathisms, thus mi' qN
(Deut. xxix. 19) becomes in' D'n^N N 3 'Y (Num. xxii. 20)
;

becomes qxfe 'l Take all the heads of the people and hang
;
‘

them up before the Lord becomes Order that the men be sluin
’ ‘

that were joined unto Baalpeor,’ lest God should seem to have
ordered the punishment of the innocent with the guilty, or Moses
to have been directed to act himself as executioner. Other
instances will be found below when the Samaritan commentaries
are discussed. Four readings alone of the Samaritan Penta-
teuch Gcsenius is inclined to prefer to the corresponding ones
of the Masoretic text ;
the insertion of mcTI 13^3 in Gen. iv. 8
as the words of Cain ;
inx for 1HX ibid. xxii. 13 (also

found in five fragments of old Jewish MSS. at St. Petersburg,

8 ee Journ. Asiat. 1866, i. 542); D’U Iton (ibid. xlix. 14) for
DU 'n, in the same sense; YO’jrt nt< pTY (ibid. xiv. 14), he
‘
counted,’ for pl'1, he ‘led forth ;’ all of them of very slight im-
portance, which moreover have lieen rejected by later commeu-
tators; cf. Fraukel, Einjluss 242. ,

Many of the classes into which Gesenius has divided the vari-
ations are evidently cross-divisions : the number has conse-
quently been reduced by Kohn (De Pent. Sam. p. 9) to three
(1) Samaritan forms of words, (2) corrections and emendations,
(3) glosses and corruptions for religious purposes, and perhaps
(4) blunders in orthography. Kirchhcim in his Karme S/uimeron
gives them somewhat differently, making thirteen divisions.
 93

for from the time of the first discovery of the

latter, its striking resemblance in numerous
passages to the Alexandrine version had been
noticed by all \
The earliest explanation given of this fact was
that the LXX had been translated from the
Samaritan this was the view of De Dieu, Selden,
:

and Hottinger, a theory favourably regarded in

later times by Hassencamp and Eichhom, and of
late revived again by Kohn. Grounds such as the
following have been alleged for it.
The evidence of Origen, supported and amplified
by that of St. Jerome, goes to prove that the LXX
must have been translated from a Samaritan
original, because that in certain MSS. of the LXX
existing in their day the word iTVT was retained in
the ancient Hebrew (i.e. Samaritan) characters 2
.

Frankel (Einfluss, 238 sq.) notices, in addition to tho remarks

of Gesenius, the insertion of passages from Onkelos and the
LXX, the latter being often mistranslated ;
the employment of
late technical expressions from the Mischna ;
the improper use
of the imperative, as 13 ’lpn for 3*ipn (Lev. vi. 7) ;
and the
approximation in orthography nnd forms of words to Pales-
tinian Aramaic, but with continual blunderings.

215) reckons up some 1 900 places

1
Hassencamp (op. cil. p.

in which the LXX agrees with the Samaritan Pentateuch.

Gesenius (op. cit. p. 10) calculates them at more than 1000,
while in as many the Hebrew and LXX agree against the
Samaritan.
2
See below, pp. 100-102.

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not in those used at their time, Ezra, according to

tradition, having introduced other letters after the
captivity K It is clear, however, from the state-
ment made by St. Jerome on this point that the
remark of Origen can apply only to the Aramaic
or square characters, not to those in use among the
Samaritans, and consequently the argument based
upon his words must fall to the ground.
Another reason which has been alleged in sup-
port of the LXX having been derived from a
Samaritan original isthat only on this supposition
can its variations from the Hebrew text be ex-
plained they must, it is said, have arisen from
;

a confusion between letters which resemble each

other in the Samaritan, and not in the square
alphabet. On a closer examination, however, it
will be found that although many various readings
are evidently due to such mistakes between similar
letters, yet that these may have occurred quite as
well in the square alphabet, the error being equally
possible in either case.
Or again, the following argument has been used :

—the Samaritans had already brought out for

their own use a Greek translation, that known
under the name of to ’Za/j.apetTiKov ;
the translators
of the LXX finding this convenient for their

’ Origen, llexapla, ed. Montfalcon, i. 86 ;

St. Jerome, Epi-
ilita 136 (ed. Mignc, 25), ad Marcellam.

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95

purpose with their imperfect knowledge of Hebrew,

took it for the basis of their own translation,
altering it in parts after the Hebrew original to
suit their own ideas
There is however a great objection to this theory,
that no one knows of the existence of any such
Samaritan Greek Version at so early a period of
their history : there isno trace of the translation
so called (even if it was a complete one, and not
emendations of particular passages) before the
third or fourth century a.d. 2
And moreover,
if the foregoing sketch of the Samaritan history
be trustworthy, it is most unlikely that a people,
who had on all other occasions shown themselves
powerless to invent, only capable of feeble imitation,
should in this one instance have distanced their
rivals in the production of so great a literary work

1
Kohn, De Pent. Sam. p. 36.
1
Kohn supposes that the additions of the LXX in Gen. xxxv.
4, mil anmXurtv aura ius TT}i tr^fupov tjfupat, were originally inserted
in the Samaritan Greek text to stop Jewish cavils at their
idolutry, and thence coined inadvertently into the LXX : that
they do not appear in the Samaritan Pentateuch because its text
was then dosed and the difficulty had till now been overlooked
but this gives much too early a date to the Samaritan Greek
version : it is quite impossible that the LXX should have had
time to copy from it by the third century b. c. The most
singular theory was that of Isaac Voss, who held that the
Masoretic text was translated from the LXX : he was refuted
by Liody.

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as a Greek translation of the Pentateuch it was :

only the versatile Jewish spirit, in such a place

as Alexandria, where the union of Eastern and
Western civilisation gave rise to a busy literary
activity, that could have produced such a work.
It is most unlikely moreover that the Jews, with
their intense hatred of the Samaritans, would have
received the LXX translation, manifestly grounded
upon the Samaritan recension, largely departing
from the Hebrew. Even if the Alexandrian Jew's
could have been induced to admit it, would their
Palestinian brethren have received w'ith respect a
text differing widely from that to which they had
been accustomed, one moreover not varying of set
purpose to overcome difficulties, but ignorantly
borrowed from Samaritan interpretations ? 1

This explanation, accordingly, of the similarity

of the two texts must be given up. The next one
for consideration is the theory of Grotius, Usher,
and others, that the Samaritan Pentateuch was
corrected from the LXX. This is true to a certain

1
Cf. Geiger in Zeitschr. d. D. if. G. xix. 6n sq. The
Samaritans would have no such scruple in borrowing and then
claiming the text for their own. Abusaid continually copies
from Saadiah in his Arabic translation of the Pentateuch, all the
while heaping maledictions on him. The Bab. Tulmud (Mtgillah,
f.
9) speaks of the LXX with respect ;
later the Palestinian

Jews became suspicious of it and unwilling to admit it into

their synagogues. FraDkel, Vorstudien, p. 61.

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extent ;
many passages occur in the former which
bear all the marks of being interpolations from the
Alexandrine version But still the explanation
is inadequate to solve the problem proposed ;
it

gives no reason for the correspondence which exists

between the two texts in very many minute
instances which cannot be due to alterations made
in deference to religious feeling 2
. How moreover,
on this supposition, are the equally numerous
passages to be accounted for in which the Sama-
ritan Pentateuch from the LXX, sometimes
differs
in these cases agreeing with the Hebrew, at others
3
departing from it ?

1
E.g. Gen. xxiii. 2, poy bx vmxn nnpa = <V n,i\n ’Ap3i*, 17

((TTtv iv to) Kotiaipan: ibid. XXvii. 27, n'“0 u>r 007117

aypov it \r)povt : ibid, xliii. 28, O'rbvb Kinn ty'xn "pi3 : Exod. v.

13, jnj pnn nvm nrto : xxxii. 32, ns? orixon sen dx
the Hebrew of these examples bears strong trace of a Samaritan
origin ;
see other examples of interpolations in Frankel, FAnflusn,

161, 162, 238. On the other hand, portions of the Samaritan

Greek version (see below, p. 115) have apparently found their
way into the LXX ;
see Frankel, op. cit. 108, on the insertions in
Exod. xxii. 4 (5), and xxiii. 19. This fact raises a doubt
whether the insertions from the LXX formed part of the original
text of the Samaritan Pentateuch or were later additions.
8
E.g. the conjunction 1 is added about 200 times in the

Samaritan Pentateuch and omitted about half as often ;

in this

closely agreeing with the LXX.

5
Asaria de Rossi (in his Meor ’Enaim, iii. 8, 9) put forth
two theories :
— (1) ‘That the Alexandrian Greeks corrupted the
LXX out of hostility to the Jews.’ This however must have
h

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One theory alone remains, that suggested by

Gesenius, which seems to answer fully all the
requirements of the case. He supposes that both
the LXX
and Samaritan Pentateuch were derived
from Jewish MSS. which bore a great resemblance
to each other but contained a text varying from that
preserved in our Hebrew Pentateuch. The origin
of this difference, he thinks, is to be sought for in
the misdirected zeal of revisers and their endeavours
to make the text run smoothly and harmoniously,
and it was in this manner he considers that many
glosses and conjectural emendations found their
way into the text. Add to this the blunders of
successive generations, made especially in the
mistaking of similar letters, and a satisfactory
explanation can be given of the divergence of the
LXX and Samaritan Pentateuch from the older
and more difficult readings which were religiously

been doue before the time of Philo, and go the authors of the
corruption must have been heathen : but why should they have
troubled themselves about the matter, or who would have
trusted their work 1 The variations of the LXX also imply
ignorance more than deliberate falsification. (2) ‘
That the
LXX was rendered from an Aramaean translation dating from
the time of Ezra, the inaccuracies, paraphrases, and corruptions
of which caused the variations, in the Alexandrine text.’ No
trace however of such a version exists, and the variations of the
LXX seem to originate partly from a misunderstanding of the
Hebrew and partly from following a different text. Frankel,
For*/. 33 sq.

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99

preserved in the MSS. of Jerusalem.

That the
copy which came into the hands of the Samaritans
and that which found its way to Alexandria may
have originally differed from each other is quite
possible, and both may have received subsequent
corrections at the hands of their owners. The
Samaritans, it is evident, set about the work of
revising their Pentateuch without scruple, and the
Alexandrine Jews may not have been entirely
guiltless with regard to their own copies
l
It is .

quite possible also that the two texts were more

alike formerly that of the LXX had become much
:

corrupted even in Origen’s time, and it is very pro-

bable that his exertions have partly contributed to
its still further decay from the reception of many

of his glosses and corrections into the text itself 2 .

To the question of the time at which the

Pentateuch first passed into the hands of the
Samaritans, about which so many theories have
been held 3 no satisfactory answer can be given
,

if however the view maintained 'above be correct.

1
In the Prophets nncl Hagiographa the LXX varies from the
Hebrew still more than in the Pentateuch. Ibid. 36.
1
Gesenius, op. ait. p. 1 4 ;
Montfalcon, Prelim, in Uexapl.
cap. iv.
* From the ten tribes they succeeded, or from the priest sent
by the king of Assyria during the lion-plague (2 Kings xvii), or
from Manasseh their first high-priest Smith’s Bible Diet. iii.

1112 ;
Herzfeld, op. oil. iii. £53; Gesenius, op. cit. 3.
'

h 2

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that Samaritan doctrines were not of home growth

but a late importation from Judaea after Sadducaean
views had had time to develop themselves there,
then it would seem to be highly probable that the
Pentateuch also found its way at a late date into
Samaria. However this may be, it is quite certain
that it cannot have assumed
its present form till it

had been subjected to long and continued revisions

by its new possessors.
With regard to the question incidentally alluded
to above, the discontinuance by the Jews of the
old Hebrew, or as it is now called Samaritan,
character for transcribing their Law, the testimony
of the Talmud, Samaritans, and Fathers is unani-
mous in ascribing it to the age of Ezra 1 . It is

1
Bab. Sanh&lr. f. 21 and 22. ‘At first the Law was given
Hebrew writing and in the holy language once
to Israel in the :

more again in the time of Ezra in the Assyrian writing and the
Aramaean language. Israel then chose the Assyrian writing and
the holy language, leaving to the ignorant the Hebrew writing
and the Aramaean language. Who are the ignorant ? R. Hasda
says the Samaritans. What is the Hebrew writing 1 R. Hasda
says that of the Libonai ;
’
i. e. according to Rashi, that of the
inhabitants of Libanus ; the character employed in writing
amulets and mezuzoth. (See Luzzat‘o in Kirchheim, op. cit. ill.)
Again, ‘
Although the Law was not given through him (Ezra),
yet the writing was changed by him. Why is it called Assyrian 1

Because it was brought up with them from Assyria:’ Chaldaea

and Babylonia being included under the wider name of Assyria.
Here and in Jer. Megittah, i. 11, the ‘Hebrew’ character is

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clear from Nell. viii. 8 that a change in the

language had then taken place *. The Hebrew
which till the captivity had been spoken in Jeru-
salem, the language in which theLaw was written,
had during the exile been so much modified by
admixture with cognate Aramaean dialects that
the grandchildren of those who had been carried
captive by Nebuchadnezzar found it hard to under-
stand the ancient language of the Scriptures, and
had thus become dependent for an explanation
of them upon the more learned portion of the
community. With this new Aramaic dialect a
corresponding alphabet also probably had come
into use, and it was in this most likely, not in
the square character of three or four centuries
later, that Ezra according to tradition commenced
termed ‘broken.’ Other derivations are given of the name
‘
Assyrian.’ R. Jehuda the Holy (B. Sank, ibid.) says it was
so termed as being the ‘blessed;’ Abr. de Balmis and J. D.
Michaelis as ‘
upright :’
it is also termed the ‘
square ’
character.
For Samaritan testimony cf. Eichhom, Bepertorium, xiii. 266,
288. Origen (IJexapl. i. 86, ed. Montfalcon) says, ‘They say
that Ezra used other (letters) after the captivity.’ So Jerome,
in his Prolog, to the Kings. For the whole subject see Lenor-

mant, Alphabet Phenicien, i. 176 sq., 282 sq. ;

Herzfeld, iii. 76 ;

and the article on ‘Writing’ in Smith’s Diet. iii. 1788.

* ‘
They read in the book, in the Law of God distinctly and
gave the sense, and caused (them) to understand the reading.’
Herzfeld (iii. 58) does not so interpret the passage; he thinks
that Hebrew was still spoken by the Jews on their return
from Babylon, and that Aramaean did not come in till later.

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the practice of transcribing copies of the Law

The former character still continued to be used on
coins, just as Latin still appears on our present
money, long after the general use of it has died
2
out But the Samaritans could not afford to
.

give it up. With a reputation to acquire as the

genuine representatives of ancient Israel they
naturally clung to everything which would seem
in any way to support their claim even to the ;

present day they employ a form of it for the

transcription of the Law 3 .

It may be of interest, before passing on to other

1
It hag been suggested by Phil. Luzzatto as an additional
reason for the change of alphabet, besides the fact that the
Aramaic may have now been more familiar to the Jews, that it

became desirable to be able to distinguish the Jewish copies of

the Law from those altered by the Samaritans. Jost, i. 52, note.
2
They were also likely to be used in neighbouring countries,
such as Phoenicia, where an almost identical alphabet was in
use ;
hence it would be convenient to keep the old character.
Herzfeld, iii. 89. The old thick shekels, with inscriptions in a
character resembling the Samaritan, though with differences,
which have been attributed by Cavedoni, Levy, and Madden to
Simon Maccabaeus (b.c. 138), are now assigned by Vaux, De
Saulcy, and Lenormant to the times of Ezra and Nehemiah.
They differ materially in execution from the thin ones struck by
tbe Maccabees. This alphabet was employed on Jewish coins as
late as the revolts under Titus and Hadrian.
* The Sidonian clement also (see Josephus, Ant. xii. 5. 5) in

the Samaritan people may have had something to do with the

retention of the character so nearly resembling the Phoenician.

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subjects, to give some particulars as to the extant

MSS. of the Samaritan Pentateuch.The first
which found its way
to Europe was purchased,
as before observed, atDamascus in 1616 by Pietro
della Valle, and a few years later was presented
by Achille Harley de Sancy to the library of the
Oratory at Paris. After appearing in the Paris
Polyglott Bible of 1645, it was twelve years
afterwards reprinted by Walton in the London
Polyglott Since that time many more copies
1
.

have been brought into the West, and most of

the public libraries of Europe now possess some
specimens of this Pentateuch either in fragments
or complete codices 2 All of these are written on
.

1
The text of the Pentateuch in the Paris Polyglott was very
indifferently edited by Morinus, being prepared from this MS.
alone, with a Latin translation appended which was intended to
serve for both the Pentateuch and Targum, though in many
places they widely differ. Morinus endeavoured later to supply
1
some of its deficiencies by the publication of his Variae Lee-
tiones,’ which appeared among his ‘Opuscule* in 1657, derived
from a collation of four other MSS. The Pentateuch text in
the London Polyglott of the same year is almost an exact reprint
of the Paris one, only the most glaring typographical blunders
having been corrected, but a much more complete and exact list

of variations was appended, the Latin version to some extent

amended, and the deviations of the Targum from the Pentateuch
noted.
8
Kennicott’s list of the MSS. of the Samaritan Pentateuch
existing in his time in European libraries, with some additions,
is to be found in Smith’s Diet. iii. 1 1 13.

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separate leaves, none are in the shape of rolls.

At Nablus however, as is well known from the

descriptions of modem travellers, there is still

preserved in the synagogue, and only brought

out with much
solemnity on certain festivals, an
ancient parchment
roll, purporting by its in-
scription have been written by the hand of
to
the great-grandson of Aaron himself, thirteen years
after the original settlement of the Israelites in
Canaan 1
! It is written on the hair-side of the

1 *
I, Abisha, son of Phinehas, son of Eleazar, son of Aaron
the priest —upon them be the favour of Jehovah — in His honour
I wrote this holy Law at the entrance of the Talternacle of
Testimony on Mount Garizim, even Bethel, in the thirteenth year

of the taking possession of the land of Canaan and all its boun-
daries about it by the children of Israel.’ (Letter of Meschalmah
ben Ab Sechuah in Heidenheim, i. 88 ;
cf. also Eot. el Extr. xii.

p. 179.) This inscription was not to be found in the time of

Huntington’s visit in 1671 (
Epistt . pp. 49, 56). It had been
there, so the Samaritans told him, but had been erased by some
evil-minded person. It has lately been found again, we arc told,
by Messrs. Kraus and Levysohn, who saw the famous MS. in
i860 while it was being transferred from its old case to a new
one. They obtained a collation of Deut. xix. 8 sq. from the
priest’s nephew, and restored the character, as they best could,
from memory, not being able to procure an exact tracing. Their
description of it and facsimile are given by Dr. Rosen in the
Zeitschr. d. D. if. G. xviii. p. 582. It has been thought that it

may have been written for Manasseh's Temple on Garizim, but

it is most improbable that the MS. can be so old. Some guess
as to its age might perhaps be made if a photograph could be

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skins of some twenty rams that served as thank-

offerings, so says the priest. They are of unequal
size, some containing five, some six columns of
writing, worn quite thin, tom and in holes,
blackened as if ink has been spilt over it
:
perhaps
some half of the whole MS. may still be legible.
Other old MSS. are also mentioned as existing
there; one has the date of a.h. 35 ( = a.d. 655)
inscribed on it another claims to be the very
;

identical copy of the Law which figured in the

trial between Zerubbabel and Sanballat in the

presence of the king of Babylon, when the

respective merits of the Jewish and Samaritan
versions were in dispute, as is truthfully set
forth in the ‘book of Joshua;’ still bearing on its

worn page the mark where Zerubbabel spat upon

it in order to break the charm, after it had twice

sprung unhurt from the fire into which he had

procured of it which could be compared with other old MSS.

This the Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund are said
already to have done (see Journal of Sacred Literature, x.
p. 240) ;
it is however very doubtful whether they have obtained

one from the genuine MS. Mr. Mills, who spent some weeks at
Nablus, says he saw three rolls kept in similar cases. Dr. Wilson
was shewn one in leaves, and told it was the famous old one !

An endeavour was made to impose on Robinson (ii. 281) also.

The same happened to ‘
T. L. D.’ also, as described by him in

the Times of April 6, 1874. He speaks most severely of the

greed, ignorance, and laziness of the Samaritans.

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thrown it: the third time it came out again un-

damaged, only the spot was scorched *. It is held
in great veneration by the Samaritans the priest’s ;

blessing in Num. vi. 22 has become black from the

frequent kisses of the worshippers.
Next after an account of the Samaritan Pen-
tateuch itself will come that of the various trans-
lations it underwent, into Samaritan, Greek, and
Arabic. Of the date and origin of the first of
these no more satisfactory explanation can be
given than of the Pentateuch itself. It no doubt
must have been submitted to many revisions and
modifications before it reached the form in which
we now possess it, but in its first beginnings it

probably was long anterior to the Christian era.

The Samaritans, must be remembered, were in

it

the same condition as the Jews each nation was :

* Rosen, l. c. This identical MS. was a few years ago offered

to the Bodleian for the modest sum of £500 ;
hut the bid was
not accepted. The same author ( D M. G. . xiv. 622) gives a
description of two ancient stone tablets, one containing the Ten
Commandments in an abbreviated form (cf. Heidenheim’s Viertd-
jahrettchr., iii. 486, for the description of a similar MS.), built
into the wall of a mosque at Nablus; the other is apparently
of later date, found not long ago in a rubbish heap ;
it contains
the ten commands of Gen. i ; it probably belonged to some
former synagogue. Dr. R. thinks them to be anterior to the
time of Justinian, Dr. Blau (D. M. G. xiii. 275) to have belonged
to the Temple on Gariz'.m destroyed by Hyrcanus. For a further
uccuunt of the synagogue rolls see below, p. 155.

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107

in the possession of sacred books which were un-

intelligible to the mass of the people. In conse-
quence of this there very early arose among the
Jews, as we know, the custom, instituted according
to Talmudical tradition by Ezra himself ,
of intro-
ducing extemporary translations of certain portions
of the Law into the synagogue services. In pro-
body of well-known and recognised
cess of time a
renderings of Scripture thus came into being,
which were however for many centuries preserved
by oral tradition only, not being committed to
writing for fear they should gain an undue in-
fluence and overshadow the authority of the Law
itself. Gradually however this scruple was over-
borne by a feeling of the grave inconvenience
which might ensue from the prevalence of unsatis-
factory expositions, and thus the earliest Targum
which we possess, that of Onkelos on the Penta-
teuch, was first committed to writing, probably
about the third century a.d., in the schools of
Babylon 3 .

The same causes were no doubt operating in

1
For references see Smith’s Diet. iii. 1638. The passage in
Neh. viii. 8 is thus explained : “ ‘ they read in the book of the
Law ’
— this is Mikra (the original reading in the Pentateuch) ;

‘
BH1DD, clearly ’
— this is Targum.” Bab. Meg. 3 a ;
Bab. Ned.
t>.
37
!
This however is disputed, many holding the Targum of
Jonathan ben Uzziel on the prophets to be older.

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Samaria as well to produce a similar result, and it

is not unreasonable to ascribe the original redaction

of the Samaritan Targum to about the same time

as that of Onkelos, or perhaps a little earlier.

Later it cannot well be, for the Samaritan Greek

version which appears to have been formed on it,

is already quoted by Fathers of the third and

fourth centuries. Samaritan tradition apparently
ascribes it to a certain Nathanael who died about
20 B.c. *, but to this testimony no importance need
be ascribed. From the many Arabisms which
occur in this version it has been held to be even
subsequent to the Mohammedan
invasion of 632 *:
it is however that these may be interpo-
possible
lations, It must also
not parts of the original text.
be remembered that the Samaritans were a mixed
3
nice, with Arabs included among them and that ,

possibly the translator himself may have been

one. Many hands seem to have been employed

1
Winer, De vers. Sam. irulole, p. 9 ;
Juynboll, in Oneulalia
{1846), ii. 1 16.
2
Frankel (in Verhandlungen d. ersten Versammlung deulscher
nnd ausl. Orientalislen in Dresden, 1844) holds that, before the
dominion of the Arabs, Arabic expressions seldom occur in
Chaldee and Palestinian authors ; that the Targums, Midrashim,
and Talmud know them not. R. Lewi alone among Midrash
authors explains by means of Arabic.
3
Cf. ‘Geshem the Arabian,’ Neh. ii. 19 and vi. 1 ;
‘the
Arabians,’ ibid. iv. 7. Cf. Kohn, Samarilanisc/ie Studien, p. 60.

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upon it before it assumed its present form : the

first thirty chapters of Genesis are apparently
the oldest ', containing many so-called Samaritan
words which cannot be traced to any known
source : differences in the use of the conjunctions
are observable in the various books : mistakes
which occur in the rendering of one passage do
not repeat themselves in the parallel phrase of
another book. At some period or other the
version has been greatly indebted to that of
Onkelos, so much so that many critics, such as
Hottinger, Eichhorn, and Kirchheim, have held it

to have been copied from it. This however seems

to be rather an overstating of the case : it is true
that ax a£ Xeyojueva and words of uncertain meaning
are often rendered by identical or similar expres-
sions in both : moreover when Onkelos borrows
from Jewish tradition, the Samaritan Targum
often follows him. And yet the two are inde-
pendent ;
the latter falls into serious blunders from
which the version of Onkelos should have pro-
tected it; it often retains difficulties of the Hebrew
text where the other gives a translation. It
would seem therefore to have been at the outset
an original translation, but in course of time and
during the various manipulations it underwent
to have been interpolated largely from the version

1
Kohn, ibid. pp. sq.

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prevalent among the Jews. It is in general

minutely literal, not however always following the
text of the Samaritan Pentateuch, but sometimes
deserting it for the Hebrew, although in so doing
it displays very little skill or knowledge of the
language, falling occasionally into the most gro-
tesque blunders from a confusion of similar words '.

The sense of numberless easy passages is per-

verted in difficult ones the Hebrew is retained or
;

rendered by equally ambiguous words, or by such

as refuse to have a certain meaning affixed to
them by a comparison with cognate dialects. In
the style of translation it comes between the pro-
lixity of the Targumists and the slavish literalness
of Aquila: like the Pentateuch, it is careful to
avoid phrases which might seem to impair the
reverence due to the Deity by the imputation of
human feelings or parts, and also to change ex-
pressions which might be thought to savour of in-
delicacy into others more suitable to the dignity of
'
e. g. in Deut. i. 44, D'lhl, ‘bees,’ is confounded with 0'iyi,
‘words,’ and translated n'i>D: to leave you a ‘remnant,’ JVttflP,

is rendered p'en, ‘dough,’ as in Lev. xxi. 2 Ki?’, a ‘blood-

relation,’ is confounded with ixt?, ‘dough,’ und translated I'D? :

e|N. ‘
anger’ and ‘even,’ are confused (Lev. xxvi. 44), and NiSN
(Gen. xliii. 11) rendered ntJlN: Dn' 3 B (Gen. iii. 7) is confounded
i

with DiTJUtP, and translated pn'^p 'DTI :

(ibid. xxxi. 27),

with ‘Bongs,’ is rendered D '3313 : KTinnC' T' (ibid. 47) 3mn

nnn»D : in Num. xix. 6 ny^in '35? is rendered ‘
two worms
’

instead of ‘scarlet wool.’

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 Ill

the subject. For purposes of exegesis the version

is entirely useless : it is simply interesting as
faithfully representing the religious ideas and
literary progress of that strange offshoot and
counterfeit of Israel, the Samaritan people ;
valu-
able also for philological purposes as being the
most trustworthy monument of an important
Semitic dialect, though of only a debased one
which has not a literature worthy of the name.
It is to this Targum always that recourse must
principally be had for settling the foims of the
Samaritan language, though it is an unsatisfac-
tory witness to them from the number of Hebra-
isms it contains and the interpolations it has
undergone but all the later documents we
;

possess are still more untrustworthy from the

uncertainty attending their age and the possi-
bility that they may have been written wliile
the language was no longer spoken 1 It is of .

considerable importance therefore that we should

possess a thoroughly critical edition of the text,
and it is as a contribution to this end that the
present fragment has been edited.
The MSS. hitherto known to exist are
oldest
both Home, the Barberini triglott and the
at
Vatican. The former was bought by Peiresc at
Damascus in 1631, and bequeathed by him to

1
Cf. Nijldeke in Geiger’s Zeitschr. vi. 204 sq.

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Cardinal Barberini, in whose library it still remains.

It is written on parchment, with the Hebrew-
Samaritan text of the Pentateuch, the Arabic
version of Abusaid, and the Samaritan Targum
in three parallel columns. It is imperfect : the
oldest parts were written in a.d. 1226,and the
end of Deuteronomy was supplied by a later hand
in 1482. It has never been published : only a
single page of it, with some of the variations of
its Targum and Pentateuch, and a specimen of
the Arabic version, have as yet appeared
The Vatican MS. was bought by Pietro della
Valle at Damascus in 16 16: it is much later
than the one just described, on paper, dated 1514
a.d., with considerable lacunae of words and even
verses *. This is the only text that has ever been

1
It is described by De Sacy in Mem. de I' A cad. dee Inscr.
t. 49, p. 3 ; by J. B. de Rossi at the end of his Specimen Varr.
Lectt. (1783); by Adler in his liibl. Krit. Reise (1783), p. 139.
A triple page was transcribed by Blanchini in his Evangeliarium

(1749), ii. 604. See also Hwiid, Sj>ecimen i ned. vers. Arab.
Sam. Pent. (1780). It seems to have been lost at the end of
the last century, but has siuce reappeared. Some of the varia-
tions of its Pentateuch and Targum may be found in Castellus’

Animadvv. Samar, in vol. vi. of the London Polyglott of 1657,

and also in Morinus’ Opuscula ITebr. Sam. (1657), pp. 103-196,
cf. also p. 96. The text has lately been collated by Heidenlieim
with a view to its publication.
* It is fully described in Assemani, liibl. Vatican. Calal. i. 1.

p. 464.

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published : it appeared in the Paris Polyglott of

1645, and was thence copied, without however a
fresh collation of the MS., into the London Poly-
glott of 1657. The most glaring blunders were,
it is true, corrected by conjecture in the process of
revision by the editor Castellus, but the results are
eminently unsatisfactory l . The Latin translation
also, being intended to serve as a version both of
the Hebrew-Samaritan text of the Pentateuch and
also of the Samaritan Targum, is not to be depended
upon. It is hoped therefore that the publication
of the present very ancient fragment may prove of
some assistance for a future critical edition of the
Targum z .

The MS. is undated, but from the character of

the writing and condition of the parchment it is

in all probability considerably older than the

Barberini triglott. From the circumstance that
no Arabic translation, as in the case of the MS.
just mentioned, appears by the side of the Sama-
ritan text, it may be conjectured that it was
copied at a time when the language was still

1
Sec Kohn, op. cit. p. 22 sq.
* Prof. Petermann of Berlin is publishing an edition from
MSS. collated by him at Nablus ; they are on parchment,
I understand, and of the seventeenth century. Genesis only has
as yet been published. Dr. A. Brtill also is reprinting at Frauk-
furt-am-Main Walton’s text in Hebrew characters; Genesis,

Exodos, and Leviticus have already appeared.

i

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understood, and had not as yet been superseded

by Arabic. In the character of the writing it

resembles the ancient MSS. still existing at

Nablus described by Dr. Rosen *. The text varies
very considerably from that of the Vatican MS.,
and also from the printed specimens of the Barbe-
rini fragment. It has unfortunately suffered many
corrections from a later hand, most frequently in
grammatical forms, sometimes in whole words 2 ;

but as they have not been carried out with con-

sistency it has generally been possible by com-
parison with other parts of the MS. to restore
the original form with certainty. In all such
parts of the MS. as are in good preservation the
corrections are easily and theseto be detected,
are distinguished in the printed text by round
brackets: additions made by the editor from con-
jecture are enclosed in square brackets : as this
has been done with the greatest care, the present
text may be relied upon as a faithful reproduction
of the original. The punctuation of the MS. may
be seen from the photograph appended. I find no

1
See above, p. 104, note 1. The facsimile on the frontispiece

is the exact size of the original. The MS. is numbered Opp.

Add. 8vo. 29. When it first came into the possession of the

Bodleian it had but thirty-nine leaves, another has lately been

added by the liberality of the Earl of Crawford and BalcarreB, in

whose collection it was found.

* See the notes appended to the text passim, especially p. 25.

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any such elaborate system as is described

traces of
by the Abbe Barges in his notice of some frag-
ments of a Samaritan Pentateuch in his posses-
sion, nor are the vowels marked *. Occasionally
however, not always, the masculine and femi-
nine possessive pronouns are distinguished from
each other, the former by a dot, the latter by a
line,over the n. The marginal notes are of the
same age as the body of the MS., but they have
in many cases become illegible, and the sense
of those which can be deciphered is often very
obscure *.

The second translation in order of time which

the Pentateuch underwent at the hands of the
Samaritans was that into Greek whether, like :

the LXX in the case of the Jews, for the benefit

of the flourishing community of Alexandria 3 is

uncertain. By many writers its existence has

1
Notice sur deux fragments d’un Pentateuque Jlebreu-Sama-
ritain (1865), p. 15. Ewald (
Gutting . Nachrichtern, 1867, p.

221) thinks many of the signs noticed by Bnrgfis to be identical,

and the whole question doubtful. The Samaritan use of diacritic
points is described by Geiger, Zeitschr. d. D. M. G. xxi. 172.
* I had hoped to have added to this edition another fragment
belonging to Trinity College, Cambridge, of which a notice
appeared in the Journ. Asiat. (1870), p. 525; it is to be found

in the Catalogue of Hebrew and Samaritan MSS. of Trinity

College, p. 234. .Not however having succeeded in procuring
the loan of the MS. I have been obliged to bring out tho present
3
one by itself. Sec above, p. 26.

i 2

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been denied ', and the quotations J of Fathers of

the third and fourth centuries from to 'ZafiapuriKov
have been understood to refer to the version of
Symmachus, or the Samaritan Targum, or the
Pentateuch, or the LXX 3
. It is doubtful whether
it was a complete version or only consisted of
emendations of particular passages possibly the ;

latter, and if so, it may have related to difficulties

4
in the Samaritan Targum .

The third translation was into Arabic. At first

the Samaritans did not scruple to use the trans-

lation of Saadiah, who died in a.d. 942, but in the
6
succeeding century Abusaid set about preparing

1
e. g. Isaac Vossius. His theory is ably discussed by R. Simon
in his Hist. Critique du V. T. (1680), p. 261.
* They are to be found collected in Hottingcr, Excrcitt. A nti-
morin. p. 29 ; sec also Eicbhorn’s Einleitung, i. p. 388 ;
Walton,
Proleijg. to London Polyglolt, xi. 22.
* Winer, De vers. Sam. indole, p. 7. Noldeke, in the dotting.
Gel. Anzeig. (1865), p. 1312, considers the Safiapnrorw to be the
Hebrew text as received from the Samaritans. De Wette,
Einleitung ins A. T. (1852), 89. doubts whether was an inde- it

pendent translation, or extracts from the Samaritan Targum,

or corrections of the LXX. Epiphanius {De Mens, et Pond.
p. 172) mentions that Symmachus, in the time of Severus, made
his version after the Samaritan [1 Greek] translation, but this

seems doubtful. Origen takes no notice of it, though mention-

ing the Hebrew-Samaritan text. Eichhom, i. p. 387.
4
Kohn, De Pent. Sam. p. 68 ;
Winer, De vers. Sam. p. 7.
5
Probably about 1070. Saadiah was an Egyptian Jew;
Abusaid was also in all probability of the same country. Cf.

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117

one which should be more in accordance with the

tastes of his Samaritan countrymen. He appears
tohave employed the Hebrew-Samaritan text, the
Targum, and also Saadiah (when the latter does
not differ from the Samaritan), though he never

quotes him without abusing him. Like his

countrymen generally, he is careful to alter phrases
which seem to impute human qualities or parts
to the Deity, or in any sort to offend against
delicacy like them, he loses no opportunity of
:

exalting the position of Moses, nor depressing the

dignity of Judah. He occasionally substitutes
later geographical names for those of the text
his style is marked by many vulgarisms, and
many Hebrew and Samaritan expressions are to be
found in it. About the year 1 208 his translation
underwent a revision at the hands of Abu-l-barakat,
in Syria as is generally supposed, receiving both
corrections and annotations from him the two :

versions became intermixed, and are now not to

be distinguished from each other.
Next in importance to the Pentateuch and its

translations will come the historical literature of

the Samaritans comprised in various chronicles

Juynboll, in Orientalia, ii. 1 1 6. The three first books of the

Pentateuch according to Abusaid’s rendering have been edited
by Kuenen. It is described by De Sacy in Mem. de FA cad. tie

Inter, vol. xlix, and by Van Vloten in his Specimen Philologicum,

1803.

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which have come down to us. In them however

it will be a mistake to look for any sober narrative
of facts : nothing was further from the mind of a
Samaritan chronicler than to give an exact relation
of past events. His object was rather to stir up
the minds of his degenerate countrymen to an
emulation of the mythical past glories of their
race and the heroic deeds of their ancestors, to
console them in their present troubles by the hope
that, when like their forefathers they returned to
the earnest study of the Law and practice of its

requirements, the same Divine favour would be

shewn them as had attended the nation in the
happy and glorious days of old. He has no idea
of a continuous narrative, but selects passages of
past history which will best suit the purpose of
his tale. Tliese he chooses from any source which
may be open to him, chiefly from the Bible and
Jewish legend, distorting, amplifying, and omitting
till the result proves satisfactory to his taste. In
accordance with Oriental fashion he endeavours to
enliven his narration by the introduction of hymns
and proverbs, and for the same purpose he puts
long speeches into the mouths of his heroes. His
however well meant, prove highly un-
efforts,

he only succeeds in producing a dull,

satisfactory ;

wordy parody of a chronicle, full of the most

astounding historical blunders.
All these characteristics are found exemplified

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in the ‘Samaritan Chronicle,’ or ‘Book of Joshua'

as it is termed, composed in all probability in
Egypt at the close of the thirteenth century 1
:

so termed because its greater part is occupied with

narrating the glories of Joshua, the successor of
the one great prophet of Israel, himself bom of
the tribe of Ephraim and therefore unconnected
with the hated Judah, in whose time Shechem
and Garizim derived new honours from the solemn
rites and ceremonies there performed by him.
After a short preface, the book relates Joshua’s
assumption of office, the history of Balaam, and
the slaughter of the Midianites, in the main fol-
lowing the Biblical account, though with many
amplifications, such as the falling down of the
wall of Midian at the blast of the trumpet, Balaam
being found within the temple speechless from
terror, and his slaughter by the soldiers against
the desire of Joshua. Next comes an account
of the last words of Moses, Joshua’s lamentation
over him, the renewal of the covenant between
God and Israel, the ordering of the army, the

1
Published by Juynboll (Leyden, 1848) from an Arabic MS.
written in Samaritan character, the earlier part of which is

dated A. D. 1362, the latter 1513 (there is another copy in the

British Museum, dated 1502). The author appears to have
woven into his book one Samaritan and three other Arabic
chronicles, besides employing commentaries on the Pentateuch
and annals of the priests.

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120

sending out of the spies (who endeavour to scare

the Canaanites to flight by tales of what Israel
had done to Sihon and Og, Midian and Moab),
the passage of the Jordan, the taking of Jericho,
the theft of Achan, who steals 2250 lbs. weight
of gold (though no mention is made of Ai), the
craft of the Gibeonites, the slaughter of the
Canaanites, and the division of the land between
the several tribes. This part of the narration ends
with the appointment of Nabih as king of the
tribes east of Jordan, and for the next twenty years
Israel enjoys a profound peace, all wending their
way thrice in each year with joy and gladness
to the ‘
Mount of Blessing.’ This calm is broken
by a formidable confederacy of the king of Persia,
the greater Armenia, the lesser Rumia (Asia
Minor), and others against Israel ;
they send
a challenge to Joshua, who is greatly alarmed at
the missive, but puts on a bold face before the
messenger and sends back a defiant reply in an :

hour’s time he mounts 300,000 men, the half of

and seeks his foes, but is by magic sur-
Israel,

rounded by seven walls of iron. Nabih however,

the king of Israel on the other side of Jordan,
informed of his danger by a letter brought to him

by a dove, soon comes to the rescue, slays Shaubak

the king of Persia by throwing a dart up into
the air which in its fall transfixes man and horse,
and piercing the ground causes a fountain to burst

» . —
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forth. The walls raised by magic art collapse at

the first blast of the priests’ trumpets, at Joshua’s
bidding the light stays, the winds aid him, the
enemies’ swords turn against them, and a mighty
slaughter ensues so that the horses wade in blood
to their nostrils, and the enemy are utterly de-
stroyed. During the happy reign of Joshua, which
with that of his nine successors lasted for 260
years, Israel observed the Law, kept the Sabbaths
and Feasts, observed the sabbatical year and the
payment of tithes, all crime was immediately
detected, the sacrifices were duly offered on Gari-
zim. But after the reign of Samson, the hand-
somest and strongest of all the kings, Israel falls
into sin, the divine glory disappears from the
Temple, ’Ozi the high-priest hides the sacred
vessels in a cave on Garizim, Eli the apostate
priest builds an opposition temple at Shiloh, and,
after instructing his pupil Samuel in all the
magical arts in which he himself excelled,’ perishes
at receiving the news of the death of his impious
sons in battle and the loss of the ark. The
chronicle now makes a leap of some hundreds of
years to the time of Bokhton&sar (Nebuchad-
nezzar) king of Persia, who reigned at Mausul.
He away, not Judah, but Israel into cap-
carries
tivity; but on the complaint of the new colonists
that a blight rested upon the produce of the land,
suffers Israel, to the number of 300,000, to return,

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1

the colonists making way for them. The Jews wish

to build a temple at Jerusalem, the rest of Israel
on Garizim, and on an appeal to the King the
3
famous trial of the merits of Sanballat’s and
Zerubbabel’s copies of the Law is made in his
presence, when the latter is at once burnt on
being cast into the flames, the former jumps out
thrice unhurt ;
Judah repents, and all Israel
worships on Garizim. Then comes another break
in the narrative till the time of Alexander, the
whole of whose history as it appears in the
chronicle is borrowed from Jewish history. Thus
the Samaritans, and not the Jews, refuse to
break their league with Persia and give aid
to Alexander : he
Shechem, marches against
not Jerusalem, but spares overawed by the it,

dignity of the Samaritan, not the Jewish high-

priest, whose figure had appeared to him in
dreams and promised him victory. The tale of
Alexander’s three days’ journey to the land of
darkness, the dust of which was rubies and
3
pearls ;
of his ascending to the clouds in a car

1
See above, p. 105.
* Josephus, Ant. xi. 8. 3. There it is told how the Jewish
high-priest Jaddua refuses to break his league with Darius,
which Sanballat (ibid. 4) at once does. Alexander marches
against Jerusalem, but at the sight of Jaddua prostrates himself
before him (ibid. 4, 5).
5
To be found with variations in Tamid. 32 a, and Josephus
ben Gorion, ii. 16.
drawn by eagles who rose or fell according as
the lumps of flash which they endeavoured to
catch were held above or below them ' ;
the
device by which the priests evaded the king’s
injunction of erecting statues to him by calling
all new -bom sons by
T
his name 2 , — all these can
be traced to Jewish sources, whence they have
been drawn by the Samaritan chronicler for his
own purposes. Next follows a narrative of the
great revolt under Hadrian, during which Jeru-
salem falls into his hands by means of two
Samaritans ;
a confusion probably with the cap-
ture of Bettar, as the latter is said to have been
3
betrayed by Samaritan intrigue . The whole
concludes with a short account of the high-priest
Aqbun, his son Nathanael, and grandson Baba
Rubba, the last of whom was bom in grievous
times, when the Roman hand lay heavy upon the
Samaritans, when circumcision was forbidden, and
no worshipper might approach the holy mountain,
a miraculous bird being set there to wain the
Roman guards when a Samaritan approached, who
thereupon would issue forth and kill him. Baba
Rabba endeavours to alleviate his country’s sorrows.

1
Jer. 'Aboda Zara, iii. i. This was a common mediaeval
legend ; it is related of Nimrod by the Moslems; cf. Weil, Bibl.
Legend, p. 77.
1
Also to be found in Josephus ben Gorion, ii. 7.
s
Ewald, Gesck. vii. (1868), p. 418.
 124

and sends his nephew Levi to Constantinople, there

to acquire all the learning of the enemy, that, con-
cealing his birth and faith, he might rise to
honour, and returning to Nablus, destroy the fatal
bird, and thus enable his countrymen to ascend
the mountain and obtain by their prayers deliver-
ance from the enemy. In this he completely
succeeds, and the narrative breaks off abruptly
at the point when, after thirteen years’ absence,
he pays a visit as Archbishop to Nablus. The
above sketch will shew how much genuine light
we may expect to have shed upon Samaritan
history by the truthfulness and historical skill
of native chroniclers.
The next chronicle to be noticed, El-Tholidoth
or The (book of) Generations, is of a more modest
character. In the .first instance it professes to
have been written by Eleazar ben Amram in (a.h.

544 = ) 1149 and continued by Jacob

a.d., copied
ben Ismael 200 years later, and carried down by
other hands to 1859, when the present MS. was
written by Jacob ben Aaron the high-priest *. At

1
Called also by Abulfath i 1—1 — 11 or the ‘
catena.’
1
Published by Neubauer in the Journal Asxatique for 1869,

pp. 385 sq. He gives the Samaritan, or rather Hebrew, text

with notes and translation, citing the Arabic translation when
the sense is not clear. His text is that of the Bodleian MB.
numbered Badl. Or. 651, collated in some passages with one
belonging to a private owner.

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125

its commencement it relates how Adam received

from God through the mediation of angels the
method of calculating the months and years for
the proper arrangement of the calendar of festivals.
This passed by tradition through the patriarchs to
the time of Phinehas the grandson of Aaron, in
whose days it was committed to writing by* liis

son Abisham, and according to this record, which

is still in the hands of the Samaritan high-priest,
is the sacred calendar still every six months com-

piled Each period of seven years ends with a

shemiffah (year of release) ;
seven of these form
a jubilee the first shemiffah counts from the entry
of Israel into Canaan. Three books are mentioned
as having been given to the Fathers from the time
of Adam to Moses, the book of ‘Wars,’ that of
‘
Astronomy,' and that of Signs ‘
V Next are given
the ages of the patriarchs from Adam to the death
of Moses, and then a list of high-priests down to
the present times : interwoven with this latter are
a few scattered notices of important events, such
as the Babylonian captivity, the return from it,

the death of our Lord \ &c. ;

but as these have all

1
See above, p. 75 ;
Petermann, in Herzog, xiii. 376, note.
J
See below, p. 132.
’ ‘
In the time of Jehonathan was put to death JesuB the son
of Miriam, the son of Joseph the carpenter, Ben Hanahpheth,
at (mined Salem '1V1N3 flDnin |3), under the reign of
Tiberius king of Rome, by I’alitah his governor.’ pp. 402, 438.

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been inserted in the chronicle of Abulfath which

will pext be noticed, they need not be further
here described. The chronicle is of interest to
geographers as, while mentioning the various
Samaritan families settled in Damascus, Palestine,
and Egypt, it incidentally introduces the names
of a considerable number of places inhabited by
them 1
.

The third chronicle to be noticed is that of

Ahulfath, composed by him at the request of the
high-priest in a.d. 1355, and continued by other
2
hands to later times Its literary and historical
.

merit is no greater than that of the two just

described, considerable portions of which were
copied into the present w ork by
r
its author 3 . The
same distortion of facts in the interest of national
vanity, the same confusion between different
periods, the same omission of important events,

1
The importance of this chronicle for comparison with the
‘
Book of Jubilees is shewn by Ronsch
’
in his Buck der Jubilaen
(>874), p. 361.
* Published from four MSS. by Ed. Vilmar, Gotha, 1865. It is

written in Arabic containing many vulgar grammatical forms.

3
Besides these two, Ahulfath also appears to have had at his
disposal several other books, viz. one entitled the
probably an account of the division of the land among the
twelve tribes, other chronicles %ound up in one volume with the
book of J oshua, three more in Hebrew obtained from Damascus,
a book termed the or quires,’ and a chronicle of Sadaqa ;
‘

the last however he does not appear to have used.

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the same unacknowledged borrowing from Jewish

sources, is observable. It commences at the Crea-
tion, which is placed at 4350 B.c. ; from this point
to the settlement of Israel in Canaan, wliich,
together with the 250 ensuing years of peace
under the rule of Joshua and his successors to
Samson, makes altogether a period of 3050 years, <

was the Ridv&n or time of the Divine Favour.

Then the royal and pontifical dignities were both
preserved, then the king’ with the aid of his
‘

seventy elders and twelve princes of the tribes

guided the state in accordance with the Divine
will, the high-priest in company with the priests

and Levites rightly performing the services of the

Temple, while the rest of the people each in his
proper station fulfilled the requirements of the
Law. Then the Divine Presence manifested itself
in the shrine on Garizim, whence the fire of the
Lord came forth and each day consumed the
sacrifices offered upon the two altars of the holy

Mount. With Eli’s schism commenced the period

of Fanfita, or ‘disappearance’ of the Divine
Favour and of its visible sign : Israel fell into
idolatry : Saul, the schismatical monarch set up by
the apostate prophet Samuel, persecuted the true
people of God and prohibited their approach to
Garizim ; many therefore fled their country to avoid
his tyranny, and thus commenced 1000 years of
migrations and exiles to the time of Alexander,

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which is placed at 250 B.c. David proceeds to

yet greater lengths, usurps the priestly offices of

benediction and sacrifice, appoints Jerusalem as
the Qiblah whither Israel should turn in prayer,
and there establishes the schismatical ark of Shiloh,
though formerly he too had offered on Garizim.
Solomon’s wisdom and glory are beyond denial:
he is the ‘ Shiloh’ after whose days the sceptre
departed from Judah '. Rehoboam was the last
king who reigned with any show of right, having
been elected at Shechem 2 in an assembly of the
tribes. Jeroboam, corrupted by his residence in
Egypt, introduced the worship of the calves at
3
Sebaste and Dan Elijah and Elisha are also
:

deserving of the deepest reprobation for the part

they took in seducing Israel from their true
allegiance. Divine vengeance comes at last in
the shape of Nebuchadnezzar’s invasion, who
destroys Jerusalem and Sebaste : ’Aqbia the high-
priest buries the sacred vessels in Garizim, and
with his countrymen departs to exile in Harran
and Edessa, carrying with him a copy of the Law ;

the Jews with their king ‘Jumaqim’ proceed to

Babylon. Seventy years later, 3790 years after
the Creation, Israel returns from captivity, but

1 1
Gen. xlix. 10. 1 Kings xii. 1.
9
Not at Bethel (or Luz), for that is the higher summit of
Garizim. See above, p. 67.

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a second exile ensues 1 20 years later, which lasts

for fifty-five years ;
the subsequent return from
this,by permission of King Surdi, took place not
long before that of the Jews from Babylon Then l
.

ensues the famous contest between Zerubbabel

and Sanballat as to whether Jerusalem or Garizim
should be the Qiblah of Israel, ending in the
defeat of the Jews and the re-establishment of
sacrifice on Garizim. Kesra, the next king of
Persia, suffers the Jews to return and build Jeru-
salem his successors were Zaradushti, Ahash-
:

varush, Artahast, Darius. This last king favours

the Jews, and subjects Samaria to them, which
accordingly is cruelly oppressed : a revolt ensues
in which Jerusalem is destroyed, but the rising
is quelled, the Samaritans severely punished, and
the exercise of their religion interdicted : many
thereupon fly to Kutha, and from this circumstance
the name of Kuthim was maliciously fixed upon
them by the Jews in order to rob them of their
true designation of Israelites. Alexander died
A.M.4100, about 1000 years before the era of
Mohammed. It is false that the Jews only trans-
lated their Pentateuch into Greek : King Ptolemy
1
In No. xxvii. p. 290, Codd. Or. Bibl. Acad. Reg. Scient.
Lugd. Bat., is an excerpt from a historical work, relating how at
this time ‘
Aisled the high-priest gave his son in marriage to
the daughter of Sanballat, telling Sanballat at the same time to
instruct him in the Law.’ Cf. Do Jong’s Catal. p. 62.

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130

sent for Samaritan translators as well, and after

hearing the arguments on both sides as to the
merits of the respective copies of the Jewish and
Samaritan Law, pronounced in favour of the latter
and on Garizim
offered sacrifice In a.m. 4350
Christ was born, and crucified by the procurator
of Tiberius John the Baptist had before this
:

suffered at Sebaste by the order of Herod. Vespa-

sian’s reign is passed over in silence : the events
occurring in those of Hadrian and Commodus are
2
apparently confused . In the days of Alexander
(Severus)Baba Rabba restored the independence
of Samaria and the study of the Law, though in
many of his enactments he departed from the
polity established under the Ridv&n. He ended
his days in captivity at Constantinople, having
been allured there by the promises of the Emperor
Philip. Notices occur of the reign of Marcian,
when the possession of the tombs of the patriarchs
was decided by single combat between a Christian
and Samaritan in favour of the latter, and of the

persecution of Zeno, &c. to the time of Mohammed,

whose flight is fixed at 700 A. D., and with this
1
The legend of the three days’ darkness which came over the
world at the translation of the Law (Abulfath, Anna/, p. 95) is

to ho found in the IfUkolh Gedoloth Ta’anith, ed. Von. f.

39 b
cf. Uratz, Gesch. iii. 430.
2
The destruction of Samaritun books is attributed to Com-
modus, which in the book of Joshua, chap, xlvii, is asciibed to

Hadrian. Viltnars Abulfalh, p. lxv.

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 131

the original chronicle of Abulfath appears to have

terminated, though later events have been added
by other hands, together with a list of high-priests
down to the present time.
From the foregoing sketch it will be seen how
little trustworthy a source of information is in
this chronicle presented to us, in consequence of
the large gaps and historical blunders occurring
in it. For instance, the Assyrian invasion is
ignored, not a single fact related which occurred
between the reigns of Tiberius and Hadrian, nor
for the hundred and more years which elapsed
between Zeno and Mohammed Zerubbabel and ;

Ezra are made contemporaries, Hadrian builds a

Christian church on Garizim the Arab Philip ;

rules at Constantinople, Gordian incites the Jews

to rebuild Jerusalem. Amid this general con-
fusion it would be unwise to accept anything as
genuine which comes to us recommended only
by Samaritan authority.
Hardly to be distinguished from the class of
literature just described is one which may be
classed under that of ‘Agadah.’ A specimen
of this may be found in the ‘ Legends ascribed
to Moses/ a commentary on which is preserved
in the British Museum *. It borrows largely from

1
Add. MS. 19656, fol. 1-29. The title is % T*
^-A>LAI . It has been translated by Dr. Leitner in Heidenheim,
k 2

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132

Jewish sources. Adam and Eve, we are told,

spent eight days in Paradise the former instructs :

Lamech in the ‘Book of Truth’ for 180 years;

after leaving Paradise he dwells in Safra, that is

Nablus, and is afterwards buried at Hebron: Noah

collects Books of the
three writings called the ‘

Covenant,’ viz., the Book of Adam,’ or of ‘

‘Wonders,’ that of ‘Nagmuth,’ or Astronomy,

and the Book of ‘Wars Enoch dies and is 1 .’

buried opposite Garizim in Navus on Mount Ebal,

lamented by Adam. Jared founds Salem Rabtlia
or Nablus, in which God foretold that Mel-
chizedek should hereafter reign : there also is

Noah buried. Great honour is given to Abraham

he by the tyrant Nimrod into the fire, but
is cast
escapes unhurt, and Haran is killed by it 6000 :

years are to intervene between the Creation and

the day of vengeance.’
‘

Of a similar type is the ‘Jewelled necklace in

praise of the Lord of the human race,’ composed
in (a.h. 944 = ) a.d. 1537 by Ismail Ibn Badr Ibn

iv. 184. Identical with, or similar to this, must be the chronicle

on sixteen leaves written by Moses, extending from the creation
to the end of the world, still preserved by the high-priest at
Nablus. The Samaritans have also a similar one in Arabic by
Jacob Besini, who lived before Mohammed. Pctermann in
Herzog, xiii. 376.
1
See above, p. 125.

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 133

Abu-l-’Tzz Ibn Ilumaih in honour of Moses it ;

sets forth his divine nature, and extols the glories

of his birth and miracles.
With this may be classed a ‘tract’ in which is

contained a ‘
complete explanation of the chapters
on Balak by Ghaztll Ibn ad-Duwaik *, with re-
’

flections on the same for the edification of the

reader and another small tract by the famous
;

Abu Sa’Id explaining the cause of the fear felt by

Jacob on his way to Egypt (Gen. xlvi. i, 3) and
by Abraham after the conquest of the five Kings
(ibid. xv. i) 3 with a third by an unknown author,
,

* Brit. Mus. Aid. MS. 1902 1. J 1 J— Jja Ain 11

by J ci (The game author also
wrote a book termed •
-j ‘HI or ‘
an expla-
j » ;
0 . :

nation of the 72 laws.’ Geiger, in Zeitschr. d. D. M. G. xxii.

531.) Another copy of this MS. is described by Neubaucr in

Journal A siati'jue (1869), p. 467. This and the other MSS. there
mentioned as belonging to Dr. Pusey now form part of the col-

lection of the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, which nlso con-

tains, besides the works mentioned in the text, a Pentateuch
containing Gen. i. 12 to Deut. xxix, and fragments to xxxi. 13,
dated a. d. 1 2 1 1 ;
another with Arabic version in Samaritan
characters (not that of Abusaid, as I understand from Dr. A.
Liiwy), dated A.D. 1328; another, apparently a copy of the last,
containing most of Genesis and Exodus ;
nine liturgical volumes,
written a.d. 1722-1794 ;
some astronomical treatises, fragments
of Pentateuchs, Ac.
3
jJj i!Ua by ebjjJI jjl Jlji MS. xxvii
^ ,

Bibl. Acad. Hej. Scient. Amst. pp. 265-289.

3
Ibid. pp. 292, 293.

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 :

in which the fifteen occasions are quoted from

Exodus and Numbers when the Israelites by
their complaints and abuse of Moses and Aaron
tempted God, and the times mentioned at which
the divine glory appeared
Of great importance for ascertaining the doc-
trinal views of the Samaritans, esj>ecially as
shewing the tenacity with which they clung to
ancient traditional interpretations, are their com-
mentaries on the Pentateuch. Probably one of
the oldest now extant is in the Bodleian Library
it was composed (a.h. 445 = ) a.d. 1053 by an un-
known Samaritan for the benefit of a certain Abft
Sa’id Levi, possibly the well-known translator 1 ;

certainly it was written before his translation of

the Pentateuch was made, as this is never quoted
in it. Like others of his countrymen who will be
afterwards quoted, the author was well acquainted
w ith works of Arabian grammarians, but the
the
triliteralsystem for the formation of verbs dis-
covered by Havug was unknown to him. He is
singular in quoting not only from the Pentateuch,
but also from tire former and later prophets,
Nehemiah, the Mishnah, &c., but strangely enough

1
MS. xxvii. Bibl. Acad. Reg. Scicnt. A mat. pp. 294-296.
* Opp. Add. MS. 4". 99. At its commencement it has two
short Samaritan liturgies. It has been described at length by
Ncubauer in the Juurn. Asiat. ( 1873), pp. 341 sq. It is written
in Arabic, and dated (a.h. 749=) a. d. 1348.
 135

does not mention the Samaritan Targura. Like a

genuine Samaritan he shuns anthropomorphisms,
attributing to .angels actions ascribed in the ori-
ginal to God Himself, but he is singularly peaceful,
sometimes even agreeing with Rabbanite interpre-
tations, but never taking occasion to attack them.
Another interesting and important one is that
of ‘
Ibrahim from the family of Jacob,’ now pre-
served at Berlin *. He thoroughly represents the
national feeling as exhibited in opposition to the
Rabbanite school of thought among the Jews.
For instance, he points out the error of the latter
in interpreting the I am come down of Exod.
‘
’

iii.8, as of actual change of place on the part of

God, rather than of the direction of His Omni-

potence to a certain point so he renders I will :
‘

stretch out My hand’ (ver. 20) as ‘power,’ imputing

a literal interpretation' of the expression to the
Jews: the Lord repented’ of the evil (xxxii. 14)
‘

must signify ‘turned from,’ ‘wiped away.’ This

extreme anxiety to avoid anything approaching
anthropomorphism has been often pointed out
before. His desire to glorify Sichem and its sur-
roundings may be seen by his remark on Gen.
iii. 23, that Adam, on being driven out from
Paradise, was sent back to Garizim, for from thence

1
Large, extracts are given from this by Geiger in the Zeitsehr.
d. D. M. G. xvii. 723 sq., xx. 147 sq., xxii. 532 sq.

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136

had he been taken. Jered ( ib v. 18) he tells us

built Salem Itabtha, the city of Melchizedek, but
Achidan built Zion, with regard to which the Jews
have a tradition that ‘the Law of Truth shall
go forth from Zion and abrogate the Law of
Moses,’ but rather perish the Law of Ezra Like !

a true Samaritan he places Abraham’s sacrifice,

Jacob’s dream, &c., at Nablus. Very character-
istic also is his anxiety to uphold the fame of
Joseph against the charge of having married a
daughter of Potiphar or Dinah, and to rescue
the great prophet Moses from the imputation of
having postponed the circumcision of his son ;
the
means by which he effects a
this last point is

miracle of exegetic ingenuity. So all connected

with Moses must likewise have no shadow of
suspicion resting upon them Jethro is no idola-
:

trous priest, Zipporah is no ‘

Ethiopian ’
(Numb,
xii. i), but ‘beautiful:’ — these instances are suf-
ficient to give a just idea of the style 'of his
commentary.
Of just the same type is an anonymous com-
mentary on Genesis preserved in the Bodleian
Library, brought from the East by the learned
Bishop Huntington The great reverence of the
Samaritans for all belonging to the priesthood

* Hunt. .VS. 301. The forty-ninth chapter was published

by Schnurrer in Eicbhoru’s Repertorium, xvi. 154.
 ‘

137

has been already noticed, they felt it therefore

necessary at all hazards to explain away the
severe judgment of Jacob upon his son Levi for
his slaughter of the Shechemites in conjunction
with Simeon. Consequently the words ‘
0 my
soul, come thou not into their secret’ &c. (xlix. 6)
are thus explained, ‘
they had no occasion to take
counsel of me, for they knew that their counsel
was right, seeing that their zeal was righteous.’
So in the next verse, Cursed (inn) be their ‘

anger’ &c. is paraphrased, Most excellent (ttn) ‘

is their anger,’ or, ‘exceeding is their generosity

and fortitude 1 will divide them in Jacob,’ he
prays that their strenuousness may remain and be
distributed in Jacob. On ‘thy father’s children
shall bow down before thee’ (ver. 8) he remarks,
‘
Some weak people interpret it, “ they will bow
towards thee because the Qiblah is in thy domain,"
but this is false, for the Qiblah is in the territory
of Ephraim.’ He paraphrases ver. io thus, 'know-
ledge of the Law and obedience towards God shall
not fail, or a lawgiver from between his feet till

Shiloh (Solomon) shall arise, who shall change the

Law, and man}- shall follow him, since they love
license and are prone to it.’
In this class must also be included an agadic
commentary on the Pentateuch containing Genesis
and Exodus, termed the dissipater of darkness ‘

from the secrets of revelation,’ written in 1753-4

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 138

by Ghaz&l Ibn Abu-s-SurAr as-Safawi al-Yusufi

1
al-MAsawl al-Ghazzi and another containing ;

fragments of a commentary on Genesis, Exodus,

and Leviticus, often quoted by Castellus in his
2
notes on the Samaritan Pentateuch Other .

writers seem to have devoted their energies to

the same subject, but nothing now remains to us
hut their names and the titles of their books. For
instance. Manga Ibn ash-Shaar is mentioned as the
author of three commentaries on the Pentateuch 3 :

Abu Said of scholia on the Decalogue * Amin ;

ad-Din Abu-l-Barak&t of a commentary on the

same 5 commentaries on the Pentateuch are said
:

to have been composed by the celebrated poet,

philosopher, and physician, Sadaqa Ben Mang&
Ben Sadaqa ®, who, after living high in the favour
of al-Malik al-’Adil the Ayyubid prince ruling at
Damascus, died near it in A. D. 1223; by Muhadh-
dhib ad-Din Ytisuf Ben Abu Said Ben Khalaf,

1
Brit. Mur. Add. MS. 19657 ;
title yi
by y\ y or,

as his name is otherwise written, Jlyc y) yj— y) I'

y
* Brit. Mur. Harl. MS. 5495.
’ Aunt. MS. xxv it, p. 309 y\ Ls~*.
6
‘ Ibid. p. 315. Ibid. p. 314.
* (not Lies* or Lii-t, cf. Juynboll, Comm.
p. 56) lar-* y
iSx* y. He wrote a commentary on the aphorismB of Hip-
pocrates.

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 139

pupil of the famous tbraliim Shams al-Hukamfti,

and vizier to al-Malik al-Amgad Magd ad- Din
Bahr&m Sh&h, sultan of Baalbek he died in 1227 ;
1
.

Under the head of miscellaneous theology must

be classed a number of works many of which are
closely connected with those just described. To
this will belong a work of Abu-l-Hasan of Tyre,
of which the title probably should be the ‘book
of cookery,’ i.e. relating to lawful and forbidden
2.’
meats, or ‘of force In it the peculiar dogmas
of the Samaritans as differing from those of the
Jews are set forth and supported by arguments

'
Wiistenfeld, Gcsch. d. Arab. Aerzte , p. 121 ;
Jnynboll, Com-
ment. p. 56. Yflsuf's nephew Abu- - Hasan Ben Ghazdl Ben
1

AbO Sn’id was noted for his acquirements in medicine, natural

history, and astronomy, composing many books on these sub-
jects. Embracing Islamism, be entered the sendee of bis uncle's

patron, and later into that of al-Malik as-S&lih Isma’il Ben

al-Malik al-’Adil, sultan of Damascus, who made him his vizier.

His library is said to have consisted of 10,000 volumes. Another

celebrated .Samaritan physician, Muwaffaq ad-Din
pjbi jh*- ^.1 ' vy-s" yd) lived in
the same century : lie wrote a commentary on the canon of
Avicenna (Bndl. MS. Marsh. 464), on logic and theology ;
cf.

Wiistenfeld, op. eit. p. 144 ;

Haji Ivhalfu, v. 160, 472. For other
notices of commentaries see below, p. 1 58.
1
Bodl. MS. Hunt. 24; title r-bJoJI by jj}
Jl; see notice of a similar MS. in Jouru. Asiat. (1869),

p. 468. He appears to have lived some time in the eleventh

century; before Abu Sa’id, who translated the Pentateuch about

1070 a. d. Cf. Juynboll in Orientalia, ii. 117.

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 140

drawn from the Pentateuch it treats, e.g. of the :

dignity and perpetual succession of the high-

priests of animals which may be eaten
;
of the ;

sabbath that believers must have a Qiblah

;

whither they may turn in prayer, i.e. Garizim ;

of the differences between Karaites and Rabbanites

as to the fixing of the new moon ;
of angels ;
that
there is no distinction of Persons in the Deity,
nor conjunction of the human nature with the
divine, Closely resembling this is a work
&c.
entitled book sufficing to those who satisfy
‘a
the knowledge of the book of God,’ by Muhadhdhib
ad-Din Yfisuf Ibn Salirnah Ibn Yusuf al-’Askari,
commenced in a.d. 1041 ;
it treats of the office
of the priest, of purifications, of tithes, usury, &c.,
thus corresponding to the Mishneh Thorah of
Maimonides
Another work by the same Abu-l-Hasan has
come down to us, containing long and somewhat
uninteresting disquisitions in proof of a future life,

with arguments drawn from the Pentateuch 2 .

In the same class must be included an abridg- ‘

1
Brit. Mxit. Add. MS. 19656. (2); title i_>LA
^yl^* vJJl by ^ ~.yJ WyJ 4 * .V

isjC— -I ' The commentator Ibrahim mentioned above

quotca him iu proof of the reason why for a stolen ox fivefold,

for a lamb fourfold should be restored. Zeitsehr. d. D M. G.

xx. 569.
2
Bodl. MS. Hunt. 350. (1) ;
title jUll
 a

141

ment of the Mosaic Law according to the Sama-

ritans,’ by Abu-l-Farag Ibn Ishaq Ibn KathAr

work occupied in scholastic questions of the KalAin ;

everything according to it is to be decided by

means of logic applied to the Law. The author
knows the 613 precepts, 248 of which, equalling
the limbs in number, are positive in their character,
while the 365 corresponding to the days of the
solar year are prohibitory
;
like the Labbanites
he distinguishes between local and temporary com-
mands and such as are of universal application.
By one of the same family, in all probability,
is the ‘book of penitence,’ a work in which are
collected together such passages of the Pentateuch
as relate to repentance and a reformation of morals,
with observations thereupon by the author himself

1
Paris, Bibl. Nat. Ancien funds, 5, Peirese. His name is

Ool u—Jij (not j\jS, see Zeitschr.

il. D. M. G. xxii.532-538, when? will be found a quotation from
this or a similar work given by Ibrahim the commentator on
the meanings of niD and JAJ, epN and )* 2p ;
his view is also men-
tioned as to the increase of the Israelites in Egypt and with
reference to Moses’ staff. It is probable that he wrote a com-
mentary also). The (‘ word,’ ‘
discourse,’) was a dogmatic
or scholastic philosophy which originated among Mohammedans
in the second century of the Higra : so called either because it
first was occupied with questions with regard to the divine
‘
word’ addressed to the prophets, or because it is equivalent to
mantiq or logic. Cf. Munk, Melanges de Philosophic Juive el

Arabe, p. 311 ;
Guide dcs egares, i.
335, note j.

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 :

2
142

and others of his countrymen *. In the same MS.

are other works of miscellaneous character: one
treating of the nature of God and man and the
worship due to the former by arguments drawn
from the Pentateuch, its authorship is ascribed to
the Sadaqa Ben Manga Ben Sadaqa mentioned
above questions and answers, with interpreta-
:

tions of the Pentateuch 8 and in the same work :

allusion is made to the special enactments of ‘

the
holy Law’ by Muwaifaq ad-Din al-Gahbadh *: the
list may be closed by the mention of a treatise
on the second exile by Ghazfil Ibn ad-Duwaik,
followed by two homilies by S&lih Ibn al-Marlulm
Surhr Ibn Sadaqa and by Abft Sa’id s .

The liturgical remains of the Samaritans are

very extensive. They consist of prayers and
hymns arranged in twelve parts for use on
sabbaths and festivals throughout the year, and

1
A mat. MS. xxvil p. 304: jjjill by ^.1 U y\
s« l t

!
He is here named iij-e Jly* Ibn Abi Osaibi’a as-

signs two works to him, the or ‘book of faith,’

which may possibly be the present MS. (Amtt. xxvii. p. 223),

and ajyiJl a 11
y iJU^, or ‘treatise
on religion,' surnamed ‘ the treasure which concerns deliverance.’
s
Ibid. p. 297.

p. 310 x, 4 U not the same as the Muwaffaq

* Ibid.
ijjly* :

ad-Din mentioned above, p. 139 Juynboll, Cumment, : p. 60.

Journ. Asiat. (1869), p. 458: iJjjJI ciy-J
* iJUil
ebjjJl
y
Jl^i i~Jl i—L.JU i-jLill.

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 143

also for special occasions, such as circumcisions,

marriages, and funerals. Several of the former
have been published by Heidenheim from the
rich stores of the British Museum : the following,
occurring at the end of the ‘
Litany of Marqah,’
may serve as a specimen. ‘
Lord, for the sake of
the three perfect ones, of Joseph the interpreter
of dreams, of Moses chief of the prophets, of the
priests, the masters of the priests, of the Thorah,
most sacred of books, of Mount Garizim, the
everlasting hill, of the hosts of angels— destroy
the enemy and foe, graciously receive our prayers,
O Everlasting, grant us relief from these troubles,
open to us the treasure of heaven
The hymns of the Samaritans, their sole poetical
inheritance, are of little devotional or literary merit,
nor does there seem good reason for ascribing any
very great antiquity to them, however august and
remote may be the parentage assigned to them.
The earliest pieces, so we are informed, were sung
by the angels on the occasion of the completion
of the tabernacle and the death of Aaron, others

1
Heidenheim, ii. 487. The British Museum possesses nineteen
volumes of prayers ami hymns, besides the fragments of liturgies

from Damascus published by Oeseuius in his ‘

Carmina Sama-
ritans, ' and edited again by Kirchheiin in the ‘
Karme Shomeron
three ‘prayers of Moses and Joshua’ and five ‘prayers of the
angels’ (from the ‘Defter’) are printed in Petermann’s Gram-
maiica Samaritana (1873), P- •8 sq.

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144

are ascribed to Marqah and Amram Dari who

lived some time b.c., others again to Ahisha in
the thirteenth century. The present Samaritans
have two collections, which they call Durbin
(‘string of pearls J and Defter (‘ hook ’), the latter
comprising the former, the arrangement of which
they ascribe to the above-mentioned Amram Dari
The language in which they are written varies :

some are in almost classical Hebrew, others in a

dialect resembling that of the Targum but with
an admixture of Arabisms
peculiarities, containing
and Hebraisms: to some a translation in Arabic
tinged with Hebrew, Aramaean, and Samaritan is
appended. The metre also differs considerably
some stanzas are arranged in distichs, others in
tristichs, others some poems
again in tetrastichs ;

are alphabetical, in others the verses rhyme the ;

rhythm also varies, that in use among both Arabs

and Syrians being employed. From the general
style of their composition and the fact that many
of the authors bear Arabic names it is most probable
that they were mostly written at a time subsequent
to the Mohammedan invasion, in some cases long
2
after it .

1
Fctcrmann in Herzog, xiii. 376.
* For instance, the metre employed in Marqah’s Paschal hymn
(Heidenheim, iii. 96) does not seem to have been known before
the ninth century a.d. : see Geiger in Zeitsch r. d. D. M. (!
xxii. 534. Some of the titles of the pieces published by Heideu-

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 145

The Samaritans, following the example of the

ancient Jews, calculate their year by the lunar
months, and, in order to bring it into harmony
with the solar year and the revolution of the
seasons upon which their feasts depend, are ac-
customed each year to intercalate a thirteenth
lunar month. The arrangement of this, and also
the authoritative fixing of the exact moment at
which the new moon may be considered to have
appeared, upon which depended the festival at the
beginning of each month, were among the Jews

lieim may be of interest : e. g. (i. 279, 408) titles of the prayers

to be used throughout the year : one festival with two suppli-
catory hymns (i. 421) : dream of the priest Abischa (ii. 80), who
sees Moses on mount Garizim and is taken by him to visit

heaven and Eden: the prayer of Ab Gelugah (ii. 213): pass-

over hymns of Phineas and Elcazar (iii. 94) a passover hymn :

(iii. 474) containing an invocation of the Holy Spirit a prayer :

of Marqah (iv. 237), and of Amram {ibid. 243) : three prayers

of Amram 390), one ending with the Mohammedan sentence
(iv.

‘there is only one God:’ a prayer (ibid. 545) in which are

described the order and ministry of the angels and the motions
of the twelve planets, these being likened to the twelve tribes of
Israel. There is a volume of prayers and hymns in the Paris
Bill. Nat., numbered ancien fottds, 4, Peiretc, apparently of the
fifteenth century, and a liturgical MS. numliered Add. MS. 334,
in the Univ. Library, Cambridge, of which the title lias been
kindly communicated to me by Mr. Bensly the Sub-Librarian.
It is .ions .jo |
.nijatrn ,*or .noon |
,'jram .p!>m .pit?
jon |
jetc |
inrvi>Di |
.mn* .pyi |
.orb .craptm |
.owm It is

dated a.11. ii 85 = a.d. 1771.

1

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 146

left in the hands of the high-priest for the time

being, and formed, as we have seen before, a
fruitful source of dispute
4 between the rival factions
of Pharisees and Sadducees *. Till long after the
captivity of Babylon it is probable that actual
observation and not calculation of the appearance
of the new moon was practised by the Jews 2 .

The Samaritans, as has been already remarked 3 ,

claim to possess astronomical tables drawn up by

the great-grandson of Aaron himself, and every
six months the high-priest draws up a calendar
for the use of the congregation. Scaliger pub-
lished two such, and De Sacy has also edited one
with a translation several more MSS. of the kind
:

have found their way to Europe, one written (a.h.

1164 = ) a.d. 1750, another commencing with 574
of the Jezdegird era (
= a.d. 1204), written (a.h.
1101 =) a.d. 1689; a third, which calculates also
according to the Jezdegird era, dated (a. h. 1137 = )
a.d. 1 724 s St. Petersburg also possesses several
:

specimens 8 .

In grammar and lexicography the Samaritans

have nothing of much value to shew. Possessed
of little learning themselves and living secluded

1
See above, p. 38.
5
De Sacy, Not. el Extr. xii. p. 34.
s 4
See above, p. 125. Op. cit. pp.135, 153.
6
See Joum. Asiat. (1869), pp. 467, 468.
6
See below, App. i. 7.

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 147

from their neighbours, enclosed in their limited

circle of ideas, they did not imitate the Jews in
taking advantage of any opportunity of self-
improvement which offered itself to them. The
latter, as soon as ever the system of vowel points
had been introduced among the Syrians and Arabs,
eagerly took it up and for centuries patiently toiled
at the work of improving and adapting it to
Hebrew then, dissatisfied with the results of
;

their labour in the Assyrian punctuation, threw

it over and took up the one now in use, the

Palestinian, in its place. Whatever fault may

be found with minute details of the system,
still the warmest thanks of scholars are due to
those who elaborated it with so much patience
and skill for having thus rendered Hebrew gram-
mar possible. The Samaritans attempted nothing
of the kind, but trusted entirely to tradition for
the pronunciation of their Hebrew Scriptures ;
it

consequently must have deteriorated and become

more uncertain from age to age under the influence
of the living Aramaean and Arabic with which it
had to cope. Thus matters went on till the
tenth or eleventh century, when the literary
activity of the Arabs communicated itself at last
even to the sluggish spirit of the Samaritans,
and they set about enquiring into and settling
the laws of Hebrew grammar. But it was then
too late : the fatal bar of a corrupt and uncertain
1 2

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 148

pronunciation met them at the outset and rendered

all their efforts fruitless *.

The truth of these remarks will be seen by an

examination of three grammatical treatises of
Samaritan authorship which have been published
2 *
from a MS. at Amsterdam . The first of the three
is an extract made by the high-priest Eleazar,
the son of Phinehas the son of Joseph, probably
about 1400 a.d., from the second, a grammar 4
by Abil Ishaq Ibrahim Ben Farag Ben MAruth,
surnamed Shams al-Hukam&i, whose name has
already occurred above in connection with his
celebrated pupil Muhadlidhib ad-Din ;
the third
is a tract by Abu Said, probably the famous
commentator of that name, intended to correct
s
the faults of pronunciation prevalent in his time .

They are built entirely on the philological views of

Arabic grammarians, some sections, such as those
on transitive and intransitive verbs, being copied
word for word from their works, but the writers
have not proved themselves such apt scholars as
their Jewish brethren. From their want of a
system of punctuation, their varying orthography,

' Cf. Geiger in ZeiUchr. d. D. M. G. xvii. 718.

* By Noldeke in Gotting. Nachrichlen (1862), pp. 337, 385.
-
3
iiiyjJI v'US i . : they are from the A mat. MS. xxvii.
mentioned above, pp. 1-220.
4
Title iill’ ysA J
6
Titles'Ll ^\ji.
V

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149

and the complete or partial disappearance from

their language of sounds still written in Hebrew,
they are especially uncertain in the parts of
grammar concerned with these particulars ;
the
arrangement also of the second of these tracts is

very unskilful, needlessly some parts, defec-

full in

tive in others Old Samaritan blunders, which

had before been pointed out by Jewish opponents,
recur again in Abb Sa’Id, as for instance the
mistaking of n local for a post-positive article

he also misunderstands the n of the Hiphil, taking

it for a strengthening particle. Transcriptions of
Hebrew words into Arabic, shewing the Samaritan
pronunciation of the eleventh century, will be found
2
in the anonymous commentary quoted above .

The commentator Ibrahim, who has been quoted

above, does not appear to have made any advance
beyond the views held by his countrymen, as far
as one may judge from the grammatical views
expressed in Iris work 3 .

1
E. g. on account of the irregularities of npl> a separate
chapter is ilevoteil to verbs : in some cases the vowels are
expressed by letters as TOUWI, but generally by the three
Arabic vowels which arc naturally unsuited to express the
niceties of punctuation : a distinction is sometimes made be-
tween great (- and T ) and little (-) fat ha, that between long and
short vowels is generally overlooked, as also between full and
1
half- vowels. See above, p. 134.
3
See the extracts by Geiger in ZeiUchr. d. D. M. G. xvii.

723-725.

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150

So much for the grammatical acquirements of

the Samaritans seven or eight centuries ago.
Their present system of pronunciation has been
made the subject of an elaborate enquiry by
ProfessorPetermann, who has transcribed the
whole book of Genesis after the manner in which
it is now read in the synagogue of Nablus, to-
gether with a Hebrew grammar embodying the
views of the present Samaritans on the subject
It is possible that in some points the system now
in vogue among them may he an improvement
upon that invented by the Masoreths 8 but at ,

this period of time it is naturally more difficult

(or rather impossible) to decide even than in the
days of AbQ Said how much of the system is
due to genuine tradition and how much to Syrian
and Arabian influence the enquiry is consequently
;

3
not of much practical value .

In the matter of lexicography there is little

infoimation to give. Of dictionaries proper none

have as yet come to light: at Paris there is a
concordance of forms occurring in the Scriptures
with the corresponding Arabic and Samaritan
word in parallel columns, and a similar one is

1
Published in Ablutndl. fur d. Kunde d. Morgenlande
herausg. von d. D. M. G. (1868), Bd. v. Th. 1.

* Cf. Noldekc GoUing. Nachrichten (1868), p. 485 sq.

in
3
Cf. Dereubourg in Calieu’s Archives Israel, xvi. 532.

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 151

preserved at Cambridge, in which however the

Samaritan equivalent is omitted
With this account of the literature of the Sama-
ritans my task is concluded. In the notes ac-
companying the foregoing sketch reference has
been made to all the important works I have met
with bearing on the subjects discussed, but I have
not thought it either necessary or desirable to
swell the volume by the mention of such literature
as has now been superseded by better works, which

1
Bibl. Nat., ancien fonds, 6 , Peiresc, it is dated a.d. 1476;
tlie Bodleian MS., numbered Podl. Or. 466, is a copy of it: the
Cambridge MS. is in the library of Christ’s College : it, is dated
(A. II. 1188 = ) A.D. 1774, its title is v>Ui^and it was
arranged by the priest Phinehas. It is an independent com-
pilation, but nearly corresponds with the Paris MS. : e. g. in the
former are found DUT, out, ^x-Li OUT ;
in the
latter itUNt n:ir, pi’Nti out, TDE rur. See also below, A ftp. I. v.

There is a very vague notice of the MSS. still preserved at

Nablus given by Lowe in the AUg. Ze.it. d. Judenthums, 1839,
No. 47 (see above, p. 41). In Mills’ Nablus, p. 317, is to be
found a rough list drawn up by the priest Amram. He there
mentions, in addition to the works described in the text, (1)
commentaries (^i) on the Law, in Hebrew with Arabic trans-
lations, by Marqah (termed * El-Amir,’ ,
JO'EN^N), Ibrahim
el Kaisi, Glmzal ibn ad-Duwaik, Musalem el Murjam („^yll 1 ),

(ihazal al Matri, El Ilhabr (^il ?) Ya’qftb; (2) various ‘orders’

(^_5_y) of prayers in Hebrew for the various festivals; (3)

miscellaneous works, including one on marriage (,-UGjl
and another on inheritance (^l^Jd by Abu-l-Barakat ; an
explanation of the feasts entitled ^Ljd iJL*, by the

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 ,

152

were moreover written at a time when fuller in-

formation was obtainable than by preceding
authors references however to the earlier litera-
;

ture will lie discovered by any one interested in

the subject by turning to the books quoted by me
In the two appendices that follow will be found,
i. an interesting description of the Firkowitsch
Collection of Samaritan MSS., recentlv added to
the Imperial Library of St. Petersburg, with which
I have been kindly supplied by Dr. Harkavv and ;

ii. a translation of the Masse kheth Kuthim, an

important Talmudical tract written probably in
the second century a.d.

priest Eleazar, and a book of *

direction ’
for the same, called
iJLy bv Ibrahim el Ahi ;
an anonymous history of the
Samaritans (^U); and, lastly, a treatise on the astronomical
work i.—U ,
prnn, which is described above (p. 125) as
attributed to Adam.
* See also the list in Zenker, Bill. Orient. (1861), ii. 149, 150.

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 APPENDIX I.

The Collection of Samaritan MSS. at St. Petersburg.

In the year 1870 the Russian Minister of Public Worship

purchased from the well-known Karaite traveller and
archaeologist Abraham Firkowitseh his collection of Sama-
ritan MSS. for the Imperial Library of St. Petersburg.
It consists almost exclusively of fragments, this circum-
stance arising from the fact that the collector during
his stay in Nablus and Egypt completely ransacked the
Samaritan Genizoth 1
(that is to say, the garrets and
cellars of the synagogues whither their worn-out books
were conveyed), thus acquiring several fragments of Sama-
"ritan Pentateuch rolls —none of which have before this, to

1
The word ilPM in Hebrew is equivalent to the Sama-
ritan mcBD, as seems to be proved by an epigraph quoted
by Rosen (
Zeitsch , d. D. M. O. 1864, p. 588); as however he
has misunderstood it, I give it here with a new translation:
nx a'jirm njveen nixo tren nx nenipn mtnn mn
rrai>ooi>

n’VDntn rx mpix metsot pix xb mean nn'n foyeep 'x

iron w: mi 'dv by ex jo mooo ;ibx ^x npi>oi ex ;d
.CiTDX X'OJl ^VTjn, that is to say, 'This Holy Law was a.h.
598 in the Matamra, in a chest : the Matamra caught fire, but
the Law was preserved from fire by passing out of it through
the window ; (p^X accordingly must not, with Rosen, be trans-
lated ‘oak,’ but be taken for p^n, a various reading for the
same word in Gen. viii. 6) : this happened in the days of our
lord Buha the high-priest and prince of Abraham.’

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the writer’s knowledge, ever reached Europe —about 6000

parchment and paper leaves from various Pentateuch
MSS. written in the shape of books, several fragments
of commentaries on the Bible, liturgical, grammatical,
and lexicographical works, and lastly a number of mar-
riage-contracts. The writer of the present notice received
directions from the Minister to make a complete catalogue
of the collection, and the first portion of it is already in
print ;
the MSS. shall now be briefly described in general
terms.
A collection such as the present could on account of its

fragmentary character hardly have claimed any particular

attention on the part of the learned world had it con-
tained another and better known literature. It is different
however when the literary remains of a people are con-
cerned whose existence, though an unimportant one,
extends over a historical past comprising thousands of
years, and who now are threatened with extinction a ;

people moreover whose inner life and intellectual activity,

though they were early developed, have hitherto remained
almost unknown. Every fragment accordingly, however
slight it may be, which belongs to the literature of such
a people has a value of its own, as being capable of giving
information on many points which interest the learned
world, especially too at a time when so great activity is

being displayed in the field of Semitic studies, and an

attempt made to follow the example of Aryan scholars by
enquiring more closely into separate peoples and stems, and
thus gradually to gain an idea of the whole Semitic race.
In describing the collection, the existing divisions have
been preserved ;
the first accordingly will consist of
i. Fragments belonging to twenty-seven parchment
Pentateuch rolls. None of this kind, as has been already

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remarked, have hitherto been discovered in any European

library, all the existing ones being in the shape of books
the reason of this appears to be that the Samaritans hold
such rolls as especially sacred from their being intended
for use in the synagogues, and so will part with them for
no sum, however large, to those of another faith. Accord-
ingly in 1811 the high-priest Salameh ben Tobiah made
answer as follows to the request received in a letter

from the well-known Abbe Gregoire, that he

senator
would sell him two Pentateuchs * As to your request that
;

we would send you the holy book of the Law, we eould

only do so if ye were Samaritans like us, and had like us
observed the ordinances prescribed to you V As however
the Samaritans had already frequently sold MSS. of the
Pentateuch (for instance, to Pietro della Valle and Hunting-
ton in the seventeenth century), this ‘
non possumus of the’

high-priest must refer to rolls used in the synagogue.

Be may, these fragments have been till now
this as it
the only ones known
in Europe, and so they are of con-
siderable importance for explaining to us how the Sama-
ritans write their sacred Law for use in Divine worship.
Unfortunately, as might have been guessed from the place
where they were found, they are for the most part in very
bad condition and as Samaritan palaeography is not yet
;

in a condition to decide with certainty upon the age of an

undated MS., it is only such as contain dated epigraphs
whose age can be without doubt ascertained. Only six of
the fragments contain such notices, and only three of this
number have their dates perfect ; one (no. 4) was written
(a.h. 599 = ) 1202-3, another (no. 10) in (a.h. 605 = )

1
De Sacy, Not. et Extr. xii. 25, 105, 121. So Robinson,
Palestine (1867), iii. 130.

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1208-9, the third (no. 15) in (a.h. 808=) 1405: it is

however quite certain that several other fragments in the
collection belong to a much earlier age.

It is interesting to notice the way in which the Sama-

ritans insert these epigraphs in their Pentateuchs. For
this purpose the column of text in the roll or page of
the book is divided down the middle by two perpendicular
lines, the interval between the lines being left vacant,
except for the insertion of such letters from the text as
serve the writer to compose the epigraph. For instance,
the first word in general will be 'ON, or H 3 N, signifying
‘
I the writer will wait till an N presents itself in or near
the middle of a line of text, he sets this in the space inter-
vening between the two lines and goes on with his writing

till he reaches a 3 in the middle of a line, this he sets iu

the same space, doing the like with ' or H, and so on to

the end of the epigraph, which is thus made to extend
over several columns or pages without a single letter being
added to the text of the Pentateuch, which thus itself, so
to speak, supplies the materials for a memorial both of
the writer and of the person who ordered the MS. to be
written. * * * * * *
Among the fragments of about 300 Pentateuch MSS.
written on parchment or paper are to be found the oldest
Samaritan MSS. known in Europe, viz. of a h 57 and .
.
1

577 , corresponding to 1176-7 and 1181-2; the dated

ones however are not by any means the oldest, and it may
without exaggeration be asserted, if one may judge from
the writing and appearance of the MSS., that some go
back to the eleventh or tenth century, if not even further.
The collection offers the richest spoil for Samaritan palaeo-
graphy which is to be met with, not in Europe only, but
throughout the world, Firkowitsch having completely

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stripped the only archives belonging to the people, the

above-mentioned Genizoth
ii. The collection contains also many fragments of the
Samaritan-Arabic translation, as well as of the Samaritan
1
The only paleeographical note known to me in Samaritan
literature is an epigraph at the end of a Bodleian MS. (Hunt.
24), which reads thus, ^Aill Will tx»
3'3'x iya. ^iSl, &c. : then follows the usual alphabet,
called by Gesenius (JIon. I’hoen. tab. 3) ‘letters of the MSS.;’
by J uy 11 boll (Book of Joshua) * larger letters.’ Wi. must
be taken in the sense of official,’ or ‘ settled,’‘ ‘
abiding,’ so
‘
square ’
writing. Will <— Lid » ju»j

tYb'x &c. :
(here follow the characters called
by Gesenius the 1
Gotha ’
letters, by J uynboll ‘ ordinary.’ ka.

l_ Ji/WJI I take in the sense of CHO as used in the Bab. Baba Kama,
f. 98, and explained in the Aruch, ‘erased,’ ‘unclear’ writing:
according to Arabic lexicons signifies to renovate faint
writing). There is also an allusion to Samaritan writing in an
epigraph inserted at the beginning of Deuteronomy in the Bodl.
MS. Pococke, 5 Tiara RD1 [3 H’30 13 ’nip 3N |3 'tV 3X R2X
:

3s n'3iroi mio'ii rairoi m'pi n3i3ixi> nncnp nnimx tna

nnx 'n^3t no'ye ncens neon 3x 13 mn' isy 13 vy mm
nsro pnx .3 ii>o x'm byxv'b .p ,n .31 .x nit? njnn m>3
(OX 0'33 '331 D’33b RB^XD .13'bo' nW>HPXl (3 by m.T RX .111X
}DX. The words HD'yo HECnS may mean ‘tasteful,’ ‘beautiful’
writing, or may signify a particular style. I have fully ex-
plained the expression pnx .3 '1^0 X'm and the like in my
catalogue, pp. 49, 50. I forgot to mention in the text that our
Pentateuch fragments are also of great value for the Samaritan
text, as, quite by chance and without searching for them, I have
discovered a great number of variations from the Samaritan
text of the Polyglotts which are also unmarked by Kennicott.
Many of these I mention in my catalogue, the rest I keep
for a special work.

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Targum, with the restoration of which the learned arc now

so much occupied for ;
instance, Petermann and Geiger in

Berlin, Kohn in Pesth, Briill in Frankfurt-am-Main, &C .

1

Another division contains smaller or greater portions

iii.

of several commentaries on the Pentateuch. These are

1
I add in this place a collation of some passages in the
Targum edited by Mr. Nutt with a fragment to which I have
not yet given a number, and which I accordingly designate by
the provisional number put on it by Firkowitsch, ii. 29.

Nutt. F. ii. 29.

9. D'D 3 nruo 5> rtD'Da nnjo

V 3 DJ 1 naio:i
10. naira nair nnara nn[ar]
pmaoji pn'aiDJi
u. 'rtoai 'tsnai

pnox pcx
12. D'D3 (twice) nD'oa
an nob nanx mab
in -0-6 mnx maai>
13. D'D 3 no'oa
an anexi> nanx n-oii>
14. pmaDJi pmaiDJi
nj'x ru\a
an nanx mcS
nrx
nijnaai nan!) myaai maai> nrn
an anotb nrx nanx moxb ruvi
aninana nmana
15- ay i>y

pn' 3 D 31 pmaiDJi
1 6. aDy nyaaxa aoyaaxa
17. pn pan
Here is a lacuna.
24. mm ; mjn

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159

of the greatest importance for a knowledge of the religious

and moral views of the Samaritans, their relations with
those of another creed, and their theory of the universe
these also possess especial value in the general dearth of
their literature as frequently citing fragments of ancient
theological, philosophical, poetical, and other works h

Num. xxviii. 24. pn’ 3 D 31 pn’33031

'
*5 - |ni?B

26. tl&D jn^D

27. mm myi
pinctt
28. in ib!> mnx ma^
in 131b mns m3ii>
29. in i.ice<i> mnx moxii
rrinoN matt
31. pmsDJi pn’3iD3i
xxix. 1. jpS>D tnbo
xxxi. 51. imp laipi foi.

52- Vi r^pnoi]
54- in’Ki bm
’
xxxii. 1. 3 D |’ 3 pl ’31D |N’3p3

PP |K'3p
2. *n’D 3 il ’N'D3^
3- !P»i
4 PP fK'3P

5 . (|):(ppn)ra rnmncK
jjiapn 13313pn
6. p^’ pD’nx pSp" pmnbt Nn
7- "UP 13pm
8. |[13]K J313
9. nbton ni>3N
1
Especially interesting are the quotations from earlier
writings or poetical productions in the Aramaic dialect I

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iv. To the same class belong fragments of Samaritan

l
law-books ;
these are very rarely to be found in Europe .

quote some passages from MS. F. iii. a, a fragment of a Mid-

rash-like commentary on the Pentateuch :

(1) iJJl 133 »jJj jl npio —-I I Jy&il

130N D'nksi D'OI ,T13 1131 lin ‘I’yptrO |3”3 JjiJ i\

pryo ptn mat iin 'o 13b mi i'i>o jtra ,130 pi>m
.”t<113 [O'yO. Marqa and his son Nana were, as is well known,
the earliest writers of hymns among the Samaritans. The first

word }3«3 is doubtful, can it be for p3N3 1 The remainder is

plain enough.

(2) npD3 nrta nil (npio Jy ^uj) Jy eJJi Jic Jjj L.

if6y n^n 13S nnn:i no'ypi rrn mi>oi icdd itsnp pyeo
130 npD3i intrs ub nt>vi njnpi njrai moi noi>n 13S nnn3i
. S>31p^1 1^1 [1 nil nny:i 13i?1. A person might say he had
a bit of the Sohar before him. The phrase !TO1 IQ^n is im-
portant for the interpretation of 10*^13 in the Samaritan Tar-
gum (Gen. shews that the latter word
xli. 2), as it is no mere
copy of the Hebrew '1X3 as many people supposed. Moreover
I’etermann in his edition has not the word in question.

(3) i_oJ — y II
y npio ^1 [sic] y»j — U aUi Xiy
Jji! il 131 1313 131ft j^JLc »JUI ^1yi}
i3i»3 n3i3 itro av leu by ri3n3
*»*»•»
iniiiwi not? ^ JJI
. Dp3 Dl* by DJtp icn N13 D'li>N I have also col-
lected fragments of philosophical works written in the Samaritan
dialect, the publication of which I reserve for myself.
* Among the law-books are some fragments written in Arabic,
but in Samaritan characters, e. g. F. iv. 18 ;
here is a specimen :

ftoi3 p^yn' ftoi wii>tti 1'iDn^tt 3t<3

1N3!>N1 Noi>N3 pODp3 K313J! Ml D33^N I^NtN NltOyD 11N1D$>N

1 'ioniift ns' 'ni>f< itrc^tt ;n Jjij fto,nntt3 ynm no ni3d
NDl 3^n^K NOl 113^N N01 irQ^N KOI KCD^N NO HD N13
i'v nod 11N0 ondpn iy[3]iN 'by ik'd^ni pyi>N ndi i'3i>N

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161

v. The fifth division contains fragments of grammatical

works and of Hebrew-Arabic dictionaries, or Tardesche-
J
ntan s (Interpreters), as they are termed by Samaritans
and Arabs. These last are of so much greater importance,
because in the only example of such a dictionary hitherto
known to exist 1
,
that preserved in Paris 2
,
three letters
at the commencement (N, 2 and half 3) are missing,

*****
,

and now fortunately may be supplied from the present

fragments 3
. *

[?]umc$>x vn iron nnxBi nroa

nd >x 5 ini

xcb n'iino^to feynDo^x xd^x im moo my mxai Do»ei>x

nDxji n's ni>n '"6x ini dh xoi mnxB^N x'rx^x p no^xn
mnxB^x dxdpxi nniipa nDxii^x 'by 't-x im
ni'nDn mb' xn nxixeota ps n^am no'aai wm nnxi>n
:dpb mnxia Dili’ xd xmci jxninxa dt^ xo xnm nnxi>ni>xa
|xn;nx3 m^xi wm
ynt naan nb'i> 'ip ^no mnxia dj> '-6nb
no xob 5>no nxPnbxi ni>xi arm njnvn >no & c. 5

1
[But see above, p. 151. J. \V. N.]
1
[See above, p. 151. J. W. N.]
’ These dictionaries are termed in Samaritan in Arabic
there are six fragments in the collection ;
viz.

(1) F. v. 7 ;
21 leaves, from 7 ' 3 X to ')> 3 .

(2) F. v. 7 ;
2 leaves, from D'nbx to 131 N.

(3) F. v. 8 ; 46 leaves, from 2X to 3 S?y.

(4) F. v. 9 ; 33 leaves, from yc'ax to lien.
(5) F. v. 10 ; 1 leaf, from "pax to ';nx.
(6) F. v. 10 ;
2 leaves, from E’BJ to ni>y.

The only copy which has the beginning perfect has the fol-
lowing inscription on the title-page ^1 cW' ^ r- 1

vy* 1 « J li ^ [sic] lju»

sll J
ij' [1] j ct*' cr*' 'y+*- ]y*j

^ — **» dJlj ^-Ul

L-j L» 1* 1 » cfc.
I
[ ]

r
Juil JJb f\
y\ J_^ ±Jj}\ Jill

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vi. In this class are works containing historical matter,

not only the already edited Book of Joshua and Annals of

Abulfath, but such as have never yet appeared ;
for instance,
fabulous tales of the birth and death of Moses *.

vii. To this division belong several astronomical works,

some entire, some imperfect. These are unique of their
kind, for as far as the present writer knows, no public
library in Europe has any such to shew*; from them
alone however can we discover how the Samaritans reckon
their time, arrange their feast-days, &c. Two eras are
employed by them, one dating from the entry of the
Israelites into Canaan, and the other from the Persian
king Jezdegird: two more are also used, most frequently
the Mohammedan, and, much less often in epigraphs, the
Creation of the World as for instance ;
in the epigraph of
the Pentateuch numbered Add. MS. 22369 in the British

At the end of tp is the following epigraph :

J csUj
^ ^L-ill

(so)
j —
il
^ a wo,Kl
^^•.1^11 AAll jLjlII jij\ Jj < aJIj «jGj

ip.' eP-' dp" "AA' ‘-rjjj

jJlj LJa-U gIpc
ert J!/* ip’ eP 1
eP-' fP’vA'
pj ‘-Ac cP”'?
*-*^c
eA (A »J JGj An jii

•cr*' IP*' J' r^-Pt/t3 Jlr1^ Jv

From the first epigraph we see that the author of the Meliz
was called Phinehas, but this gives us no information as to
the date of its composition, ns there have been very many
Samaritan high-priests of this name. I reserve to myself
the supplying of full information with regard to these fragments
and the Paris MS.
1
[See above, p. 132. J. W. N.]
* [For similar works, see above, p. 146. J. W. N.]

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163

Museum. Calendars also for a single year, giving the por-

tions which are to be read each Sabbath from the books of
x
Moses, are to be found in the collection .

viii. This part consists of very varied fragments which

have not yet been carefully examined, but it may be
mentioned that it contains a good deal relating to medi-

1
[See above, p. 75. J. W. N.J The epigraph in Brit. Mus.
Add. MS. 22369 is written in after the manner described above
in p. 156. As this is almost the only instance, as far as I know,
in which the three eras are put together, I give the passage. It
commences at Deut. xv, and runs thus : '2X 12 D.112X '3X
mana ainan n-on pby 'ax p men ax p iyDX 'ax 12 jyyi
inx nip nfem 2n2 mm op mi 'P33^> npnpn mmn nxt
D'si’x ns'ta nr xm bnycv* mainoS imp mxo yapi jj'ew
D’ si>x :n nip xm Dmyco
nxv^ nip n'pbpi npom itxiP' '32
.niiT nx mix aby nxmai* nip b'sdpi dopi mxo yapi. In
the astronomical tables the eras mentioned are 2P10^ lpy.1 'IP

fyi3 px ^Nip* '32 and T>3ipi> ipyn 'IP. The tables themselves

arc called in the epigraph may .1 2 pnon.(as at the beginning of

Neubauer’s chronicle) : single technical expressions are B’^lID

'3n niyn; nn'2P; D’?i, mpi; B'3P, ni'iP D'aaiP;

; ;

nua nipnx Dipo, pun Bipo, pimi bipd (or naim 7 m) na!m
; ;

B'pinm (or nmoim) niyosm nivapa mm nibiao niViio nobn ;

niyprn B'O'a mm; D'Pinm niyoini msapa pnn pxi niaim

niyprn b'b '2 pnn pxi na^n inx pr m’ i>a npoc^ mnr poi ;

pirn tap D'pim i npimo nanpoi p npepi nsapm mip

:
;

cm p men ityo 131? B'lpyi n iop bit mem pin n32C’m .11117 ;

pm p men ityo nip ipy yem bai na'o p mnn; nano

pn 13 ^ pppxi p3x noi mnr W>3 'pi noa 'as ni'in ^>a^>a 'pi
iiDyi 3^ai ;
pi nmxa nanP' ni'in bibi 'pi xin icoxx ioi
noi ncan ppna xia. The names of the twelve signs of the
zodiac arc 2P3; HP ; XT13; J’OiO; nmx; n^>2P; [PD; 2ipy;
npp ;
'
13 ;
lpl ;
pin ;
partly, it will be observed, Hebrew, and
partly Arabic.

m 2

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164

cine, though it is doubtful whether all belongs to Sama-

ritan authors. Some fragments of historical works have
also found their way by mistake into this division.
ix. In this are contained, according to a rough list

made of them, fragments of 276 MSS. of a liturgical

character, written on 6300 leaves, partly composed in
Arabic also. The knowledge of Aramaic idioms in general,
and of the Samaritan dialect in particular, gained from
the small collection of hymns published by Gesenius
and Heidenheim, makes one long to sec the whole cycle
of Samaritan hymns and prayers in print, at all events
such as are composed in Aramaean; then only, when
this is done, will it be possible to bring out a Samaritan
dictionary worthy of the name. The said cycle consists of
at least twelve quarto volumes, of which the twelfth is

contained in Add. MS. 19019 belonging to the British

Museum should ; the various parts which are now dis-

persed among all the libraries of Europe —Rome, Paris,

London, Oxford, Berlin, Gotha —ever be united, still it will
never be possible from them to make up (auftreiben) a per-
fect copy. By means however of the vast number of
fragments belonging to the St. Petersburg collection one
may hope to fill up these lacunae, and so make an edition
of the whole cycle possible ;
though this cannot be decided
with certainty till these fragments have been more care-
fully examined and collated with those of other European
libraries *.

1
A very imperfect idea will be gained of the liturgical
hymnology of the Samaritans from a study only of the speci-
mens published by Gesenius, Heidenheim, and quite lately by
Petermann. Some that have never been edited are far from
heavy, and not without a certain poetical vigour. The following
is from Cod. Firkovnbsck, iii. 3

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165

x. The last section contains twenty-two documents in

Arabic relating to civil matters, and ranging from the
seventeenth to the nineteenth century, about seventy con-
tracts of marriage, and six amulets. As regards the con-
tracts, none had hitherto been discovered older than the
seventeenth century, and Firkowitsch in a memorandum

nx |
'es3 omi nepn '3iy p neoa rein
| | | |
'b |
y'eio nx
n'eon |
pnx 'eixa 'enpo ienpD3
| | j |
w: |
DD’ei |
ney

These are a few lines from the eighth part of the Samaritan
liturgy ( Berlin , Coll. Petermann, No. 7)

mm piyv*> : ms hi vie' bv
men npi>n nx : no' |i> nona
n3'3DD id'd lynei : ni'y innoxi ivp'nx

itiot npi>n by : nryn myma i33i

XDon unon 'nam : noca iD'n men npi>n
m bub t t pxi : xcon 'a xiyn
n:3 'b nxat 3py' : n:x iD'n men npi>n
m bub vp pxi : nm w np!>

idh 3 Dvn 'ix : iD'n men np^n

'i' bxb vp pxi : *un '33 B'yem
i^oa '3D B'yem : ibo3 no’n men npi>n
'T bxb e' pxi : tam jnaenn
*exi by xip' p'tn 'em xS iD'n men npi>n
:

m ^xb e' pxi neo oe *30 pmnxi :

xeio '3iy i>n: : neos by iD'n men np^n

'i' i>xi> vp pxi : neinpn minn '30 p'mnx
Sea Di'n 'naio : inpn xen men np^n
m bttb vp pxi : i>n3 jna 13 D'b

’33x iD'ni : '33n men npi>n

'T ^6 VP PXI :
'33' '3X1' JO ^3

I hope very soon to publish a good deal of similar matter in

a separate work.
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166

attached to the collection asserted that the Samaritans had

none till this time, when they learnt from a Karaite
traveller how to compose them. This is however a
mistake, as the present writer not long ago published
one dated (a.h. 916=) 1510-11, which was found by
him among the fragments of a Pentateuch belonging to
the collection '. Before this nothing had been brought
2
out but two badly copied specimens by Wilson . The
whole number should however be edited, first because
each begins with a solemn hymn specially composed for

the occasion, which accordingly offers a new Samaritan text

and secondly, because the names of persons and families
are of special interest, and present rich materials for a
3
Semitic Onomasticon .

1
In ffameliz, 1873, no. 8, pp. 62, 63.
1
The Ijand* of the Bible (1847), ii. 689-695.
5
I here communicate some personal
names from contracts of
marriage. The appended numbers betoken the years (a.h.) when
the documents were written. Of women’s names the following are
of interest: moi’K (1068, 1103, 1134, 1181), (1209, pro-
bably identical with the foregoing), |Nn2¥N (1132), roifl (1:48,
1158, 1191, 1202, 1216), !T2Sn (? with the article, 1181), mnt
(‘moon,’ 1 1 x ), rmjn (1170), n'3«n (1142), ncD2 (1134), irinsa
(1149), mins (1118, 1148, 1218), nano (1177), mDio (1180),
p^>D (1084), Nnw (x 14 . ), mD (1242), npnv (1161, 1164, 1175,
1194), (1220, 1268), rwx (JI98, probably the same as the
foregoing),HBV (1158), nn 21 (1118), TBt?D n 2"' (‘ very beauti-
ful,’ hoi, 1154), nn (1101), mxt? (1203,
1118), pn2"> (916,
1234), mt? (1165, both probably identical with me), r6t?
(1211), nrr6tr (1244), nr6e (1124, 1143, 1146, &c.), nota
(1146, 1209), mot? (1191), iron (>223), nc’en (1244), noun
(1149, 1168), r\Bl;n (1211, probably the same).
Of men’s names I will mention —mitT (1149, 1168, also a
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167

The collection contains also the following objects :

(i) a
case for a Pentateuch-roll made of brass plates and adorned
with a variety of figures, Samaritan and Arabic proverbs ;

(2)the capital of a column found on Garizim, taken possibly

from the old Samaritan temple there ; (3) the stone tablet
from the Samaritan synagogue at Nablus, on which arc
inscribed several verses of the Pentateuch for liturgical
purposes, as described by Dr. Rosen and Prof. Rudiger '.

Dit. A. Harkavy.

woman's name), tpti’J'H (1180), mm

13 y (1103, in6,
1191, (fcc., probably in imitation of the Arabic JJ1 a - c ),
(ann nay (IIOI, 1209, probably the same as n:tDCn), ruun 13 y
( 1 142, 1 190, &c.), n'CTtiVny (t 19 1, 1248), nnomay (1168, 1244),
me (1273), TVV (1209, 1 2 1 1, &c., also a woman’s name).
The family names most frequently occurring are nriDYl (also
written nnstn), nnom or nnonn (also nnoiy), rtiWD (not the
patriarch), *IQD, TmD, 12Y: once occur mDS (1158), 'ttnans
(it 18), iTCm (1244), &c. Tlie expression pttn 'M2 [D1 is twice
(1068, 1084) used; can it mean ‘priests of the altar 1’ Com-
pare also the family names mentioned in Neubauer’s chronicle.
There is a specimen of a letter of divorce to be found in Brit.

Mus. Add. MS. 19956, f. 96.

[In the Cambridge dictionary described above, p. 151, is a
marriage contract, dated A. H. 1188, between ^1
t^kil dwelling at Joppa, and the daughter of ^1 ° r
.j
.

^Aill fij— of Nablus.

In a later account Dr. Harkavy draws attention to some more
peculiarities of Samaritan Pentateuchs. In Exodus ii, where
the birth of Moses is related, the following epigraph is inserted
no^y V310 Hail to the 'Almah (Jungfrau) and
"l^TiN nci

to her offspring !’ Exodus xiv or xv generally has the title .Tin'

n'3lp 'yvi3 The Lord is Victor in fights.’
‘
J. W. N.]
1
Zeitschr. d. D. M. G. xiv. 622-634.

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 APPENDIX II.

The Massekhelh Kuthirn, or Tract on the Samaritans'.

i. As to the usages of the Kuthirn, in some they re-

semble heathens, in some Israelites, but in roost of them
Israelites. We do not accept from man or woman among
them who has been afflicted with an issue or from their
women after childbirth offerings of doves or pigeons 2 ,
nor
sin-offering, nor trespass-offering, but we receive from
them vows and free-will offerings : we do not suffer them
to acquire immovable property 3 ,
nor do we sell them
sheep for shearing 4 ,
nor crops to cut, nor timber still

standing 6
,
but we let them have cattle for killing. We
do not sell them large cattle though wounded, nor foals,
nor calves 0
,
but we let them have cattle that are wounded

• 1
I have mostly followed the text of the Massekheth Kuthirn
as amended by Kirchheim, but many important variations are
to be found in the Mishnah, Tosifta, and the two Talmuds, for
which the reader is referred to Kirchheim's elaborate notes.
2
Lev. xv. 14, 29.
3
Because they might sell it to heathens D3nn tS (Dcut vii. 2 :

‘
Thou shalt not shew mercy upon them ’) was read by the Rabbis
Djrin Thou shalt not settle them
‘ Bab. 'Aboda Zara, 20 a. :
’

* They might sell it to heathens, and so the first of the fleece

(Deut. xviii. 4) might not be given to the priests; so with
regard to crops also.
5
Lest they might have a claim upon the ground ;
Bab. 'Aboda
Zara, 20 b.
0
As they might sell or lend them to heathens, and the
provisions of Exod. xxii. 9 sq. not be observed.
 169

beyond the possibility of a cure. We sell them no weapons

nor anything which
4 could damage persons we neither:

give nor take wives from them, but we give and borrow
on usury with them we let them have the gleanings, and
:

that which is forgotten, and the corners of our fields and 1

;

they too have the same custom with regard to that which
is forgotten and the comers of their fields, and are to be
relied upon to carry out all these practices in their proper
2
time and the tithe for the poor in its year ;
the fruit of
their trees is held for untithed, as that of heathens, and their
3
instrumentality in the ‘
Erubh ’
is as if done by heathens .

A daughter of Israel may not deliver a Samaritan woman

nor suckle her son ,
but a Samaritan woman may perform
these offices for a daughter of Israel in her (the Israelite’s)
house ;
an Israelite may circumcise a Samaritan, and a Sama-
ritan an Israelite, though R. Jehuda says a Samaritan
should not do so, forhe circumcises in honour of mount
Garizim. We may stand a beast in the stable of a Sama-
s
ritan or hire a Samaritan to follow and tend our cattle ,
or
give a son in the charge of a Samaritan to teach him a trade:
we and converse with them everywhere, as is not
associate
the case with heathens. A Samaritan suffers the halisah
from his sister-in-law 6 and gives a letter of divorce to his
,

wife he may be trusted to bring such from beyond the

:

sea to an Israelite. The following are things we do not

sell to them, —that which has died of itself, what has been
torn, abominations, reptiles, the abortion of an animal,

1
Lev. xxiii. 22 ;
Deut. xxiv. 19.
2
Every third year; Deut. xxvi. 12.
s
See above, p. 34, note 3.
* As she might he rearing the child for idolatry.
* Exod. xxii. 19. * Deut. xxv. 9.

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 170

oil Into which a mouse has fallen, an animal that is

mortally ill, and a foetus, (though these last two arc eaten
by Israelites,) because in so doing we should be leading
into error. And
as we do not sell such things to them,
so neither dowe buy them from them, as it is written,
‘
God 1 ;’ in-
For thou art a holy people to the Lord thy
asmuch as thou art holy, thou shalt not make another
people more holy than thyself. A Samaritan may be
trusted to say whether there is or is not a sepulchre [in
a field], or of an animal whether it is first-born or not,
of a tree whether it is four years old or still impure, and
also is credible with regard to grave-stones, but not with
2
regard to spreading trees nor stones projecting from walls,
3
nor with regard to the land of the Gentiles ,
nor to a
field in which a sepulchre has been ploughed up, inasmuch
as in these things their belief is open to suspicion. In
fine, they are not to be trusted in a matter in which their
belief is open to suspicion.
ii. We do not buy meat from a Samaritan butcher except
such as he himself eats, nor strings of birds unless he has
first put them into his mouth ;
it is not enough that he
offer them to an Israelite, as before now they have been

1
Deut. xiv. at.
* They can be trusted with regard to grave-stones, as these

are distinctly marked : not with regard to a spreading tree or

a stone projecting from a wall, under which a dead body might
have been buried ; these would be considered by the Rabbis as
a tent, and cause pollution to any one sitting below. The Sama-
ritans are not of this opinion, and so their testimony would not
be received, as they would naturally be careless in the matter.
3
Probably because the Jews would hold it for unclean, which
the Samaritans would not do.

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 171

suspected of giving us to eat what had died of itself. A

Samaritan and Israelite are on the same footing with
regard to all damages mentioned in the Law an Israelite
:

who. kills a Samaritan, or a Samaritan who kills an Israelite,

goes into exile 1

if he have done it unwittingly ;
if of set
purpose, he suffers death : if the ox of an Israelite gores
the ox of a Samaritan the master escapes free, but if the ox
of a Samaritan gores one belonging to an Israelite, should
it be the first offence,
4 half the damage is paid ;
should
warning before have been given, the whole 2 R. Meir says :

that if the ox of a Samaritan gores one belonging to an

Israelite, whether for the first time or not, the whole

damage must be paid, and as if the animal had been of

the best. The cheese of Samaritans is allowed R. Simeon :

Ben Eleazar says that of householders only, while that

of dealers is forbidden : their pots and presses are for-

bidden, because they make wine and vinegar with them.

The priests of Israel may share with the Samaritan priests
in Samaria, inasmuch as they are, as it were, thus rescuing
their property from their hand, but not in the land of
Israel, in order not to establish their claim to the priest-
hood : a Samaritan priest while unclean may give what he
is eating to an Israelite, but not if he be clean 3
. We buy
no bread from a Samaritan baker at the end of the Pass-
over until after three bakings, nor from householders till

three Sabbaths are past, nor from villagers till it has been
made three times . When is this to he observed? When

8
1
To thecity of refuge; Xumb. xxxv. 25 sq. Exod. xxi. 36.
5
Because what he eats when unclean must be a common, not
a holy thing.
4
See Kirchhcim's note. Leavened bread baked during the
Passover was forbidden.

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 NUMBERS XXXVI. 2-9 . 84

Diipb 'Mai [e\D]v an pna ntrja in i*na

;btntr* an*? nnnnN *trtn n*n*D:> anpbi ntro
nnben nyit* n* paS nm’ ips *m n* naxi a

rv pab mrvn ipsa ’nn b^itr* an ? rntm 1

ana mb pa nronb pin# mobs nabs

: j

mbs p pnnbs isnna pcab btntr* an *an:r

pnb pn nantr nabs by *pnm (i):nnnx
anb nbm* *n* pi ii*nrv (l)jnnbs insaai.*
4

pnb pn nantr mbs by pmbs *pnm bjntr*

pnnbs ivnn* (i)jnnnx antr rubs pi
:

nin* ia*a by baity* an n* ntra ipsi s

nbb[aa] p pbbaa fpv an antr i*str ia*ab

:
«

pna»yn [nab] ia*ab msb? n:nb mn* ipsi

: ptrnb p* pmn» [one?] pnb pn ptsab p*
antrb antra btntr* anb [rubs] ’(in)Dn xbi 7

an *pnpT nnnn» antr n[nbsn] (inn) sbn

: bjntr*
btne>» an *ansr p nnbs nm* m[n bm] »

b*m nnt<b *nn mn# antr pn[a mb]

f[ini**i]
3
(m)Dn Nbi [nnnnN] mbs n* eatt bmp* an
: 9

* * * piy antrb antr p rubs

1 5
So MS., apparently. ' So MS. So MS., apparently.

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 .

83 NUMBERS XXXV. 24—XXXVI. 1.

>4 by no"T« 'biNn pm n’yo pn nntwo pjn’[i]

35
biNn p rryo n* nnooo pvon pbxn non
-tn :

nobpo *nnpb nniioo nn* poryo noiN

poy*r
nn' mron ran mno mo "tv nn nvn pnb
26 omn [p] nbiop po* pso pi nenp ntyon :

37 biNO nn* ypcyo : pnb poy-r lobpo *nnp

bopo nobpo 3 nnp oinno in'? nonN
biN.i
28 [n]npn (i)bn din nb n*b nbiop rn* noiN
:

n:no mo irai non mno mo ny nn’ nobpo

[n]n:nD yoxb nbiop nry* non
:

2 9 bon [p]omb rrnmb pob pbN pm h

30 m
bopm pnnD [o]o*ob tysj bop bo ponno
3, Nbi nbopnob tyson ON’ pb n]n nnDi nbiop
1

nbopnob n’n ?-*inn biop trmb [mbo] pnDn

v [pnyb] mbD pnon s*<bi bop(n’) bop pbn] j

mo ny [nyoN]n nNnob noryob (n)obpo (m)pb

33 imNi nyoN [rr] pmn(n) ^jbi non mono ;

nyoN m’ *pn* r<in Ichn] (i)bn mo pnNt

foi. 40. b.p* pb]n nn tsjjh DnNb [nbno’] Nb nyoNbi*

34 pnNn [n]yoN m’ pn’[on ^bi] : noo&y chno

ntv mn* on p]bn nun njy [oni n]n pnNn
:[b]Nno’[’ on u]n
xxxvi. 1 nn nyb[n on] pob nnnnN ’cno "mnpi

1
After $*1J0 on marg. , . rf? TDK.
!
Altered apparently into 'Up.
a
Altered apparently into 'rip.
* Before UTpl on marg. nDlptn

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 NUMBERS XXXII. 2—XXXV. 23. 82

nn Tty* ynN rv irm nnty bvn ntwo onjy

nn on into :pp nnN sinx Km nybn ynN 3

ncrob now ntsoo onty mabai piNn on

mnoy : no*ob nnoon ’n’Dabi n:no ntybNbi 3

nil onen nbybNi pntyni nnon inn pnm

bNo&” noon nmpb mrr trnnn nyoN |yni .* *

(fp(ypn)trN noto nop "pnnybi wn jop ynN

p 5

pnnyb mn nynN n* nmn’ ”|0’yn 'on

nrrv n’ pnnyn bto nnnDb
:

onty mnbebi nn onbi pirn onb nsyo now 6

man pnnn pnw nnnpb pby” pottn nooo

nynxb nny p bNnsy* on nb n* pbacn nobi ^

*n(i)* 7 B?a ponnnN ray ;[io]n mn’ pnb nmn : s

ny ipbDi nyns n» onob y:nn tynpo pn*

: 9

******
[on] nb rv iboon nynN n» i?m nbNon bn:

na]m mDn
: mm pnb
[pi
2m
nynxb Vo Nbn bNno”

; npbop* wn nn nyn[aon]
fol. 40.

***'];

nn[no] mnnn ’N : nponn vby non ’[n

[n’01 *•’

bi]Nn Kin b’o[p] n*yo bop’ [bop] n*oi nnNn

ftoyn f]w nn nynaon nbiop rv bop’ [nontt
: 33

Nbn fno [bn vby] non in* nann nmn Nbn

»rn
a
nbnn [nn n]io*n pN bnn in moon : *3

’yn[o] Nbi
3
nb mnn Nb Nim n’oi vby baNi
: [nr]NO”n
1
1
The ' is written over. So MS.
3
So MS., apparently.

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 81 NUMBERS XXXI. 42-XXXII. 1.

fpsn non nnnn my ?#

1 1
? mm mans' doo n*
:ncro n* mn’
1
43 rrnnn to ntro ibsn Vsno” on rnnbsoi
43 fwo n^n my to nnaon nibs mm .*
n*Vm
:two »om pa ?# rumen 1

t’n^ni e\btn
44 , 45 *\btt t’nbn pom : t
tr,l
? ni nnt? tmm
4 «, 47 non : iDy nnty oosn cyan two tyom .*

*
nrntyon fo nn nn# n* tonty* on nnbso ntyo
non ’Nvb ? fin* nm nnonn pi neo« pi
1

neon n* mn* npan non mn* ptyo moo

:

4« *mn ^’n 'sbxbi noo*no ntyo n* ? mnpi 1

,49 non i*nny ntyo ?

1
noto .*
nnwo onm ma ?# 1

mo ntyyrw umnn nnnp *nnn diod m

50 fso yptysn nnn mn* fnnp rn* nnpm : nnn
mn'iDob maoi fiao npDy n*on n*?oyp [n]nn
i.
3? .b. 5 i nrybsintyo nmi* mn* DmpS untyan by :

S2 mm : nm
y po *?a pmbo nnnn n* ninn
noy rnnty mm*? lontn nmonsn nnnn
mboi ma ?# onn nV?o *?pn pernm two yntyi
1

53, 54 nmi : n ? nnn ltn nVm *nnn

1

nrmo onn :

ma*?N onn mVo nnnn n* nnnn nry^si ntyo

toner* on ? pan nyio ^ns ? nn* in’tn nnwoi
1 1

:mm omp ? 1

xxxii. 1 ninbato nn ’in

1
?? pwn on*7 mn *nD
3
topi

* After JD on marg, , , ,
px
* The n is written over.
s
Before p:p on marg. . X ^13 .
 NUMBERS XXXI. 25-41. 80

dud m id mit 'idki ! no’ob ne-’oV a 5. *«

nn# nnormi nKONi mil? idno

nrybtfi
niNDo m ibem nneoi nniN mm n ; ’trtm
.•
nntwi *7D pn nb’nb ipsjn mnp h’hn pi
ipen nnp rmbo nirr ? did onm
mi 1
3s

pi niMN p pNO B’on p »D3 nb’nb mn

pmbso nnom bio my p man pi min
.* *9

pi mn' man* n»
: n?yb«b paon mm pm 30

’
nmfon p mnn in ion btne” 01 nabo
bio rmy pi nnon pi min pi neo# pi
ptya moo
no: ’Ni’bb pm fnm nnoni
mn’ -rpn noi rum ntybNi ntyo niyi mn’ : 31

toy 1m nnn mio hidno mn[i] nep n* .* 3*

n[troni] t)bN pym *|b*n pNo nw (pay) [nb*n]

-rnpiom ^bit pyien pin pnm* JD’Dbtt
:
33^34
5

pin >«b“r toi p earn trsn tjbtt pnen : 35

mm *ibi* pnbm
: inn &’Dj bi in nap 3«

pxo nbn jyn p:o nb»ni (*)ps »3 pbm nmbo 3

: ptto com pfibit nyien nbtt pnbm f]bttn

ntyon pita nty my p mn’b hdio mm 37

mmb pDioi p)b« pnbm nnty pnm : py itr% 38

p«o tram tjbtt pnbn pnam : pyityi pn 39

iDy nn&y mtn trsn : pnten m

mn’b pDioi 4°

nap inn : pnbm pin mn’b pDioi *jb« 41

1
Before tDtO on marg. an illegible gloss.
* The n is written over.
8
|
has apparently been erased after V

Digitized by Google
 79 NUMBERS XXXI. 17-24.

noaab oyba bbaaa bNn&” ’jab ’in pjtf p(b)K

naaaa nnsua mm
m ys bbaa by mma npjy
17 naann nn« bai nbsaa nan ba ibap inai mm :

is abn maaa nbsa b ai ibap nan aaiyab naa :

i9 mb pab rw pnto pab wn nan aatya i»3n ;

anpn b 3 i trsj bapn b 3 pov ny at? nnntyao

nNy’asy norm n«mbn novi pnbnDn b’opa
*0 b 3 i ib>d jno b 3 i anab b 3 i parvaen pro* :

jpnb(n)on D(¥’p)n |ko bai '(pin)n nniy

rnb’n ’-mb ion mjna ntybsb ntya naai
m
3 .

:mn* npsn [n]nmn nmta nanpb lbyn

» nbnifl mi ntym [n’]i nDDa nn nam n* pi
fol. 38. b. 33 bby-r bbaa ba»
rru *02 pa ’ami
nni< 3 N [hi] mo’Dp
pnayn
:

mua mm
m
: moa pnayn nnua bby Kbn bai nbno’
=4 nnai panm n^yrnty nova pa’ypn pynni
nnntyob pby’n :

nanpb ibyn nb’n naab mna nrybtf ’nasi

pa
m n» : ntya mm
nnimn nmta
nbmo n*i ncru mi nsDa mi nam rv
npo*r m
nnua bbyn bbaa ba
bai
mxaK ma’Dp
nbnD’ nnj »aa pa ’ami pnayn
: m
mua
pa’ypn pynni :n’aa pnayn mua bby xbn
: nnntyab pby*n nnai panm nxy’ajy nava

’ So MS. apparently.
s
The words from here to verse 25 are not in the Hebrew.

Digitized by Google
 NUMBERS XXXI. 3-16. 78

pay by ttaann nnai ay fa bjntr* who

pnaa paja uu na'ab nay cay ntya bbai 3

: pnaa mir napj fnab by pnn nVnb pa

banty* ’aajy bab noajyb t\bx naacyb t\bt* *

^ba btfnty’ ’sbxa ri[DD]tn : nVnb pnbc?n 5

tin* nban b’n a’lae t\bn iDvnn naatyb

.• 6

na D[nj’3 n*i] pn» nVnb naatyb *\btt ntra

rumn mnm n^np [n»ai] nb’nb mna ntybN
rw
rv
by ibap
nn "ny
pa
"rpan

nn mx
oba
naa

rv[i]
mpa :
by iVnnto rrn
nan ba ibapi ncya
Dpi nn -nt* rr pn’bap
:
7

ibap [mya] na ayba m pa oba nntyan yan

m mpa um
ba pnnnp ba
n» na
b#nty’
m pnana ba nn
laen* : anna

'pnbsa
9 foL 38.

ba nn pnnnmaa p»nnp ba nn nra pb»n «°

nn'N)n ba n* lawm nua rrpiK pn[n’D] » :

n»b imo jnnonaai neaio naNDa ba nn i»

b*nty* na ntwa ba "rbi n:na nryb# n*bi nva
nnntyab nn’tun nn naNDa nn n’acy n»
.*
inn’ prv byn atoo nypab
nnena '»n*Dj bai n:na ntybai & a ps»i n 13
3
a(a»n)a by ntya ram : nnntyao nab paiaub *4

b’n p.
4
nmtta aam n'sbs aan nb n
mnn 3 *5

: nnapa ba pn’Kin nab ntya pnb nato nanp : i«

1
After pnbeta on marg. . . UD i>jn.
3
After 'ITD3 on marg. , . 3Q^K.
3
Tliere is a line over O' in 'JO'HD. * So MS.

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 2

77 NUMBERS XXX. 6— XXXI. a.

6 fto : pop* n»M by rnDNn nnDNi mu

nmi bo nyotyo dvi nn* moN y[oo* y]oo
nbD* mm pop* n b nsrsi by noDNu nnDNi
7 noob *nn ’in jni nn* ptok yoo ibn nb
:

by rmDNT nnmoD tsme ’n [n*]by nnui

'

s nb pnem nyopo dvi moo yoem ntrsi :

ntyfiji by mDN-r nnDNi bo popn mu

9 bo]on nn* yoo moo y dip dvo dni j[iop* :

[nfiDNt nmoNOD ems ’n mbyn

'
[n* mu
nb nbo* ntroi by
: mm
10 [n]jM)j by mDNi bo n[po^o]i nboiN nui
n mDN [*n] mu moo 'n*ON pn :n»by op*
i* pnty(n) [moo] yosri : nyiotro nooi by odn
fol.37. b. nnDN boi mu bo popn* nn* yoo >ib nb
13 pn* boo* bioo |ni : pop* nroi by rmDsn
rmab nmoNDD piso bo nyotyo dvo moo
nbD’ [mm] pboo moo pop* Nb ntyw oDNbi
,4 vai n[o]Nboob udn nyiotr boi mi bo nb :

.5 pnen pno’o [ni niboo* mooi mop* moo

:

n» *n nnrra bo n* O’pn Dvb dvo moo nb

nb pnti’ nbn pn* D*p[n] rvbjn nnDN bo
16 nyotyo nno pn* boo’ bioo jni [nyo>’D dvo :

17 n* mn* upon m*to pbN noiy ry bopn .*

nniN’ouo nmob on poi nnnNb noo po ne?o

:moN n*oo
x*xi. 1, 00 nopi Dpi : no’ob ntro oy mn’ bboi
1
So MS.

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 NUMBERS XXIX. 30— XXX. 3. 76

primal paVcy my nyniN ms? an pino# 30

;pm paaan nnnaNVi mmiV misV pmniDJi
mnn nVy mV mVDV -rn pry maxi ap
: mniDii nnmoi
pina# pm pm nyncr pis nNy’nty navm 11

pnoiDn pnmai : paVcy my nynm mtr an 33

I’sin .* pm piaan rnnettVi mmV nnsV 3+

nnmai mnn nVy p mV mVDV m pry

.*
noiD:[i]
fyV[s Vn]pnV ’in n(my) ntu’an navn[i] 35

nn pi[p nVy] pmpm p-rnyn >jV nmny : 3s

racy an pi[naN m] mi in is mn’V mm

nmiV nioV pmniDai pnmai* rpaVcr nyncr 37 «.».
[n]iVDV msxi pm piaan nnaaV
in pry :
1
}s

pVN nnmai mnn nVy p mV

: mniDJi 39

pnmnn pnnma mV pmyian mn’V pmyn

nasi : pn’aVtrVi pnoDaVi tfmnn]:aVi pnnVyV *«. 1

: ncya rr mm ipsi Van Vnict’ anV ncya

Vaicr* anV man^ ’crfn cay ncra Wai ®

it []a] inn ipsi nVVaa p Pa’aV

: mm 3

Vy idk iD’aV nymcy ynncrn in mmV na

:my’ nasa ps’i Vnn rVa ner r<V hm:
run# n’nn idn iD’m mmV 11: nn [p] nnxi 4

n’iDNi nma
n» runs yatyi nnvnm ,•
5

Vn *pap’i mnN nV 3 [p]ncya ntrs: Vy niDNi

1
So MS. ’ After "'D'Q^ on marg. . IV nt?D3.
5 * is written over. * So MS.

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 75 NUMBERS XXIX. 15-29.

iDV nnbnb in nob pmoy nnbn ntyon D’Di

•5 mom nnnn pnnb nn nonb prniDy
; nno pm
.6 mem nnnox idv nynnxb nn max 1? mDy
:

[nn]moi nrnnn nby p nnb mbDb -rn pry

PI’DDIl

17 pji [n]Dynn pmn ’in pno nnn norm

•s pnrooi rpobir '[-i]Dynnx nitr ’in pnnox ]nn .

: pno prion nnoxbi mnnnb [n]*neb pmDDn

»9 [nnnjioi mnn p
-ub mbDb -rn pry [n»]sv*i
: imon
»o pin [pn]nn nDy -rn pno nxmbn norm
ji pinmoi rpober [n]Dy nynnx nity ’in pnnox
M. 3 6.b. pi’ion rvnnoxbi .-mnnnb nnob* [flirroDii
“ mnn nby p nnb mbDb nn pry mom inn :

.•noiDii nnnioi
3} pnnox pin pnnn moy pno nxy’nn cvm
24 pnoiDn pnnio'i pobcy noy nynnx nitr ’in
i

»5 mom pnn prion nnnoxbi nnnnb mnob

:

nnmoi nrrn nby p mb mbDb nn pry

: mmon
36 pnn ox pnn pnnn nytrn pno nxtr’orn ovni
27 pmoiDii pnnioi pobtr nDy nynnx nity ’in
:

28 mem pnn prion nnnoxVi nnnnb mnob

:

nnnioi mnn
nby p nnb mbob nn pry
mmon
5

a9 pnn pnnn rn’ioin pno nxn’nty norm

1
So MS.
L 2

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 NUMBERS XXVIII. 31—XXIX. 14 . 74

nby \o 12*? : pa^y nn‘?Do‘? mbob in pry 31

: pn* 2 D 3 i pD *7 pn* pabcy piayn nnmai mnn

*n* anp pa*r
1
nni' ? inn nttyaEf nmai ***• •

nvoti’N »[*] piayn ? k may1

\vb& *?d pa*7
ns nm* ? nn^] n^y
1
mm piaym pD *7
*n* 3

nyaty mtr *32 pno» i[n] 121 in pnn 12

nnVn ntraa ,-id*D2 n^D pnroe[i] : pa*?cy 3

nofy] niDyi : idtV p-nDy pirn -id ? piiD[y]

in p[ty] nnnoie nyniy ? in max ?
i*oyi :
1 1
5

nm* 12*7 pybv nnbDsb m^Db

n*7 [y fa] : s

p 3 *ia naoM mnn n^yi nnmai n[nmai]

nni’V mDym* mn* ? flip mini nn ? :
1 1
7 m. 3 «.

pfayn^m pa ? *n* 'trip pan pin nxyaty

1

paipm piayn tv* ? may by panaa: n*

:
1
s

in idi in piin 12 id nn nm* ? n*?y nm 1

pnroei \Mb *n* : pa*?ty nyaa? mty *32 pinart 9

pirn id ? pnoy
1
nD*D2 n^D nn^n ntraa
maa* ? in ina# ? nay
1
in idi ? pnDy « 1

iiDyi :
1

nV?D fa 12 ? mVD ? in pry i*D*n

1
mna» » 1
:

:n*aD 3 i nnmai mnn nVyi n’mbo

pan ’pin nttyaar nm* ? dv iDy nntranai x*
1

panm piayn ttb may iy*?D *72 pa ? *n* np 1

nn pip n^y paipm par nyatr mn* ? an u .*

1

pin piai iDy n*?n pnn *32 pno mn* ? 1

nm
n*?D pnmai paba* iDyaiN me? *32 pinett >4
:

* After EHp on marg. 1030.

s
After |J3n on marg. , . n.

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 ,

73 NUMBERS XXVIII. 14-30.

>4 pmoDJi mn’V pip mjn nn nVy "tn nnoxV

:

nonV nvx nmVm

nn nsV non nvx rruVfl
nnn* nVy m
non nn nnoxV nvx nivnn
>5 jtiVdV nn pry mevi nnip m’V nmmra :

pn’ODM pnoyn’ mnn nVy oy mmV

;

16 nD£3 nnn’ noy nyonxo nxonp nmo

1
? dv
17 .in pn rnno’V dv noy rnntyonoi mn’ ? :
1

is pon nxonp novo rpVo’n moo pov nyoty

19 pnp ponpm pram xV nmoy pVo Vo o*np
:

nyoen nn non pnn pmn oo poo mn’V nVy

>o nVD pnmoi poV pn’ poVty mty oo ponox
:

piDy pnm 00V poiDy nnVn ntyoo nD’DO

ai nyotrV nn nnoxV moy moyi ,* [pnjoyn nonV
2a : [pO’Vy nJnVDoV mVoV nn pry o’om : [n’jonox
pnoyn * [njonn nVyVn mov nVy p 00V
M. 3S .b. 33 n»

M onV n’ov nyoty pnoyn dvV pVxo pVx :

pnoyn’ rrnn nVy oy mmV mnn nnV pnp

*5 Vo poV *n* cynp po*r nxy*otr novoi : pmoDn
pnoyn xV nn»oy pVa :

26 mn’V nnnn nnjo pomoopxo nmoo 'ovo

xV nn’oy fyVe Vo poV *n» crop pen po’yntro
27 poo mn’V mnn nn pnp nVy ponpm pnoyn :

nyory row »p pnnox nn non pnn pmn oo

28 ntyoo rnD’Do nVD pnmoi poV pn* poVtr
:

;nn nonV piDy pnm nn 00V pmDy mnVn

39, 30 o’ovi j nnnox nyotyV nn nnoxV oiDy mDyi
1
Before DV3 on marg. OK , , .

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 NUMBERS XXVII. 23— XXVIII. 13. 72

v*?y n* iodi .*
nnty:s *?s DmpVi runs »3

n ? noNi : n^o nxs nirr bban nos rnnpsi

1 1

p p^Nn n’sbo pnn ? nin* nsyn rn* nn YJ*y

n?
1
pn nsy nnNn nnaisbo Vs ? mrv nsy*
.*
1

ps irson Kin psn ?# mn* V?n pmo bmn

1
*7
:

us n* nps no’o ? ncyo ay mn* V?oi

:
«™- *.
1
*

nn finp^ von ? usnp n* pn ? no*m ^ancy* 1 1

1
pr pn ? no*m v[ist]s 'b nsnpo ? pnon *nun 3
1

po^ty ruty us pnnox mn* ? psnpnn msnp

1

nsyn mn
nnnoK n* :n*nn rnby nr*? pnn 4
: mtyon u*s nsyn mun nnnoN rnn msxs
myisn ntyos d*d[s] nmoV nVo nnKD moyi 5
mm nnV u*d mos mnsy n*nn nby m*N « :

mnf’ ?] pnp 7
1
nn] nnot* ? ru’K myisn vson
1
:

[nnnoK] nn mn*S onn *spo *sty ntrrp[s 8

*msDJSi nnsx nmos* mtyon u*s nsyn mun w «•
nnsity dvsi :mn*V mnn n*n pnp nsyn »
n^D pniDy pnm f’oVtr ruty us pnnoK pn
'nsnys nsity n by vsdh ntyos d*ds nmo*? 10 1

pmson nn*nn n*?y by

:

us pns 3
mm 1
? rn^y psnpn ps’nm ’^msi "
rnysty ruty us pnnot* nn nsm pn pmn
ntyos d’ds nn:o n^D pmDy nnVm po*?ty :

ntyos D*Ds rnmo n*7D pmoy pnm nn ns ? 1

ntyos d’ds nmo n*?D moy niDyi :nn nsn ? 1

*3

1
These two verses are in Deut. iii. 21, 22.
s
Apparently altered from VDD 333 .

3
After mn'b on marg, . , . N^T

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 .

71 NUMBERS XXVII. 9-22.

r\'b in rw pt tony* »n
kok mo 1
? •j'yon
9 mi r6 pi nmi nmbe n* p:nm nb
n*
1

? :
*7

10 D’nN n*7 rrb pi vnttb nrubs n* panni :

11 pntt n’S pi jvik ’nxb nn^i n* pjnm

nS mpi rrvoy ? nmSs n* panni vnttb 1

pi rrmb btoty* »jab *n[n]i nn* m*»i nmo

tntyo n* nm* ipsi noi
•a »may no ? pd 1
io’o ? cyo oy ^boi
1
n to
ton»» in ? in* [*]3Kn nyiK n* *?ni pin
1
•

>3 noi nnN *p noy by [BNi]nm nn[*] *rnm

14 inoi no'o n* pnnoi Tin» pnt* [tw]mtn :

pn’yyb n»oi ’nenpo ? nntni ninani pf

1

pit*
15 mn* Dy ntyo Sboi pf enp mruvn *o : mo
16 moa *73*7 nmi pnbtf
1
mrr ips* : id’o ?
1

17 pn’onpb Sy*n pmoiip ? ps’i nntyn by 111 :

[mya] nm* nw 3 *nn nVi py?Ky*n [papjeni

*yi pb n**n :

. .8 pi -11 ytyin* n* ~\b ntyoS nm* icni» nn ‘

*9 D’pm vby yrtt n* -|ODm

: nmn [mu] m
nntwa bD DiipSi nmi nybte coup ? nn* 1

30 *7*111 vby Ttw

p pm
p.i’j’yV -nn* tpsm :

2 1 irybN DTipbi btr\v' *n ntyn bn pyoet*

:

nm* cup ? nn*(m) S*n nb bic^’i Dip*

1
mm
*31 bn Kin by” mo’o byi ps* mo*o by
23 ipn noi ntyo nyi nntyil bn noy btnty*
it ybt< Diipb no’pm ytym* n* ini nn* nm*

1
Before iCNl on marg. tiDt?? t|P .

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 0

NUMBERS XXVI. 60 — XXVII. 8. 70

ximax m
ana n» pnx ? nVnxi pnnx pno 1
«°

ximaxi ana rroi

pma’ao 11m
nornx nry^x rr
mn* Dmp ? nxna c*x pnianpxa
:
:

1
m :

6 <

(n^n by^i m* nao nan *?a ef?x poyi nnbn

fV? aw x ? (n)*7n Vxna?’ un laa iaonn x ?
1 1

: ^xnty* *aa laa nabs

’an rn* laon nana mybxi ntro *a’ 3 o p*?x «j

>- 6 pVxai : inn’ pn* by axio nypaa ^xnty* s+

nana pnx? ntro *a*3D0 tyax

’3a it iaan mn
mo 1
pn ? mn’ not* (njbn ’3 *d nanoa Sxnir* ; «5

nVx naa pnao nmn(x) xbi manoa pma*

pa na yenmi naa* na aba fx:

na nv^a na nan na nna^v rnaa *anpi xxvu.

f’^Ni] na rncyao pa ? nsyao na n*a[o]

^di*
1

invnm [na*70] nban nyai nbna nnaa nno &

DnipVi n:na [n?y*7X] omp ?! n^o Dmp ? *opi
1 1
a

mo’o ? nyio 1
nnna [nneua] bai rn*n*D3
^.nx
nntwa laa mn xb xim nnanoa n’O faiax* 3 *>..«.

rvo n[’]ona l^n nnp (nty)aaa mn* by lmoxn

faiax oty nxam no ? nb mn tib paai faiax 1
;

1
na*7 D nanD 1 a ? an na n ? n'b V?n nana labo
1

Dmp ? pan rn* & anpxi faiax *nx laa

1
n :
5

i min’
naa nova ? ntyo oy mn* bboi
1
'
maty j «, 7

laa na*?e rnanD pn ? fnn f[no] fbVoo nnabv

1

Dyi pn ? pmax naSa n» naym pnnx *nx

:
1
8

1
After n;a on marg. . i>n' nCDJ.

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 69 NUMBERS XXVI. 42-59.

4* ’KDmtP 'pa Dnwb

pnanaV p aa
43 pnaaai ’Narntr ana *?a pnanaV p ana p*7N :

pt*a ynnN-i t\bx pnan nynnK

:

44 pa nw’b aaa* pn raa* ? pnana ? new an 1 1

45 wnnn pa nnn *7 'nra pa myna ? :

1

»w
46 : me? new nnn can 'bs'Db 0 pa bwoba ? :
1

47 pe>am nn^n pnaaa new an am p^N 1

?

:pND ynnxi
48 ‘’n^Nnv* pa pnana ? 1
'bmu an
49 pa mVa' ? 'my pn ny ?
1 1
: wju pa am*?
n&yan pnaaai pnana ?
1
50 ’*?nsj ana p*?N waiter :

s , *7Nneaan aaa p*?N p«o ymrn t\bx pynntn :

pn*?m pxa ynea ^ni f\btn pxa ne?

;

5»i 53 nVann p*?N*? nava ? ntra ay nirv b^ai

:
1

54 nnnVs aDn [*]mD*? patr faon nn*?sn nynK ;

nnn’ laao odV ca« [rn]m*?o nyrn rnwVi

fbl. jj. b. 55 nna^b* nynx n* n*?fl» rnjn [pn] :.—im*?D
56 jVd’ ntna ID’S *?y pnbsn pnnnt* ’tone? :

my? ? anD pn nmVo :

1

57 wjiern pa penn*? pnana ? wv ? aaa 1 1

58 ana p*?x ’nnna pa nna ? wnnp pa nnp*?

:
1

pm »n*?na pm wjinnn pm ’mn ? pa ab an 1

59 Dan : may pm nnnp

rv n^in nnpi nena
n)bb nrv (rw)bn »V? nan anav may nnt*
na ne’ana pn# rv may ? nn*?n onyan 1

1
After pa on marg. .
.
pc'PP. * So MS.
5
Before on murg. 'sb.

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 NUMBERS XXVI. 24-41. 68

pa vnoc? ?
1
’nxatyv pa atrv
1
? : ’nxia pa h
nymx prrwo ? 1
iatrt?’ ’pa pbx : ’ntopot? a*

pxo n*?m t\btt pntp :

pa pbttb 'NTio pa tid ? prvpa ? phot *n

1 1
*6

pbar ’pa pVx : 'nbxbir pa bN^rv ? ’NmSn 1

: pxo tpom *)bti pne>

n«wo »ji DnOKi niwo prrpa ? tpv
:
1
*
»» •«, 39

pa lybi rv -?Vin *vaoi ’N*vao pa "raoV

pbn ? ’tnin
1

pa "itynx nySa ’ja ?n 'taybi i

,1
: 3°

pa Datsn ’nbKriKW pa ^npbw ’xpbn pa : 31

: ’Xian pa -ism ’wrap pa yrotp ’Noasr : 3*

pa in n^N pn nb mn xV nan -o ina^p 33

: nmm nabo n*?an nyji n^no -rne’re nn Dtrn

yatin h*?n ptram pn pm*:o^ niyjo ’pa p^x 34

: pnd
nSm» pa nVmtp’? pn’pab dhsn »ja
a
pbxi 35

»:a ’onn pa Dnn ? ’xnaa pa -mb

pVx .*
1

3«

D’lflN »3a ’pa pbx

.
*x ny pa pyb nbnw t 37

*ja pbx pxo B’om t)btt pnbrn pan pn’yaob

prrpab tpv :

pa ybab prrpab com *n*

b’atyNb ’xyba 38 .m. m .

pa ’xo-m pa D-vnb ’nb’aiyx pa

osityb ; 39

’VPN pa -nxb ’NCflin pa DDinb ’ndoip .*

4»

prrpab D’O’n oa pbx ’xjoya pa pyib : 4I

pxo run p)bx D’yanxi ntyan pn’yjoi

:

1
Before ’33 on raarg. B"i ....
J
Before |*7N1 on marg. an illegible gloss.

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 9
7

67 NUMBERS XXVI. 6-23.

6 ,
f»*
7 » 'KOH pi 0-0*7
t pi plOTlS ’
W»1
p|*7N pymtn nn^n pnMMD 11m ’johni wo
pr6m pxo yien :

8, fm tolDJ 3 N 7 N Mil IN' ?#

’
,l
.*
1

K *
1 7 D Ml
vrotn nneMi mot q-i’ini fm Nm dtini
by pnnDNi mp neMii pnK *?yi rwo by
10 njnx fin* nybn nos n» nyiN nnnsi mm ;

peon m
mp m nnew bioi nneMi mon
n nrvo xb mp mu ipnyV nm mi pn»oi
11 'NblOJ pi ‘JNIOJ WyOi? poV pyoc? Ml 1
?

13 pi Wo**? 'umi pi mt ? I’wi’ pi * pi* ? 1 1

14 r\bti pDvi pm wyoty Mni p ?# 'NViNty 1

;

: pnxoi
15 pi pi psv ? pnMmV m mi
'in’? ’toisv
1

16 np wn pi
wit? pi Mie ’Kin mtn ?
1
.* >*7

17 pi 'briN ? 'tnVlN pi HVW ? ’NIV pi

1 1
.*

18 v\btt pyin# “prraoS *n mu pbx s'^kph

: pND eom
19 : ivai jtini pint Mi ny moi pitti ny nmm
10 *3NVty pi nbwb [plmmS min’ mi nm
foLja.b. 21
mi nm »smt pi m6» [']sps
.*
pi psV
.*
’.n^Nion pi ^xion ?
1

wnvn pi pnvnV ps
« p^t* pyien mnty priMMo ? min' 1
mu
; pNO com
13 hnid ?
1
wVin pi ybinV pnMiiS mew mi
’ After on nmrg. .1 n)5>B
1
So MS.
K 2

Digitized by Google
 NUMBERS XXV. io—XXVI. 5. 66

nrybN nn Dnys :
io ”
no’ob ntyo Dy nin’ *
bboi .

bNnty* on by p ’non n* n?n mnn pnN nn

on n* rnooDN nVi pnun ’nNJp rv rwupn
nnn n* nb nm njNn ion fDb »ntupn bxnty’ i« :

Dbyb mnn ’nnn mnn nynrbi nb ’nni :Dbty *j

teen :bNno” on by nbDi nnbxb opn nnn »
nor nn’NJ’-ro oy bepn nb’ep nbxnty’ mnn
n(nn)N Don ’NJiyotrb nN nn mo: Nibo nn J5
:

noiN tyn mx nnn rvnrn nnwno nnb’op

Nin pen nN nn :

wo n* ip’yN no’ob ntyeoy mm 3 bboi

4
: i«, n

pin* pbopm is
1
pmbnjn fin ? p:x np*y n nbn :

nnn »nrn bboe byi mys bboo by pnb lbnrr

by nnsoo Dm
(rn)b(epNn) pnnN pno n*D3
nnsoe nnn mm mys bboo x*vi. : i

pnN nn nrybN oyi ntyo ay s

bboi mm
bNnty* on neon bo diod n* nD no’ob mnn * :

6
psi bn pnnnN m*nb bybi (n):ty pnDy nno
pnoy mono nrybso ntyo bboi bNoty’n Vn 3 ;

pDy nno* tno’ob inn* pn* by nNie nypnn 4 m. 3 ,.

bNoty* om ntyo n* mm npsn non bybi pity

oni bxnty* mnn piNn onjfo ynN fo ipsrr 5
:

:’nNibs pn tobsb ’Noun pn ion fmxn

1
1
Before on marg. . . mi’3 N^n. So MS.
3
Before on marg. ncpD .... * Altered into IP'JJK.
* Before W>Dl on marg. an illegible gloss.
* Originally pc'.

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 65 NUMBERS XXIV, 22—XXV. 9.

1 :p nfl’ll ’1PD1 1 Ilia p’Dy

« iniinn (mtyK) fa rnno pp nyi ? *n» fK Kbn
1

nasi (ma ?)^ faiD 3 i

1
(n) ajya »rrr fa nVi
34 "i it?« (nj)DnV *Km *ik fa fnpDNi
a’ mno ron t)Ki i ay (n 3 )oib(’i)
»s biK pbi t]Ki mnN^ ityi Viki Dy ?! Dpi 1

1
: nyiiK ?

XXV. I dv 'nwma ? nay 1

»ien D’aiyi bKitr* inii
> iViki in’nbN mib nay 1
? *pyn : iNia nn
3 1
3 byib bKia” 3 ia fmnbK ? todi ’iay
*
iaa*Ki :

mn* nn npm nys

1

4 njyo ? nin’ naKi : bKitr’i

nnn nys ‘lyiV noaifKi nmi n* p^Dp’i iok
btnty’o mn* nn pin
1

5 “aN’i ? ntro ioki :

niyfl bvzb naavNi vjmk n» in ibop S*rw*

« n» vnK t ? npi nnK ^mty* *aio ill Km
s 1

1
bKity’ *31 naaa Vi »3*ySi ntyo ’3’y ? nn’K3’ia
foM.-b. 7 11 Dm’5 mini* :iyia bnx pai p3Ki mm
iD3i rrntmi ii*?a Dpi n3ni pnK 11 irybK
a 11*7 nK ?tntP» ini *?yi
t
mu
mxi nan :

nn nK^Kity* mu n* finnn n* ipm (nip)

*
i by fa nnana nivynKi nn’pi by n(nn)K
3

9 fnDyi nyiiK nnouai m»oi ^kiss” mm :

: *f?K
1
* After ntO“TO^ on marg. , , , n\ So MS.
’ A letter, probably 3, appears to have been erased at the end
of nCQSK.
* The K is written over.
5
N has apparently been erased before p.

Digitizedby Goc
 NUMBERS XXIV. 10-21. 64

tpm : Dibs tbnSi r

,Dn:i T3"on 10

i »ai n* span ySiS pSi uno o

xni npyi ’in oxSoS DySiS pSi 'ooxi
-]b

lib oipn nil t’Sio nnSn p *tioi : n:n *«

1
to mrv in* ?! khi tiopix op’x noox *pnxS
TnSo’S f\s ?<Sn pSiS oySi ooxi op’x » :

niSo pSi ’S fn» tx : oo’oS nSSo n*S nnStyo «j

oo’o rv miyoS Vox sb im ’x tpi nrt’i
’oy nirr SSoh ’1S0 run ’x mo oiyoS mn’
*pi[S]oxi nrtx »oyS S? x n:x nn .•
SSon nn’ •<

? rvov ipyi toyS tQpn noy oiyn n»

4
"nyi 3
noi DySi p’no -10x1 n(jDS)ty p *iDn* 15 «•»«.

bs no’o yoty pno lty (oiyo)-r mu p’noi •«

nn» rt(oa) nno f

vSy nyo (oin)i
1 01 x ?! nyrnx
1

t
mrn ’Sn Sso n
1 py’o
5
no
(n)o(x) 1 np sbi njyityx
1 xio ’nxi ’yoi b xoty’o oitr oxpi
n m* mix ’no n v 01 Si Dim >s

S’n oiy Sxotro 1 ’in io*y nnov ’no

nnopoo{ynxTax(o) 1 py*o (oStspi 19

ooxi n(JoS)ty fo idji p Soy n’ ntm »°

oix’ mnD nn’xom p So y n’xu nityxo

oDxi n(:oS)ir iwi p n xrp n’ n?m »«

* Before 3DK1 on marg. 3BTWO ....

5
r6no r6ffi is written over.
3
The n is written over.
4
After ny3 on marg. . . 3 'jnn.
3
There is a line over 3.

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 .

63 NUMBIJJtS XXIII. 28—XXIV. 9.

;fona ’b nanbi D’nb kd mrna neont* nb piy

*b dtip by (p’*t)ot mys wnb oyba n» pba nam
.• poem
pna*ra 'nyaty pa Dyba now’b ’jna pbab
pba nayi pnan nyaen pfl nyaty pa *b pat
nnano by nan no poxi Dyba bbon noa
:

nannob mm
mrna aa (n)bn Dyba mm*
*m(wm) poub pra pra bm kVi bfniy’ rv
> vyy rv Dyba (n)b vet* nanab »wi m :

rm vwby mm ventyb (paty) bmty’ rv mm

: D’nb»
3 mya Pa Dyba fO’[n]a "ioni (nbno 3
nbm)
4 nm npa) unon ; i(?n *w)an maa p’(nai)
5 apy* laatro paa mo t rn ’bai baa
e f
»a’V: pbma b rnty’ i
"|(”ntyo i)
,

mm cCo'np pjatyaa a ru ’(i)b(y) pjaa

7
(n) ’bno pa (’bp’ ] *o ’O)b(y) prwa
n aba mma oan » aD poa pjrvm
8 onvoo maain Pn n mabo (’bn)nm
vvnbn ppia) «i*d* n b nan nOtnay)a
a bfl’ vaboi d na’ pmonai
9 n jo’P’ io mo:ai n nto non (’ypa
1
After ny3B> on marg. . . . «!>.

’ So MS. apparently.
8
Before r6m on marg. nntcn [ICJT.
* The n is written over.
8
Apparently badly altered frorii I'JSiS’DV

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 NUMBERS XXIII, 15-27.. 62

n innty by D0ipn«
:ni pbzb noto* «s

iki DyVa ? mir inVo pyn

1
nan pnm 16

ok)'i pb2 rvb nrn noto

,

nosa bboa
f (

DVtcp Nnn r<ni

n
7 rnnNi

b notfi nay aNio ^ani

m ,l *L“?
So an n
nnnby by
: mrr bbo no pSa
*y oen pVa Dip natti (n*?no nbni)
a nan Vn kon n ? 1
nisif
J
ma nna n»vtt
nay k^i nox t<mn (* n)inn eon nai
4
(*inaDj) manaob p<n d wpo n^i Woo «
apy*a naiy n^anDN sb n ntn nVi ton
may nn^s rr>rr b »nen nymn mn nVi
Dnyaa ppatn St n a nobo (mttns)Ni »
b nam (mnsya) >3
1
apy’a tynj tt ? (m)*7n n
apy’b noNn* pta b tntyo ddp ttVi
d{ i)p* n’(aVa) (n)ay f.n b s byo no SnefS 34

Daa* ny (aaty)’ a nan(n») nnNai

n a«’ pSop am Vap
5
ltti n^abn n*7 onOS) in aySaV pba naNi *5

N*?n pbzb naNi ay*?! myi nianan ab ina ;

nn* O'nSn bbon Woo Sa no’o ? lay 6 nV7a 1

nnttb irons *: nnN ayS ? pVa naNi nayN 1

1 »7

1
So IIS. * After von on marg. . 3D DD2 HOC?.
4
* The n is written over. So MS.
“ After f|Nl on niarg. . , . n3OT.
4 Tliere ia a trace of n after n^D. ,

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 a

61 NUMBERS XXIII. 4-14.

bbaxi aianb D*nbx fair nnb nnxi “innby

4 fxba yptyxi catyba brxi "|b nm aun* rra
:

miD mnana nyat? rv nb naxi ayba n* o*nbx

5 bbaa mn* nxba nen nanaa nam id npDxi :

6 ntm :bban f(na)i pba Tb nrn naxi ayba Daa

: axia »33i bai xm nnnby by oxp xm nn*b

7 fba pba a(n:a) naxi (nbna nbm)' dko
nnxi apy*b oixb nnx *ma nxaa fa axi
s nai bx. naxb xbn aibx na bxnp*b fyiao :

9 f*mo jyn fa (m)bn mn» spD s:bn fpDX :

3
nty* lHinb nay fn myatrx faba fai ro*tnx
» pa apy* nay [aa] fa atynn* xb n’(xia)ai :

*n*m f’yatya f(*)ma *(rai man bxnty* nyana

: nma (*n*)xnn
*> b may na Dybab pba 4 naxi
1 na nana xm innan *aan axbab
i* *aaa mn* ntm n* (n)bn
5
n axi myi
« 3 a nnx pba mb naxv nbbaab nnax nn*
I
an fa nrrnn f
my nnxb *ay
»
inn xb nbai *rnn mao piat?
b pnb mam f ana *b naibi
n noD cynb D *3¥

r
*nana n yacr mai
n nana by nam na pDxi
1
Before r6pt on marg. pKOK ... * So MS.
5
n is written over, as a correction of 1.
5
* Before iDtn on marg. [VVy .... JV is written over.

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 b «

NUMBERS XXII. 32— XXIII. 3. 60

n» rvya no by mrv n^a nb nam von ? :

1
3*

i(n)mji y‘7 npD3 »djk nh pbn nnbn p ijhn

1 ,

nooi runx *ntm ’^mpV nrviN ntr(’)a (n)*7n : 33

a’npba nniDD 'bbti pbn nr^n p ’a-npba

naso n’Nin: nbap in’ via (n)Vn nm 34

(n)Sn naan xb (n)Vn n»an mn' "iN^ab ay'n

*l(’:’y)n pn fN nai nynm ^jairV dnp nn#
i'b mtn
3
nna cay bra Dy'nb mn* n>6a natn 35

:nV^aab *ian nn* nay ^VaNn nbVaa n* p-iacn

tin (n^n pVa yecn p'n aan Dy DyVa Vint 36

mnn *?yn njionb pan oyba

atna nnpV
Nbn cyba ? pba nainn -lOD’Nan pin *
1
-laNi :

rrnN k ? na b -jV pyra ? *p*y nnba* mVty

1 1

pSaS Dyba naNi "irmpa VaiN nV [p:o*]Nn *rb j®

1

dpt,a ‘Aaa bOiajN 4l?a(an) na nr ? ^’dn nh 1

: nbboob -ion nn* *a(s)a ot6n nrt nb^aa

: vn n(iHa) ? n'wyi p*7 a ay oy^n bmi 39
1

naaa'7 oy'n ? nben fyi pin p'ya (Da3)i 4 °

,
i
1

npDNi oy^a n* p^a nan meva najn 4 mm ; i

:nay naa rv pna Vya naaV mm

pane nyaty pa nay p^ab cayba neNi **m
* .

“ra yi* pan nyacn pD nyasy pa 'b pai a M.„.b.

:

no caySai pVa pdni oy^a ^an naa p*?a

*

by Datpnn p^aV tayba naNi nanaa nam 3 :

1
Altered apparently from )!> mvyob- * So MS.
4
• After nnaj on marg. an illegible gloss. So MS.

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 ’

59 NUMBERS XXII. ai- 31 .

pno:y brn Dip rrm mx *ib py rob p mb

« Dpi :nayn nn* -py bbaxn nbboo n» pai
j inio nn oy *yrt«i nanK n» ’itn mova oyba
.* iKbo DoipnNi Kin bw (n)bn mm ran f)pm
njnN by aan Kim nb nntyyb nynwa mn* 1

*3 niff *iNbo rv nanK mrm noy ran pirn :

nanK j-iodi nma ns’bcy nanm nymxa dkp

nanK rv Dyba, nyai nbpna nabm naniK p
•4 pona bntra mm -|Kbo Dpi naniK nniDDb :

25 -|Kbo m
nanK nrm pa (nann)i po (nan)n
:

oyba ban m
mnbi nbma a (iab) nsnbi mm
t« min’ -pbo pjntei myoab ()?iki nbma * (iab)
:

po» ’DDab yniN m’bn pnb nnNa Dpi nay

37 nyam mm ixbo rm nanK mrm bKODi :

nanK rm nyai oyba ram (pro Dyba mnn

: ntaiya

38 oybab nanKn nos n* mm 3 nnsi

moKi
jpban nnbn p ’aroyo (m)bn -jb ns may
„ ann m« ibK »n nnpty (n)bn nanKb Dyba noKi
foi.19. 30 oybab nanK nnoKi* : 1’nbop ina (n)bn »ma
nor ny -pm p ’by naann -pnK naK xbn
sb noKi iKan ib nayob nbaDK ibaDK pnn
}

31 mm -|Kbo n» nrm oyba ’yy rm mm ’bai

'
naDi npm nnxa no’bcy manm myniKa DKp
* D apparently has been erased between b and y.
* Altered, apparently, from b.
5
Before ruiDi on marg. I2iy i>D^.

I 2

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 .

NUMBERS XXII. 9-20. 58

no now oy*70 yfy D’n*7N (nn)m oySo : 9

pbo D’n'jK ? Dy*7o now

1
-py p^an Proa : »
pflj noy ?<n :*t*7 n*7ty owo-i^o may no , t

*? 01*7 nnN hoi runN mrn n* *ooi onvoo

rtmew no nroo ? Von nnV:
1

kVi *pnoy Vrn DySo^ D’n^N now ,a

oy^o Dpi wn i*no (n)*7n noy n* oV?n

:
>3

(n)*7n poynN ? iVin p*70 oonV noNi nnevo

1

»jon 3 ioypi
1
pooy ino ? ojnob mrr
:
1
wo »4

tin Dy*7o ’Nyo now pSo tV ww owo

ponon rhv p*70 my *pw
pnbty : (f)joy *»

n*7 now oybo V? inw p*7N p j pn*pn >«

4
»n»o ’bonn o *?n noy no pbo noN (pON)
’*7 no*m boi nnty pnpiN np’N (n^n n'b
: n
njyi :]0)nn noy iv *? oinV nty nnw *noyN l8 fol. jS.b.

DyVo
N 1*70 pbo **7
fn» IN p*70 noy 1
? now
n » nnoyoV ^oin n*7 orn *n tpo nn*o
non *n nmyr noyo^ ’n*7N mm no’o
Doyw pV7 pnN *in po o ion noi «»

* oy V?oo mn» *itv no

now ’V’bo Dvbo n ,l
7 com^N in*70 5 nnw *«

1
After prop on marg. .1 pittK
* Apparently altered from 'is (lusV
’ Tlie final 1 ia written over.
* Altered into '3t?.
8
Before nnttt on marg. b3 ico ;ci> ..

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 57 NUMBERS XXI. 33— XXII. 8.

a my psm pa(ra) yiK ? ipSDi u(onK?) fonn 1

:

nmp*? nay Voi xm (pi)o’r ? pjm Wo 1

34 mo‘jmn ‘w ncyo ? mn' *ioki 'mu'? 1

.*

rnn» nay m
nm mn’ *pKn (n)*?nWm
njnion noVo pn’D*7 mnyn non n*? nnym
J5 k ?"? ny nay bo mi nn’ V?epi pnernn nirn
1

xxii . 1 an V?om nyiK n* inmi nvcy : ? mntyK n 1

inn’ wrrt myo nKio nypnn man Skip’

:

» bsnv' nnyn bj n* nay nn pbn nim *

3 V?n nncy nay ompo okio bnm nxman :

1
?

4 noKi ompo okio p»vki Kin uid

: bsiv' an
V o n* ](j)nn nVnp in’?’ no pro ’nDV okio
may nn pVm mn p*i’ n* min inVo (i):mnD
ft) 1. a8.
5 DyVn mV pnVcy nVm K’nn ptn okioV iVo * :

J
pay an ynKV nnna Vyn n(cmn) nyn nn
»do Km. onyoo psi Dy Kn no’oV nV pyio ?
1

e nnK inoi VmpVo nn’ Kim nynK mrn n*

:

ao Kin i’pn (n)Vn t(3)nn nay n’ ’*7 onV 'icy

nVn nynK nmoKi nn (Vop) Viok ’in ?
p 1

B’bi tmVnn mi T>no pnnnn m nonn

•

4 3,
7 pmoDpi pro n(KD)i okio 3 ’o(kd) i^tki
:pVn ’Vo nay 1VV01 DyVn mV inKi pmn
» Woo pom nrm pV’V non wok tin ? noKi 1

oy nKio am inn*i *oy mm Won non

1
Before ntni on marg. '3T. ... •
* So MS. apparently.
* There has been a line over the letter displaced by N.
4
After [HO on marg. an illegible gloss.

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 .

NUMBERS XXI. 23-32. 56

ram naa : ’bana nny»v mnb

’nato »b fnn
: namya pntm ’asiai nba.ia pnann iay aa »b
nainna nay bana” n* pn’D an' nVi
:

n» fanipb ’an’ nnty 'in naab mn* 'nasi

eaai nyn# n’ nn’ab m* na nyns nn pn*D
:

nnanab bsna’ panb pan nay ba n* pn’D

n»i bsna’ nbapi *7t<-ity*a n’asi nvn’b (’n)si
:
2*

nyn# n» inm ann cab nay ba nn v:a

Qinn *|’pn (n)bn pay aa ny pa’ ny pnsa
pbxn n(nn)p ba n» bxna’ aD:i pay aa : *s

baai paarna ntniatt nip baa bsna’ mi

ntniannaba pn’Dn nnnp paan (n)bn* nraa :

ba n’ aD3i ’sanp asia fbaa rvato N’n mm

n’D’ba pna" fa by fans' ny nns fa nyns :
*7

(n )bn pn’Dn nnnp fj(ian)m man paan ’bsy

:
*«

nbai< pn’D nnpa nanb paan fa (n)psj as*

nna« ama ib’i fans maa »anDo ama ny :
>9

4,
aaa nnjai n’Q’ba vaa an’ asa(a) 3 iay
n(nasa panns'p pn»D nsman nabob :
J0

hv as naa nno pnai pan ny fiaan

: Kan’a
naa nbai : nsman mpa bsna* s
nm 31.3a

rwman n» ianyi nn:a laaai *viy» n* nbb’ab

1
The words from 1DN1 to nyiK are to be found in Deut. ii. 31.
1 3
After an' on marg. mi. So MS.
'
*
n is written over after
3
Before mi on marg. njfin nmi” ,

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 55 NUMBERS XXI. 13-22.

oV? *nb (r-i)Vn nmv -|

l
? pay »» yiN p
1 3. pnN broo -6011
-inya mi -nr
nmv nnnn’ :

prw (n)*7 n ntnios oirrno pen rra-ro *7jn

14 naan* by hniidn pn inid pi inio Dirin

p :

’:6 (ns) Dyi nsiDi noyn dv nin* nmp iddi

15 pvsnxi rt(’)np "inoV Dtnm pjaba-n : pm

16 noNn r-nsi x’n pnai into pinnV mm :

:pa pnb jnNi nay n» >b boo n^oV mn’

17 uy mNi *pD mn nnm n* ^Nity* -v&’n 'mn
ibi..,. is tu)i* noy n*m nNiay pm n-nsnn -ini : nb
19 ’nnmaai nrunab manaa .‘K’jiani
‘JN’.ifl ?
1

« bprm nxu ? nnoNi pi nnoNi ? ’Vnu^d pi

1
j
1

: paty’n tzmp by (npn)o-r nnoo trn inio

*?
m 4
n’ nayi iVidi iaip nsyob mrr 3 -ioni
pntrn n*7o prvo n* -p’l run’ pnN ’tn

m nNman
•

nmp no -hdi m’ m nynN

m
:

’SN by -jn^nm ^no’n on’ nov |0)nn

-|yotr n» pyasyn npicy bz ninm npoy
TOTipo pVibm pynan .*
•

* nN-noN '‘no'p pn*p yb pnbty Vnib” nban

« noba ynNi lynsu -oyN “iopV abv 'bo t

bpni DUN f<V ‘PNODl PO’ PDN "JHN

flDDl POI 70 ’N OTOn fpZU ‘pP DIOIT*
1

1
Before mn on marg. TO m . . ’So MS.
’ These two verses are in Deut. ii. 24 , 25 .

‘ After IV on marg. *n nnC'N.

* After nai>D on marg. . . rt>D i>3.

* These two verses are in Deut. ii. 28, 29.

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 .

NUMBERS XXI. 5-12. 54

bboi :nynixa may tys:

1
(n)nvpi amx ynx s

naab onvao pnpsx nob ntyooi D’nbxa nay

np’va prop va n»bi ’an ? mb nbn manaa
1

n(’BTU) m
noya mir nban b(pbpxn) nanba :
«

: bxna”o ay mai nay rm map ppion

’.id

1*7*70 nbn p’an maxi nep mb nay nnxi t

ncro rm ivby p ’OD’i mmb »bv "pi mna

:nay b’no’nea ’bin
nn’ nan mp’ nb nay n&yob naxv mm 3 8 «»««>•
4
ntya nayi ’nn* nn’ ’inn ma: ba ’nn: *dd by »

n(tyyj) dd: jx crm mm 4

’DD by nN’ian tsrun
norm ntyrob banDxi twx n* *°
ibop *m :

unsaa man maxa ibop maxa men bxnty* n :

niya’ty mna axia Dmp byn nnanaa ’xnay

:

bxi axio n’ nxm bN ntrab mm *naxi

nnnv nynx p *|b pix >*b (n)bn na min
pna nnnv neniy n’ nan* Bib ’jab (n)bn i*
:

:nnr bma men iboj

pv nay nnx : no’ob ntro ay mm bboi 6

ua baipb anpm neniy n* axio ainn m» :

inx xb (n)bn pna nun bxi prwpn bx pay

4
’ Another n is visible at the end of the word.
* So MS. ’ Before 1DN1 on marg. ,n by in . .

* A letter, apparently D, has been erased before D.

e
Before idni on marg. inc\ , . This verse is to be found in
Deut. ii. 9.
* Before ^D1 on marg. nnt< *
1)3 nrtbtt. These three verses are
to be found in Deut. ii. 1 7—19.

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 53 NUMBERS XX. 22— XXI. 4.

:vby 10 btn»» (pnN)’i nainni niy bN*uy’

^ (no) ? nnam bi
1
bfnty* na ibyi anpa ibaji
:n-na
J
5 by m» (-na)i pntfbi nrab mrv nasi
24 nay by pnx (tyji)n’ : napb arra yns oinn
foi.»6. ^y* btnty* *nb ninn nynsb
by” xb (n)bn
pnx o’ 11m myn
na’a rv pnnan ’ab
>5

26 ybtrm ;
:

n-na "nab pn» pDm rra nrybN

rra "ilybK rv pj^ibni vypn n» pnx
m
p
>7 nai ntya myi pn niD’i (Bni)n’ pnsi :

jnnani bi *yyb nma mob npDNi mn* npsn

28 n* pn* Kabto vypn n* pn# ntra ybew p
ny:i nma cm
pn pnx n’oi nrybtf mi
19 (n)bn nncni bi urn nnic p nrybNi pupa :

to bi dv pnbn pn# n* 1311 pn# Dbiy

btnp* :

**i. 1 nbn nom in(h) -ny -jba ntuyji yacn

1

ran bNnc*’i y*un rventw y*riK bNnsy* (tin)

» IN uni mrrb *nj btaty* nn:i n*nty H30 :

rv Dim hni a pnn nay- pi* pn pa

3 rv inn bmty* bpi nin» yacn : pn(n*n)p
rsnpi pn(nn)p nn
,—nNi nioyja pn’ Dim
:nann nnn# naty
4 n* nnDab *pD d* ymtt nma mao nbon
3

1
After TOPI on marg. njwm.
2
The 3 is written over.
5
After t)1D on marg. , , CTOD 1.

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 NUMBERS XX. 14-31. 52

rv :.pn nrrv rv "oyn x*7 -bn im’yo

fpfli
noy D~npb my’ xin x*?n nv’yi nsprn ysyirv
: unm nynx rv pn* .1*73’ xmi pn
rv pnnD 'po*7 miD no’o*7 ntyo Dy nin’ *?*7oi
a
oo 9
o*7 nps noy nn : ms (prrn nmo
n:iDy pDV
n*7o:n pnxm ityy mo po’nx Diyno pnoy pnx* w.»j

pno pnmin *7X : nnty pio:nm po:o p*?n“n

Dvro -t y nmv pynx ;o po*7 tnx x*7 (n)*7n
n*7o: “no rv ran* ury*? nmv (n)*7n Vn fp
poonn po ixi pbo’m idoo pm*?o prnon pro
: piniym spoo pm*70
nx 1*70 t*7 BHpo pn*7ty n&a 3
n*7tyi M
*73 rv noon nnx bxnty’ iinx nox i(:n3)
Dnvo*7 mnnox iny:i (i):nyptrxn nniy* ? :
1
. 5

’XTi,o (1)3*7 ityyoxi mo pov cnvoo (i)3vn

n*7en (i)3*7p yarn rnrrb COran (i):nnox*7i : ,6

nmp 0”"Tp3 (i)3n:x xm onxoo (i):psxi n’*7ty

bpno my: x*7 iyixo m my: : loinn noD’Xon ,7

r<*7 in: n3*70 ymx om »o *n^: r^i cmoi

n*7 10X1 loinn ioy:*T ny *7 xod: po* »dd:
: .s

: (i:io r)*7 psx mnn nj*7“t *o myn x*7 nnx

,

Too dxi pD3 nono

*7xnty’ mo n*7 nox: >»
4
*7*700 pn*on tnxi mmpi n:x nnem
rv*7 (-n)*7

n:io’t*7 mixmyn x*7 noxi myx »*7P3

ps:: : 30

rv on’ dvtx ’noi ns’pn nxoi n»p» oyo : »

1 1
After on marg. , . *in. b is written over before V.
9 4
Before nlJS’l on marg. . 1 . . . So MS.
 51 NUMBERS XX. 7-13.

7l s mow n* no : oo’ob no*o dv mn’ 'bboi

pbboni* *pnx pnxi nnx rnnom n* omi
pnb pom *i*oo fn*i pn*i*yb nso toy
9
to t’O
no?o iDii
10 itrioi mpm
.*

noo mn* ompbo mow n*

:
pn*yn m nnom n* *po*m nso

pnb noxi noo 3 orrpb nbnp n* pnxi no*o

pob pDNi 4 pm noo to Kn nooo *j wot?
11 mown noo n* nyoi mu n* noo dixi :po
: powoi nnooo nnen od po ipsn toot pon
•* o proo’n s xb in pnxbi no*ob mn’ 10x1
n* pbxyn k ? pb bxoo*’ on *ryb *noopob1

6
13 mu*n *o tun pnb non»n nynxb pnn nbnp .*

7
noxi tmo oopi mn* oy bxno” on i”u*nxn
:

pov n* nxtnob noo* nnx mn* otto roo*o

ro’oioo bx ton rrnc’pn -px n*i imon 'm*
o nayx *t(nxmoo)oi "poiyo nnyo nyoxm
:

noo mio n:no* novon nnoo nnx n* uyxi

: nimbi pnn
bboo
8
tt?in bx “|b oid no*ob mn* noxi
(*bn)i nnoD o*ob pD :pn nbbooo my *oy
*tm nmnobi nonnbi nnsxbi nonyob "|p*y

* Before bVci on inarg. an illegible gloss.

4
* D is written over. * So MS. 3 is written over.
e
After tb on inarg. . . !>a^. * 3 is written over.
1
These verses are not in the Hebrew, but are to be found in
. Dent. iii. 23-28, and ii. 2-6.
* After ejTin on marg. . . 3 ">V

II 2

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 NUMBERS XIX. 17—XX. 6. 50

v*?y pirn nmVD nmp* nay p anD(n)“6 poD’i >7

“m 1*03
l
n0’3 11TN 1D(’1) i p0 by t’TI I’D ««

(’)'m nnersa byi n*3o byi matyo by *-m »a*r

’N n*oa ’N Vopa ’N o*m aopn Vyi ton

rmmVn nova naoo rw’aa **n jnapa by «»

ymi rwy*aty nova rm^D’i nxy’aty norm

nVi anon coni ntrona omi poa ’yon rypn : 30

(nV?n nbnp u6 o N’nn ntys 3 ipynm n^nD’

vby pnr xb m3 »o a(x’D) errpo (rv) mm
m3 ’o hoi caty nmta ? po ? *nm Nin aDo « 1 1
:

bai ntron -t y anD’ m3 ’oa anpm vypn ym »

;

anDn (njmp-r ntyS3i anD’ naDO na anpn

: niyon ny
1
nrrva tv nano nnaoa ba btnty’ oa ibyi **•

nno ton nmoi empa noy mi naonp

leoantn nntria ? po mn nVi
a 1
ton nnap(m) :
j

noso niyo oy noy nvnNi pm* Syi ns?o by : i

:mm cmpb vn# o’woa ( 30 1) ^ nVi no'ob

‘moo ? p“rn mano ? mn’ bnp n*
1 3 1
pn»n*n nobi 4

n^yoV onvoo (i)3npDN noVi umyai urnt* ton ; 5

tea n3*n ynr -tn» n ? pan mr»a mnxb (i)3n*

1

ompo pnto ntyo Wi : ’ntro

1
? n'b poi pom 6

•tnnsi pmstt by ibsji nyio bn# yn nb nbnp

jpnV mm maa

’ Before 'bjft on marg. ni3w*p . D.

a
So IIS. ;
it letter lias apparently boen erased after 3.
5
3 has been written over. * 1 is written over.
 49 NUMBERS XIX. 5-16.

.* pi? nyatr nans p nyio 'jnN on VnpV

5 m non no (nitra) n* lo’y
1
? nma ri* npvi
6 TON(n Di’p) ninl ID'1 npID’ nTlS by HOTN
7 yno nmp* Mb *an*i nnv myn ii?ni
: nms
S y” inn van mDi n* »yD*i nini vypn
s nn* npiarn neon ny nini inD’i nnntro ?
:
1

ny inD’i t*ei mbi rv wi i*di vypn y- 1*

: ntran
9 'ni ? non nms cap n* on noi com
1

*
7 Nntr» 01 ncoib *nm on nnNi nnntraa
10 n* colon yno K*n m^D nnj ’aV rnnoob :

*nm neon ny anon vypn yon nnns Dap

.'D’jy rnn’Lib pain non mvi*7i bNnc” oib
11 :i*av nyio* mo* coni c?Di biV n*ai mpn
•a nKyoty norm nNn’Vi navi ni nbnD* Kin
morn nNn’Sn r6nD* ini *an*inan
*3 coNn trail n*ai mpn Vi on* n *7 nNy’ic* :

npynm in(*d) nin* ptra n* n^na* nVi mm

v*?y p*nt n *7 nn: *o nVn 7 Nnc?*a N*nn nc*ai
*

:ni nmiD my *n* ioa

'4 ^yn *^1 pc'ci mo* in con nmmn nm
*
*5 7 ii : i’ov nyitr inD* niitroan *711 niic’eS
Nin ioa vby mrtri pov N^n (dv*p) ino
*
•6 7 ii :

in n*ai in nn
Vapi nn 1 *3N by mp*n
foL 24 . b-
:i*ov nyitr ino* nipi in* con pn onu
1
After on marg. KIDD i>2Dl.
5
After 73 on marg. , . , Id.
H

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 .

NUMBERS XVIII. 24— XIX. 4. 48

1

netm mrvb penn btnev aa novo rv (n)bn

aa m pnb mo« p by nabob *ttvbb nnarr
jnabo tubs* tfb btnav
bban »t»vb oyi : na*ab ntra dv mn’ bbei '
*5, ^
mayo aa mba paDn id pnb no’m
rv bmer»
rv pud panm paaboa pmbo pab narvn
pa ? aemnn mDvao (-idvo) mrv matnK v
2

:nnnvya p nmbaai rrrw p n:ana panomw

panoyo baa mn» man** n» pnn ponn p 38
mantt n* roe pjnm bmer* aa mba paDm
ba n* pann panano baa rona pnxb mrv * 9 2

ia*m 2 (rue) 'nerrpK rv nrtan baa mrv mente 3°

Nibb aennn ruo rnnan rv pamonta pnb
baa nn* pba’m mvya nbbyai ims nbbya 3*
;

(*l)bn pab t<n na# (n)bn pa*nai pntc nn«

’an vby pbapn r<bi rona bn#a patratyn 3 >
btnen aa *enp m
roe nnan rv pamenKa
iiman Nbi pbbnn #b
2

m ; na’eb pnK oyi ne*a cy mn> 3 bbei **• ».»

aa dv bba na’eb mrv npon nnnw rrvra

na rvbn nebty npioD ib paan btner» ms
nrybsb nn* pinro 21a n*by pba Nbm* Die 3
2vampb nm aian nnntyoa nab nm pen mro
nay n»i rnyavto name p runa nryb# aon

1
Before bbt31 on raarg. bv-
1
Altered, apparently, in MS. to nniEHptt.
s
Before ^D! on marg.

Digitized by Google
 47 NUMBERS XVIII. 13-23.

pnwtn (p)n (eo’)i nai Vai (aoi) not

: finin’ i ?
1
nm’^ pinn
13 »m ~\b mn^ prvn prism *7D
Vd ' nm
14 vr i ? bsitra Din *7D
.*
1
m^D” *yraa on
5 neasa mir*? paipn iDa bib Dm n(in)D ‘id
ooa rv pisn npios pi 1*7 m’ rrnanaai
.6 nipisi : pion nnaDa nnana niaa n»i nsas

’f’^pio rwan c\dd (n)as*iya pion m» no

n iin iidd sin (ni)i pDV ncnp *?pnoa
pa :

pis enp pisn s*7 ty iidd is isds iidd is

imn pain no by pun pais rv nnno

8 nriD *1*7 ’n* piDm :rrm’*7 niyi nn flip
.
9 rvenp »n* lb ni’O* peoi nmssisi
mans *7D :

ib non’ mrrV bsicr an ponn

1
iniabi i’ll ?!

Diip^ s-on oby n^a DS’p dVv pVinb lay

: -jay iintSi i*7 nw
ao pbim 3
ybsn xb pyisa pnsb mrv nasi
1
an na imbsi ip^in as pniaa i ? »n’ k*7
5
ji ‘isitra iDya *7D nan’ r<n a ? aaVi Vsitr :

*
tratyn rv ptracya pisi ptraem abn 11 73*7
fol. 33. b •
» ^ns 1
? *?sitr aa ny paip* s*7i * : nyia *7ns
*3
sin nsv*7 ram : n(i)aa*7 on n*7apa*7 ira
mm pnoin p*7np’ pisi iyia *7ns rawi rv
Sitr aa liar pam*? D*7y
*
: na*?Q paVfl* s*7 7

1
After VP on marg. mb’ nab.
1
The D is written over.
1
After 3^Dn on marg. [?]pjN by.

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 .

NUMBERS XVIII. 1 - 12 . 46

lay tqn n»n -pii nnx pn#b mn» *idki

'
*viii. i

pbipn -joy "pm nn#i ncnpa my n» pbipn

any nb aity Tinx n’ ini pin^ni nn n’ .* *

nnxi "picyotyn -|’by pianD’i lay mpn ton

lnma pian nnNinnD fitra ampb nay -pn
: j

Nb nnmabi ntnp ’iab pi nmira Si nnaai

pianon 1 pnN r\x pjN t\x pnia’ r<bi pmp’ 4

nnmy bib nyia bnN mNDa n* pna*i I’by

n* pnom : pan*b mp» ?<b »nhi miiya 5

"ny »n» nVi nnma mxoa nn ncynp niNae

pi’riN rv mn nN »:ni : bxnw m by »)vp 6

mn’ ? 1
pi’ir mno pi ? 1
bNnty* »n uba »Ni’b
1’in nnNi : nyia bnN ty’Dtrn n’ Hcrntyab 7

nnma bbaa Sib pinjni rv pnon foy

fDN mno tr’Dtyn pvsvm nnais'? iNibabi
: bapn’ npn (n)Nnn pinjm n»
n* i;b mn» nN »jni prw dy mn’ J
bbai s

pnin* I ? 1
bNnjy* m nsrrp bib 'nmo nnNaa
’trrpa lb *n» p oby pbmb TJibi mb
: 9

bibipnroa bib pjmp bi* nntyN fa mtynp m.> 3 .

lb penp i*np *b pinn’n pae?N bibi pnbD

bi” mn bi mbi’n n’trrp errpi Y»bi Nin :
*«

bib pjna mans |b pi ; ib ’n* tynp nn’ n

in:ibi -pibi finin’ -jb bNntr’ »:i niSNJN
bi nn’ bi” in’ii
: mn bi oby pbinb lay »
1
Before IQNI on marg. nn’3 HX , .

’
Before bbt21 on marg. DX'p ....

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 .

45 NUMBERS XVII. 1-13.

xvii. i, 3 ay bba
'*13 n a*ab ntra cy
: bbai mm
mbo 3N n*ab aaiy aaiy pmba 3Di bNicy*
maa poiy iDynn pnnat* n’ab pmn’DJ ba
3 pns a& rm : nmaiy by anan not? n*
rra &”"6 in maiy (n)bn *ib naiy by anan
nn*mriD mipb nyia bnaa pinani pnnatt .*

5 (n)w na ‘man nty’N *n*i fan ")b fanmn :

pam btne» on *(3’3-i) rv ’by to fpm nis*

6 ian*i b?ne>’ un Dy ntya bbai pa*by p( 33 *n)o :

nn rTD3b naiy in n’Dib naiy pn’n*D3 b3 nb

133 pnt< naiyi paiy nD ynn pnnat* rvab
7 mn* DTipb nnaiy n’ ntya (n’)3*o pnnaiy :

s mtya byi nnan fa mm

nnNinnb fatyaa :

*ib n*ab pnN naiy mfl «m nntmno ptyab

9 rv n»o petti pnb bDm p \*3 ni nne potti

:

uni bttnty’ ’33 ba mb mn» DTipba nnaiy ba

jmtny naa iaD3i
3
foL 11 . b. 10 DTipb pntt naiy rv nrn ntyab mn’ natti*
rv) oaDNi nnaa ’3ab fD’Db nnttaab nnttnnD
*« noa mwa nayi : pmo* t<bi ’by p 4
p(3»3"i

i 2 banty* *33 natti j nay fa mn* min* npsn

: (i)3*i3K (i)3ba (i)3i3N (i)3abty ttn na*ab nsyab
4
1 j [f]3a*n bapn* min* fatrab anpn amp ba
: obtyab i(3ab)tyn
1
After ’33 on marg. *JQ nr6t<. ’ So MS.
’ Before tBttt on marg. p3 . .

* So MS. apparently.

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 .

NUMBERS XVI. 39-50. 44

*pnpi pn* nsyi pntron p*7 K (main) nK*nno

mm Dmp *7
pnsipK n*7 n nnsio *7
rsn pDo
ity*7 K sdji :
*

7 Kicy* 03*7 p*D*? pn 'ltripKi j»

mmp* isipKi neru nK’nno n* ruro pnK 13

*
7 Kisy* 03*7 pan nraia ? vsn pjK pipn :
1
+o

Kin pnK into K*n »kis isa sip* k *71 *7*13

mp 3 *n* k*7 i niir Diip *7 ’nnw rrmio*7
: n*? njy o iks mn* *7*701 nos nntsossi
ntyo by “ins 7 Kitr* os ncyjs *73 p3
un *
41

: mn* Dy pnVop pnK 10*0*7 pnK Vi

rn*
(i*7 snD)Ki pns* ‘syi nco by nntws tsuss mm 4J

:mn» mss *?nnKi mny nK’Ds Km iyio 7 nK *

*7

iyio Vik Dmp pnKi nsyo by-\

J *7
4J
tsVo lOKinn : 10*0*7 rwo oy mn* 7 7 oi 4 * *
44,45
pn*fiK 7 V iVsji f|oys pn*osDKi mn nneos
*

m*?y sm nn*nno n* sd* p,iK *7 nro ioki 4« «.».

nneos*? *i £>3 7 tKi rrmK *ien nreno by p tvt*

*

*1 v mn* Dmp*70 nsyp psj (n)*7n pn**7y

n*7Di
13*7 omi ntro 7*701 nos pnK sdji : nsaj *

47
nmiKin n* am noys nsaa nty khi n*7np
n**n psi n*n*o ps Dpi : noy *-?y n*7 Di 48

nno’303 in*oi nno*ao rmtynm mm : 49

by in*oi p is*7 pKo yscn ps*7K PoiysiK

*7nK yin*7 ns?o s
ri**7 pnK ityi nip :
*
7*700 5°
miyynK nno’soi iyio
1
The K is written over. * So MS.
5
Before U11 on marg. H2D3 . .

* Before 5>boi on marg. $>D3 p . , .

* So MS.

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 43 NUMBERS XVI. 25-38.

35 mnto ibtxi d*vini fm mb brai n^D Dpi

26 ’: idd na’ob nncaa ov bbai bNip* ’a*3n .*

*73ipnnpn Vni pb# n’"Q3 *J3t?a bvo nwi

27
p ipbnDNi prvnm *731 psnon p-ibn pbn
:

firn inD p di* 3 Ni fm nip pvo (by)

pmcm pnaatya jnni patfp ip 33 Dnato
: pn’bfloi pmm
28 ‘mbi? paayn mna nt?o *ia*o
mn* (n)bn
39 ft* : (n)bn pbp* nnaiy *73 n» nnyab
’i*70 n*7
neutt ba nnDai pb# pmo’ neat* ba mas
3° na» pro pi ’nbt? mn* p<b pn*by noon’
.*

ba n*i fin’ vbim nae n’ njns nnsm mn’

inn^a (n)bn paanni bv^b f”n pny”i pbn
mn» n* pbttn mnaa 1

31 pbxn n*ba ba n» nbbaab nmaaDtta mm

roLn.b. 12 rv njnt* nynei* pn'mnm nnant* nypaai :

mp*n ca# *73 n*i pmnn n»i pn* nybai nas

33 bve?b f”n f 1*7*1 Vai p 3 N injai mnv *73 n*i .•

34 bai nbnp mba inatn mint* pn*by nx’Dai

:

?<bn max nbn

pbpb ipny finnnDn bNnc?’
3s n* nbaxi mn* ntnba
ps: two nn» pjyban :

a
nnrtNiN anpa *133 pnxai pjyan
:

36, 37 itvVk*? net* na*ab n»a dv mn* bbai 3

i

n’Tp’ a’io nnN’nna n* onn mna pnx m

38 rn* : ltrrp (n)bn bnb mn’ nii n*i nnm
1
After 'nb& on marg. . by nnbti. * So MS.
s
Before ^D1 on marg. VDTP i>3. In the Heb. text chap, xvii
begins here.
G 2

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 NUMBERS XVI. 13-24. 42

xb 1-10x1 nx’bx 00 Di’nxbi fmb pyrob ntyo

nn’(i)o yix fo (i)jnpox (n)bn nytn : pDJ u
nominx (n)bn moioo (i)jbapob can nbn
obn nn’(i)o yixb xb ^x (noioinx) t\x iyby ; i+

did ix bpy mbs (i):b nomi (i)jnbxy ean

'mn(x)i :pw *<b ooyn pixn ’yyn moo « 5

xb pnroob (bonD)n bx mmbioxi me? ntrob

in (m) ntyynx rsbi noDJ puo ini man
: puo
onpb nn nnx nipb ntro idxi*
-jnooo *701 >«

nnnno ioj iodi mo pnxi p:xi nnx mm .7

:

100 mm Diipb poipm nxm pmby pjnm

3

100 pnxi nnxi fx’nno pnxoi psron nmnno

e?x pno nmi* nn’nno 100 iodji nn’nno is m : .,..

ntroi iyio bnx vino iopi nxm pmby nn

ymb nneoo bo n* nip pmby s^odi pnxi «» .*

:nneoo bob mn’ noo ’tnnxi iyio bnx

rio’ob pnx dvi ner 0 Dy bboi »° mm
.’pjayo fin’ dodxi mn nneoo iobo Pensnn «
bob n’rrrn pnbx bx noxi pmex by ibsji a*
mn nncoo bo byi »an* in box xn moo
:

s
nnBOO Dy bbo :io*ob ntyo oy mn’ bboi *3,54

: Di’oxi fm nip ptyob s

mD fo ipbnDX 10’ob
’ The n is written over.
5
5
Before "1DN1 on marg. TI33 .... So MS.
* After ICHQnn on marg. . p mjn.
* After nn»33 on inarg 'ID nnbt«.
* There is a line over ft.

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 41 NUMBERS XV. 41—XVI. 12.

41 10 pan* npstn panba mm

on ipanbNb
mm o>e D’.abNb pab mob Drava yaN
panbN t

xvi. 1 '[mi ab an map an any* an nap ami

* iopi : pun an nba an pNi nmbN on oamNi
priNOi pcran bNaer’ ono panrn ntro amp ? 1

3 iKoanNi f(n)otr man (nnD) o’or nneoa ttdj

:

( n)bn pab ipiD pnb iooni pnN byi nsro by

nooi ram’ (p)i_mi ptrnp (p)*aa raneon ba

4 by ban ratro yean :nm* bnp by paanann
5 ao’ob ranooa *aa cm nap cy bboi van .*

foi. ao. b. nap’ ’ntrrap ran nba ra» mn» earn aev •
e me nay raa : na’b nap* nn annra no na*b
7 era pan mm
nneoa bai nap (i)N’nno pa*?
:

racr’N mo ana mn’ empb rryiN pmby nan

.'a ? on pa ? *ma Hemp Nin nm* annra
1 1

s, 9 myr
o’? on o iyotr nap ? racro 3 aoNi
1
:

neoaa pan’ bNatrra n.nbN trnsN (n)b,n paio

tr*otrn m
nirocrob rrt’b pan’ nnapo ? bNati” 1

pnerotrab nneion omp ? 4 epabi mm ptro

.*
1

io in pn’ym lay ab on
i’nN ba na in’ napNi
«i by f’a’Doa inaoa bm an# a’Dtr s^b : mono

” nbem vby plan (n)bn r-on no pnNi

: mm
* After pn on marg. an illegible gloss.
’ The n is written over.
3
Before 1DN1 on marg. nili'tO ntJ-Q.
*
So MS. ;
a letter has been erased after p.

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 NUMBERS XV. 27-40. 40

rrn rv nnpm intro *onn mn trsi ‘[ni *7

nntr)*i ntrsj by mno nVD’i mVDV nntr : a3

nVnD’i i*Vy nnVooV mn* ompV m(om mi

poinn nm
mrnVi Vnio” »nn mix’ : nV
ntrsr : intro mynV pu*7 (’m) min mn 3°

mn’ rv mvi pi nniy* p non ini mym

:moy nVo r<’nn ‘
ntren npynm tpno tssin
npy Von imps n»i ?’o» mm Woo n* (n)Vn 3«

mo noin N»nn n^si ipynn

'Pffpo naa lyptrtti nmion Vjna” on nm* 33 M .„.
nn’ lyptrjn nm nipNi nrimtr ovn pt*y :
33
nnooo Vo mVi pntt mVi ncro mV pt*y ertrpo
.*

miym no cns r»W (n)Vn moon nn’ motti 34

•
mi mnn Vopm Vop ntr oV mrr *ioni nV .* 35

: nnntroo mV nnoon So Oman nn’

nn’ lorn nnntroo mV nneoo Vo nn’ ipsxi 3s

triiro n* mm “lpon noo Vopmi pnnttn

Vtno” 3 on oy Wo no’oV ntroV mmnoNi .* 37,38

pmypn »-idd by pjs pnV pmyn pnV no’m

inVonn nrcy moo no:v by pinn pnmV
Vo n* pmmi pm p?nm p:vV poV jmi 39

mn 4
pnnn t^Vi pn’ pmym mn’ Hips
Via : pnnn pit pnm pomy nnm ponV 4°

pomp pnm nips So n* pmym pnonn

1
Before JX 1 on marg. [Nine i>3D.
’ After WptJ on marg. . p31. .

5
After '33 on marg. . l[?] nai> nn3. * So MS.

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 39 NUMBERS XV. 12-26.

u pnayn pjnoa (n)nNONn rvpjb

: (n)’rya '

ij nay’ m
nv* Vo pjnan nnb pnayn i(na)
.*

mn’b myn n*n pip nanpab pbN rn* pnan

:

m nayn iamb paaan ’n nva paOoy) nan* pi

-tny’ p pnayn rnaa mn’b myn nn pnp
:

*5 oby n*va -nan nmabi fab “nnn rrm nbnp

16 rnn : nw
ompb »rr rrnaa pano pamb
jpaoy ivu nmabi tab ’sv nn pm mn
« 7,
fot. iy.
is na oy bba na’ab ntro Dy
: bboi * nw 3

^
bxyo nan mynxb paby’aa pnb no*ni bNitr’
19 ponn nynt* cnbo paba’oa ’nn pnb fan* ;

20 pann nbn panta»y m&wn mn’b nasnx :

»' mraia :nn’ iann p mn rmanxa naNnN

4
22 po pamb natott mn’b p:jnn pantni*y*
:
4

mn’ bban rrmpo ba n’ pnayn tfbi prn

pbt<
*j pb ncro nta paib npsn ba n» ntra oy .*

24 n’ya \n ’nn pamb vmbi mn’ npsn nov

;

na ns nnana ba pnayn (nnaynK) nncna mb

pna vaDii nnmai mn’b myn nnb nn pmn
25 nona ba by mna nbDn mbob nn pry n’svi :

pjNi r<’n m
(n)bn pnb nbnon bxna” na
mn’ campb pnbm mmb pnp p:anp n» wv*t
26 nmabi bmp* na nana bab nbnon by : pnm
iwa nay bab (n)bn paias man
1
The n is written over. ’ So MS.
3
Before bS>El on marg. nnt .... • So MS.

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 NUMBERS XIV. 43— XV. 11. 38

(n)*7n :pa*aan D^p ? pnann x ?:

1 1
pom mm 4)

anna pbam pa’onip ? pn nx:y:ai nxpbay 1

niir »m n»*7i mm nnaa pnn»y p by (n^n

njyo: mn’ pnto nmo trn ? pDD ? isi’yi
1
paoy 1
:
44

nx:y:a: nxpVoy ny:v nmntyo ubo pD3 ttb : 45

HDD pn’ iDnm pnD’? ? r<mn mica nxnn 1

ntyi nonn ny *p:nai pjiyoi mbo *nayn

1
nmntya ? :

**:a d y V?o no’D ? ntro oy mm bbsi

1
xr.

panvro ynx ? p^y’n na pn ? no*m Van;?*

1 1

in n*?y mm ? pnp Inayni .70*? am uxn

1
3

naya ? panyiaa ’N myn ’n mu ntynoa ? nan

1 1

anpn :n?y p ’N mmn 10 mn’ ? myn nn 1

4

D’Da may rnbD nn:a mn* ? n:anp n’ anpan

1

ro’N myan id: ? nam :ntya n:*x rmyana 1

5

*n nn nxaN ? nan ? *n nnby by nayn

:
1 1
6

D’Da pmoy pnn m^D rnn:a nayn 3 rnnan 7

l

n:’y mnbn ntyaa

4
n:’N rnnbn id: ? nonv
1
: 7

.•mm ? myn mn anpn 1

rnanss ? nan *n n*?y pnm na nayn na:

s 1
S

nn:a nmn na oy anpn imn’ ? yobty ’« nn: 1

9
6
: n:’n rru^D n&?aa D’Da prniDy nnbn rn^D
myn nn pnp n:*n nubs id: ? anpn nam 1
10

’N nn nan ? »x nn mn ? nayn* j(:na)

1

mm ? 1
:
1
IX

1
So MS. ;
there is an erasure after 3 .

5
* After ’:3 on marg. .’3 Blip. The n is written over.
4
So MS. * After R3T on marg. 3 k n'3K.
 , .

37 NUMBERS XIV. 32-42.

32, 33 nooni : tO)nn maian pVs* tin# panaw*

fbl. 18. b.

n*
,

iibap’i pt? i*ya*i» mman ]*jn tin*

34 pan : mman
t^nas po ^’ iy Ton(mjT)
1

nntrb ov pai* vvnn^ nyiN n* pnptun n*ov

tiaaym ptr t*yait* rc*mn n* p^opr* nntr ov *7

35 iny# mn xb in nV?a mn* on ’nabtrin n* :

nman 'by ttdn[i] mn nna**n nneon *73*7

:pma* pni peto’ pn
36 liryi runt* n* mnb nv a n*7cn nni:i '

: nyiN by m a
npsab nntsoa ho n* vbv inNi
37 riD’aan 3 nty*n nyiN ’pea in*ai nm maa
38 ms* in 3*731 p 3 10 yanmi mn* Dmp ? :
1

:nyiN n* trnaS i*7 ?ni pwn nnna to 4 (innN)

39 btnty* an ho oy phNn rt*h>a n* nca h>h>ai
40 cmb ip*7 Di mexn laipNi •,
not? nay lhonNi
6
mn* natn nmNh> (pd:i)
s
pn ia*ah> nno
: 0)i*an (n)h>n
fsi^i ppDn ?<h> pn *7
natt ntyah> mn* 7
iaNi
ompb p*iann N*7 i poiaa on n»h> (n)*7 n pn*nn
41 n* poy tint* p nah> ncya naxi tio’onn :

42 n*h> i*7 n tipDn h>N .*

nh>yn Nh> N*m mn* ia»a
1
Before mail on marg. nrt npV |D.
a
The K is written over. 5
The n is written over.
* So MS. 5
A letter has been erased before
* Apparently altered from the participle }’ is still
:
legible
after p.
1
Before tDXl on marg. DK . , and underneath pa ... This
verse is not in the Hebrew, but may he found in Dcut. i. 42.

Digitized by Google
 NUMBERS XIV. 19-31. 36

byipwvbn by pn by pa# am nps or nb

mana f(j)-rn nay (n)amb a nbD pfty’an ;
*»

nyi Dnvoo j(:)nn

1
nay ? n(bao)n naai i(aia)
.*
nan
‘un m (DriN)i : -pbaa nn^D mm natn io * a «

(n)’naa ba ibn .*
nyn# ba m mm maa nbai »
Dnvoa mayn ’(man nn) ’(np’tf) n* ltm

lyajy kVi nnDy p »n* idji nnanaai

jaat
pnnaitb nyantytn nynx n* p?m ab ’bpa : *i

aba nayi : mum

t>jb nnao bai pnb pab **

mbtfyi nna »bai nay mn mn rnm(n) apy

nxpbayi mm* nynn pnb byn nynjtb
{ *s

nnanab pab ibai us nna npaya nxn n#jy:ai

:*pD D’ ynw
*ny :na’ab pn» oyi ntya oy mn’ bbai *«, v
’by (pun)a 0 )i 0 »n) nnn nnty’a nntr:ab naN
jnyap.’by *ftan)a pjjn birw* aa (aan) m
noa j«*b p mn* 0 )a*no ms* m pnb nas*
pn nnanaa pab nay# p ’yiatyaa pnbban
:
*9

naa psjaa bab panniDKD bai psnas pbs’

pby’n pDN !<b ’by pmnn bybi fat? pay : 3°

s*bn na pan’ ntnsrab »ns* ay nanscn nynscb

irnnaxn psbeai na ytcimi mo’ na aba \a
: p 31

pnp’Xtn nyns* n’ paayn pn’ bs*yi *n» nrab

: na
1
After '3X on marg. |'T biy".
5
* After ~iy on marg. , ,3 J'yut. So MS.

Digitized by Google
 .

35 NUMBERS XIV. 7-18.

7 bob noxi pmypi iyxo run# n» mtyicro

:

000b no unoyi nyix no’ob bxicy’ un neuo

• s
(f)n ’jnnx fx mity mty nyix mo nm
.*

yix (tpb nomi mn nyixb (fpn* bxyoi nin'

9 p-non bx mm
po trom obn nono n :

(t) 3 onb (n)bn nyixn noy pbmn bx pnxi p

bn (f)ooy mm
pmby p nobs hod tux
10 pjoxo tin’ Doiob nneoo bo 100x1 pbnin :

uo bo mb iyio bnxo unnx mn* mooi

bxien :

11 oono’ (f)nx iy iD’ob ntyob ioxi mm 1

m(JD’D) boo ’o pjo’ir xb (pnx iyi (f)rrn noy

*» *(n:oim) n(n)ioo ny(n)ox moo mart :

roo bvm 00 00b piox rmo no in’ noyxi

:

>3 npDX nbn ’nixd pyoem myo ioxi mmb

M nyix ivnb piom : mooo pin noy n* tb*no
irm pm noy 100 mm nnx nbn pyopn mn
moyoi pmiby coxp *pjyi mm nnx unno uno
tyx moyoi noo’xo pmonpb »nx nnx py
15 pinm in tyoxo (prtn noy bopm ’b’bo m :

16 isbn p iyoty rm pyojyn m(xio)

: io’ob *

nyixb in noy n* nbxyob mm nbo’

(f)
3
«7 b»n *3 *om hoi moioo poooi finb yontyxi
:

«•*«• > 8 ’oidi pton p'ni mn** io’ob nbboi noono:

3,
(toi)i pxonbi fytyobi poinb ’bn uo’m (oio)

1
Before 1DX1 on marg. T . , 3 , * So MS.
3
So, apparently, MS.

Digitized by Google
 ' 5

NUMBERS XIV. 1 -6 . 34

nto an* pab onxo jhn p (i)jpflK 0)3n* mm

(i)rnKi pp*?D (i)jrait pb : (i)3nt<2rroV mom#
(fKn)p (i)aa »aim nn oy na*ab (i )nb n» lbsiy
0)3’tn wpay an nbttbyn fb*bm pin
fan :

'xVi p[na]vn i^b bmty* anb na*a natn

Km pn*ampb ’ns pnnbi* mn* pnao pbrnn :

: pna*yb D’mfan pnay Tin bnn pnb nu*

nan *;nbN mn* pbnDn nn*im mnnani
pnnbnr ninx bnn n* nnn 3 bnD[*]n mn
pn nbbaoni pnn ny pn*n*a ny
.* mn»
pn’ampb *nx pnnbtf mn*n faa*na f*n*n*b
:

*b*bn awn pnrwna’ab nntt fin ? ana b nynwn

1

rnaym nn pnnrn (nynwn) pnn(nrn)a*?

.•
naawn
nay nnm pbp n* nm nnaan bn rw’nawi xiv.i.

an pnx byi na*a by am tonn rrb’bn

*73 : *

ynxn (’i)in’a nnb nnaan bn pnb netn banan

mn* nabi (i) 3 n*a anb pn nnnnan w Dnira
:
3

p*aa* nnnn bsab nnn nynxb (i)jn* b«ya *>1 . a.

:onvab nnrya ab na Nbn nrnb pn* fi’bDD’i

bsji Dnvab n?yn am pi vnxb nnn maxi
: 4,

naan bnp bn campb pmo# by pn*n na*a

fa mo* nn nbm fa nn yannn btna’* an : «

1
After t6l on marg. . . .ipV.
* There is an erasure, apparently of one letter, after the 0.
* There is an erasure, apparently of ouc letter, before anil
after the D.

Digitized by Coogle
 33 NUMBERS XI. 19— XIII. 34.

"idi mrv fn*i nnvan (i):b no ibn non

'9 xbi pov ^nn xbi pbn’n -rn av xb pbs’m :

*° ny nr pioy xbi pov may xbi par nrart

:

irn n(x)-i(n)b fob *rv> pn(sx)a ps’ ny pav rrv

rampb pnom pmmnn mrv n* pnpnfx (n)bn
a nr nro naxi .’Dnvaa ups: p nab na’ab
matt nnxi nun n:xn nay ’xbnn e\bxn pxa
»» mini nay par nn* pbn’’i pnb fnx non
:

aanm no’ au bn m fx pnb psoi pnb on:rv

pnb psDi' pinb :

aj nnx (nyp)n nin 1 nxn nrab mrv nasi'

a4 bbai nra ps:i .*
>*b fx ’ba -pyny’ fx nnn
*aon fa nnn pynr earn mrv ’ba n’ nay ny
as f:yn nin’ ny:in:nra mnD fin’ D’pxi nay
.*

’nyor by nnn vbyr nmn fa bvxi nay bbai

fol.
xiii.
1 7.
33 bxnty’
*******
nmn pn’by nnrn nnmm maon nnn
anb nn» irnn nynx nun ipsxi*
nbnx ynx nn’ rnab nn (i)nnyn nynx na*ab
:nytro nnn nmn (i)r?nn nay bm X’n nnn
34 pnm nnnm fa p:y an nnnm n’ (ip’tn fam
jpna’yn pan pi pxopn (i):a’yn
a
nx:Dn 3 maxi pnanron bxnr’ an i[:nn]i

'
Before 10N1 on marg. 'br\' ncUJ.
* This, and the following six verses, are not in the Hebrew,
but are to be found in Deut. i. 27-33.
* After TONI on marg. . n 'pn\
F

Digitized by Google
 1

NUMBERS XI. 9-18. 32

4
nbo ny’aai : nnvzn mb cayaa naya mm 9

niya yan vby n:a nyi *b’ba nnnira by

: 10

*priNi rwatya yin ? cpk lpnab 02 nay rv

: tyya ntya p’yai mty ran mm
nabi ynyb ntyyax no ? mmb n&*a nasi "
‘
1

ba (baa) n» nsatyab I’yya 3 ‘(nyptyn)N sb p

ds pmnay ba n* roan ms* ’by pn nay ” ;

naa *pya (nbaa) ’b na’n (id) b* rot* nm

nyantytn nynsb mp3’ m’ '(nsan) (b)aDH
pm may bab pab naa »b p:a mnnasb >3 :

sb baoi non (r)ab an na’ab ’by iaa (n)bn m

••

( n)bn pm
nay ba n’ baaab mnb njt* biat*
bap ’aty obap ’b -ray nntt (pas) pi : pa *vp» >5
*’na”aa mtt sbi -jp’ya (D’jn nyptrnte) pi
p naa pyaty »b tyja n&yab mm “las'!
6
* »« «•>*«>•

vnsai nay ’aon pjtt sbn naam btnsy’ *o’an

nay pn paaipmi nyia bnttb pn’ nami
I’bjrt mnn p bvtn ran -jay bbatti ny’tti 17
8
baDn t*bi nay (ba)oa nay paDp pn’by ’irai
7

pba*m mab isynpnn na’n naybi n’Tinb nntt : is

(i)jba” pa na’ab mm yiatyaa pn»aa (n)bn iDa

a
1
After psyi* on marg. [1] nor? ntsa. So MS.
5
This has apparently been altered to D'l for D'jn.
4
There are traces of a b between 3 and “I.

6
So MS., with traces of HJ after, in an older hand.
4
Before U2N1 on marg. .1 by ,3D.
1
A letter has apparently been erased between 3 and D.
• The b is written over.

Digitized by Google
 31 NUMBERS X. 30 — XI. 8 .

30 *ynxb pbx nn'N naxi : Stosp s*<b mb

3 ! [x]bn nn* pntw n bn naxi nnx *nnb*nxbi
nb n*im prana uwitpo naan p by
3* r<inn rdud *n*i nay inn na *mi pamvb .*

33 mn* maa lban ib no*ii nay ao*h : mm

ivanpb bai mn dx*p pnxi pav nnbn ymx 1

34 mn* pyi mnia pnb trxnab par nnbn ymx

:
*

35 mini rnntra p pboen oa*x i[in*o]x by

:

pmrn*m mn* maip nra naxi minx baaa

36 noxn* nnuaii i*onpa i*id ppnyn i*am
'
:

;bxn&” *obx nxian mn* nain

[y]atyi mn* yiatyan ty*n pnaa nay mm
*
xi. 1

nbaxi mn* a*x pna nnyii nun ipnxi mn*

foL 16. 3 nca *bm nc*ab nay yam* nnntra naDxn :

3 xinn nnnx Da* (n)npi :nntyx 3 nysaxi mn*b

< nsDODi mn* ax pnn nnya (n)bn 4 nn*yno
:

bxna** *ia laai n?yi mann mannx nrai

5 pbaxn nn*n: n* pnanx nDa s pba** p maxi :

nn*yn n*i (“rnanan) n*i (mxitr)P n* pa anvoa

6 mnba ba n*b ncy*a* (pitysi mai n*ainn n*i .*

7 nniTm xin (nn)n yn?a mai mvaD mab :

s D*n*na untDi ltopbi nay i(oxa*) nbnn nitna .*

fbny nn* nayi mnpa iba*n oinaa lam

1 s
So IIS. Before nvn on marg. an illegible gloss.
s
The X of njJEDW is written over.
4
Tlie ' is written over.
* Apparently altered from as has l>een often done in
this ehnpter. * So MS.

Digitized by Google
 1

NUMBERS X. 11-29. 30

pnoyo 'mpn nnmo rnrppn nnn mm *1

:nnNvrnD pcvo Sy p .—pay pVddn nmo

ip]cn p*d "mao pmboo ? ^Nnty’ pa tai »*
mm no*o by wonpa V?oji fNna nanoa nay u ;

’onpa nmm pa nnpo [odd] '7D3i ntro nt*a m :

vn byi anvoy na pttro nVn byi pm’vn'? 5

*
: i

oaty V’n byi nyiv na Vtom natyty* pa oacr 16

:

ibaji motyo ny’nxT : fVn na aN’bw fbiar pa « 7

[oao] bon rt2D& 0

: ’no: ’[njno pm pcyna pa .«

na mvpN n'vn byi pmVrP fawn pa mra

na bN’o^tr pye» pa oasy V’n byi : mtt he.* 9 .

na pjd’^n na pa oajy Vn byi nnrmt 20 :

rn» iD’pNi ntynpo pdj wnnp ibon Vnyn >. :

pa nnpo foao] Von pVy’o ny rpatyo ^ :

: annoy na *ptym nVn *7jn * pnVnV Dns» «..s.b.

Vyi mx’ns na VN’Voa nctpo pa oaty V’n Vyi 23, *+

.•

Von piyna na p’ON d*opo pa oaiy Vn 25

:

pmVnV nnxntyo bib ty:ao p pa nntyo odd

oacy Vn Vyi rrrty’oy na mynt* rnVn Vyi >«
:

pa oaty Vn Vyi pay na bN’yaa nty« pa 27

:

Vsnev pa *Voo pVtt ip*y na ymrw >VnD:i »s

nVon pmVnV
von rnwno VNiyn na aainV ntyo notn 3 29

fntt nn* mm noxn nnmV pnw pVoj ntyon

by oo Wo mm nVh iV odpi poy nm poV

1
After nj’jn on marg. ppnoi • ’ So MS.

s
Before "'ONI on marg. fD’ , . and underneath 3130 . . [?].

Digitized by Google
 .

29 NUMBERS X. i-io.

X. I
,» fmn n ? nay
1
mrr bbnV no'o ? 1
ntya tay
pyta ?
1
nayn *n:u span psw
ib im pm
3 pna pypnm nntfntra rv Vaabi rancaa :

po nyia Vhn yanb nnaaa ^a Ti'b pjanm

:

’D ?# win mrrw tt 7 paanm pyprr

1 ,1
mm
5 ;n«en nnx’atya jSan nyacw pypnm bant?’ :

« nnN’ntra t^ton nuan nyet?# pypnm nyaaa :

7 trnaai : pm^ea ? pypm nyatrN misva paNtyn

1

a nana pn» ’m ptyyan nVi pypnn n^np m :

:pann ? D^y mn: ? pa jmi nmv’xna pypm

1 1 1
?

9 p’yan npNy by payaxa map ? p*?y*n nai 1

mrr amp ? 3 paanm 3 nnNavvna pjyyam pan’

1

10 pamvTn ’arm pa’aan ;a pxsnm pan^x :

fol. ij. nnNavvna pypnm * pa’na* waai panyiam

pan ? 1
pa ?
1
pm pa’abty ’nan ^y? pan*?y by
.•pan ?#
1
mm ax pan ?}* 1

mm amp 1
?

paxa pa ? ana ao’a ? ncra ay

5 1 1
mm ‘Vbai
nxmaN maS iWi pa ? ibiai us pan nmaa 1
:

naiana nnVett’ai nmaa nnypaa viatya Va ?? 1

nan nnm ay naaaabi njoy:a ya« na’ syiyai

iViy nyax rv pa’aaip ? nan* an
1
rnna an: :

onaaff ? panna^V nyana’Na nynx ra»

1
vm
ipana pyatS pa 1
? apy’bi pm’ ? 1

* Before ^>?D1 ou marg. . V i>32 ;'N

* A letter has been erased before and after 1.
a
So MS.
4
This and the two following verses are not in the Hebrew
text, but are to be found in Deut. i. 6-8.
1
After |«i> on marg. 3KD ntM3.

Digitise je
 NUMBERS IX. 13-33. 28

mna Vn m
Iran* k
mini on Kim coni
1
?

:
crui
nn*
naif
pniy*
iv
nnps
mo
13

K’nn ntyflj ppi mn nV

npynm nnps nnyob
min mpn nV mm pip (n^n moy p
vjitni
my*i nu pioy mm* ]xi JKinn nty*N bap* >+

nmu my* p vjhpi nnoo mna 1

mn* ? noa
:nynm ruix*’?! nnviVi pib *n* mn
*rv njjy *oin njiiyo n* npnm ovn i5

njptyo ^y *n* njyonn nnxnnD ptyob njityo

irm nj*oi* njjy mn

*n* p nev ny imp m .*
m
njiiyo bya mjy nipViott oaVi :*y?i 7 m i

tan piy*n mnsm Vtnty* *ji pbo* p mn

pbo* mn* no*o by : Vmty* *ji pity* fon njjy «s

ptyn pov b i pity* mn* no*o byi bsier 01

by mjy rroniNii .‘pity* mityo by nm . 9

nnNDO n* ‘wity* *ji pov mp^o fou,.b.

pnon* *.ip

by pj.pi pov mjy *n* ini pbo* kVi mn* 30 :

mn* no’o ‘jyi pnty* mn* no*p by mityp

p^r p*i nsv ny typno mjy »n* ini pbo* 31 :

njjy pbnp’i *VVi *dp*x *n p*?dp maxi njjy

3
mimiNi pov *n nn* *n pov pin *n pbon » :

bNnsy* *ji pity* vby ptyo ? .mityo by mjy

1

mn* no*o by pbo* r-tmpbnotai pbo* kVi 33

:

mn* rriNOO n* pbo* mn* no*o Vyi pity*

: no*o ini mn* no*o by vwdj
1
After n* on marg. . . 1 .
.
[1]n”1.
1 3
Altered from DDV. So MS.

Digitized by Google
 5 o .

27 NUMBERS VIII. 25—IX. 12.

rmia nb’n b’nb bNy* bybi (n)3ty pDin tyon

»5 nrrny b*n p ity» pty ptyon 1307 iy7D bnN :

a6 iy7D bnN3 vns* 'ay vam my i3y’ r<b7 ?

*nyn j(73n) ’W *<b nT3jn rnttoo iDob

pmDDn wvbb :

nntri »3’D 13103 nra oy mm bbo7*

nNoip nnra onxo yiN p pn’psob nm’jn
a :
3
vnn nrtDfl n* baity* *33 ivnv’i :io*ab
tnay* mtyoi pn nmo dv iDy ny3iN3

4.
j

: nm
7i3y7
p-avn
:
m
*3*3

b337 nnma *733 van nn*

nnDS i3yob bNity* *33 dv ntyo bboi
*:*n nm*b ov ioy ny3iN3 nN0ip3 nnos n*
13 rw n* mm ipsi *733 »3 *d 13103 mtyoi
6 1 V3D0 urn 1*133 vim bNity* *33 rny
y£>3b :

laipi N7nn dvi nrtDS i3yob 7*73* Nb7 ty3Ni

«..«. 7 71DN7* :N7nn no7’3 pna ompbi ntyo tmpb
nob boni y33b i*3Do prUN mb pno mi33
t

733 7’33tN3 mm pip il* PQipob Nbl 1X303

3

8 mo nyottw 707p ntyo pnb idn 7 bNity’ ’33 :

:p3b ipa* mm
9 ,
«o
4
’33 Dy bbo io*ob ntyo dv nin bbo7
:
1

*N B’fl3b 3D,3 ’0’ IN ty3N C’3N IDPb bNity’

:mmb odd ioy*7 pomb *n pob np’m jmao
ii rrtyoi *3*3 D7» iDy ny3iN3 m3’3n mm*3
14 pl’ty* Nb H37b3N’ t’17107 IPS by 770’ pi3y*
;

'
Dy is written over. 3
Before ^^01 on marg. pnbt< m . ,

3
So MS. 3
After Dy on marg. Nice i>3Dl.

E 2

Digitized by Google
 NUMBERS VIII. u- 24 . 26

1
rv njyatrab pmi nsibn mn* dti? ?
bunty* ’an
Vn by pmn n* pDOD’ ’Nl’bl HIH' tt?'OC’D ! •>

mn’ ? nby
1
in rvi mbD in rv nny’i nns
pnx ompb ’Nvb rv D’pm : ’Nvb by nnbDab .3

tnani : mn'1? nsNatt pm *|’am van ompbi m

nnni ’Nvb *b .'
b«n»* pm ’an mba n’ 5
*Ni*b i

nyia bn# evotyn n* rurapeb ’Nvb pbtty* p

pn’m pn*m (n)bn nsNatt pn* spam pry pim : 16

mnD nnn bn mnn btocv ’an in[b]a *b pax

bn ’b (n)bn : *b pn* mm btotr» ’ann Dm , 7

nbapn Dvn nnannni neato mnn btnty’ ’ann

:>b pn’ nenpi onvo ynxn nnn bn
•
bantr ’ann nnn bn mnn ’Nvb n* mnn
*
8 ,

*an m[b]n vanbi pnxb pn’.n *Nvb rn* nnm »

bnan bsocy* ’an cy’atyn n’ mra&yab b^ntr
’ann *,n* r<bi buna” ’an by nnbDobi nyia
nnyi* .*
nKnpb btntr’ ’an nnpan sp b^nty* J0 <bi.. 3 .b

bnn ’Nvbb btn^’ ’an mean bm pnw n&o

’an pnb my p ***vbb n&o rv mm npon
pnt* spin pmypn iyn *Nvb inbnDto ; btntr’ a,

pn» pn’by nbDi mn* ompb nsNaK pn*

n» ntyaiyab *Nvb iby p nnm : pntonab «
van Dnpbi pnt* nnpb nyio bnxn peratrn
pnb
: my
p *to*b by ntya n’ mn* npon nan
nna ’Ni’bbn m :na*ab ntya oy mm bbai* a} ,

1
After '333 on marg. 'Kli> i>pi.
8
Before bbd on raarg. IDT hv JH3.

Digitized by Google
 .

25 NUMBERS VII. 89—VIII. 11.

89 bnxb rttro by’sai n n* n[m3]i inn nrtmo :

'

p nay bbao nbp rv yean nay nbbaab nyio

inn 3 ’aa nnN'nnD iru* byn nms: nxby
’

.•nay bboi mana

1
viii. it 2 pnx oy bbo : no’ab ntra ov mn* bboi
’on baipb oy rri’iro rv "inipDNi nb na»m
3 pn.v p nayi :rmin nyoty pv:’ nnnma
-rps-r nnnma ’on bmp oy
naa n’ 3 ’ 3na pDN
1
?

-1 ny am Pm nnnmo nmy pi ntro n’ mn’ :

mn* um mrna tun Pm n’nno nyi nn*am*o

.•nnnmo n* nay p na\a rv
5) s wb n’ man na’ab ncra toy mn’ bbai 4
:

m., 3 . 7 pnb nayn pnai * pn» »anm bN“W’ ’ja m[b]a :

by eyioy pnayn mbD »o [r]mby ntt pnNanab

s na no pnD’i pami pmypn pyvi pnDa ba
:

na p 3 n noi ntraa D'Da nbD mnnjrai pin

9 bnx ompb ’Nvb n’ anprn mbDb aDn pin :

10 anpm bjtnty* 3 a rntma ba n’ tsoam nyio

:
’

rv bantp-aa paaD’i nvr ompb ’Nvb rv

i, mON3N ’Nvb rn’ pn« tp’i :*ttvb by pmnN
’ This expression occurs several times in this chapter ;
in
verse I it is impossible to decide wliat was the original reading, the
page being much blotted ;
in 10 the original word has been erased
and ntPDK inserted by a later hand ;
in 84 the word has been
entirely erased, leaving a blank ;
in this place only the first and last

letters have been left, three letters apparently having been erased.
2
Before on marg. , . tjm nn . ,

s
A letter has been erased liefore and after 1.
* Before on marg. n 3 H ~»n[ 3 ].

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 NUMBERS VII. 77-88. 24

pi 2i pn pin rvo bv
1

nmbi mbDb in pry

: 77

p ntron n3J? ’32 pnaa ntyon puny ncynn

pjy in btf’yas pip
:

yi’nte ’
32b (r<)’DJ dv iDynn dvd ?s

n(N)oi pnbn m(n *)D 2i n)ny nmpi p’y 12 :

79

nenp bpnc 2 bp(n) py 2 ty *pp in ire nbpno

*bN’D nmob hto 2 D’D2 nbD pbND pnnn
: so

pin 12 in 13 nmR n’bo 2 niDy rnn

j m s.

pry i’svi nbyb ’nr.(y) 12 in irate in 121

:

pi3i pin pin n’obs> n 2 ibi mbDb in : s}

p ntyon n3Cf ’32. p(te)ott neon p3ny nsyisn

P’y 12 yi’nte pip j

nn’ [nnm n]3V2 nn2io n33n [m]* 84 «..xk

’iDymn tp2i
pnv breiE” ’(te)’D3 ’/nteibD
r’lpy’mn 2 ml pteb’s iDynn *p2i p33’3
[in] 133 praen *p2i n[i]n nv nyo pnbn s5

bpnn2 pND y21N1 psbtf pin n’3ND t\D2 *72

unite pbteo ’iDy’nin 2nn p*7N*3 : ntyip 86

211 *72 ntrip bpno2 “nn’teb’D mDy niDy

iDynn nnbyb nnm *72 nyoi piDy ’nmteb’3 : s7

iDynn n3ty ’32 pinote iDynn p2i pi3

nn *723 mbob iDynn pry n’3«i pnmoi
t ss

pnty pi 2 i pis ny 2iM pioy n’sbty n 2 i

n23n m pntr n3«y ’32 pirate pne? psny

1
After 'i>nw on marg.’an illegible gloss.
* So MS.

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 23 NUMBERS VII. 60-76.

H niyan mty an pian ntyan pony wan

iwnfl in Vtt’^an pip :

«° in put* tavnan an ? (t*)’Dj ntty’tyn nevn 1

nyai pn*?n (my *pa n)ny ninipi aiyia :

ntrtp Spnan *?pn pynty fpn in -p’s nbpna

63
’Sn'D : nma ? 1
n&»an D*Dn n^D pbtta pmn
pnn in in is mmt* .nba mDy nm mn
nby ? nna? in in mat* in im
1
«4 pry i»svi :

«5 pirn pin pnn nabty 1

?.! n^D ? in nm :
1

p ntran mty an pmat* n^an pony nryan

raiyin in put* pip
-a iry’ntt p an ? (>»)’DJ ntti’Dy navn'
1
«6

e? n(t*)ai pnbn* n(iy *pa nny) nmpi nw’ay :

Vpnan (p)'?pn(a) pynty tpa in -p’s nbpna

: nma ? ntyan D'Dn n^D p^tra prvin nanp
1

<• 8, #9 in in is unit* n’ba may: ’bx’D nm mn

70 nsii nbyb ! in in mate in mi pnn nw
pirn pin pnn n’a^tr nm ?! m^D ? in pry 1 1
71 .*

p ntran mtr an pmat* neran psny ntran

mty’ay in iry’ntt pip :

7J in WaD wx
anV (n)’Dj dv iDy in ovn
73 n(tt)ai pnbn m(n *pai n)ny mmp :pny
^pnan (p^prCa) pynry spa in "p’D n^pna
.•nma ? wan D’Dn nbD pVtta pnnn ncrrp
1

73, 7j in in is unit* n* ?(K)a nm niDy

: ’btuo
1
mn
76 nom n^y ? nncy in in mat* in im pnn
.*
1

1
Before riOV3 on marg. . . J3
 NUMBERS VII. 42-59. 22

rViyn -a sp* ?# na aoV (n)’DJ nNn*nty dvo

1

nbpno nyo 1 pn^n (mn *pon n)n¥ rompi 43

pnnn nttnp bpnoo in "p’O ‘apn pynty spo

mDV mn ?n’ 0 nnw ? ntyoo D’Dn hVd p^o
,
1
:
1
44

nn non pin no nn no mniN n»bo am : 45

nn pry mom rnSyV nnty no nn nnaN

: 4«

nsyon pnon pnn pmn rmo^iy non ?! m^Db 1

: 47

pnp p rnryon nary ao pnno# ntyan pony

:*nyn no sp^tf
yaty^te 'DnoN ao ? (t<)’Da nxyary novo
1
48

pnbn mn (fpon n)ny maonpi mmoy no : 49

*?pnoo *?pn pyoty* tpo nn -p»o n^pno nyoi w...

;nnaab niyao D’Do n"7D pbo pnnn ntynp

no nn no mnitf n ?o om may mn Swo
:
,(
50 , 5 «

!pnV7 nnty no nn nno# nn# non pmn

pnn pmn mobty non*?i ni^D ? nn pry mom :
1
s>, »
ntyan n:ty ao pnnox ntyan pony ntyan pnon
:mn*oy no yoa^N pnp p
no ‘aN’boa naaa ao*7 («)’oa nxa’on novo 54

nyoi pnbn (my spo n)nv naonpi mmno j 55

nanp ^pnao bpn pyoty tpo nn *p*o nVpna

^N’O nnao ? ntyoo d*do nVD pVo pnnn
:
1
56

no nn no inmt* n(N) ?o om nnDy mn

:
,l
57

mom nbyb nnty no nn nnoN nn non pmn

: 58

pnon pnn pmn mobty non 1?! mVDb nn pry : 59

After D"EN on raarg. pi3 H3 and underneath rPpD,

 21 NUMBERS VII. 25-41.

*5 ,—i(n)oi pn*?n (mn s\dd~t n)ny naaipi :fVn

nenp Vpiaa bpi pyaty *pa in *]rs nbpia
*« ’bx’2 :nnaab ntyaa D’on nbo pba pnnn
*7 pm ia is m nmK rrVo am niDy
: mn
js pry i»dvi .‘nVyb nnty ia max in nan m
29 pan pin pm
n’D^ty naibi mbDb in :

H ntyan nary »aa pinat* ntron pimy ntyan

fVn ia dn^n pip 1

ia twVk pun ’aa ? (tt)*Da nay’ai nova1 1

jo

jt n(»)oi pnVn mn
(spa n)nx naaipi iinner :

nenp bpnaa ^pi pyaty *pa in "p’D nbpno

... 3* ’bx’D* nnaa ? ntyaa D’Da nbD ph>o pnnn
:
1

33 pin ia in id aims n’*?a am may : mn

34 pry -vein : nbvb nney ia in ina# in nai
js ntyan piai pn
pirn n’aVff naibi ; nVaob in
pip p ntyan naty »aa pncN ntyan *psiiy
:n»nty ia iwbrr
36 in 'js'obw pyoer 'nb (k)’D 3 nNty*on nova
37 pnbn (mn tpai n)nx naaipi mtymif :

‘apioa 4pi pyaty *pa in ia*a nVpna n(tf)ai

: nnaaV ntyaa D'Da nVD p'aa pnnn ntyip
38, 39 ia m 13 rrmw n^a am niDy mn ’bt^D
:

40 i’DVi rfovb nnty ia in mot*

: iai m pm
4 , pan pn pirn rnabcy naibi niVD ? in pry :
1

p ntyan naty *aa pnot* ntyan pony ntyan

: mtymy ia ‘jN’a'aty pip

1
On marg. before TO'3, '3 by [IJig’N. * So MS.
 NUMBERS VII. 1 1-24. 20

(n)’Dj ntyob mm notti

nnaio tompb pmp « .•

najnb pimp rv laipK or ? in (n)’DM dv ? in 1 1

nnaio ;

pom nmp n» nxcip nova aip(N)i mm ”

1

a
*pa(i) (nyy) maipi
1
min* oaty ? aivoy 1a >3 .*

pyaty rpai in -p’o nbpno nyoi pnbn mn

D’Da nbo pbo pmnn nonp Vpnoa (p)bp(no)
n’Vo am moy mn ’Vtua nrooV ntyoa * :

la in mot* 3 in nai ia in 1a »s pm mm#

naiVi* n^D ? in pry -van
! nby ? nn»
1
.*
1

ntyon pamy rijyon piai pin pmn moVty •

1a pitym pip p ntyon n:ty oa pinoN

airoy .*

(n)’dj iyiv ia *7K3nj aipn mon nova 18

n(in fjDai n)nv n:aip n» aipn no trcr» 19

p(y)atytpa in “pa nbpno n(N)oi pn*?n

D’Da n^D pbo pinnn nonp bpnoa bpiCo)
n ,l
70 am niDy mn 'btua : nnw 1
? ntyoa »°

ia in inoN in ion pmn ia in ia : rmtt

nt^D ? in pry mam
1
nai ?! 1
! nbyV nnty .*
», >j

ntyon pany ntyon piai pin pmn moVty

la btonj pip p ntyon n:ty »aa pinot*
••
iyvf
1
1a aN’ ?# pVar oa ?
1
(n)’DJ nxn’Vn nova u
'
After rump on marg. , , rvax. * So MS.
’ This has been altered, apparently, into trtN tBK : in this
and the following verses the n of triDN has been erased, but is

still legible.

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 19 NUMBERS VI. 22 — VII. io.

rrro csd rrw ’osm mb mu by mmb

:mt3 nmn by *ny* p nn
*•» >s pnx ay bbo na’ob ntyo ay mrv bboi
1

bxitr’ n* p:mn vdk iD’ob vaa Dyi

’33
>4 , 45 nmyi nm» m 3 inon mn’ 133 *13 pnb ion
’
:
*
:

26 ib nem iTb vqk mn’ ’bn* i3[onjvi i*i*b :

*7 btntn ’33 Sy 'S& n* i3en Dbty .*

.* fl3313N
*«• * roDtyo n» nopob nsro niD3D» Di*a mm
nnno m 1*30 bo nn nn* tnpi nn» ntyoi
2
mpNv pn* enpi
»k»d 3 : funtyoi V3Q b3 nn
p3s n’03ty *(«)*D3 p3K pnnntt n*3 btnty» wi
3 mn’ Dnipb p33*ip n’ inw : n*3’3D by f’DNpn
pnb nb^y pin noynni brn fboy rw
: niDtro Dmpb fin’ innpNi nnab 11 m n’(N)*D3
4.
5
pnn 1
fimbo 3D : nn’ob ntyob mn* *idni
’N vbb pn* fnm nyio bn# vrawn n* ncyotyob
6 nn nnxb3y n* nsyo 3D3i nn*3y Dobs wxt :

7 nn nntfbjy f*nnn n* W’bb fin’ 3nn nmn :

finny DDb3 pera 33 b 3n* nmn rmaiN

.*
’

s am nmn nnsoin nn nnxbny nyan# nn

pnx m3 non’N *tn 3 pn*3y Daba 33b mo ’

9 neap may
nbn 3 m ><b nnp *33bi mna .*

10 n33n n* m(N)’D3 lanpNi :(fib3)D* ncnaa fin*by

n* n’(N)*D3 i3npRi nn* (ntyoN) nova nnano

1
Before i>^01 on marg. . . YU ’J)3.

’ After on marg. . , CTN PJK.

D 2

Digitized by Google
 NUMBERS VI. 9-21. 18

trn 'anon [jn]n rpya yby mo mo* po 9

nity’aty nova nnvai Dva nim iddi mo

*n pm pm
ntwon novai :roiDD* *n** ,o

iayn ; n:na tV p* oa pin

lyio bnx ««

nom p vby n^Di n^yb *rm rv^D ? in nma 1

10m xmn nova ncm : tyipn ntrn by m »

dcn ? nniy ia iNen *n**i

1 a
mo *ov n* mn’ ? 1

mo nnDs 1bn : p*7oa* *Noip n*ovi

mo *ov
3
mo*?tyN Dva m*o nmn rm u
roanp n* aipi njno hk mn ? rtn* *n** >+
*7
1

mnoNi nVy in 1
? nntr ia inoK mn’b
obw in nan mVD ? 1

no*?ty nntr ma mn
ntroa p»Da pbn n^D tod pj[pi]* *5 Ibl. 9. b.

:pn’aiDtn] pnmoi ntyoa pnero [tod *pnpii]

mi nmbD n* iay*[i] mn* on pb n:na aipi
nay
1
mn* ? poVp nai iay» mai ni : nnby , 7

: vaiDi mi nnmo n* nina iay*i m*0D pap

aDi mo trn n* iyio *?nK mna m*o iddi »
nai mnm nntrx by fnn mo cm iyD n*
mai p nVtya njniN n* mna aDi :n*oSty .9

jni in tod pnpn n:op p in tod r\b m

pn* f)Oi m*o n* : *dd by « iDnotn ma m*o
*n* runaV Nin cnp nm* oiipV nDNjn mna
mai nnioiNi npty byi nn'DiNi nyo by
n:aip iti m*o nvnn ion m*o nncM * m :

1
After 3TID1 on marg. nnrttJtsn. * So MS.
5
After ntD^C'N on marg. fJian and underneath . . VtBI

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 17 NUMBERS III. 16 —VI. 8.

ooo bo pnooob pnnaN rvob ob oo n*

“130
« oo’o by no’o pn* moi : p3oan bybi rrv
•7 pnnosyo nb oo pbN nm : nopoo nos mm
is peno oo ronojy pbNi nooi ronp ptyoo :

19 may pnooob nnp ooi ; ’yoen oob pnooob

so ’bno pnooob ’“no ooi : bN’ryi poon omn
f'lonob { pnnoN mob ’Nvb ooo p3N pbN ’trioi

’no pit* pbN »yoty poi wob po

33 pnooo bybi no* ooo ooo bo fooo pmoiDoi
*3 mn ’N3iono po : pNo tram psbN ny o»
»4 »N3iEnob on n’o N’D3i .*
nooyo p pits?’ motyo

foL 9. vi. 3
*******
nonnob o*t 3 333 330b tno* p nnN
:bNb 33

’N
t^D’bN

333
3 ’oyi 3 on 3 ’oy onn* 'arm oon p : mn’b
a
ronii” Nb D’oiy n3iro [b]oi nnti” Nb nno3
4 nor: ’oi’ bo
bo” p<b p’O’i [flo’ao po3yi
:

r^b 3T 3yi poiiN p

noon poo ooymo boo
3 n^’o by ooy’ Nb *psn noi3 333 *ov bo 1 bo”
’330 »n’ tynp mn’b o?3n*o n’ov niobo’N oy
e jy33 by mn’b nmon ’ov bo neon oyD yos :

7 Nb innNbi vnNb noNbi voNb by” Nb n’oo :

;nty»3 by nnbN ono (n)bn pmoo pnb onD’

s mn’b Nin wnp no?3 *ov bo
:

1
There is a line in the MS. over the n in this and the follow-
ing cm.
* The 1 has been written over and it? erased between 0 and t?.

Digitized by Google
 2 «

NUMBERS III. 1-15. 16

ntyo Dymn* ‘Won dvo pn*t nnV’in pVto hli

onj nmoo pnK *jo nnot? pVto *:*d moo : *

pnK *jo nnaty pVtn non’Ni ntyVjN tomoxi

,* j

on: n*oi : nmoV pnnx dVkh lntrotn n*:no 4

rrin* ompV niria pmonptto t<irroNi

myVtf fno(to) pnV nin :>:Vp:oi *:*d ooodo
J pnoN pnN (*ok Vy) non*Ki
©oiy n* n&o Dy mn* VV01
oopn .*
-©*dV 5,

:nn* ppoem nmo pnN ompV nn* D’pm *1*7

ompV nntrjo Vo moo n[n]* nmeo n* pno*i 7

pnon motro trotyn n* npotyotV] nr© Vnx

:
«

V*ntp* *jo moo n*i ny© Vnt* *jnd Vo n*

*kvV n* fnm naotp a wavn rv rwapoV: 9

:Vtntr *jo i©- *V pj# po*m po*n* vjoVi pnxV

3

*nooi pnmo n* p*©*i *:on v:o n*i pn# m 10

:VDpn* onp’T
mm hn *jni :*©*dV ntro Dy mn* Wm 4
n,n
n[in]s moo Vo mnn Vnoit *n iod *nvV n*
j’NvV »V pn*i pn* pn’jpns V{ntr *:oo cnn
jnjo moo Vo nVopn dvo moo Vo *V ?<Vn «3

ny e*3k fo Vtnero moo Vo *V ntynpx D*m©

:mn* *jn pn* *V nono
*jn a *©©V *j*d nonno ntyo Dy mn* Wot*
: i 4) 15

* After bbon on marg. , . . nab.

a
After t33ti’ on marg. , . 3H3.
3
Tliis seems to have been corrected from tibo, as in ver. 1 .

* Before bbtJl on marg. 'Nl'b.

3
Before bbci on marg. bt< n'3N.

Digitized by Google
 15 NUMBERS II. 18-34.

8 x'DJi nniye fa Dno' pmVnb cnex nntya

>9 iaaai nbm nn*oy in yaiy’bx disk anb
:

20 x’Dn ntrjo antr vbyi pxa tram tfbx pymx :

21 iaaai nbm mins

in bx*ban anb nwo
2» k’dji D»aan onen pnxei pnbm pin :

*3 iaaai mbm
aiyin in pax D’aan anb :

3 -»
naaa *?a : pxa ymxi t)bx pnbm n trarr
nyai psbx maim s\bx nya onos nntyab
:pba» pxmbm pmb’nb
<*>'«
^ [x’]d:i prvb*nb miDV fa p nntra ana**
>6 pn [n]bm rntr’ay in i?y>nx p anb
iaaai :

27 itrx ma* nay pixem [f]ixa ynen *|bx pntt»i :

28 [i]aam nb’m pay in bxyns itrx anb x’Dyi

:

29 x’dji ’bnsi onen pxa tram tjbx pynixi in :

3° nnbn iaaai nb*m fry in yi»nx *bnsi anb :

31 p mitrab naan bn pxa ymxi ^bx ptynm :

nnpyb pxa ntri f)bx ptyam nyntri nbx nya

3
; pn’DnDb pba’
32 aaa 4
bn pnnnx nab an aaa pbxbxitr’
pebx nnbm *ibxi pxa nv pn’b’nb nnxntya
33 an inn uanx .*>:b *xvbi piyam pxa tram :

34 an nnyi :nra n» nin» ipsi man bxity*

fin’Dnab lit? fn ntra n* mm ipsi bnn bxiKi
nnnnx rvn by namb inn ibai pi
:

1
Before 030 on marg. no.
5
"HD is written over 030.
s
prmoV lias been inserted in the text after |VTD30^.
4
After i>3 on marg. n .'1.

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 NUMBER8 II. i— 17- 14

'naa : na’ab pns* oyi nsra av nm» b^ai «.

pnniN n’a ? ’pOa’oa vwb by)

1
torw* *ja pnen
nyia ‘mx ? nnD 3 ‘nipVa
1
ptcanp fnsttrti {
finer’ 3

'nb min* nntya Data nyrraa

n’dji finin'?
rnyanjt vauai rfmt nnyay *12 perm min' : 4

Die> nov pntfuni pxa ntri pyatri :

5

:nyiy na Sj«ni natrer’ aa ? iss'DJi naerer’ 1

fwo yaiNi t\bx p»om nyaiK vyjai nVm

:
*
,l
n[a] aN ?K
aab rs’DJi p*?ar oatr[i]»
fV?ar 7 fol. 7. b.

yanxi ptram nyatr vmai nVm fb’n

f)b[N] s

mw
:

t)b$ nya nnaa’i rryjo ’aa 1 ptto 9

pn'VnS pan yanto pob[K] nneri p:aim

jp^B’ fwanp
K'DJi pn'S’nb narn fa fawn nntra Dao 1°

nner vraei nVm nwner na hv'^k fawn aab 1 .>

oatr may pern fwa a’am t\bt* pyanjn : <»

l ,
: rrrermf na w*a ?tr fiyatr
1
aa ? k'dji pyaer
: fwa rnbm ptram mytrn vyjai nVm u
nVm : btny~r na *p'bx na aab tran na oatri •<

:ptyam fwa rntri t\bx pyanai ruran vraai 15

ptram nrwi *)*w nya fawn rmtrab maa *?a ><»

jp*7D' pyjni prrVnb ptram fwa yansi r\bx

naa pnanera laa wvb nnera nyio br\n Vmi n

jpn’DaoS "nnnK by naa pbo' fa pnern
1
After 133 on marg. IV3 Dlip.
' There has been a letter between the 3 and ' of |'3D'D3 with
a line over it and the ' following.
4
’ There is a line over n in inD. After mnt< on marg. n'lioi’.

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 13 NUMBERS I. 41-54.

: b»n potu bo bybi pty poy 102 poty poo

41 com s\b*c pyoun in new ootcb pn* 3’30
: pno
4» pnnot* nnb pn’ 3iob prnbin *bns 3 ’30b
:b*n poio bo bybi pty poy 110 poty poo
43 ymto *ibtt ptyom nnbn *bnfi 3 ootyb pn’ 3 ’ 3 Q
pNO }

btoty* WD 31 pntn nco n:oi n’ 3 3 o

1
’
44 pbtt

rvo 'ootyb in# ootyb inx 100 -m "iDynn

45 pn’b’nb baity* *jn 3»30 *?d nm :i[i]n prim#»

foi. 7. 46 11m :btnty*o b*n pD 3 *72 bybi f*

3 ty piDy “no*
tyom pobtt nnbm [py]bta pao nty n’ 3’30 bo
4? p on» r<b
3 pnmK ootyb [»K]vbi : ptyom pNo
: pmoo
4 », 49 *ib ooty n* pn .*
io’ob ntro oy mn* bboi
•
on ion ODn t*b pooND n*i oon ?<b
btnty*
50 bo bin nntmno ptyo by »»vb rv fo*n nnNi
n’i motyo rv *pboD» p 3 N nb n*tn bo byi 100
:pmtc” ruotrob inoi .—oityoty’ p 3 Ni V 30 bo
5* n[v]iEwoi *«i*b nn’ prmv’ 30 tyo mbottoi n
:bopn’ oipi *nioi *Nvb nn’ po’p’ 30 tyo n
5’ by "looi nxntyo by 000 btnty* 00 pen
53 ptyob onD pity* nxvbi .*
pn’b’nb rnn«
b*nty» *
3 o nooo by *pp »n’ «bi nnsrrno
54 noyi : nntmriD ptyo n* *tn’b pioi moo
:noy p ntyo n* mn* ipsi boo btnty* 00
1
Before "Sn on marg. . p i>3 . .
’ The b is written over.

Digitized tw Google
 f

NUMBERS I. 27-40. 12

*)btt pyaai nyans min’ anab pnaaa ; bn n

mind nai
pinna# rra ? pnannb 1
pmbm nnaa’ anb *b

p 3 Na bn byba (n)aa piDy ma paa pm

paom myna nnaa’ anab pot? paa : bn »»

:p»o yanaa f\ba

pnms n* nb pina*mb pmbm pibnr anb 3°

p 3 *u bn byba (n)aa p-iDy mo poa paen

f] b« paom nyna pibnr anab pnaao : bn 31

JplKO ymKl
1 1
n*nb pinamb limbin onstt ’an ? *pv ’an ? s>

bo byba paa I’idv [ma]* paa pan pmmN w.*.*

F\bx pymtt onflK anab pna*[aa] bn p3#a : 33

; p[«o] tram
pnnn|>] n*nb pinamb pimbw naaa *a[n*7] 34

p3Ka bo bybfi] paa pmy .ma pea paon

t)bn pnbm .pin naao anab pinaaa bn 5 35

: pnKO'i
pinnnrt mob pinamb pimbin na’oan anb 3«

.*
bn pBrra bn byba pair pmy ma pair paan
ynnto r\bn pnbm naan a»oan ana ? pnaaa n 1

: piNO
paen ptnnn# mnb pmannb pimbin p 'an ?
1

3b

: bn p3^a bn bybi paa pnoy nna poa

pt*a ynai *\btt pnai pin p anab pinaaa
: 39

pmnn» mb pinamb pimbin na» anb 40

1
Before '»!> on marg. nan in 3 D.

Digitized by Google
 11 NUMBERS I. 13-26.

.*
pay 12 ta’lttD ItS’K *7

: *7ttijn 22 sp’*7tt 13 *7

’
.* iVn 12 jrrntt ’*71203 *7

16 *trtn iirmt* ’oats* *n*D 3 nntwa *

3 *or 1**7#
*
17 n*i22 rv pntn rwo 2D3i : p:« *7tntr* *
0 7#
»8 *rnn W33 nncoo *73 m : potso 11*131 i**7Nn

unnnM n’2*7 ip*323 bv PiinDNi rt3*3n nm**?

jmbubib
1 jnw poo
bybt pts? poy 120
19 J*3*D 13102 IWJOOl ntTO fl* fTO* ipDl 203

« firms'? iimbin *?tno** ti 22 pitn 02 nm

fol. 6. limtoW? 121 bD- pots* 1*302 pnroK rrnb
[flats* pov 120
3
21 112*3*30 b*n pax: *73J

.•[fliNO tram e\bs paim nnty pitn [o] 2 7*7 t£

22 pnrntt [n]*2*? 1.12*313*7 iim*?in pjw *33*7

120 131 *73 lint^lsW? pD» 1*332 pnmiDKD

2J 02^ *112*32*30 ;*7*n po3 *73 bybi (i)3ts*
4
pwr
nwo nbm t)bx I’erom nvcrn iiyoe?
t

24 i*3D2 iirratt n*2 7 112*313*7 iim*?in 12 *32*7

.'Vn pON3 *73 *7^*71 (n)3» I’lDV 120 pot?

25 11K0 fWl rfrtt 1*V21N1 2tS*0!l 13 D2tS**7 [12*3*30

: i*irom
26 imroN *n* 2*7 112*313*7 [ini*7in nnn* *32*7

pfitM *73 SyVl (n)3tS* pDV 220 pots* 1*302

1
So MS. ’ The n of lYffiDK is written over.
’ A letter has been erased in this and the following verses
after !>'n.
4
Formerly pc', as in following verses.
6
So MS. 4
After r\'J? on marg. , , . Clip-

C 2

Digitized by Google
 NUMBERS.

a[yia]bnxn a*D annan ncya a y roiro [bbei] *•«

propi[sab] nroan nnea roan nm'b ann

rattandidd [rv] mD :aa’ab D'a»*a yat* jo *

pat? pan pn mix rr[nb] pnaanb btntr’ an

bn byVi tatv patry ana : pnbnbitnb] am bn 3

ran# proVnb pn> aan btntyp bn ps[j]

era am raantfb am am pro pnayi pntn : 4

paipn roam nnaty pbNi Nin nnnnx rronb : 5

pnay
awntp
: an aiv’bK piNa b
: mt’nii' an bN’obty pyaty b e

: naray an pero nairo b 7

: ayiv an bton: anew* bs

fpv anb nbn an nx’bN pbnr b % 10

airoay an y atr’bN D’aSN b

: aivmo an bN’ban neao b
: aiyan an p’nt* D’oan b ..

; naeray an aryntt n b »

Digitized by Google
 9 LEVITICUS XXVII. 31-34.

3> edn pie» np*iSN ini jmrv ? 1

crip Kin mrr ? 1

: nenom hidvdo
*in*

fol.s. 3a [n]inn nnyn ]nvi 0’)nn idvd Vdv

33 ja in’ k
?
1
mn''? ttnp
: »n» nN*VDy nomw
»m nrm* mm jni [nn]na* K*n erzb id
?[p]nsn» nV enp »n»minni [n]ih
34 ^nip* mV nvo n’ mn’ -ipDi nmps vVn
•
*j'D mm

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 .

LEVITICUS XXVII. 17-30. 8

Vtroro p(y)D 10m jn? rnnr Deb -ptw

nbpy Bnp’ nbiv njcro ini epi i[*]bpno n :

nbpn trrp’ nVn* nm ini Dp* (n)D«*BO ;

not? *10*0 by nQDD rv .—uni nb aun’i

:(n)ON’B> 10 nunn nbn* nw iv nnmm
nn* cnpon nbpy n* pi 3 pnosn [ini]*
*It[vi] > 9 M. ( .b. '

P*id’Nb int [nb] oipo vby *ion*p *pa Bnon *0

:

pis* Nb piy mib n[bpn] n» pr ini nbpn n»

nin’b trip nbivi npsoi nb[pn] *m : m v «
:nn:nD ’nn mnib noo[n] bpm
Bnp’ nrunD bpy p Nbn nnr nbpn m ini « 1

(n)DN’P dud rv nb imi mn*b wn »3mm :

enp Ninn on (n)DN*B> n» inn nbm miy ny

noy 10 mirtb nbpn o?y» nbii’ njiyi 1 mn’b *4
bpnoi »n* (i)on’v bn yiN mnD nb nb °s :

nbpno nn[’i] poy ntsnp

:

Kb norm mmb hit-t mm bn pi

enp’ *«

nonn ini Nin mn’b »pj in mn in nn’ bon

.*

Nb ini vby nneri »|tvi (QDN’Ba pnenn niDD

: (n)oN’Ba pin poem
nbn bio nin’b bon Dim
Din bo* pi
Kbi pit’ Kb nmno bpn pi nonn bon p
mn bi ; mmb Nin I’tnp Bnp Din bi pisn’ »»

j bopn’ bop p*i£3» Nb nBON p conn’

nab’N nooi nyiN ynro hpn ooyo bn 3°

1 ' has been written over after 3 and n after ).

1
On marg. before |13, [?]nrm.

Digitized by Coogle
 .

7 LEVITICUS XXVII. 4-1 ft.

4 (n)oN’ty ’nn N’n napa pa nenp bpnaa *pa .*

1

s pDy *aa nya pc' pan *ua ini f^pna ynbn :

nnapaba j’^pna pDy man (n)3N’P »nn pap

6 pc? pan *o nya rrv naa pa pbpna : mDV
nnapaVa *pyi pVpna npan nnan iaN’P ’nn
7 pnp naa ini :*pan p'jpna nn'an (n)a«’P
Pdv npan (n)aN’P ’nn* nan p ^yVa pap
s ja Nan nys pa : pbpna mDV [nrjapaVi pVpna
nana nn’ [oap]n nana Dip ? nao’pn *)3N’P
[njana naaap’ mnNa [i]n ’Dam na’a by
:

9 pn *73 nan’ ? p-ip naa anp(n’)n nana pa

1

10 nn’ pis’ nVi naabn* n ?pnp »n* mn’b naa 1

:

nana pa* aaa p’a »n p*aa an

*]a(na) ini
crip *n* nmnsi Nan ’nn nanaa
:

” pnp *naa anp(n’ nV*t) naDa nana ^a pi

.a oapn :nana canap ? nnana rr O’pn nan* ?
1 1

»n» p nana DN’pa p*a paa an pa nn* nana

;

13 pON’ty by npaan *|ian napne* npNnsN ini

m naaapn 3 nin’ ? pnp nn»a n* pnp’ (in) paNa
1

nana nn’ taapn naa p’a pa aa fa nana

>5 plan fpan nn*a n* pie’ pnpan pa Dap* p :

: nV ’nn a’by (n)aN’P *pa

4
•6 nn nan’S paN pnp* nnanD bpy p pa

1
* is written over the line, after 1DJ).
* After ilJD on mnrg. 31
s
After mn'b on niarg. ..1.1.
* After ni!T^ on uinrg. !?E3.
 .

LEVITICUS XXVI. 39—XXVII. 3. 6

rnanxn ‘pn’niyn ppant?*' pan p-introm 39

pmnn ppantr* p(n*)

:
prim# *myn *|to pn*nm 40

*n npEn pnnptyn pnnn# *niy jti prrniy n»

non pnoy intt natf t\x : no *oy anm fpti **

nbny pro ? yaa* tn *n pn*nm ymo pn» bxyi

rpn’iin rv pyn* “mi
pn[V’] *on*p n* ^ki npy* *dn*p rv m[am]* ^
: n[anN] yn«n -oik onniN *on*p rv
pnao nooea n*nw [n*3 'jnni pao pntyn nynxi 45

nn ip 4 v[N] *ann im ira pmrnn py[m] pa#i p

nynsn pmnn nnn 3 ^to : pntwaa nDybn *m*fn 44

pnoaoob pncaybn pnpnwe >«b piriai

t<bi
jpnbtt mn* *at« nbn pnoan *as**p nbtanob
ynN id pn* np£3Ni paonp en*p pnb nana’i <*

jmn’ *jn D’nbtfb pnb ’.nob n’tra *a*yb onvo

na*a mn* nn*n mnxrnm mam mn»rn pbx
:no'o men *j’D btnty* ’an pm mm
an oy bbo :no*ob nro ay mn* bboi 4 *xv». i,«

(n)DK*ea ma ens* p nnn pnb no*m beenty*

paty pnoy nno man DN’ty *nn mn*b jcysa .* j

(n)oee’ty *m pair pnty nn nya

5
( pbpno) ptron

1
This ’ appears to have two dots over it.

a
After jvraijn on marg. , . E’p nn?3.
5
Apparently corrected from mn3.
4
Before bbt31 on marg. [1] pity pi ...
" In this chapter the suffix of the second person, as in the

Hebrew text, often appears to have been altered into that of the
third, as in the Chaldee.

Digitized by Google
 . .

5 LEVITICUS XXVI. 25-38.

as nns) »aa am pa*by »nw : pa*am .

yaaty
namo n^ew [pannp] iaV ptyaanni n(ON*p
a« may pa*? nann : nan ixa pannm panaa
irynn in nana paon*? ptw iDy pdni non*?
1
jpyaDn kVi p'jam bpnoa paon ?
a? :no »oy panm >b pyotyn ^*7 mna 1
ini
roi.j. as naa t\x pan* mtn* no nona paoy >imi
a» iDai pa»aa ioa pVam : [p]a’ain by yaacy
3° ipyto i(ianNioi) rv ’xwi 1 [pVan] panaa
[t]ia*W» nas by panic n* into [pa*a]on n*
3> tain [pjan(n)p n* tn#i .*
pan* ’({yea) byam
1
: panim nna [n]n« Kba paenpxi n* Dtyjn
3a pa*nai n’by poNtyn [njyiit rv nax cnrai
33 paina taboNi rr(tm)a nniN pann na tntm :

3-* ik tain jn* pannpi noKty payiK *nm am

:

pn»i nooty *ov ba n*iny rv nyiK *yim

rv »jnni nyix naiym ik pa*aai yiaa
35 nnaty ss ?! rv nacyn nooty *ov Va :n*aty
1

.*
n’by fi3"nsa pa’atya
3« nyiKa paba nano3
bxyi paa pi’ntyon
n’pnyo ppiy»i man 'by bp tin’ *pin pn*aa*r
37 Diipoa vnxa tyaN pbpni rpi n^i pSsn : am
np*7 noipn pa ? 1
’.in n'b ppm am
nsba
38 yiK pan* (<y)Dni n*(*m)a tna*m pa*oai :

pa*an :

1
Before JN1 on marg. J'T HQ , .

s
The MS. has a line over IN in panim.
a After pai>3 on marg. nab nbm

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 .

LEVITICUS XXVI. 13-34. 4

5dv ? 1
’*? linn pnxi to’nbx
1
? po ?
1
*’xi pooon
onvo ynx p ion’ npoxn pon*?x mm *ix u
n’mxi pomi noiy mm pay jin’? ’mono
S 1’OOlpO pOm
nmpfi "bo m pnayn xbi ’*? pyotyn xV pi >+

bwn *m [n* pi]* pp’xn 'mnu p pbxn 15 foL >.h.

rv pobioa ? mps m] nayob x*n potyfli

1
[bo
po’by -idoxi pob mn nayx [*ix] uxo »ox*p « :

P’odo nn(jnp) rri nnonty 'rv ib’[n rmj

poy[m] npnb pjnim nips) p’anoi n’[i*y]
pnnnni poa ’n[an] pxi po’aan nn^’i n :

mbi ppnym po’iD poa poben po’aan ompb

{pom *prr
pan* ’"no ? tpxi 1
*b pyotyn xb pbx ny 3 pi is

po’D’pn ’bin n* nanxi : po’ain by yiaty

: ntymo poynx
nnbby
m
m poinx inn xbi poboy pnb cbty’i ao
nbniflo pO’Oity n* jnxi
19

no ponn pi
’oy m»u in’ r<b nna ib’xi » :

yiaty nyo po’by fjnxi »b yotyob pnnn t**bi

bonm ptq n’ poa nbtyxinn po’aino » :

loty’i pom nytm pononn rv npym pon*

poninix :

:no ’ey ponm ’b s-sb pbxa

4
pmn
pi 33

mx tp pon’ ’yoxi non posy nix «p *]nxi *4

1
Perhaps originally vwi ; a letter has been erased after 'to,

the ’ of which may be by a later hand.

1
After bl on marg. [ijn^y. ’ Before |K1 on marg. flpB*.
4
Before |K1 on marg. itap ' . .

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 3 LEVITICUS XXV. 51— XXVI. 12 .

5* jx :noy »m max ova pat? pan nyai spa

spaa nmpnax nry* (p:xn dd^) maea uid my
sj r-6ia’ nw
ny nsynx myt tin mar mea :

:nmpifl» tv my’ vaiy ‘nipSa nb aerm

53 *ppa nanbfl’ nay *m natya maxa nw
w... 54 nbia* natya pen* pbxa pno’ xS pi
55 nay pay Vxnsy* *aa »*? xbn nay vaai sin :

[m]m ’ax onxa ynx p pm rnpax-r [pax]

1 1
xxvi. 1 naxpi [*?Dfli] pV?x pa ? pnayn ns ? panVx :

paynxa pann ttb [n*]aoa pm pa*? pD’pn x ?

1

’naity m pan ?# mm ax [t**?]n m*?y naDa ?1 1

.•mm ax pbnnn ’Krrpaai [flnon

3 pnavm pnan nips n*i pann ’nmtaa fx
'

4 nnbbv nynx fnm paan panoo pxi pm .•

n(sap) n* nan pa ? *oon vms in* nna jVxi 1

5 t

1
yaD ? paan ? p^arn 1
nym rv ’taa* n(sap)i
e nynxa obty pxi paynxa piyn ? pmrm :
1

p .—tnty’a rrn ^aaxi oyan ’n’Vi paanm

? n* inmm paynxa nayn aim * nynx
:

8 paao pom
ann ? pa’ampb pbon pa’aan i
1

pbfl’i ps-n* pian paao nyoi nya neon

1

9 noxi
1
pa ? ’ynnxi ann ? pa’amp ? pa*ann :
1

.0 pba’ni paay »ox’p m ta’pxi pam aDxi pan’

:

«t pxi :ppsn nmy

ompa npmyi pnyn p’ny
* -ibnnxi pan* (nyea ayban) nVi paaaa ’aaeo
:

1
After JlIBn on marg. D'K.
* Between lines ending with OJ»n and aim on marg. y.

13 2

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 '

LEVITICUS XXV. 35-50. 2

nn 'ppnm lay m» aiam Tint* id* ito 35

nntnba ddd btt : "joy "pnt< th anim ivn 3s

n* ioy
: *m 7m p Vnm
pii bmn
inbt* 3?

:*]bn*a inn t*b pirn bisnn nb inn Nb iddd

esnxa yiN id pnn* npDNi pnnbt* mn* dn 3s

1
:D* nbNb pnb ’no ? jyan yiN n* pnb inab
nn tyon]c’n Nb ib lay *pnN ho* pi]* pm 39 f0,.,. b .

iy] *py *n* imn: ipnd my [»*oipn : 40

vm [Nin] lay id psp pay -ay* nbnv [njtr t 4 «

Nbn ity* nn[nnN] n:nDbi nnnb "ity*i noy

;
4
,

i^b onxo yiN p p[n*] npSNi piN nny

bmm *typn nn nbsn t<b *ny pn[r] pmt* 2 43

n*Nin nNiba pb pn*i innDNi “pinyi *pbN p : 44

*pd s)Ni noNi my pptn pma pnninoi

:
45

pn’PDDi pntn pma pnay pnmnai nnvn

: njnDb pah pm pnyiNn nb’nNi pnayi
Dbyb mnD m*ab pmnn pnmb pn* pnbsm ^
vnio inn bNity* *n pn*nNm ptyonsyn pnn
j’typn nn nbnn Nb
nay "pn^ *pp lay nmm ivn in *aan pi’ 47

mNn ivn pn ipyb *n *py nmm ivnb

: pm 4s

: mpis* vnN p in# nb *nn npNiSN pitta

niDn i*ay p *n mpis* nn*ny in *n nn*ny *n 49

ntrm pisni niN riNDD *n n:pis* nroa

: 5o

*n*i nbn* njp iy nb pitta nntya n:nt tay

1
After t)pnm on niarg. [1 cJcD.
* Before on marg. an illegible gloss.
fttl

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 LEVITICUS.

xxv. a6 wen [ms »B]am pno nb »n*Kb tn kwi

37 nryn nmi [*jp n»] atwm nnpnflK baipba
3« po j nnjnDb nr y*i nb [pn] maab “in kh rv
naiar *nn nb nntyob baipb nnK [nyptfK Kb
nbava rw ny nn* pn [nK]a
[p]sn nb’av
[nJmnDb n?yn :

39 nmpifiK nm '*m nnp mo p pkp jk vm

30 ]ki nmpnsK ’nn pov nmr njty obtym ny
:

Dipn nobt? rue? mb Dbttrm ny pnsn’ r<b

nn» pnb pnbyb mty nbn nnnpan nm
3. pnb n’bn pvnsa ’nn nbava ps* Kb vnnb .•

’nn npnsK paenrv nynK nbpn oy nno mty

j» pmnD mp ’na *Kvb mpi : ps’ nbavai mb
33 »Nvb t[o] pnenm ’Kvbb ’nn oby rmpnsK :

mp ’na ibn nbava nnjnD J mpi ’a pra pen

34 nano bpm bKnan 3 a ua pnanD K’n ’Kvb
’
:

jpnb N’n oby n:nD ibn pjar Kb pnnp

After Hr on marg. an illegible gloss beg. with
1
1.
j
5
The first 3 is written over.

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 J

2 *-bj9hv£h'irt3’T'trr rriJi1 o/thl*t**H'‘* 'h**±nm

**’nr>r&-2qhe
ec v~‘n‘*~3-'zthh'V'rfrxof<x‘ ^ •< **
brtZtor*'* x a>~J"*n^?flbb*J-*r2n^4^e eKa’*v
wnb *nhho- V'Wv -v nrAnf2nc''X/xt>r. nr St
'rt "C :

'
ttKtJTIAtW** brrV‘j‘X‘rr-rrfjs-‘*K&'ir-frrwb*tVt,<'*-iufiiy
" b '*o>^nt -*<rrf2.%)bz]‘~‘ty2'?xhi}~“3-2u‘‘ztiih */
»>•'<*« *y* **>*&•< &
*»/*»•£«»< h*t‘<“ *nt-'XH‘xni-‘B*a'ii'it-2.u
,
nr
•< a.*, <uh 'X'<'XM-+*(\m<mff+rrr -b*2<9rtt->xht<^tn
- ••'* ’ *->'
•
'• * 17
ininX hnjrmr•rJH**' -^r-T—Ti i

>2 zsjtKnrZ-bntbnmx^nrnc .-, i£w?rc>'JbnC'<r4rte* tf

'X fif^nt&h-H^nt2Z h*h‘2a?.ffrnt*c -A^CW/v »*

-•
3J
sc vAaa^ofAi^-or'itA^wft “ a 1

Zontnc t
ij .•/nntbnrht*-x«'&*~wb*<* v+'***
sc ’^Jj*ejivvr2inf+/x , L ’nn q <v/»/y«\»~ at r

•\2j?wr'ar 'bnex'f^xim^ -6»<v.va »f

ij a>rzf/%.-nfh£*< /h<X~n%J!&f/"/*£+<b%nr-e* f<
m b 'X nr< - :qr/VAWy^^2r^ij*VY/V/7f 'Xnfb'X a
*V 9*iC • -*
sc vA>s? -2\r
j
sc AWAstn*»»oei*b'<t~v4.s**< -b*af">r-tarv*
hxnvarrffK *b*X<X&J+‘X><'xnt‘ 'H*K>< bnfxxt—
h •'-
•*tt**n*4nownrtr*nr&>* 'A*r—
ir nCxm»w*nH*-Atc*»&'< b*i
rI
,* •
i

•>
•
~

MS. fol. 14. b. Text, p. 28.

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 CORRIGENDA.
Lev. xxvi. 31 for [p]3n('l)p read [p]3(n*l)p

33 for pannpi read p3(nn)pi

Num. iii. 1 after pnx insert ntPQI

ix. 22 for pin read (pin)

x. 2 for pjroi> read (pyr)oi>

8 for nniyvna read n(n)ix'¥ra

9 for nnmwra read rtmtoirena

* * Tlie Iniroduetion may l>e laid separately, price 5 «.

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