The Roman Riders - Ethnicity and Iconography On Roman Cavalrymen T

Brigham Young University
BYU ScholarsArchive
All Theses and Dissertations
2014-12-01
The Roman Riders: Ethnicity and Iconography on

Roman Cavalrymen Tombstones
Jessica Colleen Kramer
Brigham Young University - Provo
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Kramer, Jessica Colleen, "The Roman Riders: Ethnicity and Iconography on Roman Cavalrymen Tombstones" (2014). All Theses and
Dissertations. Paper 4343.
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Roman Cavalrymen Tombstones
A thesis submitted to the faculty of

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Cynthia Finlayson, Chair

John E. Clark
David Johnson
Department of Anthropology
December 2014
Copyright 2014 Jessica Colleen Kramer
All Rights Reserved

ABSTRACT

Roman Cavalryman Tombstones

Department of Anthropology, BYU
Master of Arts
The funerary grave stelae of the Roman cavalrymen are large, impressive monuments set
apart from their military counterparts by the ornate relief carvings which they exhibit. The two
most common motifs featured on these tombstones are the rider relief motifs and the totenmahl
motifs. Aspects of both the reliefs and the inscribed epitaphs are distinctly characteristic of the
Roman military. Throughout the history of the Roman Empire, men in the auxiliary cavalry
units were recruited from non-Roman allied tribes. These recruits brought with them foreign
languages, customs, and beliefs. Through a comparative study of Roman cavalry tombstones
found in Great Britain, Germany, and Syria, I have attempted to identify iconographic and
epigraphic elements that are evidence of the ethnic origins of the cavalrymen who are
commemorated on these funerary monuments.
Keywords: Romans, Roman army, cavalry, tombstones, ethnicity, identity

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... ii
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. v
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. vii
List of Abbreviations .................................................................................................................... viii
1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 1
2 A History of the Organization of the Roman Army .............................................................. 7

The Late Roman Army .............................................................................................................. 15
Military Funerary Clubs ........................................................................................................... 17
Military Grave Monuments ....................................................................................................... 19
Wealth and Social Status .......................................................................................................... 20
Tombstone Types....................................................................................................................... 22
Tombstone Shapes..................................................................................................................... 23
Tombstone Inscriptions ............................................................................................................. 28
3 Identity and Ethnicity ............................................................................................................. 31

What is Identity vs. Ethnicity? ............................................................................................. 31
What is Ethnicity? ..................................................................................................................... 34
What Made a Roman a Roman? ............................................................................................... 38
4 Roman Cavalrymen Tombstones .......................................................................................... 42

Britain ....................................................................................................................................... 43
Bath ....................................................................................................................................... 44
Cirencester ............................................................................................................................ 48
Chester .................................................................................................................................. 53
Colchester ............................................................................................................................. 61
Cumbria................................................................................................................................. 64
Gloucester ............................................................................................................................. 66
Hexham Abbey ..................................................................................................................... 68
Lancaster ............................................................................................................................... 72
Ox Close................................................................................................................................ 73
Wroxeter ............................................................................................................................... 75
Germany .................................................................................................................................... 77
Bonn ...................................................................................................................................... 78
iii
Cologne ................................................................................................................................. 89
Kalkar .................................................................................................................................. 105
Mainz .................................................................................................................................. 108
Worms ................................................................................................................................. 120
Syria ........................................................................................................................................ 131
5 A Semiotic Approach ............................................................................................................ 144
6 Analysis and Conclusions ..................................................................................................... 152
Geographical Comparison...................................................................................................... 157
Chronological Comparison .................................................................................................... 171
Conclusions ............................................................................................................................. 177
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................. 183
Appendix I ................................................................................................................................. 187
iv
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Full consular army positioned for battle......................................................................... 7

Figure 2. Fragments of a bronze Roman military diploma .......................................................... 14
Figure 3. Altar erected by a soldier to the deity of his emperor.. ................................................ 24
Figure 4. Flat tombstone belonging to a Roman soldier .............................................................. 25
Figure 5. Stele monument. ........................................................................................................... 27
Figure 6. Altar monument. ........................................................................................................... 27
Figure 7. Cippi monument. .......................................................................................................... 27
Figure 8. Tombstone of Lucius Vitellius Tacinus. ...................................................................... 45
Figure 9. Inscription on tombstone of Lucius Vitellius Tacinus.. ............................................... 46
Figure 10. Remains of an unknown riders tombstone at the Roman Baths Museum................. 47
Figure 11. Tombstone of Dannicus.............................................................................................. 49
Figure 12. Tombstone of Sextus. ................................................................................................. 51
Figure 13. Tombstone of Aurelius Lucius at the Grosvenor Museum. ....................................... 54
Figure 14. Tombstone of Sextus Similius at Grosvenor Museum. .............................................. 56
Figure 15. Unknown standard bearer at Grosvenor Museum. ..................................................... 58
Figure 16. Tombstone of unknown rider at Grosvenor Museum................................................. 59
Figure 17. Tombstone of unknown rider trampling foe at Grosvenor Museum. ......................... 60
Figure 18. Tombstone of Longinus Sdapeze.. ............................................................................. 62
Figure 19. Tombstone of unknown rider from Kirkby Thore. ..................................................... 65
Figure 20. Tombstone of Rufus Sita. ........................................................................................... 67
Figure 21. Tombstone of Flavinus, a signifier.. ........................................................................... 69
Figure 22. Tombstone of Insus son of Vodullus.. ........................................................................ 71
Figure 23. Tombstone of Marcus Aurelius Victor. ...................................................................... 74
Figure 24. Tombstone of Tiberius Claudius Tirintius.. ............................................................... 76
Figure 25. Tombstone of C. Marius.. ........................................................................................... 80
Figure 26. Tombstone of Niger Aetonis. ..................................................................................... 82
Figure 27. Tombstone of Rectugnus. ........................................................................................... 84
Figure 28. Tombstone of Vellaunus............................................................................................. 86
Figure 29. Tombstone of Vonatorix............................................................................................. 88
Figure 30. Tombstone of Longinus Biarta. .................................................................................. 91
Figure 31. Tombstone of Lucius Crispi. ...................................................................................... 93
Figure 32. Tombstone of Lucius Romanus. ................................................................................. 95
Figure 33. Tombstone of M. Aemelius Durises. .......................................................................... 98
Figure 34. Tombstone of Marcus Sacrius. ................................................................................... 99
Figure 35. Tombstone of Oluper Cergaepuri. ............................................................................ 101
Figure 36. Tombstone of Titus Flavius Bassus. ......................................................................... 103
Figure 37. Tombstone of C. Iulius Primus. ................................................................................ 106
Figure 38. Tombstone of Andes................................................................................................. 109
Figure 39. Tombstone of C. Romanius Captio. ......................................................................... 111
v
Figure 40. Tombstone of Flavius Proclus .................................................................................. 113
Figure 41. Tombstone of Maris son of Capitus.. ....................................................................... 115
Figure 42. Tombstone of Quintus Voltius Viator ...................................................................... 116
Figure 43. Tombstone of Silius, found in Mainz. ...................................................................... 118
Figure 44. Tombstone of Argiotalus. ......................................................................................... 121
Figure 45. Tombstone of Leubius. ............................................................................................. 123
Figure 46. Tombstone of Licinius Clossi. .................................................................................. 125
Figure 47. Tombstone of Quintus Carminius ............................................................................ 127
Figure 48. Tombstone of Valerius Maxantius. .......................................................................... 129
Figure 49. Tombstone of Atilius Crispinianus. .......................................................................... 132
Figure 50. Tombstone of Aurelius Disas ................................................................................... 134
Figure 51. Tombstone of Aurelius Dolens.. ............................................................................... 136
Figure 52. Tombstone of Aurelius Mucatralis. .......................................................................... 137
Figure 53. Tombstone of Aurelius Octavianus .......................................................................... 139
Figure 54. Tombstone of Ignius Viatorianus. ............................................................................ 141
Figure 55. Tombstone of Iulius Valerianus. .............................................................................. 142
Figure 56. The sign relationship.. .............................................................................................. 146
Figure 57. The language system.. .............................................................................................. 147
vi
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. List of soldiers with known regions of origin. ............................................................. 155

Table 2. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Apamea, Syria........................................... 158
Table 3. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Great Britiain. ........................................... 161
Table 4. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Bonn, Germany. ........................................ 165
Table 5. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Cologne, Germany. ................................... 166
Table 6. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Mainz, Germany. ...................................... 168
Table 7. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Worms, Germany. ..................................... 170
Table 8. Chronological comparison of the frequency of phrases from inscriptions .................. 175
vii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AE LAnne pigraphique
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
E Recueil Gnral des Bas-Reliefs de la Gaule Romaine: Gaul Germanique
Lupa Picture Database of Antique Stone Monuments
RIB Roman Inscriptions of Britain
RID Rmische Inschriften Datenbank 24
viii
1 INTRODUCTION
The Roman military is considered by many archaeologists and historians to be one of the
most successful armed forces in human history, yet relatively little is known about the ethnic
origins of its Imperial Provincial Legions, including its famous cavalry contingents. 1 Between
the sixth and second centuries B.C.E., Romes Latin armies were involved in absorbing all of the
diverse tribal and Etruscan regions of Italy. Rome then faced the Phoenician colony of Carthage
in North Africa--the major rival power for control of naval trade in the Mediterranean Basin.
After Romes victory over Punic Carthage in 146 B.C.E., Roman troops were subsequently sent
out to conquer and incorporate other foreign lands. In doing so, the military played a critical role
in the evolution of Rome as a Republic to Rome as an Imperial Empire. By the late first century
C.E., Romes Imperial Legions had burgeoned into a seemingly indomitable force based on
advanced military technologies and highly trained soldiers from multiple ethnic origins. 2 By the
second century C.E., Rome had established provinces across a geographical expanse that reached
from Great Britain in the North of Europe to Syria and Mesopotamia in the East, and from North
Africa in the South to as far west as the Iberian Peninsula. 3 Initially, during the early period of
the Roman Republic, beginning in 509 B.C.E., the military was comprised of conscripted
1
Nigel Pollard, Soldiers, Cities, and Civilians in Roman Syria (University of Michigan
Press: An Arbor, 2000), 106.
2
Adrian Goldsworthy, The Complete Roman Army, (New York: Thames and Hudson,
2008), 7; Valerie M. Hope, Trophies and Tombstones: Commemorating the Roman Soldier,
World Archaeology 35, (2003): 79.
3
Goldsworthy, The Complete Roman Army, 14-15.
1
Roman-Latin male citizens who served for specific lengths of time without fixed pay. 4 In order
to maintain a dominant military presence in the expanding foreign provinces, Rome began to
recruit soldiers from a variety of ethnic groups who were enticed into service by specified
salaries, booty, and the promises of earning Roman citizenship and a comfortable retirement. 5
These changes eventually led to the creation of native provincial auxiliaries that served the
legions of Rome throughout the expanse of the Empire.6 Every man who was recruited into the
army from a non-Latin ethic group was given a Roman Latin name. After 25 years of service,
soldiers were granted Roman citizenship and the right to marry. 7 In some cases, a soldier was
also given a plot of land, often in a foreign province in order to further enable the
Romanization of regions conquered or absorbed for Rome. Every recruit, no matter his origins,
was identified by his new Latin name, even on his tombstone. Thousands of Roman military
tombstones are still extant today in the archaeological record and are found primarily in Wales,
England, Scotland, Syria, Italy, and Germany. 8 The predominantly Latin inscriptions, combined
with specific formulaic wording styles, particularly on tombstones erected outside of Roman
Italy, often identify these grave stelae as originating from the Roman military. 9 Significantly,
the tombstones of Roman cavalrymen can often be differentiated from other military examples,
4
John Rich, Warfare and the Army in Early Rome, in A Companion to the Roman
Army, ed. Paul Erdkamp (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2011) 11.
5
Lawrence Keppie, The Making of the Roman Army (London: B.T. Batsford Ltd, 1984),
25.
6
Dexter Hoyos, The Era of International Wars: Recruiting the Men, in A Companion to
the Roman Army, ed. Paul Erdkamp (Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2011), 64.
7
Lawrence Keppie, Understanding Roman Inscriptions (Baltimore: John Hopkins
University Press, 1991), 80.
8
Alastair Anderson, Roman Military Tombstones (United Kingdom: Shire Publications
Ltd, 1984), 7.
9
Karen R. Dixon and Pat Southern, The Roman Cavalry: From the First to the Third
Century AD (New York: Routledge, 1997), 107.
2
as most of these types exhibit a man-and-horse motif in carved relief on stone.
Though both foot soldiers and cavalrymen were required to adopt a very pervasive
Roman military lifestyle and culture, my study specifically addresses the question of whether or
not the native ethnic identity of cavalrymen in the Roman military can be discerned through a
more in-depth study of stelae iconography and epigraphy. It is important to understand that
Roman cavalry stelae present a unique subset of funerary tombstones within the larger general
categories of Roman military monuments. Their distinct visual presentation makes them a
logical starting point for addressing the difficult topic of ethnicity in a Roman context by
addressing extant evidences in the archaeological record. Additionally, historical accounts from
the Classical Era document a number of ethnic groups specifically associated with expertise in
horse training and cavalry talents including the Thracians (favored by Alexander the Great)
whose presence at major cavalry training centers in Syria is well documented into the Roman
Period. 10 Roman cavalry funerary stelae are thus particularly well suited for my inquiry due to
these two factors.
Previous archaeological and epigraphic studies have given scholars an overarching
narrative of the Roman military that tells of its creation, development, organization and tactics,
even at times providing us a glimpse into the lives of individual soldiers. Material remains and
written records demonstrate the existence of a military culture that functioned as an important
subset of the overall Roman identity. Roman military service was a lifelong commitment. The
life of a Roman soldier, down to its smallest details, was controlled by military mandate.
Because of the nature of war and the patrolling of far-flung provinces, death for soldiers was
10
Andrew M. Smith, Roman Palmyra: Identity, Community, and State Formation (New
York: Oxford University, 2013), 7.
3
obviously prevalent and often imminent. Roman military funerary stelae were erected across the
Empire and are evidence of a planned and relatively standardized set of burial practices. 11
Numerous historical records note that the Roman military organized burial funds, similar to the
function of modern day insurance plans. 12 Soldiers put money in a fund in the event they were
killed in battle, or died from other causes while in the service of Rome. Their comrades then
oversaw a deceased soldiers burial, the deceaseds particular wishes with relation to their burial
rituals, as well as the final erection of a military funerary stela.
Given the above, the goals of this thesis are the following: 1) to compile a
comprehensive compendium of funerary Roman cavalry stelae from archaeological sites and
museum collections from across the Roman Empire including examples from Great Britain,
Syria, and Germany via personal on-site field research wherever possible; 2) to create a catalog
of these artifacts that will include individual images, and each tombstones specific attributes.
These attributes will also be discussed in a descriptive format in my thesis text, and, 3) to utilize
this compendium to ascertain if the physical attributes of these specific types of cavalry stelae
may indicate the ethnicity of the deceased. This process necessitates that I must first determine
and differentiate between Roman definitions of ethnicity, versus how this term is utilized in
modern scholarship. Additionally, a major contribution of my thesis is my assessment of what
aspects inherent in Roman cavalry stelae must be considered when trying to accomplish the
above mentioned task. Examining and identifying the physical aspects of cavalry funerary stelae
11
Richard P. Saller and Brent D. Shaw, Tombstones and Roman Family Relations in the
Principate: Civilians, Soldiers and Slaves, The Journal of Roman Studies 74 (1984): 124.
12
Anthony Birley, A New Tombstone from Vindolanda, Britannia 29 (1998): 300;
Michael Ginsburg, Roman Military Clubs and Their Social Functions, Transactions and
Proceedings of the American Philological Association 71 (1940): 151.
4
including their iconography is crucial in identifying which of these visible attributes are
indicators of the ethnic origins of the deceased versus which aspects are reflective of a
centralized superimposed Roman military culture. This study attempts to identify the
characteristics of each of these two divergent aspects of Roman funerary displays for individuals
serving in the Roman cavalry.
As far as I have been able to determine, it appears that no previous scholar has attempted
to distinguish the ethnic identity of Roman cavalrymen through a comprehensive comparative
analysis of their funerary stelae versus the other types of Roman military tombstones known
from the archaeological record. In Chapter 2, I include an overview of the general organization
of the Roman military as well as the styles of Roman military funerary stelae extant from the
archaeological record, with a special focus on those of cavalry personnel serving in the
provincial legions of Rome. In Chapter 3, I address the complex subject of ethnic identity
(ethnicity) as it is understood by modern scholars versus how ancient Romans may have viewed
the diversity of cultures and peoples serving in the military. I also discuss the archaeological and
epigraphic evidences associated with attempting to establish ethnicity from current sources. I
introduce the specific data set utilized for my study in Chapter 4. Many of these examples were
gathered from my on-site field research in Great Britain. The Syrian examples from Apamea
were supplied by Cynthia Finlaysons work on that site from 2007-2010. This chapter also
consists of detailed descriptions and images of each tombstone in the data set. In Chapter 5, I
discuss semiotic theory and its applications in archaeology as well as to my analysis process.
Theorists such as Robert Preucel and Daniel Chandler have attempted to interpret and understand
symbols in cultural contexts. There are some aspects of semiotics that will assist the
iconographical analysis of my thesis. There are also limitations in applying this theoretical
5
structure to my analysis that will also be addressed. Chapter 6 will encompass the analysis
process, my conclusions gathered from the analysis, and the application of appropriate
theoretical perspectives. Based on this analysis, I will develop a detailed list of the attributes of
Roman cavalry stelae that must be considered in attempting to ascertain the ethnicity of the
deceased. It is hoped that this study will add new and needed perspectives regarding the
importance of the archaeological record of the Roman Empire to questions of ethnicity and
funerary practice.
6
2 A HISTORY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ROMAN ARMY
In the very early years of their history, between the fourth and third centuries B.C.E., the
Romans established a militia system that consisted of citizens who were required to serve no
more than sixteen years, or for specific legislated campaigns, especially those required by the
Republic.13 Polybius, a Greek historian, gives one of the most detailed descriptions of the
organization of the Roman army as it had evolved by the mid-2nd century B.C.E. 14 The
organization of the army had probably changed very little from the previous century. 15 As part
of their political duties, men elected to the position of consul were given command of a
military legion. A full consular army was a hierarchical system which can be broken down as
follows: two legion units, two ala units, and two cavalry units (fig.1). In all, it consisted of
4,200 infantrymen and 300 cavalrymen. A legion consisted of 3,000 men divided into 20
maniples of 120 men and 10 maniples of 60 men. When positioned for battle, a legion was
divided into three rows, the first two had 10 maniples of 120 men each, and the 10 maniples of
60 men were in the back row. Two legions were usually positioned side by side during battle. 16
Figure 1. Full consular army positioned for battle. Adapted from Goldsworthy, 2003:26.
13
Goldsworthy, The Complete Roman Army, 26.
14
Polybius, The Histories, trans. Robin Waterfield (New York: Oxford University Press,
2010), 385-402.
15
16
7
Next to each legion was an ala. Because of the lateral flanking position of these groups, they
were given the name ala which is Latin for wing. The alae consisted of infantrymen who were
non-Roman citizens. In the second century B.C.E., they were most often recruited from other
Latin tribes surrounding Rome. There were typically 600 men in each ala, and, when positioned
for battle, an ala was on each side of the legions. Capping off the ends were two groups of
cavalry men, each consisting of approximately 150 men on horses. 17 Assigned to command each
legion were two centurions. Each centurion was in charge of one half of a legion. Also assigned
to each legion were two standard bearers. The standard bearers carried a staff which displayed
the ensign of each individual legion. This was considered an important and honorable position.
Both the centurions and the standard bearers were posted just in front of the legion when the
army was deployed for battle.
It is important to note that during the second century B.C.E., no one in the army was a
paid professional. In 396 B.C.E., it was recorded that the Rome did provide their soldiers with
monetary compensation, but it was barely sufficient to cover living costs and could not have
been a sustainable source of income.18 Many of the men were recruited, and many volunteered.
Wealth played an important role in determining the post given to a soldier. The wealthiest
citizens were given positions in the cavalry due to the expense required to maintain horses and
the cultural associations of prestige linked with the equestrian ranks. 19 The legions were
typically organized so that the youngest men were positioned in the front line, middle-aged or
prime men were positioned in the second row, and older, most experienced soldiers were placed
in the last row. Military advisers assumed that the younger men were inexperienced and
17
18
19
Keppie, Understanding Roman Inscriptions, 72.
8
therefore expendable, and the more experienced men were better protected in the back. Thus, it
was difficult for the opposing army to defeat such a force because the longer enemy soldiers
fought, moving through the Roman ranks, the more of a challenge it became. Age and
experience were not the only factors contributing to the strategy of Roman field organization.
The poorest citizens were sometimes positioned with the youngest men in the front row. 20 It was
not always the case that leadership positions were assigned according to experience or training.
It was considered a privilege to serve in the army, and those who enrolled were rewarded
according to their financial success and standing in society. Polybius notes that though many of
the higher ranking positions were assigned to the more wealthy citizens, centurions were selected
from the men who were good leaders and capable of being in command of such a large group of
men. 21
It is difficult to pinpoint when exactly Romes military militia transitioned into a
professional army. It was a seemingly gradual process. As Rome began to conquer and expand
across greater distances, a more permanent army became essential. The commander Caius
Marius has been credited by some scholars for initiating these changes in the Roman army
during the mid-second century B.C.E. 22 Rome needed to greatly increase its military numbers
and could no longer afford to only select soldiers from among its elite citizens. Eventually,
fighting in the army became a lifelong profession. In 107 B.C.E., it is recorded that Caius
Marius conscripted numerous volunteers of poor citizens to fight in Africa. 23 This eventually
became standard practice for the army. The end of the reign of Emperor Augustus came in 14
20
Keppie, The Making of the Roman Army, 34.
21
Polybius, The Histories, 386.
22
Goldsworthy, The Complete Roman Army, 44; Keppie, Making of the Roman Army, 25.
23
9
C.E., along with the end of the militia style army. A professional army, the Imperial Roman
Army, was in full use when the Principate era began in 27 B.C.E. 24
Much of the structure of the army remained the same during the Principate, but there
were significant changes to the numbers of men and their military tactics. The military became
more standardized in that soldiers were provided with clothing, armor, and weapons. 25 Legions
were now made up of ten cohorts. Each cohort consisted of six centuries. One century was
approximately 80 men. Thus, there were 4800 men in one legion. 26
The auxiliary units (those units made up of foreign soldiers) also became more
professional and standardized during the Principate. The auxiliary developed into three groups:
the cavalry, the infantry, and a combination group. The auxiliary cavalry was organized similarly
to a legionary cohort in that there were about 480 men divided into six centuries. In written
records, when referring to a cavalry cohort, the term ala(e), or wing was used instead. 27 The
organization of the infantry groups and the combination groups were similar, but there were
slight variations. During the era of the Roman Republic (509-27 B.C.E.), the cavalry alae were
overseen by a centurion, as were the legions. Later, in the Principate (27 B.C.E-476 C.E.), the
auxiliary units were commanded by equestrian soldiers. 28 Through the practice of recruiting only
the wealthiest members of society into the military, there were still many high ranking positions
that were filled by men of means, particularly commanding positions in the cavalry. There are
some military records that would suggest that the men in cavalry leadership positions often
24
25
26
27
28
10
started serving at the age of 30. 29 Many of these men had influential connections or patrons in
Roman society, or they had already served in some governmental capacity. Goldsworthy has
noted that Many centurions do appear to have been directly commissioned and to have come
from the wealthier families and local aristocracies. This may well have been the most common
practice. 30 There is evidence that some centurions in the auxiliary units were promoted to the
rank of centurion. It was not common for non-citizens to be promoted. It was more common
that a wealthy Roman citizen would be assigned the commanding position. Goldsworthy has
also noted that evidence suggests that many of the men in the auxiliary units were illiterate and
thus would not have been fit for promotion to any kind of leadership position. Promotion was
possible, but required a level of education and influence which many recruits may have
lacked. 31 It is also important to note that during the Principate, auxiliary units were garrisoned
in a number of foreign provinces. It eventually became customary to leave the governing of the
province to centurions and other high ranking officers of the auxiliary. This practice was very
rare prior to the Principate, most likely because the auxiliary units consisted of non-Roman, non-
wealthy citizens. It was not uncommon, however, for legionary centurions to be given
governance of the foreign providence in which they were stationed.32
The emergence of a professional army had numerous advantages for Rome. Because a
legionnaire was a lifetime occupation, training and skills were preserved through generations.
Recruiting from the poorer populations meant that many of the soldiers were trained with
specific skills that were helpful to the agendas of Roman social and political organizations.
29
Pat Southern and Karen R. Dixon, The Late Roman Army (London: B.T. Batsford Ltd,
1996), 15.
30
31
32
11
Many men were recruited to the army because of their knowledge of construction, engineering,
metalworking, and other crafts, or they acquired these skills through their military service.
Thracian men, for example, were conscripted to the cavalry regiments because of their equestrian
skills. The Thracians had also been favored by Alexander the Great, and he utilized cavalry units
exclusively of Thracian origins. 33 Though Rome had created a powerful legion, there were still
not sufficient populations within Italy alone from which the army could strengthen the lighter
infantry and the cavalry, thus they relied heavily on their allies and the conquered foreign
populations for recruiting and other military needs.
It was during the Principate that the Roman Empire reached its greatest geographical
extension. The emperor Augustus is credited with laying the foundation for the organization of a
Roman military that was key in creating one of the largest empires in the history of the world.
Most modern scholars agree the only way that the Roman Empire was able to expand was due to
the military recruiting local men from foreign territories to build their legions. Rome developed
a system of recruiting that offered cultural and political prestige, which ultimately provided a
rationale for local foreign recruits.
The Roman army offered volunteers a number of incentives that appealed particularly to
people of poorer communities. Through service in the Roman army, a provincial could obtain
the basic necessities that might not come so easily otherwise. Roman soldiers were given food,
clothing, and access to medical care. More importantly, they were offered a regular wage. The
stability that the military could provide was an attractive offer to a poor individual without any
social connections or guaranteed income. Soldiers were expected to serve a minimum of twenty-
33
Pollard, Soldiers, Cities, and Civilians, 141; Nora Dimitrova, Inscriptions and
Iconography in the Monuments of the Thracian Rider, Hesperia: The Journal of the American
School of Classical Studies at Athens 71 (2002): 211.
12
five years in the army which gave them the opportunity to possibly receive promotions in rank.
Soldiers were not allowed to be married, though many were, before they entered the
service. Some soldiers married (though not legally) while in the army and also had children.
Their marriage would not be considered legal while they were in the employ of the army, and
therefore, their children would not be considered heirs in the eyes of the law. 34 If the soldier
lived to serve the full 25 years, the army would grant acknowledgment of an existing marriage
upon discharge. 35 Though soldiers underwent grueling training, lived in harsh conditions, and
followed strict daily regimes, to many, their lifestyle was a fair exchange for the benefits
provided them by the Roman army. The completion of service was acknowledged with a bronze
military diploma (fig. 2). The diploma consisted of two bronze plates hinged together and
inscribed with the name of the soldier, the date of discharge, the unit he served with, the names
of his commanding officers, the names of the soldiers family, and the names of the witnesses. 36
This diploma served as the official documentation that the soldier had been relieved from active
duty and that he and his family were granted Roman citizenship. In many cases, the men were
given a plot of land. Men could use these diplomas as proof of their status so that they could
claim the privileges awarded to veterans.37
Just as it is with the United States military today, recruits needed to fulfill a set of
requirements in order to be enlisted. They needed to be in good health, and in some instances, be
a certain height and weight. According to Vegetius, those who volunteered for the cavalry
34
35
36
37
Dixon and Southern, The Roman Cavalry, 111.
13
Figure 2. Part of a bronze Roman military diploma dated to 122 C.E., British Museum. Photo credit: author.
needed to be between 5 8 and 5 10.38 The military usually accepted all those who were
eligible to enroll, but those who met special requirements of the army were highly favored. For
example, the army preferred to recruit men who had worked in farming communities because
they were conditioned to work hard in harsh environments. 39 Those recruits who had been
educated to some degree were also favorable to the army. Vegetius also notes that many of the
soldiers were either in their late teens or early twenties when recruited. 40
The Roman army recruited men from most of the provinces as they expanded the empire.
According to extant written records, there were legions with auxiliary units from across the
empire. Wherever possible, the army recruited from the nearest available sources of
38
Flavius Vegetius Renatus, The Military Institutions of the Romans (Harrisburg: The
Military Service Publishing Company, 1944), 30.
39
40
Vegetius, The Military Institutions of the Romans, 50.
14
manpower.41 Most of the auxiliary units were given a name that reflected the region or ethnic
background of the unit when it was first formed. However, with the movement of a unit from
one region to another, the ethnic backgrounds became mixed over time.42 As evidenced by
written records and archaeological remains, a large number of legions existed throughout the
Roman Empire, but they were significantly reduced or modified when Augustus was made
emperor in the beginning of the first century C.E. Augustus eventually disbanded around 50
legions, leaving about 28 main legions in operation during the majority of the Principate.43
Scholars have gathered information from ancient historical records along with archaeological
remains and have been able to ascertain where and when many of the legions were formed as
well as their movements over time. 44 If a particular legion was stationed in more than one area
for an extended period of time, it is likely that men were recruited to it in those regions.
The Late Roman Army
The period of the Late Roman Army began during the rule of Diocletian in 284 C.E.
During this time, the Roman government was undergoing constant change and turmoil. Each
new emperor often obtained his position through bribery or murder, and each had his own ideas
of how the Empire should be run and who should hold power under him, especially in the
wealthier provinces. During this troubled third century, there began to be an increase in the
number of civil wars due to government corruption and abuse of local populations. Additionally,
41
42
Goldsworthy, The Complete Roman Army, 80; Pollard, Soldiers, Cities, and Civilians,
134.
43
44
Goldsworthy, The Complete Roman Army, 51; Keppie, The Making of the Roman
Army, 95; Graham Webster, The Roman Imperial Army of the First and Second Centuries A.D.,
(London: Black, 1969), 15.
15
the Empire was under attack from raiding Gauls, Goths, and Germanic tribes as well as waves of
the plague. 45 Uprisings became common in the foreign provinces, and many of the legions
became divided, with their loyalties lying with the commanders who could provide them wages
and steady support rather than with the centralized government in Rome that was slowly losing
its grip over the Empire.
Just as the names and numbers of legions changed in the Imperial army during the
Principate, similar changes occurred during the Dominate era (284-476 C.E.). There were some
changes to ranks and titles, but overall functions remained the same. During the Principate, there
was a clear distinction between the legions and the auxiliaries. The soldiers in a legion were, for
the most part, Roman citizens. The auxiliaries were made up solely of natives from foreign
provinces. In the fourth century, the army no longer distinguished Roman citizens from non-
Roman recruits. 46 The legions now consisted of infantrymen of mixed statuses. The legions
supporting auxiliary units still contained infantrymen and cavalrymen of differing statuses with
relation to Roman citizenship. The men in leadership positions were no longer always selected
according to their military experience, their previous careers within in the government, or wealth.
This change of practice may have been done in order to minimize civil uprisings and reduce the
possibility of rebellion against the emperor among the senior officers of the army.
The Roman army was eventually divided into two kinds of units; a unit referred to as a
field army and a unit called a garrison that would be stationed permanently in a foreign province.
This was not common practice until the beginning of the Dominate, but a similar organization
was created under the rule of Septimius Severus (193-211 C.E.) in the second century, and again
45
Dixon and Southern, The Late Roman Army, 4-38.
46
16
by Gallienus (253-268 C.E.) in the third century. 47 Both of these emperors established strong
armies in selected provinces outside of Rome in order to deal with rising foreign threats to the
far-flung regions of the empire.
Military Funerary Clubs
Just as the military provided food, clothing, and wages for its soldiers, they also provided
burial services. There were a several ways that soldiers could provide both a funeral and a
gravestone for themselves if they died before completing their term of military service. Michael
Ginsburg mentions that the Roman military often organized a banking service similar to a
savings account. 48 When a soldier was given his wages, a portion was kept by the soldiers unit
in a special fund. A soldier would only have access to this fund after he had served the required
twenty-five years in the army. If the soldier died during service, his fund would be distributed as
stated in the will of the soldier. Oftentimes the money was given to the father of the soldier. 49
Some men requested that funds be put towards more elaborate funerary services. Though the
military did cover the costs of such services, it provided only very modest rites for the deceased.
The military also established a funerary club. This club functioned much like insurance
does today. The soldiers made payments to a special fund which functioned in every legion as a
mutual burial society for the rank and file. 50 When a soldier was killed, a set amount of money
was used to cover his burial expenses, or the money was given to family members for their use in
carrying out the funerary services.
47
Karl Strobel, Strategy and Army Structure between Septimius Severus and
Constantine the Great, in A Companion to the Roman Army, ed. Paul Erdkamp (Malden, MA:
Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2011), 270.
48
Ginsburg, Roman Military Clubs, 150.
49
50
17
During times of war, hundreds and thousands of men were killed in battle. In these
circumstances, it was common practice for the army to perform a mass cremation accompanied
by a funerary service. 51 The types of funerary services varied depending on the different
religions practiced by the deceased soldiers. It seems the most common funerary service for an
individual consisted of a funeral procession and the carrying of the body of the deceased out of
the city to the burial grounds. The soldier was buried, and the mourners participated in a funeral
banquet at the site of the burial. As is typical in many ancient cultures, the Romans believed that
cemeteries should be located outside the main city or, in the case of a field army, outside the fort
or camp. Unlike common funerary practices today, the Romans did not make a mass memorial
for soldiers killed in battle, in cemeteries or in the towns. Towns did not have war memorials as
such where the dead in a particular war or campaign were remembered. Victories in Roman
times were marked by the erection on the battlefield of a trophy of captured arms and equipment,
often suspended from a tree. 52 Thus, very few archaeological remains have been discovered as
evidence of this practice, but depictions of such memorials occur on Roman artifacts such as the
Gemma Augustae. This cameo engraved gem displays one of these memorial scenes and dates
to the early first century C.E. Another memorial scene is depicted on Trajans column in Rome.
The column dates to the early second century C.E. and was erected in commemoration of
Trajans victory in the Dacian Wars fought from 101-102 C.E. and 105-106 C.E.
According to ancient historians, Roman society greatly honored members of the Roman
military. 53 For many men, the army became part of their identity. Elaborate tombstones still
extant today throughout the extent of the Roman Empire are evidence that soldiers were proud of
51
Dixon and Southern, The Roman Cavlary, 107.
52
53
Vegetius, Military Institutions, 6; Polybius, The Histories, 399.
18
their military service. Higher ranking officers in the army often set aside extra funds that were to
be put towards an elaborate tombstone that would depict their association with the army. These
tombstones commemorated their great service to Rome through both inscriptions and visual
imagery.
Military Grave Monuments
Honoring fallen soldiers was important to the Roman army. As previously noted, the
army established a club, or insurance system, that would ensure that a soldier would receive
proper burial and funerary services. Also extant in the archaeological record are many
tombstones belonging to soldiers who were not killed in battle but died as veterans. During
times of war, the army could only afford to perform mass cremations accompanied by a funeral.
Thus, not all those who set aside funding for specialized tombstones could receive them. The
Roman military cemetery was the product of peacetime rather than conflict. For soldiers killed in
combat all their saving and planning may have counted for naught. 54 Military cemeteries were
usually established outside the compound or fort where a legion was either permanently or
temporarily stationed. The army would only be able to establish cemeteries during times of peace
when specific units were stationary in postings that were semi-permanent or permanent, to which
they regularly returned after military maneuvers. An excellent example of this is the cavalry post
at Apamea, Syria, that acted as one of Romes major training centers for campaigns against
Parthia and later Sassanian Persia. 55 Military tombstones that have been recovered from across
Europe and Asia are often small, simple in style, and display minimal text. It took considerable
funds to afford a monumental tombstone with relief carving and extensive inscriptions. A wide
54
Hope, Trophies and Tombstones, 80.
55
Pollard, Soldiers, Cities, and Civilians, 66.
19
variety of styles and designs have been found, in and out of cemeteries. Some scholars have
identified the different styles of military tombstones as well as some of the elements which make
a tombstone identifiably set up for a member of the Roman military. 56 These style variations
will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 4.
Wealth and Social Status
During the Late Roman era, the higher military ranks were no longer necessarily filled by
men of high social status or those with connections within the government. Eventually, even
soldiers in the auxiliary armies were able to receive promotions and fill leadership positions. 57
Those auxiliary officers who were literate and displayed a particular skill were most likely to
receive such promotions. 58
There exists an ongoing debate among modern historians about the effectiveness of
auxiliary officers leading the auxiliary troops. Some have argued that auxiliary groups were
more cohesive and willing to follow a leader who shared their same native heritage, as opposed
to being led by a Latin Roman. Though Goldsworthy gives an example of a rebellion against the
army by a group of natives who were commanded by a native, there are also other examples
where auxiliary (or legionary) groups rebelled because the commanding officer was in
disagreement with other officers within a legion. 59 There are thus examples of rebellions
occurring in both circumstances where the high-ranking officer was either a non-Roman citizen
or a Roman citizen. It is therefore difficult to say whether allowing auxiliaries to command was
56
Anderson, Roman Military Tombstones, 15; Jean Charles Balty and Wilfried Van
Rengen, Apamea in Syria: the Winter Quarters of Legio II Parthica, trans. Walter E.H. Cockle
(Bruxelles: VUBPRESS, 1993), 11; Hope, Trophies and Tombstones, 84.
57
Goldsworthy, The Complete Roman Army, 65; Keppie, The Making of the Roman
Army, 42; Dixon and Southern, The Late Roman Army, 37.
58
59
20
more beneficial than having Roman commanders of Latin or Italian ethnic status.
It is important to note that no matter the rank, wealth or social status of the soldier, when
it came to their tombstones, they had to pay extra money if they wanted anything different from
the most basic style and design. This being the case, one might expect to find that the most
ornate and elaborate tombstones were erected for the soldiers highest in rank and wealth, but this
was not always the case. Status and wealth are reflected in tomb expenditure with, in general,
those at the top levels of society paying more, but there are exceptions.60 Some soldiers spent
many years in military service and thus were able to save enough money to purchase a much
more elaborate tombstone. Strong individual piety might result in a common soldier paying
almost as much for his tomb as a less religious, or perhaps less cautious, centurion, despite an
enormous difference in pay levels between the two.61
However wealthy the soldier, it was also important that he have heirs or family members
who could take care of the funerary services for him. If killed in battle, the army would take care
of these arrangements, but, as discussed earlier, the soldier might not receive the tombstone or
services that he had paid for if this occurred. If the soldier died as a veteran, it was the
responsibility of his heirs to see to funerary arrangements. If killed in battle, it was still possible
that his family would take care of funerary arrangements, but it was necessary that wives and
children be officially recognized by the Roman government as legitimate family or heirs, which
was only possible if the soldier completed his twenty five years of service. It was the
responsibility of a mans heirs to make the funeral arrangements, although in the Roman world
there were professional undertakers to whom they could turn. 62 In the case of a family not
60
Anderson, Roman Military Tombstones, 13.
61
62
21
granted citizenship, there was an alternative option: professional undertakers could oversee
burial arrangements.
Tombstone Types
The variation in military tombstone shapes, sizes, designs, and materials is extensive.
There are many causes for this variation, some being personal wealth, the abilities and
preferences of the sculptor, local or personal religious beliefs, and the traditions of an individual
military unit, just to name a few. Often, Romans would leave specific construction and design
instructions for their tombstones in their wills, which could also contribute to the variation based
on the personal preferences and wishes of the deceased.63 Though it is improbable that all the
reasons for individuality among military tombstones can be identified, many scholars tend to
agree that geographic location was also a major influence. 64 Additionally, funerary traditions
were very different from the center to the edges of the Empire. The local traditions and skills of
sculptors were also significant influences in tombstone design, and the types of materials used
for tombstones were determined by their availability within a region. For the purposes of this
thesis, it is thus critical to establish the many distinguishing characteristics of a cavalry
tombstone as distinct in significant ways from other forms of Roman funerary markers. This was
the first step towards the identification of certain design elements or other physical
characteristics that may be the result of ethnic influences versus the characteristics influenced by
the other factors noted above.
63
64
Anderson, Roman Military Tombstones, 12; Balty and Van Rengen, Apamea in Syria,
20; Goldsworthy, The Complete Roman Army, 56; Keppie, Understanding Roman Inscriptions,
84.
22
The identification of pertinent design elements within cavalry stelae versus other
funerary types also allows for the classification of elements which are distinctly military. The
Roman army had, in a way, its own culture, including funerary rites. It is not likely that as the
army continued to move into foreign provinces, the soldiers would entirely abandon their own
customs and religious practices, and fully adopt the customs and beliefs of local foreign civilians.
This does not mean however, that other cultures and religions went unrecognized by the Roman
army. An excavation of an army barracks called the Old Fort in Rome, uncovered the noble
hall which housed a large assemblage of Roman army altars. Altars to such un-Roman gods as
the Celtic Toutates Meduris, the Arab Beellefarus, and the Syrian Dolichenus, placed next to the
official altars of each years veterans, show that the Roman army honored all its soldiers
gods. 65 There is other archaeological evidence that exhibits a mixing of culture and religions,
including images and inscriptions on some Roman military tombstones. Even more important
was the dissemination throughout the Empire of Graeco-Roman techniques and styles, which in
some cases blended with local fashions to produce unique forms but more often tended to
introduce a uniformity of convention to tombstone design, particularly in the western
provinces. 66 Thus, there are elements of design, including specific inscriptional formulas,
which qualify a tombstone as belonging to a veteran of the Roman military system. These
elements will be discussed in detail in later chapters.
Tombstone Shapes
Several shapes of military tombstones can be found across the expanse of the Roman
Empire. The shape of the tombstone, however, is rarely exclusive to the military stelae. Romans
65
Michael P. Speidel, Riding for Caesar: the Roman Emperors Horse Guards (London:
B.T. Batsford Ltd, 1994), 140.
66
23
often used upright stones and altars to display inscriptions. For example, soldiers would often
erect altars with inscriptions dedicated to religious deities (fig. 3). Archaeologists have also
found building dedications inscribed on stones that relate information about the building,
including when it was built, which emperor or other military leader it was constructed under, and
occasionally the names of the architects. Since stone shapes of both these types of dedications
are similar, tombstones are identified by their inscriptions as well as their iconography.
Figure 3. Altar erected by a soldier to the deity of his emperor.

Altar dates to the first century C.E. Roman Baths Museum.
Photo credit: author.
The most common shape of military tombstone found throughout the Empire was a
simple inscription on a rectangular, flat stone that was sometimes found in a wall of a communal
monument erected at a battle site (fig. 4). 67 Similar funerary stones have also been found in
67
Hope, Trophies and Tombstones, 223.
24
cemeteries, and in the case of some from Great Britain, many they have been found along both
Hadrians Wall and the Antonine Wall. Many of these tombstones were subsequently utilized in
antiquity as building materials. Archaeologists have found parts and sometimes whole
tombstones plastered into the walls of buildings. 68 These tombstones are often the simplest in
form and required the least amount of effort to produce. The design is usually very basic and
this style was overall the most cost efficient. This was likely the most common type provided by
the military as well.
Free-standing tombstones, though fairly numerous, are not as common. This is likely due
to the cost and labor required to have them made. They are typically a narrow slab of stone with
either a flat top or a pedimental top. These tombstones also tend to display more elaborate
decoration and ornamentation. There are many still extant today and are found most frequently
in Great Britain and Central Europe.
Figure 4. Flat tombstone belonging to a Roman soldier. National Roman Legion Museum. Photo
credit: author.
68
25
Less popular are the altar tombstones. The altar shape is a short, square, pillar-like stone
with a flat top. Some altars have what is a termed a pyramidion on top. One example, the
tombstone of a soldier from Spain, has engravings on all four faces of the altar.
Jean Charles Balty has done extensive archaeological work and research in the Near East.
In 1993, he and Wilfried Van Rengen published a book based on their research of the Roman
military camp in Apamea, Syria, titled, Apamea in Syria: The Winter Quarters of Legio II
Parthica. 69 The book focuses on the military gravestones that were recovered from a Roman
cemetery outside the city. This collection is significant since Apamea had previously served as
one of the most important cavalry training centers for the Hellenistic Seleucid Dynasty before its
capture by Rome. 70 Apamea continued to be a major cavalry training center for Rome in the
East. The authors created a typology of the tombstones that were found. According to Balty and
Van Rengen, there are three common shapes of tombstones in this region of the Empire: cippi,
altars, and stelae. All three are free-standing monuments. Cippi are rectangular in shape and
typically have a protruding base. They also have a frieze on top (fig. 5). These funerary markers
exhibit fairly simple decoration, although some tombstones have a soldier represented in a relief
carving. The altars found in Apamea are similar to the altars found across the empire (fig. 6).
They are rectangular and horizontal, but thicker in the body. Some have a circular hollowed
recess on the top, probably to receive libation offerings to the dead. 71 The stelae are also
rectangular in design, but much narrower than the cippi or the altars (fig. 7). There is a wider
variety of stelae styles, as well as decoration, and it has been suggested that they could be
divided into subcategories. The stelae often have pediments carved in relief on the top half with
69
Balty and Van Rengen, Apamea in Syria, 10-11.
70
71
Balty and Van Rengen, Apamea in Syria, 11.
26
other decorative carvings inside the pediment. Unlike the cippi and the altars, the stelae are
typically only worked on a singular face. These patterns served for soldiers funerary
monuments throughout the Roman Empire from the British Isles to the Danube, from North
Africa to Egypt to Asia Minor. 72
One of the most well-known subtypes of military stelae, as well as the focus of this
thesis, are the rider motif tombstones. There were several examples found in the cemetery in
Apamea, but there are many more spread across central and western Europe.73 These stelae are
ornate and exhibit complex relief carvings. Most often, the cavalryman is pictured on or with his
horse, usually posed in mid combat. These rider reliefs undoubtedly constitute the most
animated and uniform serious of funerary monuments in the north-western provinces. 74
Because these monuments depict a soldier in battle uniform, often in mid-combat, it is probable
that this design was exclusive to tombstones of deceased soldiers as opposed to civilians. It
Figure 5. Cippi monument. Image Figure 6. Altar monument. Figure 7. Stele monument.
Credit: Balty and Van Rengen, Image credit: Balty and Van Image credit: Balty and Van
Apamea in Syria, 11. Rengen, Apamea in Syria, 11. Rengen, Apamea in Syria, 11.
72
73
74
27
difficult to determine their origin or even identify earlier tombstone styles or additional factors
that perhaps influenced the development of the rider relief tombstones. Legions were often
moved from one army camp to the next and the stone carvers that accompanied them could
possibly have added local design styles to their repertoire. 75 It should be noted that not all
tombstones were carved by military stone carvers. Local carvers were commissioned to carve
the stones as well. Archaeological evidence seems to indicate that the horse-and-rider
tombstones were exclusively military, however, within that grouping there are notable variations
in details of tombstone styles and decorative carvings. It is part of the aim of this thesis to
identify the characteristics on individual cavalryman tombstones with relation to their potential
association with the ethnicity of the riders they portray.
Tombstone Inscriptions
In addition to a Roman military tombstones shape and imagery, one of the dominant
elements was its inscription. An inscription was not just important in providing information
about the deceased. Such inscriptions are primary examples of Roman military epigraphs extant
today. Many funerary inscriptions have been destroyed in the past because they were written on
perishable materials, such as wood. Though there are rare samples of wooden tombstones that
have survived at archaeological sites such as Vindolanda in northern Britain, the most common
surviving funerary samples were engraved in stone. The most frequently surviving category of
military inscriptions is of gravestones from the now permanent or semi-permanent bases of the
legions. The tombstones were largely of men of the resident garrisons who died in harness. 76
75
Anderson, Roman Military Tombstones, 28; Keppie, Understanding Roman
Inscriptions, 83.
76
Keppie, The Making of the Roman Army, 80-81.
28
Tombstone inscriptions, as with the organization of the army, and the styles of the
tombstones, changed over time. The format of the tombstone, the iconographic components, the
inscriptional abbreviations, and the ligatures (the combination of two or more letters into a single
character) all changed throughout the existence of the entire Roman Empire. Despite these
changes, funerary epitaphs tend to include information such as the soldiers Roman-Latin name,
his regiment, his length of service, and occasionally his age at death. Often the epitaph
concluded with reference to the soldiers heirs or those responsible for the construction of his
funerary monument. Lawrence Keppie, who has published numerous works on Roman
inscriptions, has determined that many military epitaphs follow a pattern (some more loosely
than others).77 Typically the inscription would begin with Dis Manibus or DM, which translated
means, to the spirits of the departed. 78 This would be followed by the name of the soldier,
then his fathers name. If the soldier was a Roman citizen, his voting tribe would also be
included. Listed after this was the soldiers military rank, the name of the legion in which the
soldier served, and the number of years he was in service. Some epitaphs also list the name of
the centurion under which the soldier served. Very rarely does the inscription include the date of
discharge from military service. There is a great deal of important information that can be
obtained from the inscriptions, but in order to do this it is necessary to be familiar with the
Roman naming system, the abbreviations for names and for ranks, and ligatures. For example,
Roman citizens commonly had three names: the praenomina, the nomen gentilicium, and the
cognomen. If one or more of the names is missing, these omissions could pinpoint the time
period in which the tombstone was likely erected as these inscriptions and formulas were often
77
78
29
characteristic of specific eras of Roman military history. One example is that non-Roman
citizens who served in the early auxiliary units were not given a full Roman name. In cases like
this, only one or two names were displayed in the inscription. For example, in Britain in the
absence of a cognomen on a legionary tombstone may indicate a very early date while a missing
praenomen may suggest a later date as the use of the praenomina became increasingly rare in the
third century. 79 Closely examining the style and the pattern of epitaph will be helpful in
determining crucial information about the soldier and his ethnicity, even if it is not clearly stated
in the inscription itself.
79
30
3 IDENTITY AND ETHNICITY
Grave stelae have been erected for thousands of years as a way to commemorate and
remember the deceased. They are, in a way, a means of both social and religious identification
and serve in many societies as a focal point for commemorating the deceaseds memory as well
as serving as mnemonic devices. As stated before, the intent of this study is to determine what
must be present in the material remains of Roman cavalry funerary stelae in order to identify the
ethnic group to which a deceased soldier might have belonged. To accomplish this task, it is
necessary to discuss identity and ethnicity, their definitions, and their relationship. These two
terms are used often in anthropological and archaeological studies, but they are problematic. It is
probably safe to say that there is no overarching definition for either term which is agreed upon
by the modern anthropological and archaeological scholarly communities. Researchers have
attempted to provide definitions, many of which share similar elements. It is important to have
an understanding of the two terms in the present, as well as an understanding of how ethnicity
and identity were viewed by the ancient Romans themselves. This chapter seeks to discuss the
difficulties posed by the terms identity and ethnicity, to examine the relationship between the
two terms, and to determine how they can still be relevant in archaeological studies.
What is Identity vs. Ethnicity?
Many accept identity to be that set of characteristics by which an individual person or
31
persons is recognized. 80 Archaeologists and anthropologists had attempted to define the
identity of a group or culture. One early anthropological approach to group identity was to
identify culture areas: complexes of cultural traits common to inhabitants of a particular
environmental zone. 81 This approach had many difficulties, but it was only the beginning.
Approaches eventually evolved into attempts at defining a culture, and then identifying groups
within a culture, and eventually the individuals who make up the group. Renfrew and Bahn
discuss a different method, referred to as the bottom-up approach. In reference to this
approach, they state that, the questions that arise in this bottom-up perspective are about the
way such important social constructs as gender, status, and even age are constituted for
increasingly archaeologists are coming to realize that these are not givens, that is they are not
unproblematic cross-cultural realities but constructs specific to each different society. 82
Andrew Gardner has done extensive research on the role of identity in archaeology.
Gardner discusses the many difficulties one encounters when trying to infer identity from
material remains. 83 One of the primary difficulties is that individuals have more than one
identity. Some of the varying identities include but are not limited to ethnicity, gender, rank or
class, language, religion, and age. Over an individuals lifetime, he or she may be associated
with many different identities. This being the case, archaeological remains may not always
represent all the active identities associated with one individual. For example, a tombstone may
80
Andrew Gardner, An Archaeology of Identity: Soldiers and Society in Late Roman
Britain (California: Left Coast Press, 2007), 19.
81
Geoff Emberling, Ethnicity in Complex Societies: Archaeological Perspectives in
Journal of Archaeological Research vol. 5, no. 4 (1997): 297.
82
Colin Renfrew and Paul Bahn, Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practice (London:
Thames and Hudson, 2012), 220.
83
Gardner, An Archaeology of Identity, 19.
32
indicate a males association with the army, but this is not his only identity. In many situations,
an individual may choose the identities with which he or she wishes to be associated. 84 At the
same time, a society may impose an identity (or identities) upon an individual that are beyond
the individuals powers of choice or control.
One of the important aspects of identity is that it varies both in type and in scale.
Gardner divides the various types of identity into three, overlapping categories. The largest
category is what he calls institutional identities. 85 These include identities that are controlled
by large social structures. For example, an individual may be called Roman because he or she
fulfills the requirements set by Rome. Or alternatively, a non-Roman population would perceive
invading Roman forces as consisting of Romans even though soldiers might vary ethnically.
Another example that fits Gardners institutional category is the Roman military. The military,
in this case, was a large social structure consisting of numerous sub-identities like rank, class,
and ethnicity.
Gardners second category includes identifiers such as profession, religion, gender or kin-
group. 86 His third category is the individual. 87 The individuals identity is often affected by
many of the identities in the first two categories. All of the categories listed in the main part of
the diagram have both individual and institutional qualities88 Thus, it is understood that
there are multiple types of identities that range from a local to a global scale, but there is no
concrete boundary between the categories.
84
Sin Jones, Archaeology of Ethnicity: Constructing Identities in the Past and Present,
(New York: Routledge, 1997), 84.
85
Gardner, Archaeology of Identity, 240.
86
87
Gardner, Archaeology of Identity, 241
88
33
Multiple scholars have argued that identity is a fluid concept, rather than a fixed one. 89
Over time, individuals, beliefs, actions, and interactions can affect the identities with which one
is associated. Renfrew and Bahn state that it is certainly possible to argue that the purposes,
meanings and intentions are themselves always already structured within historical trajectories,
but the notion of agency allows for the ability of individuals to transform the structures in
concrete situations.90 Not only do people change the identities with which they associate
themselves, but the individual identities change. Just as humans and their behaviors morph and
change over time, the characteristics that distinguish one identity from another change. As
Gardner states, they (identities) embody the traditions of their class, their unit, and their home,
in different mixes and in different degrees as they move or as they stay put. 91 This reinforces
the importance of understanding how the ancient Romans, particularly the military, viewed
identity and how they chose to distinguish its different characteristics.
What is Ethnicity?
There are a variety of possible ways to approach a term as ambiguous and

susceptible to such varied uses as "ethnicity." One is to avoid discussing the term.
After all, everyone uses the term, so we must all know generally what we mean by
it. 92
Authors who have attempted to define the term ethnicity, particularly in an
anthropological or archaeological setting, acknowledge the difficulty of this task. 93 Some even
maintain that it is impossible to do. 94 Thus, it would seem that using the term ethnicity in an
89
Emberling, Ethnicity in Complex Societies, 303.
90
Renfrew and Bahn, Archaeology, 241.
91
92
93
Gardner, Archaeology of Identity; Jones, Archaeology of Ethnicity.
94
34
academic study would be useless. This raises the question, Why, then, is this term still used by
so often? 95 The most general definition of the term must encompass several aspects that
researchers find important to study and are pertinent to the ethnicity definitions in the
following pages.
Renfrew and Bahn provide a basic definition of ethnicity: The existence of ethnic
groups, including tribal groups. Though these are difficult to recognize from the archaeological
record, the study of language and linguistic boundaries shows that ethnic groups are often
correlated with language areas.96
Other scholars from multiple disciplines, specifically those within the human sciences,
have attempted to study and define ethnicity. Sian Jones references a study that was conducted
by Isajiw where sixty-five studies of ethnicity were compared. 97 According to Isajiw, only
thirteen studies attempted to provide a specific definition of ethnicity. It was also observed that
the definitions typically fell into one of two categories. The first category had to do with the
perspective on which the definition is based. Either they were subjectivist or objectivist
definitions. Objectivist refers to those definitions which were formulated based on the
researchers observations. Subjectivist refers to the definitions which include the observations
made by the people who are being studied. The second category includes definitions that were
either too vague, or too specific. She states that they vary between generic definitions which
are considered to be too broad to be of any analytical use in the analysis of particular cases, and
definitions that are so narrow that their comparative potential is minimal and their principal
95
96
Renfrew and Bahn, Archaeology, 581.
97
Jones, Archaeology of Ethnicity, 85.
35
function is descriptive.98 From this study, it would appear that no overarching definition has
ever been published. 99 Given the diversity of human nature and behavior, the difficulty of
describing ethnicity is not so surprising.
Ethnicity was not always seen as a valued aspect of human behavior to be studied. Many
scholars think that ethnicity is not something that can truly be determined by studying the
material remains found by archaeologists. 100 Not long after the emergence of the so-called New
Archaeology, Fredrik Barth published a book titled, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social
Organization of Cultural Difference. 101 Though his work was not widely popular at first, it
influenced an eventual shift in the way anthropologists and archaeologists approached the study
of ethnicity. Barth felt that the study of ethnic groups should be focused more on the boundaries
between groups; the aspects that made one group different from another. He also took a more
emic approach and assumed that ethnic groups are categories of ascription and identification by
the actors themselves. 102 Before Barth published his book, other anthropologists such as
Edmund Leach, Daniel Moerman, and Franz Boas had also taken similar positions on the
subject. 103
More recently, despite the on-going difficulties of clarity, a few anthropologists have
again attempted to provide a definition for ethnicity. Jones has made the distinction between
ethnicity, ethnic groups, and ethnic identity. 104 She views ethnicity as a process rather
98
99
Smith, Roman Palmyra, 8.
100
101
Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, 10.
102
Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, 10.
103
104
Jones, Archaeology of Ethnicity.
36
than the identity itself and states, As a process ethnicity involves a consciousness of difference,
which, to varying degrees, entails the reproduction and transformation of basic classificatory
distinctions between groups of people who perceive themselves to be in some respect culturally
distinct. 105 She sees ethnicity as a system in which different ethnic groups interact with and
distinguish themselves from each other. Jones defines ethnic groups as any group of people
who set themselves apart and/or are set apart by others with whom they interact or co-exist on
the basis of their perceptions of cultural differentiation and/or common descent. 106 She goes on
to state that these groups are based on a shared expression of culture and common descent. This
expression is usually in the form of language, religion, or physical characteristics. Lastly, Jones
defines ethnic identity as that aspect of a persons self-conceptualization which results from
identification with a broader group in opposition to others on the basis of perceived cultural
differentiation and/or common descent. 107 There are two key elements that make up Joness
definitions: the distinctions between different ethnic groups are, in part, formed by the
individuals or group themselves, and that they share common descent.
It is important to note that ethnicity can be problematic, much like identity in that a
person can claim multiple ethnicities. 108 The lines that separate one group from another are not
concrete, but often blur and overlap. Characteristics that are associated with one ethnic group,
such as language or religion, are also subject to change over time. For example, in the early
Roman period, the people practiced numerous pagan religions. 109 In the later Roman era, much
105
Jones, Archaeology of Ethnicity, xiii.
106
107
108
Greg Woolf, Beyond Romans and Natives, in World Archaeology 28, no. 3 (1997):
339.
109
37
of Rome had converted to Christianity and, therefore, significantly changed one of the defining
elements of being a Roman.
An individual may choose to have a dominant ethnicity (as well as identity) by which
he/she is recognized. This idea is particularly relevant to the analysis of the tombstones. If a
soldier had requested a specific style, design, symbols or inscription, he had chosen how he
would be remembered and identified.
As mentioned above, one of Joness key elements of the definition of an ethnic group and
an ethnic identity is that the identity is culturally ascribed. 110 It is not just the opinion of the
observer that distinguishes one ethnicity from another. Thus, it is necessary to establish which
characteristics the ancient Romans believed qualified them as Roman. Equally important, is
the need to identify some of the distinctions among those in the Roman military.
What Made a Roman a Roman?
As previously discussed, to be able to ascertain the ethnic identity of an individual, it is
necessary to know what qualified a person as Roman and to be able to determine the
differences which qualified a person as a non-Roman. Romanness, even for those who
reached this goal, did not cancel regional and ethnic identities.111 Even if a non-Roman
cavalryman adopted Roman customs, languages, religions, and eventually received Roman
citizenship, he still retained some of his original ethnic identity. Just as there is no simple
modern definition of ethnicity, there was no specific explanation of the concept of ethnic identity
in the Roman era. This does not mean that the Romans had no notion of the concept. Extant
110
111
Walter Pohl, Introduction in, Strategies of Distinction: The Construction of the
Ethnic Communities 300-800, Walter Pohl and Helmut Reimitz, eds., (Brill, Netherlands, 1998),
1.
38
records written by the early Greek and Roman historians provide the best evidence for
ascertaining their perception of ethnicity. It must be acknowledged that these histories do not
provide a solid, overarching definition. The historians who wrote these records had their own
biases and opinions about the culture of the time. No doubt their own personal experiences had a
significant effect on how they chose to portray certain events and people. Researchers have
found that though there are many differences between histories, there are still some pieces of
information that are, for the most part, in agreement. 112 Gardner references two historians,
Ammianus and Zosimus, who wrote very different records about the Roman Empire. Their
reasoning for the fall of the empire was quite different, but both made reference to Roman
citizens and members of the military. Both authors also identified those who were not Roman,
and they did so using certain markers. From such accounts, we can start to pick up on some of
the ways that particular traditions were defined as key parts of Roman culture by some Romans,
although...this is only a partial perspective. 113 Zosimus, for instance, often characterized
foreigners based on their citizenship, customs, religion or language. 114 Military practices
discussed above may also have expressed how the military distinguished Roman citizens from
non-citizens. Not long after the military began to expand to other countries, it recruited the
locals into the army. The army was organized so that Roman citizens with high social status,
those who held jobs in the government, were given higher ranking leadership positions. The
local recruits were kept separate in the auxiliary troops. 115 It was clearly important to the
military that a distinction was made between the citizens of Rome and the foreigners. Each
112
113
114
115
39
peoples complex of traits, along with geographical boundaries, became determining factors in
Roman ethnic classification. 116 These traits are addressed in extant epigraphic material; ancient
historians gave clues as to what made a Roman, Roman. The historians emphasize the
distinctions between Romans and non-Romans by comparing different traits. Strabo, in his work
Geography, distinguished Roman identity through the concepts of civilized and uncivilized. 117
Poverty, simplicity, and frugality were, according to Strabo, characteristics of an uncivilized
society, the opposite of Roman society. Many historians use the term barbarian to identify
non-Romans. Other historians such as Polybius and Tacitus specified different ethnicities and
identities through characteristics such as language, warfare tactics, weapons, character, political
systems, and history. Tacitus authored several works, Germania being one of his better known
works. This is an ethnographic text written c. 98 C.E., describing the different Germanic tribes
outside the Roman Empire. Tacitus often uses language to classify certain tribes as Germanic.
Polybius The Histories, is a multi-volume work written in the second century B.C.E. detailing
Romes rise to power. Polybius describes a battle between the Romans and the Gauls, and notes
specifically that the Gauls were particularly intimidating due to the many horns, and battle
chants. The Gauls also wore very little in battle and were bedecked in golden torques and
armillae. 118 The Roman soldiers were well protected with large shields, helmets, and chainmail,
quite the opposite of the Gallic soldiers. Polybius also describes the Gallic swords and their
inferiority to those of Roman make. The character of a group of people was often identified.
116
Patrick Geary, Barbarians and Ethnicity in Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Past, Glen
Warren Bowersock, Peter Brown, and Oleg Grabar, eds., (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1999), 107.
117
Strabo, Geography, 2.5.26.
118
Polybius, The Histories, 99:29.
40
Ammianus, in his work Res Gestae, describes a particular battle against a group of Romans. He
describes that they gnashed their teeth hideously and raged beyond their usual manner, their
flowing hair made a terrible sight, and a kind of madness shone from their eyes. 119 Polybius
comments on the character of the Celtic people: absolutely everything the Gauls did was
dictated by passion rather than reason. 120 He implies that this characteristic of the Gauls
negatively interfered with their own battle tatics. Tacitus classifies two tribes seemingly
Germanic tribes as Roman based solely on the fact that they payed tribute to Rome. This is
rather significant in that it shows the importance of the political system to the Romans. Polybius
dedicated an entire book to description of the Roman government and political system and the
comparison of that political system with those of Sparta, Crete, Mantinea, and Carthage. 121
These ancient historians have, in their attempt to record history, also described in multiple ways
how Romans differentiated themselves from non-Romans.
After the discussion of identity and ethnicity, it is apparent that these concepts can be
problematic when used in an analytical context. It may be impossible to accurately identify the
ethnicity of an individual through the information extracted from his tombstone. What Gardner
and Jones both make clear, however, is that there are different types of identity, one of which is
ethnicity. There are also different levels of identity. Therefore, it is my aim, following the
definition provided by Jones, to determine which elements of the cavalryman tombstones can be
used to infer perhaps not the ethnic identity of the individual, but the ethnic group to which he
was associated.
119
Ammianus Marcellinus, History: Books 14-19, trans. J.C. Rolfe, (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1950), 283:36.
120
Polybius, The Histories, 103:35
121
Polybius, The Histories, 402-411.
41
4ROMAN CAVALRYMEN TOMBSTONES
Thousands of Roman military tombstones have been recovered across the Old World. It
is impressive that so many are extant today. When the Roman military built fortresses, they
often built them near civilian settlements. If no settlement existed previously, one would soon
develop and grow. This turned out to be a very successful strategy for the Roman military in
expanding their empire in foreign lands. As previously discussed, soldiers erected funerary
monuments in cemeteries that were located outside fortresses or nearby cities. It was common
that when a military base was abandoned, the civilians would take over the use of the
buildings. 122 Oftentimes, stones, wood, and even tombstones were taken and reused as building
materials. There are several instances in which tombstones have been discovered in foundations
and walls of buildings that were constructed hundreds of years later than the era of the original
Roman grave stelae. Many tombstones have survived the ravages of time and are now preserved
in museums across the world. A relatively small number of these surviving tombstones were
erected in memory of Roman cavalrymen and exhibit relief carvings. The elaborate, carved
funerary stelae were expensive, so only the wealthy, or those who saved their money, could
afford them. Therefore, there are fewer of these types of tombstones in existence. Even more
rare are the tombstones displaying the rider motif. As part of my research for this thesis, I
traveled to Great Britain, Europe, and the Near East and gathered data on Roman cavalrymen
122
Keppie, Making of the Roman Army, 92.
42
tombstones. In this chapter, I will describe the tombstones to be used in this study, as well as a
brief history of the Roman military presence in the regions in which the tombstones were found.
Britain
A large number of cavalry tombstones have been found all over Great Britain, notably
near forts along Hadrians Wall and the Antonine Wall.123 Fifteen of the tombstones in my data
set were discovered in Great Britain. Not all the tombstones originated from Roman towns or
military bases that are well researched, so a brief history will only be provided for select regions.
Emperor Claudius appointed Aulus Plautius, a politician and general, to lead the army in
the invasion of Britain in C.E. 43.124 The Romans quickly began to organize permanent
settlements among the native tribes. Plautius ordered a cavalry troop to fight in the raid of the
town Camulodunum, known today as Colchester.125 The Romans were successful in seizing the
British capital and constructed a legionary fortress in C.E. 49. 126 The city remained one of
Roman Britains principal cities for several years. It was near the fortress that the tombstone of
Longinus Sdapeze (see fig. 18, catalog no. 11) was discovered.
Cavalrymen Dannicus (see fig. 11, catalog no. 9) and Sextus Valerius Genialis (see fig.
12, catalog no. 10) both had tombstones erected in the town of Cirencester. The Roman name of
the town was Corinium and the army built a fort there around 44 C.E., but it was abandoned
around 30 years later.127 Despite the army leaving, Corinium grew to be the second largest
settlement in Roman Britain by the fourth century C.E.
123
124
Graham Webster, Roman Invasion of Britain (London: Routledge, 1993), 103.
125
Webster, Roman Invasion of Britain, 103.
126
Julian Bennett, Towns in Roman Britain (Oxford: Shire Publications, 2001), 9.
127
R.F.J Jones, A False Start? The Roman Urbanization of Western Europe, in World
Archaeology 19, no. 1 (1987): 48.
43
Gloucester was once the Roman colony Glevum, which was founded by Emperor Nerva
around 90 C.E. 128 A larger fortress was built at Glevum and many legionary veterans were
settled here and it was later given over for civilian use.129 There was a cemetery outside the
fortress in Gloucester. There was found the tombstone of cavalryman Rufus Sita (see fig. 20,
catalog no. 13) who was a trooper of the sixth cohort of Thracians.
The town of Coria (modern day Corbridge) was established around 75-79 C.E. The
military built a fort nearby but ten years later built another fort about half a mile away. Around
160 C.E., the Romans built another fort on top of the last fort.130 It was at this fort that
detachments from Legion XX Valeria Victrix and Legio VI Victrix were garrisoned for some
time.131 In 1881, the tombstone of Flavinus (see fig. 12, catalog no. 14) was discovered in the
foundation of Hexam Abbey. There is no way to know exactly where it originated, many agree
it is likely that it was taken from near the fort at Corbridge. 132 The remaining tombstones from
Great Britain were found in several different regions including Cumbria, Bath, Chester, and
Mayfair.
Bath
The tombstone of Lucius Vitellius Tacinus was found in the Old Market Place region
of Bath in 1736. 133 The tombstone is now preserved in the Roman Baths Museum (fig. 8,
catalog no. 1). This tombstone was found in two pieces and is missing a large portion on the top,
128
Bennet, Towns in Roman Britain, 9.
129
Bennett, Towns in Roman Britain, 66.
130
131
132
133
R.G. Collingwood and R.P. Wright, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1995), 52, no. 159.
44
Figure 8. Tombstone of Lucius Vitellius Tacinus c. 74 C.E. Roman Baths
Museum. Photo: author.
but the bottom half of the carved relief, as well as the inscription, still remains. It stands at 1.6
meters tall and is rectangular in shape. The relief depicts the rider on the horse, with the horse
facing to the viewers right, trampling a foe on the ground. Though the relief is severely
corroded, it is apparent the carving is somewhat crude in that the rider is disproportionately large
in comparison to the horse. The fallen enemy is very small, but this could have been done with
some intention. The scene is depicted in profile, and clearly the carver attempted to imitate the
correct perspective. Faint outlines of decoration on the back of the horse can be seen. Some part
of the soldiers uniform can be seen near his upper leg.
45
The inscription is located below the carved relief (fig. 9). Its border consists of three
lines, each carved progressively deeper in to the stone. Though some areas are missing or
eroded, the inscription remains in fairly good condition. It is in Latin and reads as follows (back
slashes represent a new line):
Figure 9. Inscription on tombstone of Lucius Vitellius Tacinus, c. 74 C.E., Roman Baths Museum. Photo: author.
L(ucius) Vitellius Ma / ntai f(ilius) Tacinus / cives Hisp(anus) Caurie(n)sis /

eq(ues) alae Vettonum c(ivium) R(omanorum) / ann(orum) XXXXVI
stip(endiorum) XXVI / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) 134
Lucius Vitellius Tacinus, son of Mantaius, a tribesman of Caurium in Spain,

trooper of the cavalry regiment of Vettones, Roman citizen, aged 46, of 26 years
service, lies buried here.
134
RIB 159.
46
Dating tombstones can be difficult and imprecise. In the inscription, it says, Roman
citizen which is an honorific title not given until after 69 C.E. Thus, the tombstone likely dates
to the Flavian dynasty, circa 74 C.E.135 According to the inscription, Lucius was from Caurium
in Spain, but was granted Roman citizenship as he belonged to the Spanish wing (ala) of
Vettones (a Hispanic tribe), which consisted of Roman citizens.
Also found at the Roman Baths Museum is the tombstone of an unknown rider (fig. 10,
catalog no. 2). Though it is only a fragment measuring .69m x .74m x .18m, it is still significant.
Figure 10. Remains of an unknown riders tombstone at the Roman Baths Museum first
century C.E. Roman Baths Museum. Photo: author.
What remains of the tombstone is the top portion, broken just below the head of the horse. The
relief is a profile of the rider on the horse with the horse facing to the right. The soldier is mostly
in profile, but his head is turned slightly towards the front, making it easier to see his face. Even
though the bottom half is missing, it is very likely that the horse was trampling an enemy. The
soldier is in an action position with his right hand back behind his head holding a spear as if
ready to throw it.
135
47
The tombstone is topped with a pediment. Extending from the pediment are three
ornamental flourishes, one at the top center and one on each bottom corner of the pediment. The
left decoration has broken off. Filling the center of the pediment is a large rosette surrounded
with leaves. The rosette is very common motif on funerary stelae. It represents many things,
including prosperity for the next life, as well as the believed transformation that takes place when
the soul leaves the body. 136 Although there is no inscription, based on other epigraphic and
archaeological evidence, the tombstone likely dates to the first century C.E.
Cirencester
Just to the northeast of Bath is the city of Cirencester where, in 1835, the tombstone of
the cavalryman Dannicus (fig. 11, catalog no. 9) was discovered. The tombstone dates to
approximately 70 C.E. 137 It is a large, rectangular stela with a triangular gabled top. Carved into
the niche on the top half of the monument is a rider on his horse, trampling the barbarian on the
ground. It is a profile view with the horse facing to the right. The rider is twisted slightly so that
the head and torso are facing the viewer. The man being crushed underfoot is also twisted at the
waist so that the torso and head are facing forward. The carving itself is somewhat crude, with
the rider disproportionately large to the horse. The horse is rather short, making it appear that
the rider is able to pin down his assailant with his foot while still seated on the horse. Despite
the corrosive effects, it clear that the soldier was wearing a special helmet. There is a portion of
the soldiers right hand missing, but it is still possible to see that he is holding a spear, ready to
thrust it into his enemy. Also visible, attached at the soldiers side, is a small dagger called a
pugio. 138
136
137
RIB 109.
138
Dixon and Southern, The Late Roman Army, 112.
48
Figure 11. Tombstone of Dannicus, found in
Cirencester c. 70 C.E. Corinium Museum. Photo:
Carol Reddato.
The face of the horse is quite corroded, but it is still possible to see the reins and saddle
cloth. Many of the cavalrymen sometimes appear to have little to no details depicting their
clothing. The stone carver may have intentionally left out some of these details because they
would be added later with paint. 139
The inscription, still in relatively good condition reads:
139
Anderson, Romany Military Tombstones, 26.
49
Dannicus eq(u)es alae / Indian(ae) tur(ma) Albani / stip(endiorum) XVI cives
Raur(icus) / cur(averunt) Fulvius Natalis it (!) / Fl[av]ius Bitucus ex testame(nto)
/ h(ic) s(itus) e(st) 140
Dannicus, a cavalryman of the ala Indiana, from the troop of Albanus, who
served 16 years, a tribesman of the Raurici. Fulvius Natalis and Flavius Bitucus
set this up according to the will. He lies here. 141
Unlike many other inscriptions, this inscription was not given any special decorative border or
carved into a shallow niche, but rather the inscription was carved into the stone remaining flush
with the border of the relief. Dannicus belonged to the ala Indiana Gallorum, which consisted
of recruits from Gaul and was named after the commanding officer Julius Indus. Because only
one name is given, it is likely that Dannicus did not serve long enough to receive Roman
citizenship. The inscription also states that he is a tribesman of the Raurici, which was in
reference to the Roman province Augusta Raurica, or modern-day Augst, Switzerland. 142 The
tombstone is now preserved in the Corinium Museum.
Another important piece in the Corinium Museums collections is the funerary stela of
Sextus Valerius Genialis (fig. 12, catalog, no. 10), originally discovered near the tombstone of
Dannicus in Cirencester in 1836. 143 It too is a large gabled tombstone. The soldier died young at
age 40, having spent half of his life in service of the military. He did possess the funds,
however, to have an elaborate monument erected after his death. The tombstone was discovered
in very good condition with many of the carving details well preserved. Genialis is depicted in
action atop his horse with a spear held in his right hand, aimed at the barbarian being trampled
140
RIB 108; Lupa 8474.
141
Valerie M. Hope, Death in Ancient Rome: A Source Book (New York: Routledge,
2007), 157.
142
Hope, Death in Ancient Rome, 157.
143
RIB 109.
50
Figure 12. Tombstone of Sextus found in Cirencester, 60-68 C.E.
Corinium Museum. Photo: Armatura Press.
beneath the horse. The relief is laid out as a profile, but as with previously mentioned reliefs, the
soldier is twisted slightly in the torso so that the face and shoulders are facing forward. The
horses head is also slightly tilted towards the front.
51
Unlike the previous reliefs, this relief displays impressive details. One can easily see the
outlines of the soldiers uniform, even the lines on the trim of the shirt sleeve. The details of the
face are no longer distinguishable, but he is clearly wearing a special helmet. There are even
lines on the soldiers hand to distinguish the fingers. Sticking out on the far side of the soldier,
just behind the horses head is the legions standard. The horse he is riding also has significant
detail. The decorative dressing on the horse is well defined, including the saddle blanket, reins
and bridle. The sculptor added groves in the mane and tail to represent individual sections of
hair, he also added lines on some of the legs to emphasize the musculature. Of the many cavalry
tombstones found in Britain, this tombstone is one of the best preserved and most detailed.
The pediment above the relief has a large rosette carved in the center with leaves filling
the remaining space. The only other decor outside the relief are two small floral motifs under the
pediment, one on each side of the niche.
The epitaph has been inscribed beneath the carved relief, surrounded by a rectangular
border like that seen on the tombstone of Lucius Vitellius Tacinus.
Sextus Vale / rius Genialis / eq(u)es alae Thraec(um) / civis Frisiaus tur(ma) /
Genialis an(norum) XXXX st(ipendiorum) XX / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) (h)e(res)
f(aciendum) c(uravit) 144
"Sextus Valerius Genialis, a cavalryman of the Thracian wing, a citizen of the

Frisiavones, from the turma of Genialis. Forty years old with twenty years
service. He lies here. The cavalry were responsible for the making [of this
memorial]."145
Even though Genialis was originally a citizen of Frisia (lower Rhine region in Germany), he was
granted Roman citizenship given that he has three names in the inscription. He likely joined the
144
RIB 109.
145
RIB 109.
52
first Thracian wing after it was transferred to Cirencester, or Corinium as it was known to the
Romans, during the Neronian period. 146 Thus, this tombstone possibly dates somewhere between
60 C.E. and 68 C.E.
Chester
Over 100 miles to the north of Cirencester and just east of the Wales border lies the city
of Chester. Around 74 C.E., a legion was sent to establish a military base in Chester. 147 Several
cavalrymen funerary stelae have been recovered near Chester, all dating to the late first century
C.E. Most of these tombstones are now preserved in the Grosvenor Museum in Chester.
The tombstone of Aurelius Lucius (fig. 13, catalog no. 3) was discovered in the nearby
town of North Wall in 1887. 148 It was in two pieces, together measuring 137 cm x 71 cm. The
top half of the stela depicts Lucius at a funeral banquet, reclined on a couch. The funerary
banquet motif is commonly referred to as the totenmahl style. It was a common theme in Greek
art and was later adopted by Roman artists into Roman funerary art, including military funerary
art. 149 The carving on this tombstone is rather crude, but his facial features still remain, and he
shown with a mustache, beard, and with a somewhat spiky hairdo. This was not a typical Roman
style, so it is likely that he came from a barbarian or Celtic background. 150 The image in
profile with Lucius turned at the waist so that his head and shoulders are facing forward. In his
right hand he holds a goblet and is leaning on his left arm. In his left hand he holds a scroll
which is most likely his will or possibly his Roman citizenship document. Several tombstones
146
147
148
RIB 522.
149
Hope, Words and Pictures, 253.
150
RIB 522.
53
Figure 13. Tombstone of Aurelius Lucius found in Chester, dating to
late first century C.E. Grosvenor Museum. Photo: author.
have shown the deceased holding their wills in a similar manner.151 On the right side of the
relief niche is his cavalry helmet with a plume and his sword. At the bottom right, just
underneath the couch, there is a small head, likely that of a servant. To the right of the head is
the top of a three-legged table depicted as if looking down on the table. Even though the table is
depicted from a birds eye view, it is likely a mensa delphica. It is a table shaped after a tripod,
151
54
or a three-legged structure.
The bottom half of the stela contains the feet of the servant and to the left, the head of an
enemy. It is likely that the servant is holding the head by the hair. This display of victory is
different from many of the other banquet style cavalry tombstones. The other banquet style
tombstones examined in this study also have a horse depicted in some manner. The servant
holding the enemys head rather than a horse trampling the enemy may be another indication that
the soldier was of a Celtic background.
The inscription is not separated by a border like on other tombstones. It is also
incomplete. The following is what remains:
(Dis) M(anibus) / Aureli Luci / equitis / h f c
To the spirits of the departed, Aurelius Lucius, cavalryman. His heir had this
made.
The craftsmanship of this relief carving is less refined, particularly in comparison with the
tombstone of Sextus Valerius Genialis. The carvings on the tombstones found at Chester are
similar to this more primitive style.
In 1891 the tombstone of Sextus Similius (fig. 14, catalog no. 4) was discovered in North
Wall near Chester. 152 It was found in several pieces and restored at the Grosvenor Museum. It
was carved from a cream colored sandstone is rectangular in shape and measures 110 cm x 71
cm x 20 cm. The soldier is uniquely portrayed in the relief carving. At the top of the stela, the
soldiers bust is carved inside a small niche in the center, and flanking either side of the bust is a
portrait view of a lion. The lions mouths are wide open with tongues sticking out. The front
paws are resting on top of a rams head. The rams heads are a shown in profile, with one facing
152
RIB 538.
55
to the right and the other facing to the left. Lions are commonly portrayed on Roman
tombstones, and not just those of the military. Lions were believed to represent how quickly
death can come. 153
Beneath the bust and lions, in a shallow square niche, the soldier is presented on his horse
with a servant or groom walking in front of the horse carrying the soldiers shield. There is very
Figure 14. Tombstone of Sextus Similius found in Chester, now at the Grosvenor
Museum, dated to c. 200 C.E. Photo: author.
153
56
little detail or definition in this lower relief. The horse is facing to the left and wearing a long
saddle blanket. All three figures are shown in profile view.
Only a portion of the inscription was salvaged:
Sextus Sexti Filius / Fab Brix(ia) . / Simil.
Sextus Simil(ius), son of Sextus, of the Fabian voting tribe, from Brixia. 154
Not much about the soldier can be gleaned from this fragmentary inscription, but it is apparent
that the cavalryman was from Brixia, which today is Brescia in northern Italy.
Also on display at the Grosvenor Museum is a tombstone of a standard bearer (fig. 15,
catalog no. 5) found in North Wall in Chester in December of 1890.155 Only a portion of the
tombstone remains, measuring 194 cm x 81 cm x 20 cm. This particular standard bearer carried
the dragon standard and was known as a draconarius. The dragon was introduced into the army
by the Sarmatians in the late second century C.E. 156 The Sarmatians only joined the Roman
army due to the loss of a battle in 175 C.E. Five and a half thousand Sarmatian soldiers were
obtained by the army and sent to Britain by Marcus Aurelius. 157 If this soldier is indeed a
Sarmatian, this tombstone would most likely date to the late second or early third century C.E.
The rider is sitting on the horse, with the horse facing to the right. The riders face is
turned toward the viewer and simple facial features such as the brow, eyes, nose, and mouth still
remain. He wears a simple, conical helmet that was commonly worn by Sarmatian soldiers and a
154
Francis Haverfield, Catalogue of the Roman Inscribed and Sculptured Stones in the
Grosvenor Museum, Chester, (Chester: Castle Printing Works, 1900), 69.
155
Haverfield, Roman Inscribed and Sculptured Stones, 69.
156
157
57
cape flows out behind him.158 The only weapon visible is part of small dagger worn at his side.
Even though the dragon head is missing from the tombstone, the standard is still identifiable as
the dragon because of its unique design. The dragon head hosted a wide, open mouth and holes
in the eyes. Attached to the back of the dragons head is a long tubular tail made of fabric. It
was designed in this manner so that when the rider held up the standard while galloping on a
horse, the wind would blow through the mouth, eyes, and tail of the dragon, causing a loud
whistling or shrieking noise. 159 The distinctive tail is clearly visible on the top portion of the
tombstone as well as the pole being held by the rider.
Very little of the horse still remains. A rough outline of the horses head is visible, with
more definition around the mouth and nostril. The stone is broken just to the left of the riders
Figure 15. Unknown standard bearer at Grosvenor Museum, found in Chester, dated to the late second
century C.E. Photo credit: author.
158
159
58
leg, so only the front two legs of the horse remain. The horses left leg is lifted to imply motion.
Unfortunately, no inscription was ever recovered.
Another tombstone belonging to an unknown rider (fig. 16, catalog no. 6) was discovered
in November, 1890 in North Wall, Chester. 160 Only the upper portion of the stela remains and
measures about 92 cm x 92 cm. It has rectangular body with a triangular gabled top. The top of
the triangle is missing. It was found in multiple pieces and restored by the Grosvenor Museum.
This tombstone follows the more traditional style of the rider on the horse, trampling the
enemy. Once again, the carving is less refined but some details are still clearly visible. The rider,
proportionately larger than the horse, sits on the horse with his right arm raised behind his head.
Figure 16. Tombstone of unknown rider at Grosvenor Museum, found in Chester, dated to early
second century C.E. Photo: author.
It is most likely that the rider was originally holding a spear in his hand. The soldier appears to
160
Collingwood, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, 550.
59
be wearing a long chain mail shirt that reaches just above the knee. Though the sword is not
pictured, the belt can be seen strapped across his chest.
The horse is depicted in action, facing to the right, with its front two legs in the air, just
above the barbarian lying on the ground. Some of the details on the horse, though subtle, can
still be identified. For example, the strap of the bridle is apparent on the horses face and the
saddle blanket is also shown. Shallow lines were carved into the horses mane and tail in attempt
to mimic the movement of the hair. The enemy being trampled on the ground is lying face down
and naked and is grasping on to an oblong shield. Just below the relief, the only part of the
inscription remaining is:
D(is) M(anibus)
To the spirits of the departed.
Figure 17. Tombstone of unknown rider trampling foe at Grosvenor Museum. Tombstone was found in
Chester and dates to the early second century C.E. Photo credit: author.
60
The last cavalrymans tombstone from the Grosvenor Museum in this study also belongs
to an unknown rider (fig. 17, catalog no. 7). It was discovered in North Wall, Chester, in 1891
and measures approximately 189 cm x 74 cm. The relief carving on this fragment was more
thoroughly executed; there are more details and they are more refined. What remains is the
bottom portion of the relief. It is another example of a cavalryman on his horse, trampling the
foe. Unfortunately all that is left is the fallen enemy and the legs of the horse.
Though a much more impressive carving, the barbarian is still disproportionate with very
short legs and small feet. As is common on many cavalry tombstones, he is lying naked on the
ground. Unlike some of the tombstones previously discussed, this barbarian was given well
defined musculature over his entire body. His face is depicted in profile with his head tilted up as
if looking toward the soldier. He has a full beard and longer hair, which is not typical of Roman
soldiers. 161 Also visible is his sword-belt strapped across his chest. Leaning back on his left arm,
he still grips a six-sided shield in his left hand. Just to the right of his head is the horses front
right leg. In between the horses front two legs, you can see the enemys spear snapped in half.
Clearly the barbarian is trapped with no hope of escaping the Roman soldier.
The inscription is almost entirely missing except for the D of Dis Manibus and part
of the soldiers name: LIVS. It appears that the inscription was probably enclosed within a
simple, single line border.
Colchester
On the southeast coast of Britain, Claudius had a legionary fortress constructed not long
after the arrival of the Roman army in Colchester in 43 C.E. 162 Only six years later, it was
161
162
Julian Bennett, Towns in Roman Britain, (Oxford: Shire Publications, 2001), 9.
61
Figure 18. Tombstone of Longinus Sdapeze found in
Colchester, dated to 47-49 C.E. Colchester Castle Museum.
Photo credit: The Armatura Press.
modified for use as a civilian settlement. It was largely populated by military veterans. In 1928,
not far from the historic main entrance to the town, Balkerne Gate, the tombstone of Longinus
Sdapeze (fig. 18, catalog no. 11) was discovered. 163
163
Collingwood, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, 201.
62
The stela was well preserved, carved in oolite limestone and measures 72 cm x 240 cm x
28 cm. It is rectangular with an arched top. This tombstone is somewhat unique in that there are
additional carvings on top of the arch. In the center is the image of a winged sphinx and on
either side is a lion, forward facing. In between each lion and the sphinx is a snake. The tail of
the snake is held down by one of the lions front paws.
In an arched niche is the relief of the cavalryman. Longinus sits on a horse, facing to the
right. The entire image is depicted in profile, except for the riders head, which is facing
forward. The horses head is also tilted slightly towards the viewer. Longinus wears a helmet
and scaled armor. Though it is missing, he likely held a sword in his right hand. The
cavalrymans face was missing when the tombstone was originally discovered. Sixty-eight years
later in 1996, an excavation of the find spot uncovered the face as well as other small pieces that
were missed when ground workers first unearthed it.
The horse is shown with the traditional equipment. The bridle and reins can clearly be
seen. Fine lines were added as details to the horses mane and tail. There is even a small patch
of hair in between the horses ears. The sculptor also defined the hair on the legs, just above the
hooves. Also clearly visible is a fringed saddle-cloth. The fringed saddle-cloth is not as
commonly depicted on tombstones as a plain saddle-cloth.164 The horse is standing above a
cowering Briton, with the front left leg lifted.
Longinus victim lies in the fetal position atop an oval shield. Like many of the trampled
enemies, he has features that are proportionately small including his feet. He is naked, with
minimal muscular definition. His hair and beard are long, most likely to identify him as a
barbarian.
164
63
When the tombstone was discovered, it was pulled up in two pieces. It has since been
restored and the crack runs visibly through the center of the inscription. The epitaph is engraved
in a shallow rectangular niche surrounded by a simple single-line border.
Longinus Sdapeze / Matygi duplicarius / ala prima T(h)racum pago / Sardi(ca)

anno(rum) XL aeror(um) XV / heredes exs testam(ento) [f(aciendum)]
c(uraverunt) / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) 165
Longinus Sdapeze, son of Matycus, duplicarius from the first cavalry regiment
of Thracians, from the district of Sardica, aged 40, of 15 years service, lies buried
here; his heirs under his will had this set up. 166
Longinus came from Sardica, which is now modern day Sofia, Bulgaria. The cavalryman
belonged to the ala I Thracum, one of several cavalry units that were sent to invade Britain in 43
C.E. Neither his name nor his fathers name indicate that their family was granted Roman
citizenship.
Cumbria
To the North, the relief carving of a cavalryman tombstone (fig. 19, catalog no. 12) was
found in the area of modern day Kirkby Thore in Cumbria, approximately 30 miles from the
border of Scotland. It is one of three tombstones found at Kirkby Thore and each are badly
damaged. The carving on this particular tombstone is rough and corroded, so if there were any
fine details, they no longer exist. The carving sits in a rectangular niche with an arched top. It
appears that there were additional, carved decorations on top of the arch but have since broken
off.
165
RIB 201.
166
64
Figure 19. Tombstone of unknown rider found Kirkby Thore, now in the British Museum. The stone possibly
dates to the third century C.E. Photo: author.
The rider is carved in an action position with his right arm raised behind his head,
thrusting a spear into the enemy on the ground. It is difficult to discern, but he may be wearing a
helmet.
The horse is also depicted in action, reared up on his hind legs with his front legs coming
down on top of the barbarian lying on the ground. There are a few subtle details that are still
visible on the horse. Part of the rein can be seen by the horses face as well as small scores in the
stone on the top of the mane.
The enemy on the ground is shown in profile and his left arm appears to be missing. It is
possible to see his spear broken in half, lying at his feet. There may have been some sort of
65
border around the niche as well. This tombstone likely dates to somewhere in the second century
C.E.
Gloucester
Gloucester is located in the southwestern region of England and partially borders Wales.
Gloucester was one of the new communities established after Claudius invaded Britain. Similar
to Cirencester, a disused military fortress was repurposed circa 90 C.E. for the use by a civilian
community consisting mostly of military veterans. 167 The tombstone of cavalryman Rufus Sita
(fig. 20, catalog no. 13) was discovered in 1824 and measures 81 cm x 145 cm. The lower
portion of the stela, the section which was buried in the ground, has broken off.
The relief carving sits within a niche that is rectangular with a short triangular top.
Above the relief, in the center carved in the round, is a Sphinx. Lions, also carved in the round,
are on each side of the Sphinx.
Rufus Sita is mounted on his horse in action position, with a spear in hand, ready to
impale the enemy soldier being trampled under the horse. Two of cavalrymans fingers are still
intact. The rider is wearing a helmet and the top portion of his shield can be seen on the other
side of the horse, just above his left arm. He has a long sword attached at his waist. The riders
lower left leg can be seen hanging down on the other side of the horse. There is nothing else to
indicate the type of clothing or armor he was wearing, so these details were likely painted on the
tombstone at a later time.
The horse is also in an action position facing to the right, reared up on his hind legs, with
the front legs in the air just above the head of the barbarian. Many of the details of the horse are
167
66
Figure 20. Tombstone of Rufus Sita, discovered in Gloucester, now at the
Gloucester City Museum. Stela dates between 50 and 80 C.E. Photo: The Armatura
Press.
still in good condition. The locks of hair in the horses mane and tail are well defined. The horn
of the saddle is just barely visible, but the saddle straps are clearly defined across the horses
chest and rear. The sculptor defined the musculature of the horses legs and chest. It is
67
interesting to note that the front hooves and the horses tail extend out of the niche and into the
surrounding border, almost as if the sculptor ran out of room for his entire visual composition.
The barbarian is strangely depicted with his head in profile and the rest of his body facing
forward. He is lying flat with his legs straight, but pointed upward as if to emphasize his
position under the horse. Similar to many of the other cavalrymen tombstones found Britain, the
barbarian is naked and disproportionately small. He does have defined facial features and a
longer hair style. He holds a dagger in his right hand as a feeble attempt to protect himself.
Beneath the relief, the epitaph is inscribed in a shallow, rectangular niche with a simple,
double-line border. The inscription is this:
Rufus Sita eques c(o)ho(rtis) VI / Tracum ann(orum) XL stip(endiorum) XXII /

heredes exs test(amento) f(aciendum) curaue(runt) / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) 168
Rufus Sita, trooper of the Sixth Cohort of the Thracians, aged 40, of 22 years
service, lies buried here. His heirs had this erected according to the terms of his
will. 169
The VI Thracum was a partially-mounted cohort. The horse riders in these types of cohorts were
paid less than those belonging to a cavalry regiment. This is a good example of how some
soldiers could save enough funds to provide for themselves a lavish tombstone. 170
Hexham Abbey
Hexham Abbey is a church that was first built in 674 C.E. and has since been rebuilt and
added on to multiple times. In the 12th century, during construction on the abbey, workers
placed the large funerary stela of cavalryman Flavinus (fig. 21, catalog no. 14) face-up in the
foundation of one of the cloisters and it was not rediscovered until 1881.
168
RIB 121.
169
RIB 121.
170
68
Figure 21. Tombstone of Flavinus, a signifier,
dates between 70 and 90 C.E. Housed at Hexham
Abbey. Photo: The Armatura Press.
The tombstone erected for Flavinus is very large measuring 94 cm x 264 cm and dates to
sometime in the first century C.E. No doubt due to its use as building material, the stela is fairly
worn, but many details are still intact. It is rectangular with a flat top. The relief carving of the
mounted soldier is set in an arched niche.
The rider is mounted on his horse and carries the standard for the legion. His outfit is
representative of a parade costume rather than the protective gear in battle. His helmet has large
69
plume feathers, one which extends into the border surrounding the niche. The features of the
face are not distinguishable, but it is possible that he is wearing a mask. A long sword is
strapped to the side.
The horse is facing to the right in an action position, reared up on his hind legs. The
lower portion of the front legs are missing. The horse is also dressed in a parade style harness.
An ornate bridle can be seen on the horses head and the reins are also clearly visible. The
sculptor carved out the special tack, as well as the saddle cloth. Additional straps across the
horses chest signify that they are a special decoration. The individual locks in the mane have
been carved in relief, and it is interesting to note that the tail of the horse is not visible.
Again, the horse and rider are posed above the naked enemy on the ground. The man is
huddled on the ground with his knees to his chest. Instead of his head facing toward the ground
in a natural position, the sculptor chose to display the enemys face, so his head is turned up
facing the viewer, in a physically impossible position. He has a thick bushy beard and hair. In
his right hand he holds a small dagger in a weak attempt at defense.
Just beneath the relief is the epitaph, enclosed in a simple border. It is as follows:
Dis Manibus Flavinus / eq(ues) alae Petr(ianae) signifer / tur(ma) Candidi

an(norum) XXV / stip(endiorum) VII h(ic) s(itus est)
To the spirits of the departed: Flavinus, trooper of the Cavalry Squadron

Petriana, standard-bearer, from the troop of Candidus, aged 25, of 7 years
service, lies buried here. 171
It is believed that the ala Petriana was housed at a large fort of the same name along
Hadrians Wall. Though the soldier has only one name in the inscription, it is believed
171
RIB 1172.
70
Figure 22. Tombstone of Insus son of Vodullus found in Lancaster
dates between 75 and 120 C.E. Kept at Lancaster City Museum.
Photo: Stephen Bull, Triumphant Rider, 24.
that the members of this cavalry unit were awarded Roman citizenship due to bravery on
the battlefield.172
172
G.L. Cheesman, The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army (Chicago: Ares Publishers,
1975), 170.
71
Lancaster
One of the most recent discoveries of a cavalry tombstone was made in 2005 at a building
site in Lancaster. It was found in a ditch that once ran along an old Roman road into
Lancaster. 173 It was fairly common practice to erect tombstones along the roads outside of town.
The tombstone of Insus son of Vodullus (fig. 22, catalog no. 15) was found in several pieces and
has since been restored at the Lancaster City Museum. It measures 176 cm x 92 cm and dates
somewhere between 75-120 C.E. 174
Insus is posed mounted on his horse within a rectangular niche with an arched top. He is
not wearing battle attire but rather a more formal attire that was worn in parades and other
celebrations. His head and torso are turned to face the viewer but the rest of his body is depicted
in profile. The helmet has large plumed feathers sticking up from the top and the helmets
protective flaps extend down the sides of his face, just leaving the eyes, nose, and mouth visible.
He wears a cape fastened with a small rosette. The arched top of his shield is just visible behind
the horses head. In his right hand he grasps a long sword along with the disproportionately small
head of the enemy he just decapitated.
The horse, facing to the right, is reared up on its hind legs. The sculptor appears to have
run out of room as the front legs are very disproportionately short and the hooves extend into the
border surrounding the niche. Also dressed in formal riding attire, the horse is adorned with a
fringed saddle cloth and saddle straps with tassels. The mane and tail are very detailed as well as
the horses facial features. His eye is wide open and his gums are pulled back, exposing both the
upper and lower set of teeth.
173
Stephen Bull, Triumphant Rider: The Lancaster Roman Cavalry Tombstone
(Lancaster: Carnegie Publishing, 2007), 4.
174
Bull, Triumphant Rider, 4.
72
Under the belly of the horse lies the beheaded body of the enemy, shown in profile. He is
kneeling down with his elbows resting on his knees. In his right hand, rested on the ground, he
still grasps a sword. His left hand can be seen holding the shield that was useless in his defense.
Beneath the relief is the epitaph. It is not enclosed in any kind of border. It is interesting
that the introductory phrase Dis Manibus was not abbreviated but instead spelled out.
Dis / Manibus Insus Vodulli / ivs cive Trever eques alae Aug / Victoris curator
domitia
To the shades of the dead, Insus son of Vodullus, citizen of the Treveri,
cavalryman of the Ala Augusta, troop of Victor, Curator Domitia, his heir, had
this set up. 175
Insus was a citizen of the Treveri which was a Germanic tribe from the Trier area in western
Germany. It is difficult to glean any information about the ala in which Insus served because
there was more than one Ala Augusta, and the inscription does not give specifics. Some
scholars believe he may have served in the Ala Augusta Gallorum Proculeiana while others
believe it was more likely that he served in the Ala Augusta Vocontiorum. 176
Ox Close
The tombstone of Marcus Aurelius Victor (fig. 23, catalog no. 8) was discovered around
1708 just south of the Chesters fort along Hadrians Wall. 177 It measures 79 cm x 122 cm and is
now preserved at the Great North Museum in Hancock, England.
The tombstone is rectangular in shape with a slightly arched top. It is possible that
carvings once existed on the top of the stela. This funerary monument is quite worn, and the
relief carving is very basic in terms of design and possibly the skill level of the sculptor. In the
175
176
177
RIB 1481.
73
top two corners, a sword has been etched into the stone. The relief is carved in an arch-topped
niche.
Victor sits posed upon his horse, with his head and shoulders facing the viewer. His right
Figure 23. Tombstone of Marcus Aurelius Victor found in Ox Close, now kept at
the Great North Museum in Hancock. Monument dates between 200 and 250 C.E.
Photo: The Armatura Press.
arm is raised back behind him, holding a sword in hand. No details of the riders face or clothing
remain (and there may not have been many details to begin with). The horse faces right and is
posed in a running motion with one front leg lifted up slightly. The sculptor must not have been
very familiar with the anatomy of the horse, especially regarding the head. The horses mouth is
74
strangely portrayed, looking more like the mouth of a dog rather than a horse. The eyes are
abnormally large. The horses mane looks as if it were either cut very short or the hair is lying on
the other side of the neck.
A thick bar separates the relief caving from the inscription. The inscription is also
somewhat rough, but still legible.
D(is) M(anibus) / M(arcus) Aurelius Vic / [t]or vixit an(nis) L.
To the spirits of the departed: Marcus Aurelius Victor lived 50 years. 178
It is difficult to tell if there is more to the inscription, but it is unusually basic, with no
information about his position in the military or his years of service.
Wroxeter
Not far from the border of Wales is the town of Wroxeter, just outside the city of
Shrewsbury. In 1783, the tombstone of cavalryman Tiberius Claudius Tirintius (fig. 24, catalog
no. 16) was found in Wroxeter, not far from a blacksmiths shop. Only part of the tombstone
was found, the top portion is still missing and there is extensive damage along the entire right
side. The stela measures 102 cm x 64 cm x 18 cm, and likely dates to the last half of the first
century C.E. 179
At the top of the tombstone, the only part of the rider that can be seen is his right leg. He
appears to be wearing knee-length pants. All that is visible of the horse are the back legs and the
saddle-cloth. The horses legs are strangely depicted side by side. Just below the horses right
hoof is the fallen barbarians right foot. He lays strangely on his side with his legs bent at the
178
RIB 1481.
179
Martin Henig, Roman Sculpture from the North West Midlands: Part 4 (London:
Oxford University Press, 2004), 47.
75
Figure 24. Tombstone of Tiberius Claudius Tirintius found in Wroxeter.
Monument dates between 75 and 150 C.E. and is housed at the Shrewsbury
Museum and Art Gallery. Photo: The Armatura Press.
knees. He has fallen on his shield while still holding his sword in his right hand. The oblong
shield suggests it is probably of Celtic origin. 180
Along the bottom left side of the tombstone, part of a frame is visible. It likely bordered
the niche, but it appears that it was intentionally cut away on the left side to make room for the
horses back legs. The inscription begins directly below the relief and reads:
180
Henig, Roman Sculpture, 47.
76
Tib(erius) Claud(ius) Tiri / ntius eq(ues) coh(ortis) [] / Thracum an[n] / orum
LVII sti[p] / endior(um) XX [] h(ic) s(itus) [e(st)]
Tiberius Claudius Tirintius, trooper of the Cohort of Thracians, aged 57, of

years service, lies here. 181
It would appear that Tiberius received Roman citizenship, according to the three names in the
inscription. Information about the Thracian cohort to which he belonged is difficult to
determine. There are numerous Thracian alae and cohorts and epigraphical evidence for the
history of every cohort is very rare. There are some military diplomas, however, that list the
First Cohort of the Thracians as being stationed at the auxiliary fort in Wroxeter. Thus, it is
likely that Tiberius belonged to this particular Thracian cohort.
Germany
It was during the last 20 years of the first century B.C.E. that the Roman military turned
their focus on expanding their northern frontier. Bringing the area of the Rhine under Roman
control was one of several military feats credited to Julius Caesar.182 It was not an easy task and
required military action to maintain control. 183 Over a period of several years, the military
established several fortresses along the Rhine. Around 38 B.C.E., Agrippa, the most important
Roman general in the service of Julius Caesar, colonized an area off the bank of the Rhine with
people of the Ubii tribe. It was not until 50 C.E. that the region became an official Roman
184
colony. This area was located in what is now modern Cologne, Germany.
181
RIB 291.
182
H. Schnberger, The Roman Frontier in Germany, The Journal of Roman Studies
59, no. 1/2 (1969): 144.
183
184
77
The Roman military also established one of the earliest fortresses in the town of
Mogontiacum, where the modern city of Mainz, Germany is located. Though an exact date
cannot be determined, it is believed that Rome permanently stationed legions in the area between
16 and 13 B.C.E. 185 Portions of the fortress were discovered by archaeologist Dietwulf Baatz
during excavations in the late 1950s. 186 It was one of the more important military bases because
of its ideal location. It was situated at the junction of the Rhine and the Main, from which
access could be gained to all of southern Germany. 187 Cologne and Mainz are just two of
several well-known areas of Roman military occupation. Other monuments in this data set were
discovered around the cities of Bonn and Worms. A brief history of the Roman military
presence in these areas will be given in the following sections.
Bonn
Relatively little is known about the Roman military base at Bonn. It is believed to have
originated around the same time as other military bases along the Rhine, between 19-13
B.C.E. 188 Several legions, and legion detachments, were known to have spent time there, and
moved back and forth between these bases along the Rhine.189 The emperor Augustus was
determined to solidify the extension of the Roman Empire to include Germania. During the first
couple decades of the first century C.E., troops were sent to battle the native tribes. This
required more travel between bases. 190
185
Schnberger, The Roman Frontier, 144.
186
187
188
189
190
78
The tombstone of C. Marius (fig. 25, catalog no. 17) was discovered in Bonn in 1873. 191
The large stela is carved from limestone and measures 177 cm x 78 cm x 30 cm. The relief
carving is similar to other rider motifs in that it features the deceased soldier on his horse, but
instead of his slain enemy under the horse, the soldiers military decorations are displayed.
The funerary stela is in fairly good condition but some of the finer details have not
survived. It is rectangular in shape and the relief is framed inside an arched niche. In the top
two corners, there is a pair of torques, which are metal rings of Celtic origin that are worn around
the neck. The Romans adopted the torques as decorations and trophies of war but they were not
displayed around the neck of the soldier.192
Marius is seated on his horse with his right hand back behind his head holding a spear.
He appears to be wearing a long top that reaches just above his knees and a belt around his waist.
His face is turned just slightly toward the viewer but the details are obscured. Though very faint,
on his chest he wears a set of phalerae. A phalera is a metal disc, usually carved out of gold,
silver or bronze and is worn on the soldiers breastplate during parades. 193 It is important to note
that phalerae were not only used for military awards but also as ornate horse trappings, attached
to leather straps. Many of the horses in this data set are depicted with these decorative metal
discs.
The horse is reared up on its hind legs with the front legs high in the air. The saddle-
cloth is visible just underneath the leg of the rider. Saddle straps can be seen across the chest,
191
Emile Esprandieu, Recueil Gnral des Bas-Reliefs de la Gaule Romaine: Gaul
Germanique (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1905), 8:235, no. 6248.
192
Valerie Maxfield, The Military Decorations of the Roman Army (Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), 51.
193
Maxfield, Military Decorations, 93.
79
Figure 25. Tombstone of C. Marius found in Bonn, currently at the
Rhineland Museum. Monument dates to 41-68 C.E. Photo: The
Armatura Press.
stomach, and rear. The horses face is badly weathered but the reins can be seen draped around
the neck and individual locks of hair are defined in the mane.
Beneath the horse, the sculptor has carved specific military awards and decorations. On
the bottom right, there are nine metal discs (another set of phalerae). 194 To the left are two
bracelets, referred to as armillae.
194
The phalerae were typically awarded in sets of nine. Maxfield, Military Decorations,
92.
80
The epitaph is in very good condition and reads as follows:
C(aius) Marius L(uci) f(ilius) Vol(tinia) / Luco Augusto eques / leg(ionis) I

annor(um) XXX stipen(diorum) / XV h(ic) s(itus) e(st) Sex(tus) Sempronius / frater
facien(dum) curavit
C. Marius, son of Lucius, of the Voltina voting-tribe, from Lucca Augusta,

cavalryman of Legio I, lived 30 years, served 15, he lies here. His brother Sextus
Sempronius set this up.
The inscription tells us that Marius was a Roman citizen from the voting tribe Voltinia. This was
a rural tribe located just outside of Rome.
In 1889 near Bonn, the partial grave stela of Niger Aetonis (fig. 26, catalog no. 18) was
discovered and is now currently kept at the Rhineland Museum in Bonn. A large portion is
missing from the upper left corner of the tombstone. The top of the stela is flat and in the right
corner a palm frond lines the arch of the niche. Though it is missing, it is likely that another
palm frond lined the arch of the niche on the left side, meeting at a floral motif at the top center.
The stela measures approximately 142 cm x 76 cm x 21 cm. This tombstone likely dates to the
late Julio-Claudian Era (30 B.C.E.-68 C.E.).
The horseman rides on his horse with the top half of his body turned to face the viewer.
The man wears a helmet and a cuirass with tight fitting pants. The facial features are quite worn,
but the eyes, nose and mouth can be distinguished and he is clean shaven. In his right hand he
holds a large spear. In addition to this weapon, he has a sword in sheath hanging down on his
right side. Just barely visible is the soldiers shield, held by his left hand. A curved line between
the horses head and the riders head defines the edge of the oblong shield.
The horse, faced to the viewers right, is raised in a riding motion with both front legs up
in the air. Though the cavalryman is portrayed as being in battle, the horse is formally dressed.
The individual wavy locks of the horses mane are very distinct. The horses bridle and reins are
81
Figure 26. Tombstone of Niger Aetonis found in Bonn and dates to 41-
54 C.E. Monument is kept at the Rhineland Museum. Photo: Ubi Erat
Lupa Image Database, www.ubi-erat-lupa.org.
also very detailed. Underneath the rider is the saddle cloth and the parade style saddle straps are
visible on the front of the horse as well as on the back.
Beneath the niche, the short inscription is outlined in a double beveled frame.
Niger Aetonis f(ilius) / Nemes ala Pomponi / ani anno(rum) L / aera XXV / h(ic)
s(itus) e(st)
82
Niger son of Aetonis of the Nemetes voting-tribe, of the ala Pomponiani, aged
50 of 15 years service, he lies here.
According to his epitaph, Niger was of the Nemetes voting-tribe. The Germanic Nemetes tribe
occupied the area of modern-day Speyer in Germany, along the Rhine River. The ala
Pomponiani originated in the Roman province of Germania Inferior, sometime in the late first
century C.E. Records are not very clear on the history of this particular ala, but it would seem
that it remained stationed in Germania Inferior for the majority of its existence.195
A partial gravestone belonging to the cavalryman Rectugnus (fig. 27, catalog no. 19) was
discovered in 1891, not far from where the gravestone of Vonatorix was found. Rectugnus was
also part of the ala Longiniana, along with Vellaunus and Vonatorix. The gravestone measures
131 cm x 79 cm x 28 cm and was carved in limestone.
Only a small portion of the relief carving remains. From what remains, it is clear that this
stone carver did not have the same skill level as those who carved the tombstones for Vellaunus
and Vonatorix. The tombstone is broken over halfway down the relief carving. The hind legs of
the horse seem disproportionately short. The horse is reared up on his hind legs and the joint of
one of the front legs is just visible below the break. The riders right leg and both feet are
crudely portrayed. A sword in a sheath hangs down to the left of the riders leg.
The epitaph below is framed in a simple double beveled border. Unlike the top half of the
tombstone, the bottom half is better preserved. The inscription is in relatively good condition
and reads as follows:
Rectugnus Magilonis f (ilius) / Segontilie (n) ses eques wing / Longiniana ann
(orum) Aer L (orum) XXII
195
83
Figure 27. Tombstone of Rectugnus discovered in Bonn, now at the
Armatura Press.
Rectugnus son of Magilonis Segontilienses, trooper in the cavalry regiment

Longiniana, lived 50 years, served 12 years.
It is interesting to note that the last part, ann(orum) aer l (orum) XXII is carved at a deeper
level than the inscription and thus appears to have a rectangular border. It may be that the carver
made a mistake and had to re-inscribe the text.
In 1892, the tombstone of Vellaunus (fig. 28, catalog no. 20) was found near Bonn and is
currently maintained at the Xanten Archaeological Park. The large, uncut portion of the stone
84
which is buried in the ground, is still intact. This makes the stela measure at 221 cm by 74 cm
by 34 cm. It is rectangular with a flat top.
Above the niche there is a pediment design with a flower in the center of the pediment.
In the niche, the rider sits on his horse, slightly slouched with his upper torso turned toward the
viewer. The stela has suffered significant damage on the surface, but it is still possible to make
out the majority of the relief. In the horsemans right hand, he holds a standard, or vexillum.
Part of the relief carving extends outside the niche and over the top of the pediment and other
dcor, making this relief somewhat unique. The top of the standard is now difficult to see, not
only because of damage, but the pediment and other surrounding decorations make it difficult to
distinguish the design. Ian Haynes has suggested that The motif on the vexillum is generally
interpreted as the head of a three-horned bull. 196 The three horned bull is also a Celtic religious
symbol. 197 The rider wears a helmet, fitted pants, and visible on his upper leg is the hem of a
long tunic. Hanging from his belt is a large sword. His right foot appears to be resting on a slab
of stone, almost as if the stone carver did not finish the composition. It is possible that the stone
was left there for structural support. The profile of the left foot is lightly outlined under the belly
of the horse.
The horse faces to the right, dressed in formal equipment. He has a thick mane and the
bridle is faintly visible on his face. The back and the front of the saddle can be seen on either
side of the rider and the saddle blanket drapes down the side of the horse. The horse is also
depicted with decorative saddle straps across the chest and hind legs. The horse is reared up on
196
Ian Haynes, Introduction: the Roman Army as a Community, in The Roman Army
as a Community, eds. Adrian Goldsworthy and Ian Haynes (Michigan: Journal of Roman
Archaeology, 1999), 10, fn. 6.
197
Cheesman, The Auxilia, 40.
85
Figure 28. Tombstone of Vellaunus dates to 41-54 C.E.
and is in the custody of the Xanten Archaeological Park.
Photo: Hartman Linge.
its hind legs with both front legs up in the air. The front left leg is noticeably disproportionate
and the back left leg is barely carved out of the stone; it is more like an outline.
Beneath the relief is a somewhat large and lengthy inscription. A beveled frame
surrounds the epitaph on the sides and top and rough line along the bottom. It reads as follows:
Vellaunus Nonni / f(ilius) Biturix eques / ala Longiniana / turma L(ucii) Iuli(ii)
Reguli / an(norum) XXXVIII stipendio / rum XVIII h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / ex
[te]stamento factu / curarunt L(ucius) Iulius Reg / ulus decurio et Macer Aspadi /
f(ilius) eiusde(m) turma(e)
86
Vellaunus Nonni son of Biturix, trooper from the cavalry regiment Longiniana,
in the squadron Lucius Iulius Regulus, lived 38 years and served 18 years, he lies
here. According to his will, Lucius Iulius Regulus, Decurion and Macer son of
Aspadi of the same squadron set this up.
The ala Longiniana was first raised in Gaul during the first century C.E. According to
the soldiers name, he did not serve long enough to receive Roman citizenship. This
epitaph is a good example of a soldier who likely contributed to a burial fund to pay for
the erection of his gravestone. Two men from his squadron took care to carry out his
wishes as stated in his last will and testament.
The tombstone of another cavalryman, Vonatorix (fig. 29, catalog no. 21), from
the regiment Longiniana was found in 1891 at the corner of the roads Colner Chaussee
and Rosentalstrasse in Bonn. 198 Similar to the tombstone of Vellaunus, it is large and
rectangular, and the uncarved base remains intact. It measures approximately 218 cm by
92 cm by 27 cm. A simple floral and vine motif runs across the top of the stela. The
horse-and-rider themed relief is carved in the square niche just below. The rider depicted
on a horse, in action, is commonly found on cavalryman tombstones of the mid first
century C.E. It is not until later that stone carvers started to show the riders enemy being
trampled under the horse. 199
The stone carver added remarkable detail to the gravestone of Vonatorix. It is very well
preserved other than part of the riders right leg and sword, which are missing. Vonatorix sits on
the horse with his torso turned to face the viewer, but his legs remain facing towards the viewers
right. The left foot is visible just under the belly of the horse. He appears to be sitting on a four-
198
E 6292.
199
Anderson, Roman Military Tombstones, 53, pl. 14.
87
Figure 29. Tombstone of Vonatorix discovered in Bonn, now at the
Armatura Press.
horned saddle and three of the four horns are visible. Vonatorix is clearly wearing a chainmail
shirt with a long tunic underneath. In his right hand he holds up a long spear in throwing
position. As is similar to the tombstone of Vellaunus, the spear extends beyond the top of the
niche and onto the decorative floral designs above. A large sword hangs in a sheath attached to
the belt around his waist. He hold an oblong shield in his left hand, the outline is lightly visible
to the right of the horses head and also between the rider and the horse.
88
The details carved on the horse are quite impressive. The horses mane is divided into
many small wavy locks. The decorative straps and metal work of the bridle are prominently
visible; the corner of the bit can be seen at the horses mouth. Teeth, lips, nostrils and even
wrinkles in the skin have been delicately carved out of the stone. The musculature of the horse is
most defined the chest and the front legs. Successive arcs are used to indicate the wrinkles in the
skin on the horses neck and chest. Like many of the other horses on Roman grave stelae, this
horse is wearing decorative saddle straps. The saddle cloth is not overly long, but it does have a
fringed edge.
Beneath the relief, the epitaph is framed with a simple multi-level border. The inscription
is crisp and well preserved.
Vonatorix Du/conis f(ilius) eques ala / Longiniana an/norum XLV stipen/diorum

XVII h(ic) s(itus) e(st)
Vonatorix, son of Duco, trooper of the cavalry regiment Longiniana, lived 45

years, served 17 years. He lies here.
Like Vellaunus, Vonatorix was also a cavalryman in the ala Longiniana. The inscription was
well enough preserved that the small triangles in between each word or abbreviation can still be
clearly seen.
Cologne
Several cavalry tombstones have been found in Cologne, less than 20 miles north of
Bonn. The funerary monument erected for Longinus Biarta (fig. 30, catalog no. 22) was
discovered in two pieces. The blocks were found in 1846 but at separate times, and were found
at a site with several other cavalrymen tombstones. Due to the number of funerary monuments
found at that site, it is possible it was owned by a small military association.200 The top block
200
RID 307.
89
had been built into a garden wall. Despite having been reused, the stones remained in fairly
good condition, although the bottom block was cracked down the middle. This limestone
monument is quite large and measures 172 cm x 147 cm x 54 cm and dates between 80 and 90
C.E. 201
This relief carving displays the funerary banquet (totenmahl) motif, with the soldier and
servant in the upper relief, the inscription in the center and the groom and horse in the lower
relief. Inside a double arched niche, Longinus reclines on a cushioned couch, draped in a robe
and holding a cup in his right hand and scroll in his left hand. Directly in front of him is a three
legged table with two cups sitting on top. At the foot of the couch, a small servant boy stands
with his feet facing to the right but the rest of his body is turned almost fully forward, facing the
viewer.
Just beneath the upper relief is the inscription:
Longinus Biarta Bisae f (ilius) / Bessus eq (ues) alae Sulp (iciae) an (norum)
XXXXVI / d [e suo] f (aciendum) c (uravit)
Longinus Biarta, son of Bisa, of the Bessus voting-tribe, a rider in the cavalry
regiment Sulpicia, lived 46 years, this was set up with his own money.
It is unusual that epitaph does not include how many years Longinus was in military service. It
is possible that he served the required 25 years, but it is still interesting that his service time was
not noted. Longinus was Thracian, from the Bessi voting tribe. Because he served in the ala
Sulpicia, it is possible he received Roman citizenship. This particular cavalry regiment was
awarded Roman citizenship for valor in the field.
The bottom half of the stone is broken in half, down the center. A groom stands behind
the horse, both facing to the right. The groom wears a helmet and a long tunic. In his left hand
201
90
Figure 30. Tombstone of Longinus Biarta found in Cologne and dates to 80-90 C.E.
Currently housed at the Roman Germanic Museum. Photo: copyright Brian J.
McMorrow, Roman Germanic Museum.
he holds two spears and the horses reins in his right hand. His left leg is carved in shallow
relief. The horse is dressed in parade equipment. The facial features have been eroded, but the
bridle straps and reins are clearly visible. The mane is very stylized with incised lines to define
the locks of hair. Folds in the fabric of the saddle cloth have been emphasized and the large
straps hanging from the bottom of the saddle cloth are faintly visible. Both the leather saddle
straps and metal work are neatly defined across the chest and the hind legs. The soldiers shield
91
hangs behind the horse, half of it can be seen. The stone carver added many details to the horse,
defining the joints in the legs, the hooves, musculature and even folds in the skin on the horses
neck.
The tombstone of Lucius Crispi (fig. 31, catalog no. 23) is of the totenmahl style also.
Lucius only lived to be 28 years old, but his heirs were able to provide him with an ornate
funerary monument. The stone slab was discovered near the archbishops palace in Cologne in
the 1880s. 202
It is interesting to note that in comparison with many of the other tombstones, these relief
carvings appear to be shallower in depth. Within a double arched niche, Lucius reclines, draped
in robes on a small couch. His facial features are quite worn, but it is possible to see that his hair
is styled and he is clean shaven. In his right hand he appears to be holding his will or citizenship
papers, and in the left hand, a cup. The stone carver chiseled out each of the individual fingers.
In front of the couch is a three-legged table with two cups. A tall, cylindrical jug sits to the left
of the table on the floor. A small, robed servant boy stands at the foot of the couch on the far left
holding a ladle in his hands. His shoulders and head are missing. Apparently the tombstone
suffered additional damage after its discovery. In Esprandieus collection of Roman
inscriptions, there is an image of the tombstone but the boys head is intact.203 A large crack
runs from the top center of the stela down to the right and through the inscription on the very far
right. Later pictures suggest that some restorative work has been done, but the servant boys
head was not recovered.
202
E 6454.
203
E 6454.
92
Figure 31. Tombstone of Lucius Crispi which dates to 80-
100 C.E. Housed at the Roman Germanic Museum. Photo:
The Armatura Press.
The lower relief depicts a soldier guiding the horse in front of him. The soldier wears a
helmet and a long tunic with a fringed hem. Faint lines across his calves indicate he was wearing
tall boots. In his left hand he carries to spears or javelins which rest on his left soldier. In his
right hand he holds the reins of the horse. The horse is adorned with very ornate decorations. At
93
the top of the horses head is a large metal disc. The reins and bridle gear are present. The
bridle straps on the face appear to be lined with decorative tassels or pompoms. Higher up on
the neck, it seems that the horse is wearing a collar. Esprandieu suggests that it is a necklace of
large pearls or beads. The horses mane is very stylized with very large wavy, almost curly,
locks. A very long saddle cloth is draped over the horses back and the saddle straps are very
elaborate. Due to the life-like details of the horses musculature and proportions, the stone
carver must have been familiar with anatomy of a horse and adept at portraying it three
dimensionally.
Like many inscriptions, the letters start out larger and grow smaller towards the end. This
inscription is well preserved:
L (ucius) Crispi f (ilius) cives Marsacus, eq (ues) alae Affro(rum) turma Flavi ann
(orum) XXVIII, stip (endiorum) VIIII, h (eres) f (aciendum) c (uravit)
Lucius son of Crispi, citizen of Marsacus, trooper in the cavalry regiment

Afrorum, of the squadron Flavi, lived 28 years, served 9 years, his heirs set this
up.
Lucius was a citizen of Marsacus, or Marsi, which was a small Germanic tribe located in
northwest Germany. The Ala Afrorum was first raised in Africa Proconsularis, the Roman
province in Africa. The regiment was moved to Europe in the early first century C.E. and then
was sent to Germania Inferior for support during the Batavian rebellion. It was most likely that
Lucius was recruited to the regiment while it was stationed in Germania Inferior.
94
In 1902 the tombstone of Lucius Romanus (fig. 32, catalog no. 24) was found near
Gereonstrasse in Cologne. 204 Only part of the tombstone remains. It is likely that it was
originally a funerary banquet style tombstone, but only the inscription and bottom portion
survived. A large portion of the right side is also presumably missing. It only measures 82 cm x
130 cm x 58 cm. A soldier wearing a helmet walks behind the horse, both facing to the right.
His facial features are badly worn, almost indistinguishable. Like many of the other grooms or
Figure 32. Tombstone of Lucius Romanus, 80-90 CE. Housed at the Roman Germanic
Museum. Photo: copyright Brian J. McMorrow, Roman Germanic Museum.
soldiers depicted in these types of reliefs, he carries two javelins in his left hand and they rest on
his left solder. In his right hand he holds a whip to guide the horse. The lines on his arms and
lower legs imply that he is wearing some type of clothing, but the details were most likely
painted on. The horse is conspicuously disproportionate. His legs are quite short, while his neck
and head are much larger. The neck is only slightly narrower than the body of the horse. A
204
E 6454.
95
saddle cloth is draped over the four-horned saddle, of which three of the four horns are visible.
The saddle cloth is shorter, but has fringed edge with two thick straps that drop down beneath it.
Behind the saddle, the oval shield floats in the background.
The inscription is just above the relief and reads as follows:
Romanus Atti f (ilius) Dar [danus] / eq (ues) al (ae) Afr (orum) ture (ma) at
Firmani (Norum) XXX st [ip (endiorum) X?] / H (eres ) t (estamento) f
(aciendum) c (uravit)
Romanus son of Attus, of the voting-tribe Dardan, trooper in the cavalry

regiment Afrorum in the squadron Firmanus. He lived 30 years, and served
years. His heirs set this up according to his will.
Romanus was also a cavalryman in the ala Afrorum. He originally came from the voting tribe
Dardani, which is classified as either an Illyrian tribe or a Thracian tribe. It has not been
determined if Dardani was strictly Illyrian or Thracian. Romanus was probably conscripted
when the regiment was stationed in Moesia. Due to damage, it is difficult to tell if there is a
letter inscribed before the R in Romanus. When Esprandieu published this relief in his book
in 1907, he recorded the inscription without the L before Romanus. 205 The inscription also
appears without the L in the CIL and the AE. 206 According to the notes in the RID, there is
debate about whether there is enough of a marking on the stone to know for sure if there was
indeed an L initially present. The monument is currently kept at the Rmische-Germanisches
Museum in Cologne. Museum records have the inscription as beginning with an L. It seems
that for now, it is impossible to say which is correct.
205
E 6454.
206
Otto Hirschfeld, Karl Zangemeister, Alfred von Domaszewski, Oscar Bohn, mile
Esprandieu, Inscriptiones Trium Galliarum et Germanicarum Latinae (Apud G. Reimerum,
1899), 3; R. Cagnat and M. Besnier, Priodiques, LAnne pigraphique (Paris: Presses
Universitaires de France, 1903), 65 n. 276.
96
The tombstone of M. Aemilius Durises (fig. 33, catalog no. 25) also has two relief
carvings, one on the top and one on the bottom with the inscription in between. The top of the
stela is flat with faint remnants of a floral pattern flanking the relief. The relief is framed in an
arch pattern, but instead of a smooth arch, it is pinched slightly inward at the top center. In the
upper carving, the cavalryman is posed lying on his left side on a cushioned couch. There is
distinct definition of the hair on both the human figures as well as the horse. The clothing and
the equestrian decorations are clearly illustrated. The soldier lies on his side, propped up on a
pillow, and holds a cup in his left hand while his right hand rests on his knee. In front of the
couch is a small three-legged table with two more cups displayed on the top. The perspective of
the table is skewed as the top of the table is visible. Standing at the foot of the couch is a small
servant boy, his hands clasped together in front. The details of his face are missing but the locks
of hair and folds in his clothing are still visible. These reliefs were carved with noticeably
intricate details. Much of the cavalrymans facial features still remain, including the ears. The
figures have been carved disproportionately, with the soldier being the most prominent.
In the lower relief, a stable hand facing the viewers right, walks behind the cavalrymans
horse. Some sort of strap is visible under the chin of the stable hand, indicating he is wearing
some type of helmet. In his left hand he holds a sword and in his right he holds the reins of the
horse. The horse is faced to the right and is posed with the front left leg slightly lifted and the
back left leg set forward, suggesting the horse is cantering. The horse is also dressed in formal
parade equipment, including a mask on the face. The horses mane is ornately carved and
several medals hang from the saddle straps. An elegant cloth is draped over the saddle and two
straps can be seen hanging down below. The soldiers oval shield appears to be floating above
and behind the horses back. Just as in the upper carving, the figures are disproportionate to each
97
other.
The inscription in between the two reliefs is not encased in a border like many of the
other tombstones. It has been well preserved with the majority of it being easily legible. It reads
as follows:
Figure 33. Tombstone of M. Aemelius Durises at the Roman

Germanic Museum, originally discovered in Cologne. Monument
dates to 81-96 C.E. Photo: copyright Brian J. McMorrow, Roman
Germanic Museum.
98
M(arcus) Aemilius Durises eq(ues) al(ae) / Sulp(iciae) temperature(ma) to
Nepotis(norum) XXXVI / stip(endiorum) XVI, heredes ex t(estamento) f(aciendum)
c(uraverunt) 207
Marcus Aemilius Durises, a rider in the ala Sulpicia, in the squadron of Nepos,
lived 36 years, and served 16 years. The heirs have set this up.208
Marcus was awarded Roman citizenship and served in the auxiliary ala Sulpicia. This cavalry
regiment was first deployed in Germania Inferior during the late first century C.E. 209
Figure 34. Tombstone of Marcus Sacrius, dates to the

late first century C.E. and is now at the Roman Germanic
Museum. Photo: The Armatura Press.
207
RID 306.
208
RID 306.
209
99
In 1886, another partial tombstone, that of Marcus Sacrius (fig. 34, catalog no. 26) was
found. It is also a funerary banquet type relief. Though a portion of the stela was missing from
the top, some of the upper relief still remained. The break cuts off the head and shoulders of
Marcus as well as the head and shoulders of the young servant on the left. It is still apparent that
Marcus was posed on his side on the couch. In his right hand he holds a cup. There is a three-
legged table with two, possibly three cups sitting on top. Next to the table on the floor is a tall
cylindrical jug. To the left of the jug, one can see the body and the legs of the servant, standing
with his hands clasped together in front.
The lower relief, carved in a square niche, depicts a soldier with two javelins in his left
hand that he carries on his left shoulder. In his right hand he holds a rope to guide the horse.
The horse is very similar to the horse on the tombstone of Lucius Crispi. The bridle equipment
is very ornate and it seems that there are pompoms hanging from the straps. Higher up on the
neck is a collar of beads. A metal disk is mounted at the top of the horses head. His mane is
very detailed and wavy. A long, fringed saddle cloth is draped over the saddle. As is similar to
several other tombstones, both front and back left legs are carved in a very shallow relief.
The inscription was damaged somewhat on the left side, but it is still mostly legible:
Marcus Sacrius / Securi f(ilius) Primigenius / eques alae Noricor(um) tur(ma) /

Patercli cives Remus ann(orum) / XXVI [s] tip (endiorum) XI. H (eres) f
(aciendum) c (uravit)
Marcus Scrius Primigenius, son of Securus, a trooper in the ala Noricorum, of

the squadron of Paterclus, of the voting-tribe Remus, lived 26 years, served 11
years. He lies here.
Marcus, along with several other soldiers mentioned in this data set, served in the Ala I
Noricorum. It appears, according to the tria nomina that he was granted Roman citizenship. He
is originally from a Belgic tribe in northeastern Gaul. It is interesting to note the age of the
100
Figure 35. Tombstone of Oluper Cergaepuri from Cologne,
now at the Romano-Germanic Museum. Monument dates to
the late first century C.E. Photo: copyright Romano-
Germanic Museum.
deceased. He died at 26 years old, but served in the army for 11 years. He is the youngest
soldier within this data set to be recruited into the army.
The tombstone of Oluper Cergaepuri (fig. 35, catalog no. 27) was found on Geronstrasse
101
(Geron Street) in Cologne in 1898. 210 Carved in the funerary banquet style, the limestone stela is
well preserved and measures 230 cm x 92 cm x 30 cm. The top portion of the stone is broken off
just above the head of the soldier. It appears the top of the relief carving would have been
arched, judging by the curve of the top corners. Oluper wears a robe and sits reclined on a
couch. The sculptor engraved many folds in the fabric of the robe from top to bottom. The
sculptor has also carved the fine details of the cavalrymans hair and facial features, although the
nose is no longer intact. Oluper leans on his left arm and holds a cup in his hand. His right hand
is rested on his knee. In front of the couch is a small three-legged table. The perspective is
skewed in that the top of the table is slanted in order to see its surface. Two handled cups or
bowls are placed on the table. A large jug sits on the ground to the left of the table and at the feet
of a young servant boy. The servant stands at the foot of the couch standing in three-quarters
view. He is wearing a small tunic and stands with his hands clasped together in front. The
sculptor has carved the folds in the fabric as well as the details of the hair and face.
The epitaph begins immediately beneath the banquet scene. In order to save space, or if
the engraver has run out of room, letters were combined or carved over the top of one another.
This inscription exhibits several instances of this practice.
Oluper Cergaepuri / f(ilius) eq(ues) alae afrorum / tur(mae) preci capitonis /

ann(orum) XXXX stip(endiorum) XX / h(eres) ex t(estamento) f(aciendum)
c(uravit) 211
Oluper son of Cergaepuri, trooper in the cavalry regiment Afrorum, of the

squadron of Preci Capito, lived 40 years and served for 20 years. His heirs set this
up according to his will.
210
AE 1903, 275; E 6455; T. Mommsen, O. Hirschfeld, A. Domaszewski, eds.
Inscriptiones Germaniae Inferioris vol. 13 of Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (Apud G.
Reimerum, 1907), no. 8304.
211
E 6455
102
The limestone funerary stela of Titus Flavius Bassus (fig. 36, catalog no. 28) was found
in two pieces in Cologne in 1886. It was found in the same general location as the tombstones of
Lucius Crispi, Marcus Sacrius and Marcus Aemilius Durises. 212 Much like these three
Figure 36. Tombstone of Titus Flavius Bassus, 69-96 C.E. Monument was found in
Cologne and is now housed at the Roman-Germanic Museum. Photo: The Armatura
Press.
tombstones, that of Titus Flavius Bassus is well preserved, large, and complex in design and
craftsmanship. When stacked, the limestone blocks measure 172 cm x 119 cm x 61 cm. This
tombstone has one of the best preserved relief carvings of a Roman cavalryman still extant
today. 213 Despite being removed from the ground in two pieces, the details are still numerous
212
RID 303
213
Dixon and Southern, The Roman Cavalry, 39, fig. 7.
103
and sharp. The tombstone dates to the late first century C.E., and is now preserved in the
Rmisch-Germanisches Museum in Cologne.
It is a rectangular stela with a flat top. The upper corners are adorned olives and with
leaves from the olive tree. An arched border surrounds the relief carving. The rider is depicted
on his horse, trampling his foe underneath. Bassus and horse are both facing to the viewers
right. Bassus is equipped with a helmet, a spear in right hand, and a shield in his left, partially
hidden behind the head of the horse. A long sword, or a spatha, hangs off a belt on his right
side. Details on the swords sheath and hilt are still visible. The sculptor even includes the fine
elements of Bassus clothing such as long tunic with short sleeves and slits at the hips and the
rider is clearly wearing form-fitting leggings.
The horse is also elegantly dressed. The horse wears a decorative hackamore and
necklace.214 The view can also see that the straps of the harness have been embellished with
lunar shaped pendants. A saddle cloth can just be seen to the left of the riders leg. Lastly the
horse is adorned with a decorative chest strap called a peytral. 215 As in other carvings previously
described, this horse also has clearly defined musculature. There are even wrinkles in the skin
on the neck.
Trapped between the front legs of the horse is the Romans victim. He appears nude and
sits on the ground making a futile attempt to protect himself. His right arm is raised and he holds
a sword. With his left hand he holds an oblong shield, similar to those used by Celtic tribes in
the first century C.E. The hair and facial features still remain.
214
215
104
Less common in this triumphant cavalryman style carving, is the presence of a
stableman. In this relief, he stands at the end of the horse, holding two spears in his right hand
and a shield in left. All hair and facial features remain.
When engravers wished to save space, or ran out of room, they would combine letters,
and in some cases, carve a few of the letters at half their size and place them between the larger
letters. 216 This epitaph has several examples of this practice.
T(itus) Flavius Bassus Mucalae / f(ilius) Dansala eq(ues) Alae Nori/coru(m)

tur(ma) Fabi Pudentis / an(norum) XXXXVI stip(endiorum) XXVI h(eres)
f(aciendum) c(uravit)
Titus Flavius Bassus, son of Mucalae, of the voting tribe Dansala, trooper in the
cavalry unit Noricorum, in the Fabi Pudentis squadron, lived 46 years and served
for 26 years. His heirs set this up.
Bassus also served in the ala Noricorum and received Roman citizenship. He was a Thracian,
originally from the Dentheletae tribe. This inscription also exhibits the small triangles often used
as a decorative way to distinguish between the end of one word and the beginning of another.
Kalkar
The tombstone of C. Iulius Primus (fig. 37, catalog no. 29) was found in 1831
approximately 100 miles outside of Bonn in Kalkar, Germany, and dates to the early second
century C.E. 217 It measures 193 cm x 75 cm x 20 cm. This grave stela has a funerary banquet
relief in addition to the horse relief. The relief carvings have suffered damage and erosion over
time but the inscription has sustained comparatively little damage. The tombstone is currently in
216
217
F. and O. Harl, Picture Database of Antique Stone Monuments, www.ubi-erat-lupa.org,
no. 15538.
105
the collections of the Xanten Archaeological Park.
At the top of the rectangular stela, the relief is carved in an arched niche. The deceased
soldier is shown draped in robes, lying on a couch. At the end of the couch on the left side is
Figure 37. Tombstone of C. Iulius Primus was found in

Kalkar and dates between 98-117 C.E. It is currently in the
collections at the Xanten Archaeological Park. Photo: Ad
Meskens.
106
boy, likely a servant. The details on both faces are obscured. The carving is very detailed, this is
particularly evident in the many folds in the fabric. In front of the couch near the soldier is a
large jug and three-legged table with what appear to be cups sitting on top. The soldier is lying
on his left side with his legs pointed toward the left side of the stela. In his left hand he holds a
rolled up parchment that contains his will. The details in this relief are impressive; the sculptor
has defined even the decoration on the foot of the couch.
At the bottom of the tombstone, a stable hand is walking behind the soldiers horse,
guiding him with the reins, facing to the viewers right. The head of the stable hand is missing
and he does not appear to be wearing clothes. It is most likely that the clothes were painted on
after the carving was complete. The horse is ornately decorated in parade style dressing. He has
a long saddle-cloth with long, thick saddle straps that drape over the cloth. The thinner straps
that run across the chest and rear of the horse have decorative rosettes. The individual locks and
curls of the horses mane and tail have been emphasized and the musculature of the horse is also
well defined.
The epitaph is inscribed between the two reliefs and is very legible.
C(aio) Iulio Adari f(ilio) / Primo Trevero / eq(uiti) alae Noric(orum) / statori
an(norum) XXVII / stip(endiorum) VII h(eres) a(ere) s(uo) f(aciendum)
c(uravit) 218
Caius Iulius son of Adarius of the Treveri voting-tribe, cavalryman of the ala I
Noricorum, lived 27 years, served 7 years, his heir set this up.
Unfortunately this soldier died young at the age of 27, having served for seven years in the army
in the ala I Noricorum. This ala was assembled in Noricum, which was an Alpine Roman
province. 219 The majority of the Alpine provinces were inhabited by Celtic-speaking peoples,
218
E 6589.
219
107
thus many of the soldiers in the ala I Noricorum, at the time of its creation, were likely of Celtic
origin. According to the inscription however, Iulius was of the Treveri voting tribe which was
located near the Trier area of Germany.
Mainz
In 1804, the tombstone of Andes (fig. 38, catalog no. 30) was found in an ancient Roman
cemetery. 220 The limestone stela measures 128 cm x 58 cm x 14 cm. Though many of the finer
details no longer remain, it is still apparent that the relief was once very ornate. The carving is
within a rectangular niche with a triangular top. The details of Andes face no longer remain but
he sits mounted on his horse, holding a spear in his right hand with his right arm raised. He
wears a long sword on the belt at his waist. A faint outline, visible by the horses mouth, may be
the end of the shield that Andes holds with his left hand. Standing behind the horse, to the left of
Andes is a stable boy. He holds an extra spear. The definition of his hair and the folds in the
fabric of his shirt are still visible. Some of the facial features are visible as well.
The horse faces to the right, raised up on its hind legs. The stone carver added details
such as the musculature in the legs and face. The mane and tail are stylized and individual locks
of hair are highlighted. The reins are seen extending from the horses mouth and draping over
the back of the neck. The harness straps appear to be decorated with circular pendants. The
saddle-cloth is faintly outlined and visible by the riders leg. The horse wears a decorative chest
strap as well.
220
E 5854; CIL XIII, 7023; Lupa 15812.
108
Cowering beneath the legs of the horse is cavalrymans enemy. He is lying on his knees
and elbows, with his head turned to face the viewer. In his right hand he holds the hilt of a
dagger. The mans facial features are still intact. His right foot drops down into the inscription,
just barely in between the A and the N of ANDES.
The inscription is beneath the relief but is not enclosed by any border or carved in a
Figure 38. Tombstone of Andes discovered in Mainz and dates to 70-75 C.E. Photo: Lupa,
www.ubi-erat-lupa.org, 15812.
shallow recess. It is interesting to note that an image of a trumpet was carved down the right side
of the epitaph, possibly suggesting that the cavalryman was also a trumpeter, or a tubicen.221
221
Hope, Inscription and Sculpture, 164, fig. 6.2.
109
Andes Sex(ti) f(ilius) / cives Raeti/nio eq(ues) ala / Claud(ia) an(norum) XXX /
stip(endiorum) V h(ic) s(itus) e(st) h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)
Andes, son of Sextus, citizen of Raetia, cavalryman of the ala Claudia, lived 30
years with 5 years service. He lies here. His heirs set this up.
Andes died before he had the chance to earn Roman citizenship, given that only one
name for the soldier was given in the inscription. He was a citizen of Raetia, which was a
Roman province located today in southern Germany and part of Switzerland. He also served in
the ala Claudia, although there are actually two alae with the name Claudia. He either served in
ala I Claudia Gallorum Capitoniana (raised in Moesia Inferior) or ala I Claudia Nova
Miscellanea (Moesia Superior).
The tombstone of C. Romanius Capito (fig. 39, catalog no. 31) was found in the same
Roman cemetery as that of Andes in 1804. 222 The rectangular stone measures 163 cm x 87 cm x
20 cm and it was discovered in very good condition. In the top corners are flowers and leaves.
A twisted rope design outlines the top of the arched niche. Within the niche, Capito is mounted
on his horse, holding a lance in his right hand and raised up near his face. He wears a helmet
with decorative flaps that protect the side of the face. Protective armor is visible on his shoulders
and he wears a sword on his belt. It is interesting that Capito has been portrayed without shoes;
the individual toes have been carved out on his right foot. To the left of the rider and behind the
horse stands a stable hand holding to extra spears. The hair, an ear, and eyes are visible but the
other features no longer remain.
222
Lupa 15806; E 5852; CIL XIII, 7029.
110
Figure 39. Tombstone of C. Romanius Captio, 54-68 C.E.
The monument was found in Mainz and is now kept at the
Landesmuseum. Photo: The Armatura Press.
The horse faces to the right and is up on its hind legs. Simple musculature has been
defined and much of the decorative details are still intact. The horses mane and tail are styled
and the harness is decorated with several large phalerae. The saddle and saddle cloth are both
present.
Capitos supine victim is trapped beneath the horse. He wears a cloak on his upper body.
With his feet on the ground and knees bent, he reaches up with his right hand in an attempt to
111
defend himself with a sword. The horses right front hoof appears to be directly on top of the
mans head.
The inscription below reads:
C(aius) Romanius, eq(ues) alae Norico(rum), Claud(ia tribu), Capito, Celeia,

an(norum) XL, stip(endiorum) XIX, h(ic) s(itus) e(st), h(eres) ex t(estamento)
f(aciendum) c(uravit)
Caius Romanius Capito, trooper of the cavalry ala Noricorum, from Celeia, of
the Claudian voting tribe, lived 40 years with 19 years service. He lies here. His
heirs set this up for him, according to his will.
Caius was originally from Celeia, or modern-day Slovenia. The town received municipal rights
during the mid-first century C.E. during the reign of Claudius, thus Caius was of the Claudian
voting tribe. The ala Noricorum was first deployed between 54 and 68 C.E. This suggests that
Caius may have already been a Roman citizen by the time he enlisted.
The tombstone of Flavius Proclus (fig. 40, catalog no. 32) was discovered in 1959. The
stela is missing a portion of the top left corner and a large portion of the inscription has broken
off at the bottom. It measures 105 cm x 76 cm x 16 cm. This relief carving, while still
impressive is more basic compared to its counterparts in Cologne. The carving is within an
arched niche and a small sea creature still remains in the top right corner. Flavius is depicted in
action atop his horse, both are facing the viewers right. The sculptor struggled with proportion
in several areas. The rider is large compared to the horse and he also has an oversized right
hand. All fingers on his right hand are clearly defined and are holding an arrow and pulling back
on the string of a bow. The details on his face are no longer present and only a thin line at his
hip indicates the trim of a shirt. The carver may have been confused about how a bow and arrow
work. The bow is behind the horses head but the string comes around in front, which would
make it impossible for Flavius to release an arrow. Just behind the rider, the quiver full of
arrows hangs down the side of the horse.
112
Figure 40. Tombstone of Flavius Proclus. Photo credit: Ubi Erat Lupa, www.ubi-erat-
lupa.org.
Some of the decorative ornamentation can still be seen on the horse. The horse is
portrayed with a stylized mane and is reared up on his hind legs. The reigns are still visible, as
well as some of the straps on the harness. There are faint outlines of lunate shaped pendants
hanging from the straps, both on the front of the horse and the back.
The majority of the inscription is still intact:
Flavius Proclus / eq(ues) sing(ularis) aug(usti) domo / (pi)lodelpia an(norum) xx

/ stip(endiorum) [h(eres) f(aciendum)] c(uravit)
113
Flavius Proclus, Mounted Guard to the Emperor, from Philadelphia, lived 20
years, of years service. His heirs had this erected.223
The inscription tells that Flavius was part of the mounted guard of the emperor and, as is
characteristic of some other epitaphs, states that he was from Philadelphia (modern-day
Amman). For now, it is impossible to say which of the Roman emperors Proclus would have
served. Speidel has suggested that he may have served under Emperor Domitian. 224 Domitian
recruited bowmen from the east, some from Philadelphia, to aid during the Danubian wars (85-6
C.E.). Three years later, he stayed for a prolonged period of time in Mainz. It seems more likely
that a tombstone as elaborate as that of Flavius Proclus could only be erected if they regiment
was stationed in one area for a longer period of time.
The tombstone of Maris son of Casitus (fig. 41, catalog no. 33) was found being used as a
cover plate for a sarcophagus. 225 It is quite large at 210 cm x 90 cm x 28 cm. The relief is badly
weathered, especially the body of Maris. The carving is within a rectangular niche with an
arched top. Either side of both the inscription and the niche are flanked with a pilaster design.
The top corners are decorated with a foliage motif.
It is difficult to tell what the cavalryman is wearing, but he sits mounted on the horse
drawing back the string and arrow with his right hand and holding the bow with his left hand. To
the left of the rider is a bag that hangs down from the saddle, possibly a quiver. Behind and to
the left of the horse stands a stable hand. The bottom of the niche, instead of continuing straight
across, drops down lower on the left where the feet of the stable hand are carved. Its possible
that the stone carver had run out of room and so cut further down for the feet. The man wears a
223
224
Michael P. Speidel, Riding For Caesar: The Roman Emperors Horse Guards
(London: B.T. Batsford Ltd, 1994), 36.
225
Lupa 15804.
114
Figure 41. Tombstone of Maris son of Capitus, currently housed at the Landesmuseum in Mainz and dates to
14-37 C.E. Photo: Lupa, www.ubi-erat-lupa.org, 15804.
short tunic, the drapes in the fabric are still clear. It is unclear, but in his right hand he appears to
hold a single arrow. He holds up a small group of arrows in his left hand. The horse faces to the
right and is reared up on its hind legs. The carver included the details of the musculature and the
hooves are clearly defined. The stela dates to the first century C.E. 226
Directly below the relief is the epitaph:
Maris Casiti f(ilius) anno(rum) L / stip(endiorum) XXX ala Part(h)o(rum) et /

Araborum turma / Variagnis Masicates / frater et Tigranus / posierunt
226
Ian Haynes, Blood of the Provinces: The Roman Auxilia and the Making of Provincial
Society from Augustus to the Severans (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 288, fig. 18.1.
115
Maris son of Casitus, lived 50 years with 30 years service in the cavalry unit
Parthorum et Araborum. Variagnis Masicates and brother Tigranus set this up.
Maris son of Casitus belonged to the cavalry unit Parthorum et Araborum, or the unit of
Parthians and Arabians. This ala spent time in Mainz during the mid-first century C.E.
Similar to the funerary monument of Maris, the tombstone of Quintus Voltius Viator (fig.
42, catalog no. 34) was also being used as a sarcophagus lid at the time of its discovery. It was
Figure 42. Tombstone of Quintus Voltius Viator was found in

Mainz and is now at the Landesmuseum. Monument dates to 14-
37 C.E. Photo: Lupa, www.ubi-erat-lupa.org, 16490.
116
found in 1888 during the expansion of the railroad tracks in Mainz. 227 It too, is large, measuring
275 cm x 75 cm x 30 cm.228
The relief on this tombstone is somewhat unique compared to those that have been
introduced thus far. Above the relief, in the center of the pediment is a winged sphinx. A
palmette is on both sides of the pediment. In a rectangular niche below, either the groom or the
deceased solider, stands between two horses. Both horses face the viewers right, one horse is in
front of the man, while the other stands behind him. Along the bottom of the niche, a rectangular
section of stone was removed to accommodate the legs of the man, which would not have fit
inside the niche.
A large portion of the stela is missing. It was cracked off along the bottom, leaving only
the smallest portion of the inscription:
Q(uintus) Voltiu[s Q(uinti) f(ilius)] / Viator an(norum)
Quintus Voltiu[s, son of Quintus] Viator, lived
Unfortunately only the name of the soldier remains. It is presumed that the name of the father
would have been included, if the inscription follows the typical pattern.
The grave stela of Silius son of Attonis (fig. 43, catalog no. 35) was found just outside of
Dienheim in Mainz in 1834. 229 This banquet style monument has a large vertical crack that runs
down the center of the upper relief. Despite the damage, the relief carvings and inscription are
still intact. The bottom portion of the monument (the portion that was presumably beneath the
ground) remains, noticeably adding to the overall height. This gives us an extant visual example
of the intended height and presentation of these types of funerary stelae in their original
227
Lupa, 16490.
228
CIL XIII, 7123.
229
CIL, XIII 06277.
117
Figure 43. Tombstone of Silius, found in Mainz, dates to 69-96
C.E. It is now kept in the Landesmuseum. Photo: The Armatura
Press.
complete form. It stands at 248 cm high, 85 cm wide, and 34 cm deep. In the spandrels above
the niche are rosettes with leaves carved on either side. The upper relief is carved within an
arched niche.
Silius reclines on a couch, resting on his left arm. The details of his face have broken off,
with the exception of an ear. The soldiers robe has numerous folds and drapes down the side of
118
the couch on the right side. It is not possible to determine if Silius holds anything in his right
arm because of the damage to the relief. Like many of the other reliefs of funerary banquet style,
a three-legged table is carved in front of the couch. Only two of the three legs are visible, but a
small portion of the third remains near the table top. Two small bowls or cups sit on the table
with a goblet between them. At the foot of the couch, on the left side of the niche, is the servant
boy. Though the face is gone, some of the hair and an ear have survived. The boy wears a
draped tunic with numerous folds which falls just below his knees.
Beneath the inscription, in a rectangular niche, is the groom and horse. The groom stands
to the right of the horse, holding a lance or a spear in his left hand, and the horses reins in his
right hand. The details of the face are gone, but he appears to be wearing a helmet. He is also
wearing a sagum, which is military style top which drapes across the chest where it is pinned
together at the shoulder. In this relief, the bottom of the sagum is hemmed with a fringe. The
horse, facing to the right, stands with its front left leg lifted, as if in mid-trot. The horses mane
and tail are stylized, and the saddle straps and bridle are both decorative. Decorative medals are
on the upper region of the horses back right leg, as well as on the horses chest. Though the
stone is heavily pitted, it is still possible to see the saddle and the saddle cloth. Behind the horse,
a portion of the soldiers shield is visible.
The inscription is between the two reliefs, with no decorative border. The inscription is
short with most of the words abbreviated.
Silius Attonis f(ilius) / eq(ues) alae Picent(ianae) / an(norum) XLV stip(endiorum)

XXIV / h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)
Silius son of Attonis, cavalryman of the ala Picentiana Gallorum, lived 45 years
and served 24 years. His heirs set this up.
119
The cavalrymen in the ala Picentiana were recruited from central Italy but were attached to the
Gallorum legion which consists mainly of men from numerous Gallic tribes. According to a
military diploma dated in 74 C.E. and 82 C.E., the unit spent time in Germania Superior. 230
Though an exact date cannot be determined, it is possible that this tombstone dates to the late
first century C.E.
Worms
Approximately 30 miles to the south of Mainz, is the city of Worms. During medieval
reconstructions in the northern necropolis of the Roman town Vangiones (near Worms) in 1666,
several Roman military tombstones were found in the wall outside Saint Martins gate. 231 One
of these funerary monuments belonged to the cavalryman Argiotalus (fig. 44, catalog no. 36).
The limestone monument measures 136 cm x 59 cm x 36 cm. 232
The stela is rectangular with an arched top. There are badly worn remains of decorative
palmettes on the either side of the arch as well as at the top. The niche shape mimics the outer
edge of the monument and is rectangular with an arched top. The design behind the soldier is
different than that of any other tombstone in this data set. It is a simple set of lines that create a
clam shell shape. The lines on the shell meet at the top center of the arch. The body of
Argiotalus is badly worn but is clearly seated on the horse with his legs facing forward and his
body turned at his torso to face the viewer. No details of his face or attire remain, and he is
missing his right foot. He holds a sword in his right hand, which is raised slightly, as if ready to
strike. His shield is just visible behind his left shoulder.
230
231
Lupa, 16777.
232
CIL XIII, 06232.
120
Figure 44. Tombstone of Argiotalus, 14-37 C.E.
Monument found in Worms and is currently at the
Museum of the City of Worms. Photo: Lupa, www.ubi-
erat-lupa.org, 16777.
The horse is reared up on his hind legs, and his head is angled downward. Both the mane
and the tail appear to be stylized and there is a faint outline of the reins draped across the horses
neck. A very small portion of the saddle is visible, as well as a portion of a decorative saddle
cloth.
121
The inscription area is larger than the relief above, and the stela is broken horizontally
across the inscription. The larger letter size prevents the crack from rendering the inscription
illegible. It reads:
Argiotalus / Smertulitani / f(ilius) Namnis equ(es) / ala Indiana / stip(endiorum) X

anno(rum) / XXX h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / (h)eredes posue/r unt
Argiotalus son of Smertulitanus, Namnete cavalryman in the Ala Indiana, served

ten years and lived 30 years. He lies here. His heirs have erected this
monument.
The inscription tells that the rider is from Nantes, France. After the area was conquered by
Julius Caesar in 56 B.C.E., the area inhabited by the Namnetes was renamed Condevincum. In
the third century C.E. it was again renamed to Portus Namnetum. The unit was stationed in
Worms under Tiberius between 31 and 43 C.E. and thus it is estimated that this tombstone likely
dates during that time span.233
The tombstone of Leubius (fig. 45, catalog no. 37) was discovered in 1899 in Worms, in
the Hochstrae, or high street. The rectangular, sandstone monument measures 192 cm x 61 cm
x 33 cm and is now kept by the Museum Adreasstift. 234
Above the relief carving, the spandrels are filled with a decorative floral motif. The
niche is surrounded by a rectangular border with a triangular top. The niche itself is rectangular
with a rounded arch top. The rider sits on his horse with his body at a three-quarters view. He
appears to be wearing a helmet and his head is disproportionately large compared to his body.
Leubius holds a lance in his right hand, raised up above his shoulder, and hanging from his belt
is a spatha. The hem of the riders top is just visible on his upper leg and a faint line indicates
the sleeve on his right arm. No other part of the military uniform, if originally present, remains.
233
Cheesman, The Roman Auxilia, 65.
234
Lupa, 16780; CIL XIII, 11709; AE 1899, 00191.
122
Figure 45. Tombstone of Leubius, 54-68 C.E.,
found in Worms. The stone is now at the
Museum of the City of Worms. Photo: Lupa,
The soldiers shield is visible behind the horses head and neck. Standing behind the rider and
the horse is the groom. He wears a tunic and holds a lance in his right hand. The facial features
of both rider and groom have worn away.
The horse, facing to the viewers right, has many details still intact. The musculature is
well defined as well as the hair in the mane and tail. The bridle and reins are clearly visible.
Part of the saddle and saddle cloth are visible beneath the legs of the rider. The saddle straps are
decorated with large medals with a rosette on each. Beneath the horses trampling hooves lies
123
the Roman enemy, supine, on the ground. The facial details have broken off but remains of the
hair and ear are present. The majority of the fallen warriors body is covered by an elongated,
hexagonal shield with a circular symbol in the center. His right arm is raised, holding a small
blade in his hand in attempt to defend himself.
The inscription is directly beneath the relief carving, and is not enclosed in a border.
Beneath the inscription is the section of stone that was buried underground at the time of its
erection.
Leubius Claupi / f(ilius) eq(ues) missicius / ala Sebosiana / an(norum) LXXV h(ic)
s(itus) e(st) / Gratus f(ilius) miles / ex t(estamento) f(ecit) // Monumentum
Leubius son of Claupus, retired cavalryman of the ala Sebosiana, lived 75 years.
He lies here. His son Gratus, a soldier, set up this monument according to his
will.
This is the only tombstone in this data set to represent a retired cavalryman. He served in the Ala
Sebosiana regiment. There is not a lot of information about this regiment, but it is believed to
have been first deployed in Germania Inferior.
The tombstone of Licinius Clossi (fig. 46, catalog no. 38) was one of the monuments
found in a wall at Saint Martins gate in 1666. 235 It is a rectangular, limestone monument with a
triangular top and measures 218 cm x 75 cm x 31 cm. It appears that there was originally more
decorative carving on top of the triangular pediment but has since broken off. A double inward
bevel serves as a border along the top of the pediment. In the center, above the niche is a small
rosette. The niche is rectangular with a round arched top. A braided rope design borders the
arch of the niche. The relief carving has been eroded over time, making details difficult to
distinguish. The rider sits on his horse with his right arm raised up, holding a lance in his hand.
235
Lupa, 5930; CIL XIII, 06234.
124
Figure 46. Tombstone of Licinius Clossi found in
Worms, now at the Museum of the City of Worms.
The monument dates to 41-54 C.E. Photo: Lupa,
A small blade hangs down at his waist. The soldiers shield is visible both below and above the
horses head.
The horse, facing the viewers right, is reared up over the top of a fallen Roman enemy.
His mane and tail are stylized and the musculature is well defined. The bridle and reins are still
visible on the horses face and neck. Small portions of the saddle are visible on either side of the
rider and the saddle straps are clearly represented.
125
The fallen enemy lies on the ground, supine, with his knees bent and feet on the ground.
In an attempt to protect himself from the horse and the soldier, he has raised his shield to cover
his body. It is an elongated shield with a circular symbol in the center, like many of the shields
on tombstones with similar motifs.
The monument suffered damage to bottom right portion of the stone, slightly obscuring
parts of the inscription. However, the majority of the inscription can be transcribed:
Licinius Clossi / f(ilius) Helvetius ann(orum) / XLVII eques ala I / Hisp(anorum)

stip(endiorum) XXVI h(ic) s(itus) [e(st)] / Tib(erius) Iul(ius) Capito h(eres)
[p(osuit?)]
Licinius son of Clossus, of the Helvetii tribe, lived 47 years and served 26 years
as a cavalryman in the ala I Hispanorum. He lies here. His heir Tiberius Iulius
Capito set this up.
The inscription is enclosed in a double inward bevel, but the stone carver was unable to fit the
entire inscription within the border. One line, the name of the heir, is just beneath the border. It
is also possible that the decision to add the last line was made later.
The tombstone of Quintus Carminius Ingenuus (fig. 47, catalog no. 39) was also found
with those of Licinius Clossi and Argiotalus in the wall at St. Martins gate in 1666. 236 Ingenuus
was not only a cavalryman, but a signifier also. Like the two latter monuments, this stela
suffered significant damage to the relief carving and the inscription, if not more so. It is also
rectangular with a pediment style top. It is carved from limestone and measures 237 cm x 96 cm
x 42 cm. Additional ornamentation once existed on the outside corners of the pediment, but only
rough stone protrusions remain. The decoration in the pediment is too eroded to accurately
determine the original design. The niche is rectangular with a round arch top.
236
Lupa, 16778; CIL XIII, 06233.
126
Figure 47. Tombstone of Quintus Carminius Ingenuus found in Worms,
now at the Museum of the City of Worms. This tombstone dates to 14-37
C.E. Photo: Lupa, www.ubi-erat-lupa.org, 16778.
Within the niche, the rider sits on his horse, turned just slightly at the waist toward the
viewer. He holds a lance, with his right hand up near his face, ready to thrust the lance at his
enemies below. He wears a military tunic, the hem can be seen on his upper right leg. The hem
127
of the sleeve is also visible on his right arm. Ingenuus is clearly wearing a belt with a spatha
attached, hanging down at his side. In his left hand he holds his shield and the units sign.
The horse, facing the viewers right, is reared up on his hind legs and in the process of
trampling two Roman enemies. This is the only relief in this data set that has depicted more than
one enemy being trampled under the horse. The horse wears a bridle, with a decorative medal on
his jaw. Medals displaying rosettes run along the strap that comes across the horses chest.
Another medal is visible next to the soldiers sword, on the horses upper back leg. The
musculature is softly defined and the mane and tail are stylized.
The two men beneath the horse appear to be naked with only their shields to protect
themselves. Both men carry oblong hexagonal shields with circular symbols in the center. One
man is upside down, facing the viewer. He lies balanced on his head and right arm. To the left
of his head is his shield. The lower half of his body is not in view. The second man sits on the
ground with his back towards the viewer and his head in profile to the left. His right arm leans
against the ground while he uses his left arm and hand to hold his shield above him.
The inscription is beneath the relief carving and is surrounded by a narrow, double
beveled border. The monument was broken into two pieces, horizontally through the inscription.
This obscures portions of the inscription but this is what is still legible:
Q(uinto) Carminio In/ge[n]uo [eq]uit[i ala I(?)] / Hispanorum a[nn(orum) ---] /

stip(endiorum) XXV signifero / Sacer Iulius h(eres) e(x) t(estamento)
Quintus Carminius Ingenuus, cavalryman and signifier of the ala I (?)

Hispanorum, lived [---] years and served 15 years. His heir Sacer Iulius set this up
according to his will.
128
In 1885, the tombstone of Valerius Maxantius (fig. 48, catalog no. 40) was discovered
near Worms. 237 The monument is rectangular and carved from sandstone, measuring 142 cm x
72 cm x 24 cm. This tombstone is simpler in its design and more crudely carved than many of
Figure 48. Now in the Museum of the City of Worms, the

tombstone of Valerius Maxantius was originally discovered in
Worms and dates to the late third century C.E. Photo: Lupa,
237
Lupa, 16784; CIL XIII, 06238; AE 1899, 00191.
129
the other tombstones from Germany in this data set. Carved in the spandrels are an M and
D. It is unique in the fact that the M is carved on the left side and the D is carved on the
right side, and the D is also backwards. Typically the D would be on the left side, since it is
meant to be read from left to right. The niche is simple, rectangular with a rounded top, and
without any border or decoration.
Valerius sits on his horse and is turned at the waist to face the viewer. The details are
badly eroded, but it is clear that the rider is holding a spear in his right hand. His right leg and
foot are extremely small compared to the rest of his body and almost cartoon like. His left foot
can be seen next to his right foot, but instead of being carved in relief, a simple outline has been
incised in the stone. The top of his shield is visible just above the horses head.
The soldiers horse is facing to the right and exhibits minimal detail. The reins drape
across the neck of the horse and saddle straps are visible across the chest of the horse as well as
the right hind leg. Like the foot of the soldier, the left legs of the horse are more incised rather
than carved in relief. The horse wears a fringed saddle cloth and the mane and tail are both
stylized.
The inscription is directly beneath the carving and has no border. The letters are not as
neatly arranged or carved as many inscriptions discussed previously. The entire inscription reads
as follows:
M(anibus) D(is) // Val(erius) Maxantius / eq(ues) ex numero / kata(fractariorum)

vix(it) an(n)is / XXXII me(n)s(ibus) VI / Val(erius) Dacus fr(ater?) / fec(it)
To the divine Manes! Valerius Maxantius, a horseman of a division of mailed

cavalry, lived thirty-two years and six months. His heir Valerius Dacus erected
the tombstone.238
238
Bunnell Lewis, Roman Antiquities in the Rhineland, The Archaeological Journal 60
(1903): 333.
130
There are a few unique elements in this inscription compared to others in this data set.
For example, the word numero is used to reference cohorts, regiments, or wings of the
cavalry during the late Empire.239 This might suggest that the stone dates to the early
fifth century C.E. The equites cataphractarii were a special unit of cavalrymen who
were heavily armored. The inscription does not specify in which unit Maxantius served.
It has been posited that the poor quality of the relief carving is evidence of the decline of
art during that time period. The use of the K, as well as the backwards D is likely a
good indication that the stone carver was not as familiar with inscribing Latin. The need
for that particular skill was in decline.
Syria
The Roman military was a major presence throughout Syria for several hundred years.
Many cities in Syria were affected by or home to legions of the Roman army. Some cities served
as military bases for legionary or auxiliary garrisons such as Cyrrhus, Apamea, and Palmyra. 240
Seven cavalryman tombstones have been found in Apamea. It is difficult to say when exactly
the Roman military first made a significant appearance in Apamea, but there is ample evidence
241
for their presence in beginning in the early second century C.E. According to military
tombstones, Legio II Parthica spent several winters garrisoned at Apamea. Ala I Ulpia
Contariorum and ala I Flavia Britannica also spent time in Apamea.
The tombstones of the cavalrymen found at Apamea are considerably different in style
than those from Germany or England. The relief designs are simpler and the craftsmanship is of
239
Lewis, Roman Antiquities, 334.
240
Pollard, Soldiers, Cities, & Civilians in Roman Syria, 38.
241
Jean Ch. Balty, Apamea in Syria in the Second and Third Centuries A.D., The
Journal of Roman Studies 78 (1988): 91-104. Balty discusses both archaeological and
epigraphical evidence of the effects of the Roman military in Apamea.
131
a lesser quality. They also tend to be shorter and narrower than those found in other parts of the
Empire.
The funerary stela of Atilius Crispinianus (fig. 49, catalog no. 41) is also on display at the
Apamea Museum. 242 Though the entire monument is badly weathered, the right side has
Figure 49. Tombstone of Atilius Crispinianus, found in Apamea and kept

at the Apamea Museum. The monument likely dates to the late third
century C.E. Photo: Lupa, www.ubi-erat-lupa.org, 3908.
242
Lupa, 3908; AE 1993, 01591.
132
suffered the most damage. Very few details remain in the relief carving. The majority of the
inscription below is legible, but some letters are missing. It is average in size, measuring 161 cm
x 70 cm.
At the top, inside a triangular niche, are two seated lions, facing each other. Each lion
has one paw raised and resting on the unidentified object between them. A rectangular niche is
carved directly below the lions. Here the deceased is portrayed on his horse. He holds a long
spear, a contus, in his right hand. This weapon was common among soldiers in the Near East
and Persia. 243 The riders right leg and foot is still visible. The horse faces to the viewers right
and is posed in mid canter. His front left leg is raised above the ground. No fine details on the
horse or rider remain.
Beneath the relief, the epitaph is inscribed in the recessed surface and surrounded by a
thin, single line border. The D of DM is still intact, but is located at the top of the stela. The
D is to the left of the lion motif and the M was probably originally to the right.
D(is) M(anibus) / Atil(ius) Crispi/nianus du/plic(arius) ale I U[l]/p(iae)

Cont(ariorum) sti/p(endiorum) XXII Cl(audius) Vi/ator dup/[li]c(arius
To the Divine Manes. Atilius Crispinianus, cavalry duplicarius of ala I Ulpia

Contrariorum, served 22 years. Claudius Viator, cavalry duplicarius 244
Unlike many of the tombstones found in Germany, the Syrian inscriptions can be hard to read.
The letters are not a uniform size and the spacing between letters, words and lines is not uniform.
This is common on many of the stelae from Syria as well as a few from Great Britain.
The tombstone of Aurelius Disas (fig. 50, catalog no. 42), the horn blower for the cavalry
regiment, measures 143 cm x 52 cm and is a stela type monument, according to Baltys
243
244
Balty and Van Rengen, Apamea in Syria, 48, pl. 22.
133
Figure 50. Tombstone of Aurelius Disas found at
Apamea and housed at the Apamea Museum. The
monument dates to the late third century C.E. Photo:
Lupa, www.ubi-erat-lupa.org, 3906.
categorization.245 The pediment style top is flanked by a rosette on either side.246 The relief
carving sits in a square niche with a triangular top (following the outline of the pediment). In the
niche, the rider sits on springing horse, facing to the right. There are no distinct facial features or
other small details. The horse and rider are very simplistic. It is apparent though, that the rider
holds a semi-circular horn in his right hand. The stone surface is comparatively rough, due most
likely to stone type and surface erosion.
245
246
Lupa, 3906; AE 1993, 01595.
134
Beneath the relief is the inscription. It is surrounded by a thick border on the sides and
bottom. The letters are not as clear or neat as many of the others previously described but still
very legible.
Aurelius Disas co / rnicen ale I Flavi / e Brittanice stip (endiorum) / XI vixit

annis / XXXII Aurelius / Pimetaica(?) secu / ndus heres eius / titulum posuit /
college suo
Aurelius Disas, horn blower of ala I Flavia Britannica, with 11 years service,
lived 32 years. Aurelius Pimetaica, his second heir, erected this stone for his
colleague.
There are some slight variations in the epitaph patterns. For instance, the tombstones in
Germany listed the name of the father.
The stela type tombstone of Aurelius Dolens (fig. 51, catalog no. 43) is similar to that of
Aurelius Disas in terms of crude relief and inscription, but the type of relief is slightly
different.247 At the top of the stela, there is a pediment with a rosette in the center. Instead of a
soldier riding on his horse, a stable boy stands with the deceaseds horses on either side. Faint
lines denote the clothing of the young man, but it is difficult to tell what type of clothing he
wears. The stone carver may have run out of room because there is a small arch carved out of
the bottom border of the pediment to make room for the mans head. One horse faces to the left
with the right front leg slightly lifted. The other horse faces to the right with the left front leg
slightly lifted. The left side of the stela suffered more damage than the right. The back two legs
of the horse on the left are only barely noticeable and it appears the tail is missing. The
depictions of the horses are very simple, merely basic figures with no decorative detail. It is
always possible that more details were painted on the stone.
247
Lupa, 3904; AE 1993, 01590.
135
Figure 51. Tombstone of Aurelius Dolens discovered in Apamea and housed at
the Apamea Museum. The monument likely dates to the late third century C.E.
Photo: Cynthia Finlayson.
The inscription is carved inside a rectangular niche. The borders of the niche are beveled
slightly inward. The M of D M (Dis Manibus) is carved above in inscription niche on the
right, near the rear legs of the horse. It is very likely that initially there was a D carved on the
opposite side, but it no longer remains. The epitaph indicates that Dolens was a duplicarius, a
cavalryman who received double the basic pay. 248 It is also mentioned that both his heirs were
duplicarii.
248
136
[D(is)] M(anibus) / Aurel(ius) Dolens dupl(icarius) / Ale Contar(iorum)
stip(endiorum) XXVI / ann(orum) L hopitus domo / Tracia memoriam in /
stituer(unt) Iul(ius) Avitianus / dupl(icarius) et Aurel(ius) Robus/tianus
dupl(icarius) here / des
To the spirits of the departed, Aurelius Dolens, cavalry duplicarius of the ala
Contariorum, served 26 years. He died aged 50. He was born in Thrace. Iulius
Avitianus, Aurelius Robustianus both duplicarii, his heirs, had this stone erected
in his memory. 249
Figure 52. Tombstone of Aurelius Mucatralis found in Apamea and housed at the
Apamea Museum. The monument likely dates to the late third century C.E. Photo:
Cynthia Finlayson.
249
137
The funerary stela of Aurelius Mucatralis (fig. 52, catalog no. 44), on display at the
Apamea Museum in Syria, was found in 1986 near a city wall. 250 The stela likely dates between
242 C.E. and 252 C.E. The limestone monument stands at 139 cm x 61 cm.
Like the many other funerary stelae found in Apamea, this stone is badly eroded and the
relief carving is modest and coarse. The rectangular stela has a relatively flat top, but it is
possible it was originally styled with a triangular top. The basic carving depicts a galloping horse
in profile, with the horse facing to the right. The rider, seemingly large, appears to be turned at
the waist, towards the viewer. The riders right leg is nearly touching the ground and the top of
his head is about equal with that of the horse. Faded carvings on the riders face only hint at a
pair of eyes, a nose and a mouth.
The epitaph is inscribed into a recessed surface beneath the carving of the cavalryman.
Aur(elius) Mucatralis tu / bice(n) al(a)e Brittanic(a)e / <turmae?> Dionis

st(i)pendior / u(m) dece(m) felicissima i /n espeditone hori / [e]ntale<m> rebo?
nat / ura(e) solvit annos / vicsit triginta / et cinqu<e> Aur(elius) Pas/ser
cornice(n) collega / memoria(m) possit (=posuit) / Mucatrali colle/ gi posuit251
Aurelius Mucatralis, trumpeter of the ala Britannica, from the turma of Dio,
served ten years and died during the successful eastern campaign. He lived 35
years. Aurelius Passer, horn blower, his colleague, had this stone erected to the
memory of his colleague Mucatralis. 252
According to the studies of Lindley Richard Dean, the cognomen Mucatralis is of
Thracian origin. 253
Despite its poor condition, the tombstone of Aurelius Octavianus (fig. 53, catalog no. 45)
still has the remnants of a relief carving and the inscription is still legible. It measures 119cm
250
Lupa, 3907; AE 1993, 01594.
251
Jean Charles Balty and Wilfried Van Rengen, Apamea in Syria: The Winter Quarters
of Legio II Parthica, trans. Walter E.H. Cockle (Bruxelles: VUBPRESS, 1993), 51, pl. 25.
252
253
Lindley Richard Dean, A Study of the Cognomina of Soldiers in the Roman Legions
(Lancaster: Intelligencer Print, 1916), 90.
138
Figure 53. Tombstone of Aurelius
Octavianus found in Apamea and housed at
the Apamea Museum. It dates to the late third
century C.E. Photo: copyright Balty and
Vanrengen, Apamea in Syria, 49.
high by 45cm wide. Like the tombstone of Aurelius Dolens, this stela also features the stable
boy holding the reigns of the deceaseds horses, one on each side. The relief is badly damaged
but it is still possible to make out that the stable boy has proportionally small arms. The stone
carver also attempted to carve all four legs on the horses (the right side is badly damaged and
only one of the legs is visible, but it is likely that it originally had 4 legs). Due to limited space,
the horses have unnaturally short bodies.
The epitaph is inscribed in a shallow, rectangular niche and reads:
Aur(elius) Octavian[us] / sesq(uiplicarius) alae I Ulp[(iae) Co]/nt(ariorum)

an(norum) XXXI / stp(endiorum) XI Soli(us) Vic[to] / rinus et Iul(ius)
Li[be]/ralis f(ecerunt) b(ene) m(erenti)
139
Aurelius Octavianus, sesquiplicarius of Ala I Ulpia Contrariorum, died aged 31
with 11 years service. Solius Victorinus and Iulius Liberalis erected this stelae, as
was the dead mans due.
Like the epitaph on Dolens stela, it mentions that he was more than an entry-level cavalryman.
A sesquiplicarius received one and a half times the regular pay. 254
Discovered in 1986, the funerary stela of Ignius Viatorianus (fig. 54, catalog no. 46) has
survived the elements better than some of the other tombstones at Apamea. It was found near
tower 15 of the city wall in Apamea. 255 The stone measures 104 cm by 69 cm and is rectangular
with a triangular top. The top corners arc downward and meet at the edges of the pediment. The
relief carving of Viatorianus presents him mounted on his horse, holding a long spear in his right
hand. It is a crude carving and not many of the details remain.
The horse faces to the right and like many of the other tombstone depictions, the horse is
more stylized, with rounded features. Rather than portraying a leg bending at angles at the
joints, the leg is shown in a narrow continuous arc. It is still possible to see the reigns beginning
at the horses mouth and continuing on top of the neck. Also still visible is the horses eye.
The epitaph is in a rectangular niche below the relief carving and is enclosed in a thin
single-line border. The inscription continues at the bottom, outside of the thin border, possibly
indicating that the engraver ran out of room.
D(is) M(anibus) / Ignius Viatori/anus stator A<l>e I Ul/p(iae) Contariorum

dict/ane? annorum XXXXI m/ilitavit anno<s> XXII? / positrunt Cl(audius)
Varus? / M(arcus) Aelius Crescentinu/s Avius? Iunianus / contubernali
To the Divine Manes. Ignius Viatorianus, stator of Ala I Ulpia Contariorum died
aged 41 with 22 years service. Claudius Varus, Marcus Aelius Crescintinus, and
Avius Iunianus had this stone erected for their contubernalis. 256
254
255
Lupa, 3910; AE 1993, 01593.
256
140
Figure 54. Tombstone of Ignius Viatorianus found in Apamea and housed at the
Apamea Museum. This monument dates to the late third century C.E. Photo: Lupa,
According to the inscription, Viatorianus was a stator, which was a military policeman. It is
likely that several men were appointed as statori within each ala.
The tombstone of Iulius Valerianus (fig. 55, catalog no. 47) was found around the same
time in the same place as that of Viatorianus. It measures 112 cm x 45 cm. The stela is simple,
but well preserved. Like the other tombstone reliefs, this one too exhibits simplified figures.
141
Figure 55. Tombstone of Iulius Valerianus at the Apamea Museum. The stone was found
in Apamea originally and dates to the late third century C.E. Photo: Cynthia Finlayson.
Inside a rectangular niche with a triangular top, Valerianus is posed on top of his horse. His
body is turned at the waist so his head faces the viewer. The eyes, nose and mouth are still
visible. The arms are awkwardly positioned with both hand resting on his right thigh. The horse
is facing to the right and oddly proportioned. The back end of the horse is very high in relation
to its neck and head. The legs have little shape but flare slightly outwards to indicate where the
142
hooves begin. One of the front legs is raised up, as if captured in mid step. On the left side of
the relief is a D and on the right side is an M.
A shallow, rectangular niche contains the inscription below the relief carving. The stone
carver did not keep the inscription entirely within the niche. At least one letter is carved outside
the niche on the right side and on almost every line of text.
D(is) M(anibus) / Ilulius Valerianus / eques alae I Uliae con/tariorum

stip(endiorum) XXIII / vixit annis XXXXVI / Ulp(ius) Ingenus dupl(icarius) /
alae eiusdem here/s posuit b(ene) m(erenti)
To the Divine Manes. Iulius Valerianus, cavalryman of ala I Ulpia

Contariorum, served 23 years. He lived 46 years. Ulpius Ingenuus, cavalryman
with double pay of the same unit, his heir, had (this stone) erected, as was the
dead mans due. 257
These Roman cavalrymen tombstones are each unique in their design but also have many
similar qualities. The difficult task ahead is to determine which elements of the tombstones are
important for this study. In the next chapter, I will present said elements and discuss the
methods and theory that helped narrow down which of the physical elements would be necessary
for determining the ethnic group of a deceased soldier.
257
Balty and Van Rengen, Apamea in Syria, 46 pl. 20.
143
5 A SEMIOTIC APPROACH
Semiotics is the study of signs. This includes the study of the complex processes by
which humans create and comprehend signs. Though semiotics was initially a literary theory,
some postprocessual and cognitive archaeologists (as well as scholars from other disciplines)
have adapted this theory as a way to interpret meanings of material objects. 258 Finding the
meaning behind material culture became increasingly important to archaeologists during the
1970s as a reaction to the emergence of New Archaeology. That is not to say that archaeologists
were not concerned with meaning before. Many attempted to determine the function of material
culture emphasizing that function itself is a kind of meaning. It was not until later that
archaeologists felt it important or possible to infer intent or thought from material remains. 259
They started questioning the reasoning behind behavior. There is thus an inherent semiotic
dimension to the study of material culture since, as a product of human activity, material culture
must always signify something other than itself.260 Semiotics as a theoretical approach may
provide a way to interpret the Roman cavalryman tombstones and find meaning that goes beyond
function, rather the intent of the individuals who created these stone monuments. This chapter
thus explores the potential strengths and applications of semiotics to my research agenda as well
as the weaknesses of semiotics with regard to my topic.
258
Robert Preucel, Archeological Semiotics (Massachusetts: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010), 3.
259
Preucel, Archaeological Semiotics, 3.
260
144
The development of semiotics is often credited to the work of Ferdinand de Saussure.
During the early 1900s, Saussure extensively studied Indo-European languages and language
structure. His revolutionary research is considered a major addition to the field of linguistics.
His major works on semiotics were not published until after his death in 1913. Scholars Charles
Bally and Albert Sechehaye edited a compilation entitled, Cours. It consists of notes taken by
Saussures students during his lectures. 261 It was first published in 1916. This publication was a
compilation Saussures pioneering ideas about the structure of language.
As semiotics is the study of signs, it is important to provide a definition of sign. A
sign, generally defined, is something that stands for or refers to something other than itself.262
According to Saussure, the sign is made up of two components, the signifier and the signified.
The sign is a process rather than a mere representation. Saussure describes it as a relationship.
The signified refers to a concept, or a mental image, and signifier refers to a sound pattern. It is
the relationship between a concept and a sound pattern that constitutes a sign. 263 Saussure
illustrated this relationship in a visual diagram (fig. 56). The arrows emphasize that the two
elements of the sign relation are mutually determined and symmetrical.264 Thus, if one aspect
of the sign is present, it is possible to determine the corresponding aspect. It should be noted that
a sign has no intrinsic meaning. Something is not a sign until one interprets it as such. A
cavalryman stela, as a whole, is a sign, but it also consists of many individual signs. Though
261
262
Daniel Chandler, Semiotics for Beginners, (1994), url:
http://www.aber.ac.uk/media/Documents/S4B/, accessed September 19, 2014.
263
264
145
Figure 56. The sign relationship. Image from Preucel, Archaeological Semiotics, 28.
Saussure based his studies on language, the sign system can still be applied to the physical world.
For example, one possible sign within some Roman cavalry stelae is the image of a groom on a
funerary monument. The signifier in this case is the physical, carved image of the groom. Both
soldiers and civilians knew that an individual who had a groom in their employ, was a person of
means and wealth.265 Upon seeing the image of the groom, a soldier or a civilian could receive a
message: the deceased soldier employed a groom, therefore he must have been a wealthy man.
The message is the signified. Therefore, the sign is not just the image of the groom but rather an
individual seeing the groom (the signifier) and understanding it to mean wealth (signified).
According to Saussure, language is a structure composed of a series of relationships, that
is to say, of multiple signs. It is a signification system composed of discrete elements where the
value of any one sign depends on the simultaneous coexistence of all others. 266 Saussure also
created a diagram to visually represent the structure of a language (fig. 57). In between each
sign is a two-way arrow. These, in essence, imply that language is a series of signs which are
codependent on one another. The value of a word is determined not only by its meaning, but
265
Southern and Dixon, The Roman Cavalry, 37.
266
146
Figure 57. The language system. Image from Preucel, Archaeological Semiotics, 30.
also by its contrast with other words as elements within a system. 267 All people are able to find
examples of words in their respective languages and see that the definition has changed over
time. The definition of a word can change from one generation to the next, or even multiple
times within a single generation. Saussure described language as being affected by two
elements: past and present. Language is something that is inherited, but humans in the present
make changes to the language.
The individual signs on a tombstone, both signs and words, send individual messages or
have individual meanings. The whole tombstone can be compared to a language system. Thus,
different meanings or messages can be derived from a specific combination of signs on a single
tombstone.
The relationship between the signified and the signifier is arbitrary. For example, a word
(written or verbal), does not resemble or relate to its assigned meaning; there is no direct
relationship between the word and its meaning. As the sign relationships are accepted by a
society over time, they eventually become conventions. The rider motif is an example of
convention. One cannot exchange the horse for an elephant and expect to portray the same
meaning.
267
147
Charles Sanders Peirce, another scholar interested in the study of signs, contributed
significant philosophical ideas and theories to the field of science. He was frequently invited to
lecture on his theoretical work at several prestigious universities. Later in his career, he was
hired as a professor at John Hopkins University in Baltimore. Through his many lectures and
classes, Peirce introduced his theoretical research. Like Saussure, his work was beneficial to
multiple disciplines. He is probably best known for the research which was the basis of
pragmatism.
Peirces sign theory is particularly appealing to archaeologists. While Saussure was
contributing semiotic research to the field of linguistics, Peirce was also researching aspects of
semiotics. The semeiotic of Charles Sanders Peirce his general theory of signs and his
descriptions of the categories of phenomena are very relevant for interpreting human identity
through the artefactual record.268 Peirces definition of the sign differed significantly from that
of Saussure. Peirce was not interested solely in linguistic signs, but rather in all types of signs. 269
Saussure argued that the synchronic aspect of the sign relationship should be the main focus for
linguists. Peirce, on the other hand, saw the sign relationship as a triadic structure and focused
on the continuity or semiosis of the sign relationship.270
Peirces sign structure is made up of three main elements: the representamen (often
referred to as the sign), the object, and the interpretant. The representamen is similar to the
signifier as described by Saussure. It represents something and is anything that can be
interpreted. In other words, it is the form which the sign takes.
268
V.P. Lele, Material Habits, Identity, Semeiotic, Journal of Social Archaeology 6,
no. 1 (2006): 49.
269
Lele, Material Habits, Identity, Semeiotic, 50.
270
Lele, Material Habits, Identity, Semeiotic, 50.
148
The object existed in the world as either a physical presence or general regularity and
through which signs become palpable, or experienceable to human minds. 271 It is the subject
matter of the representamen and the interpretant. The object is also something to which the sign
refers and is also known as the sign vehicle.
The interpretant is described as the meaning that is formed in the mind of the interpreter,
it is the sense that is made of the sign. Peirce explains that the interpretant is itself a sign, it is a
new sign, created as a result of interpretation. This is how Peirces sign relationship is semiotic
in nature. A sign can never exist alone; it is always connected to other signs. Signs have the
capacity to generate new signs since the interpretant of one sign relation can become the object
for another sign relation and so on in a process of endless semiosis.272 To illustrate the three
parts of Peirces sign relationship, I will again refer to the example of the groom. The
representamen in this sign relationship is the physical carved image of the groom. The object, or
sign vehicle, is the groom, a man who works with horses. The interpretant is the meaning
formed by the interpreter: the deceased soldier was a wealthy man.
As mentioned earlier, elements of the sign relationship change; that is, the values of those
sign elements change. Signs also have more than one meaning or interpretation. How the signs
are used is determined by convention. for material culture as well, all participants of culture
engage in entextualization, and that our ability to make interpretations and understand
meanings in other words, to know is contingent upon the patterns of entextualization we
recognize and use. 273 The idea that a groom can symbolize wealth is also an example of
271
272
273
Alexander A. Bauer, Is What You See All You Get? Recognizing Meaning in
Archaeology, Journal of Social Archaeology 2, no. 37 (2002): 47.
149
convention. Today, an individual is not likely to see an image of a groom and interpret it to
mean wealth. Our society has not established this as convention.
To better understand the semiotic relationship of the sign, Peirce further identified
relationships between the three elements of the sign. These are the sign-object, the sign-sign,
and the sign-interpretant relationships. Each of these relationships can be broken down further
into additional relationships. One of the most frequently discussed relationships is the sign-
object relationship. There are three types of sign (representamen)-object relationships: icon,
index, and symbol.
An icon is a sign that contains iconic characters. Icons refer to an object by virtue of its
characteristics.274 Icons are imitative in nature, such as a diagram or painting.
The problem of the icon is that its interpretation is based on iconic similarities
which the interpreter establishes. Nothing in the object demands that such an iconic
connection should be established. Therefore, the iconic sign gives the interpreter
the possibility to be creative and to find different associative connections with the
objects which do not need to have anything to do with each other.275
Some of the riders represented in relief on Roman tombstones could be considered iconic. The
unique facial features may have been intended to resemble those of the deceased soldier. An
index is a sign that identifies the object based on the effectual relationship between the object and
the sign. The sign vehicle represents its object by virtue of an actual or physical connection. 276
A common example of this sign type is the weathervane. The weathervane is an index of the
wind because it is physically effected by the wind. A symbol is a type of sign which is connected
to the object by way of convention or rules. Languages are based on symbols. For instance, a
274
275
Mikko Louhivuori, Understanding Neolithic Southern Levant: Case Studies of
Archaeological Semiosis in Action (Finland: bo Akademi University Press, 2010), 32.
276
Vincent M. Colapietro, Glossary of Semiotics (New York: Paragon House, 1993), 118.
150
written word has no connection to its meaning. A reader sees the word and can interpret its
meaning based on the rules of the language and the context in which the word appears. Signs do
not always fit neatly in one category or the other. The rosette is a common decorative feature on
many tombstones. It can be iconic in that it was carved to look like a specific flower. It can also
be symbolic in that it represents rebirth. The signs on the tombstones are examples of all three
types. In the next chapter I discuss how the sign theory was applied to the analysis, as well as
the results of the analysis.
151
6 ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS
Whether a dyadic or a triadic model is adopted, the role of the interpreter must be
accounted for either within the formal model of the sign, or as an essential part of the process
of semiosis. 277 Though Saussure did not formally acknowledge the interpreter in his model of
the sign, the interpreter is crucial to the sign system as a whole. Saussures work on the analysis
of sign systems greatly influenced the structuralist models developed by European theorists. 278
He emphasized the importance of identifying the individual parts (signs) of a language system,
their relationship within the system, and how they function as a whole.
A key aspect of structural analysis is to identify the smallest units that make up a
particular system, i.e., its signs in the forms of icons, indices, and symbols. Through my
analysis, I have attempted to identify the signs that are carved on each Roman cavalry tombstone
in my data set with relation to their possible associations with either ethnicity and/or identity.
The signs from each tombstone will be compared to one another in order to identify similarities
and differences between the tombstones, through time and across geographical space. As part of
my analysis, the signs on each tombstone will be compared both geographically and
chronologically. I will then look for patterns of similarities and differences. Examining why
specific signs were used on individual tombstones may shed some light on the roles of ethnicity
or personal identity in the construction of these specific stone monuments meant to
commemorate an individual within Roman funerary paradigms.
277
Chandler, Semiotics for Beginners, Signs.
278
152
However, it must be noted at the very beginning that there are difficulties with attempting
this analysis given this methodological approach. A number of factors likely affected the design
and construction of each Roman cavalry tombstone. The first factor was money. As previously
discussed, these ornate monuments were costly, so the design and (potential) absence of
particular elements may be exclusively due to a lack of funds. Another factor is the stone carver.
Some of the monuments appear to have been carved by someone with far less stone working
experience than others. The skills varied from one carver to the next and from one geographic
location to the next. Additionally, there were vast differences in cultural paradigms between
stone carvers from within the Roman military itself versus carvers from local non-Roman
communities and cultural contexts. It would be very difficult, if not impossible, to determine
which elements were the result of artistic license or expressly requested by the soldier himself.
Lastly, those responsible for commissioning the tombstone may have had influence on the design
of the monument. If a soldier did not specify exactly how he wanted his funerary monument to
look, the heirs or fellow soldiers commissioned to oversee the erection of the monument may
have decided for him. Despite the challenges it is still possible to make plausible assumptions
about identity and ethnicity based on the style and the content of the tombstones.
The first step I took in this analysis was to identify signs on the tombstones. The signs
were chosen because they exhibited the greatest amount of both variation and consistency from
one tombstone to the next. Some of the key signs were: type of monument, size of monument,
relief type, decorative motifs, horse position, soldier position, soldiers weapons, inscription,
cavalrymen names, military rank, and military regiment. A comparative catalog with all
tombstones and signs can be found in Appendix I.
153
Many signs are represented on the tombstones, and the tombstone as a whole is also a
sign. Before the signs can be analyzed, it is necessary to understand in what type of context they
are to be interpreted. Chandler explains that there are certain rules for interpreting signs in order
for effective communication to take place. 279 For example, one may see a lion on a tombstone
and interpret it either as iconic or symbolic. Perhaps the lion was a favorite animal of the soldier,
or maybe it was meant as a symbol of protection. Lions are found on tombs and in other
funerary art throughout the Europe and the Near East. Without any context, there are too many
interpretations, making it impossible to determine what message was actually intended by the
maker of the sign. I have attempted to find potential meanings of signs in this analysis within a
Roman military funerary context. Though this does not make it possible to accurately interpret
every sign, the context narrows down the number of possibilities.
After identifying the signs on the tombstones, I compiled a list of monuments with
inscriptions that state the origin of each deceased soldier (table 1). Of the fourty-seven
tombstones, only nineteen tombstones exhibit inscriptions which list the origin (or voting tribe,
which also indicates a region of origin) of the deceased. I compared the signs of the nineteen
tombstones and did not find major patterns. The soldiers originally came from Hispania, Italia,
Gallia (Germania Superior, Germania Inferior, Sardica, Belgica, and Celtica), Arabia Petraea,
Raetia, Thrace, and Noricum. The majority of the relief types on the nineteen tombstones are of
the rider motif. Some scholars have posited that the rider motif originated in Thrace. 280 The
Thracian hero or rider relief was found in both funerary and non-funerary contexts throughout
Thrace. The rider is called Thracian because he appears on more than 2,000 reliefs from at
279
280
Haynes, Blood of the Provinces, 265.
154
Table 1. List of soldiers with known regions of origin.
least 350 locations in Thrace, its neighboring territories, and other places characterized by
155
Thracian presence.281 The motif depicted a rider mounted on a horse and aiming a spear at a
boar or other animal at the feet of the horse. Others have found this theory, for the most part, to
be incorrect.282 Sculptural evidence suggests that the rider theme was already known in Italy.
In origin the design was influenced by Greek prototypes such as the Dexileos memorial but it
came to represent the ideal of the Roman victor and Hero triumphing over his enemy. 283 It is
believed, however, that the Thracian Hero motif influenced the reliefs on Roman cavalry
tombstones during the second and third centuries C.E. in the Danubian provinces. 284 Given the
presence of known Thracian cavalry at Apamea, Syria, the rider type stelae at this location may
have also been influenced by the geographical origins of the deceased.
The funerary banquet motif was also common in Greek funerary art. A totenmahl motif
was frequently found on Roman civilian funerary sculpture. The motif was recognized as a
symbol of wealth and prestige. The Roman cavalry adopted both these motifs and modified
them for military purposes. For instance, the early Thracian rider reliefs did not depict riders
wearing armor, this was an element added by the military. Also, the cavalry adopted the
funerary banquet motif on their tombstones, but it was always accompanied by an additional
relief of a horse and groom.
Both the rider combined with funerary banquet motifs make these type of cavalrymen
tombstones easily recognizable, and yet there is still considerable variation in the design, layout,
and inscription from one tombstone to the next. For example, in one relief, a soldier aims a spear
281
Nora Dimitrova, Inscriptions and Iconography in the Monuments of the Thracian
Rider, Hisperia 71 (2002): 210.
282
Haynes, Blood of the Provinces, 265; Mathilde Schleiermacher, Rmische
Reitergrabsteine: Die Kaiserzeitlichen Reliefs des Triumpherenden Reiters (Bonn: Bouvier,
1984), 63.
283
284
Haynes, Blood of the Provinces, 265.
156
at his enemy on the ground, while in another relief, the rider wields a sword and there is no
enemy present. Even with these variations, the reliefs can clearly be identified as rider reliefs. It
is the differences in these details, the meanings of the individual signs, which may or may not
reflect an ethnicity of the soldier. In the following section, the signs of each tombstone are
compared geographically. The major similarities and differences between signs and the potential
meanings will be discussed.
Geographical Comparison
When I organized the table by regions, I found several consistencies as well as variations
between signs. It appears that most of the tombstones in each geographical region date to a
relatively similar time period. There are also identifiable trends in relief type and relief contents.
Syria
The most noticeable number of similarities were found among the tombstones from
Apamea, Syria (table 2). They all are dated to the same time period, and the styles are all very
similar. The horses and soldiers are all very simple in design. If any details like clothing, armor,
weapons, or decorations on the horse were present, they were painted on, rather than carved.
Only one of the seven from Apamea, the tombstone of Ignius Viatorianus, had more carved
details, such as a weapon and a helmet. The layout of the inscriptions is remarkably similar as
well. Every inscription lists both the name of the cavalry unit and the specific names of the
persons responsible for erecting the monument. Though not all of the inscriptions give the age at
death, they all include the number of years military service.
All seven cavalrymen belonged to one of two cavalry units: the ala I Ulpia Contariorum
and the ala I Flavia Britannica. Evidence for the specific cavalry units stationed at Apamea
during the second and third centuries C.E. is incomplete. However, there is sufficient epigraphic
157
Table 2. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Apamea, Syria.
documentation of the military base and some of the legions that were stationed there long term,
specifically Legio II Parthica. 285 The cavalry units I Ulpia Contariorum and I Flavia Britannica
were brought over to Apamea during the mid-third century C.E. to assist during a particularly
troublesome time in the region which was characterized by increased conflicts wih the Persian-
285
Balty, Apamea in Syria in the Second and Third Centuries A.D.; Balty and Van
Rengen, Apamea in Syria; Pollard, Soldiers, Cities and Civilians.
158
Sassanians who were famous horsemen.286 The Roman cavalry unit I Ulpia Contariorum was a
special unit comprised of equites cataphractarii. 287 The equites cataphractarii were the most
heavily armored cavalry in the Roman army. These men and horses wore more protective armor
than those in standard cavalry units. Both cavalry units were raised in Pannonia, the Roman
province just to the east of Italia. The region of Pannonia included what is now parts of
Hungary, Croatia, Serbia, Austria, Slovenia, Slovakia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. There is a
possibility that these cavalrymen were recruited from Pannonia, but unfortunately there is no
way to verify where exactly the men in these units originated. Significantly, of the seven stelae
in the Apamea data set, five were cavalrymen from the I Ulpia Contariorum unit.
The name Aurelius is potentially significant regarding Roman citizenship. In 212 C.E.,
Emperor Caracalla passed the law Constitutio Antoniniana which granted citizenship to free men
in the Roman Empire. Pollard points out that several men had the name Aurelius, which
indicates recent acquisition of citizenship, probably the result of the Constitutio Antoniniana of
A.D. 212. 288 Of the seven soldiers represented at Apamea, four have the name Aurelius.
Since there was a military presence at Apamea for several hundred years, it is more than
likely that the Roman military commissioned local stone masons to carve tombstones. This
might provide an explanation for the similarity of the carving style. During the third century
C.E. there was a decline in the production of military tombstones. With a decline in production,
stone masons were less likely to need the skills or knowledge of carving military tombstones.
This also may have resulted in the simplification of the relief carvings.
286
Balty, Apamea in Syria in the Second and Third Centuries A.D., 102.
287
288
159
One popular interpretation of the rider motif, is that it represented a heroic victory over
death.289 The horse itself is potentially symbolic of wealth, prestige, and the special status
accorded members of the Roman cavalry. Each inscription on the stones from Apamea
emphasized the mans role as a soldier in the cavalry by listing the name of the unit in which he
served, how many years of service he dedicated to military and the names of his heirs who were
likely fellow soldiers. The combination of these signs sent a message to soldiers and civilians
about the deceased: that they were heroic cavalrymen in the Roman army who achieved wealth
and high social status through their service.
Great Britain
The group of tombstones from Great Britain (table 3) show considerably more variation
between signs on individual tombstones. One obvious similarity is the relief type. Only two out
of the sixteen tombstones exhibit the totenmahl motif. The totenmahl motif is thus noticeably
more common on tombstones found in Germany. This phenomenon will be discussed below.
There are several tombstones found in Chester that exhibit the totenmahl theme, but the
majority of them belong to civilian women. 290 The two cavalrymen tombstones are poor
imitations of the funerary banquet reliefs found in Germany. They were very likely carved by
someone who adopted the theme without understanding the purpose of it and without the
necessary skills or training. 291
There are approximately six different types of decorative motifs surrounding the carvings
289
Dimitrova, Monuments of the Thracian Rider, 212; Hope, Trophies and
Tombstones, 252; Schleiermacher, Rmische Reitergrabsteine, 60-65. Dimitrova and
Schleirmacher further discuss this particular interpretation, as well as potential origins of the
rider motif.
290
291
160
Table 3. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Great Britiain.
of the funerary reliefs from Great Britain. Just over half of the tombstones from this region have
161
decorative motifs around the relief. Many of the decorations present on the tombstones in this
data set do have known symbolic meanings, specifically in Roman funerary, and Roman military
funerary contexts. The tombstone of the unknown rider from Bath (fig. 10, catalog no. 2) has a
rosette in the center of the pediment above the relief. The rosette and other floral and leaf motifs
are some of the most common decorative signs on the funerary stelae. They can symbolize
apotheosis or rebirth, as well as prosperity to be enjoyed in the afterlife. 292 The tombstone of
Sextus Similius from Chester (fig. 14, catalog no. 4) has a unique relief at the top. The bust of
the deceased is in the center and flanked by lions. Lions are frequently found in funerary art
across the Roman Empire. They have multiple symbolic meanings. Lions were seen as
guardians, protecting the deceased from evil spirits. They also epitomise the sudden approach
of death.293 Lions were also popular symbols used in Mithraism, a mystery religious cult.
Scholars believe many Roman soldiers practiced this religion, as evidenced by remains of
Mithraic temples and inscriptions in Romanized Britain. 294 The lion represented one of the
phases of initiation in Mithraism. The tombstone of Longinus Sdapeze (fig. 18, catalog no. 11)
has an intricate relief at the top of the monument depicting a winged sphinx, flanked by lions and
snakes. Like the lions, the sphinx was seen as a guardian and a protector against evil spirits. It
was also believed to be a messenger of divine justice and inescapable death. 295 At the top of the
tombstone of Insus son of Vodullus (fig. 22, catalog no. 15) is either a sun or the head of
Medusa. Scholars cannot be sure if it is distinctly one or the other.296 Both the sun and medusa
292
293
Martin Henig, Religion in Roman Britain (London: Routledge, 1984), 189.
294
Henig, Religion in Roman Britain, 189.
295
296
162
are common in funerary contexts. The sun could be interpreted iconically, as a stylized sun, but
it can also be interpreted symbolically, as a symbol of the god Mithras. A sun was frequently
used to symbolize Mithras. 297 Another possible interpretation of this sign is that it represents the
head of medusa. Romans utilized the head of medusa in funerary contexts as a way to ward off
the evil eye. 298
Despite being mostly partial tombstones, those found in Chester share more similarities
with each other, particularly regarding the quality and style of the relief carvings. Chester served
as a Roman military base from the mid-first century C.E. well into the fourth century C.E. It is
more than likely that a stone carving workshop existed within the Roman camp itself, or that a
local stone masons workshop was frequently commissioned for engraving tombstones. This
might explain the similarities of the carving technique and style. The relief carvings are simple
with fewer details, but not nearly as simple as those found at Apamea. The stone carver seems
less skilled at portraying accurate proportions and perspective for both the cavalrymen and the
horses. This is an indication that the stone worker was likely a local, non-Roman craftsman. A
Romanized craftsman would probably be more familiar with the proportional body styles and
motifs he was trying to replicate and with the skills needed to do so.
There is a distinguishable similarity within the inscriptions on the tombstones from
Britain (see table 3). With the exception of the tombstones from Chester (these stones have
partial or missing inscriptions) and the tombstone from Ox Close, the name of the cavalry unit is
listed in the inscription (figs. 13-17, 23, catalog nos.3-8). It was thus seemingly important to the
297
Henig, Religion in Roman Britiain, 189.
298
Henig, Religion in Roman Britiain, 189.
163
cavalryman that his monument inform viewers not only of his military service, but specifically
his service as a cavalryman in a specific unit.
The style and skill of the carver has created significant variation between the tombstones
in Britain, and variation between those in Britain and those in Syria. In spite of these
differences, the tombstones are easily identified as Roman cavalry tombstones, and much like
those in Syria, they send the message to the viewer that the deceased soldier was hero, and
through his service as a cavalryman, he attained wealth and membership in high society. It
should be acknowledged that signs of the lions, the sphinx, and the sun, and their symbolic
connection to Mithraism, may have hinted at more than a military identity. Though there is no
way to be sure, it is possible that those signs were an indication of a religious affiliation.
Germany
The group of cavalry funerary monuments from Germany is the largest of the
geographical groups with twenty-four tombstones. This larger number of tombstones leaves
room for greater variation between signs. However, patterns of similarity between signs are
more easily detected with the smaller sub-regional groups within Germany.
The tombstones found in Bonn (table 4) have more similarities between signs than
differences. At first glance, there are certainly variations in the style and skill of the carver, but
there are many other duplicated elements or signs from one tombstone to the next. All
monuments date to the era of Claudius, between 41 and 54 C.E. All five tombstones (catalog
nos. 17-21) display the rider relief, but none of them exhibit the fallen enemy being trampled
underneath the horse.
Each of the riders has been depicted with a long chainmail tunic with short sleeves and
four of the five riders have a spatha in a sheath hanging at his side. The inscriptions have only
164
Table 4. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Bonn, Germany.
little variation, but four of the five list the name of the cavalry ala. There are some notable
differences in this set of tombstones. The style of carving that adorns the area outside the relief
niche displays a different decorative motif (or none at all). Also unique to the individual stone
belonging to C. Marius is the manner in which the decorative military medals are displayed.
Often metal phalerae are shown attached to the saddle straps of the horse, but in this relief, there
is a set of nine of them depicted beneath the horse. Next to the phalerae are two armillae and in
each spandrel at the top of the monument is a torque.
All seven of the tombstones found at Cologne date to approximately the same time
period, 69-96 C.E., during the rule of the Flavian emperors (table 5). Only one of the tombstones
has a rider style relief, the rest are totenmahl, or funerary banquet style. The tombstone of
Lucius Romanus is only partial, and missing the upper portion. The components of the upper
relief on the banquet style monuments are almost identical with only minute variation (e.g. some
have a jug on the floor while others do not). The soldier reclines on a couch, leaning on his left
165
Table 5. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Cologne, Germany.
arm and holding a cup or a bowl. There is a three-legged table with two cups or bowls on top.
This table is likely a mensa delphica. It is a table shaped after a tripod, or a three-legged
structure. These types of tables were typically made out of fine metals, marble, or costly
varieties of wood and exhibited ornate craftsmanship. These tables where typically used for
drinks and placed next to a reclinging couch. 299 Only the wealthy could afford this type of
luxury furniture. Portraying the deceased soldier at his funerary banquet, reclining on a couch
and taking drink from such an extravagant piece of furniture was likely meant to emphasize the
299
Anthony Rich, A Dictionary of Roman and Greek Antiquities: Life of the Greeks and
Romans (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1890), 235.
166
the soldiers desire for wealth and a high quality lifestyle in the afterlife.300 In almost all cases
the servant boy stands to the far left, at the foot of the couch. In the bottom relief, the horse is
portrayed in the same position and the groom is standing to the left of the horse.
In these types of funerary monuments, the inscriptions are always between the two
reliefs. It is significant that in six of the seven inscriptions on the tombstones from Cologne, the
name of the soldiers father is present. Geneology obviously held major import among these
soldiers as the name of the soldiers father is prevalent in Roman cavalry tombstone inscriptions
across the Empire. The name of the father can also be a clue to the ethnic identity of the soldier.
Although there is no guarantee that the father and son shared an ethnic group, it may be possible
to identify the region these men came from by determining the geographical locations to which
any non-Latin names are connected. The tombstones that belong to soldiers who have fathers
with non-Latin names send an interesting message to their viewers about identity. Those soldiers
likely did not share a common language, culture, or religious beliefs with the Romans when they
first entered the Roman army. Yet they chose to change their identity by commissioning the
erection of a stone memorial that family, friends, and members of the local society would
associate with a cavalryman in the Roman army.
Also included in the inscription is the name of the cavalry unit. Regarding the
inscriptions from Cologne, all seven included the name of the unit. Between the seven
tombstones, soldiers represented three different alae: the Sulpicia, the Afrorum, and the
Noricorum. The inclusion of the unit name in the inscription possibly emphasizes how important
his service in the Roman army was to the soldier (or in some cases, to those who were in charge
300
Peter Thonemann, Phrygia: an Anarchist History, 950 BC-AD 100 in Roman
Phrygia: Culture and Society, ed. Peter Thonemann, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2013), 14.
167
of erecting the tombstone). When the legions were first raised, they (some) were named after the
region in which they were created. At the time of their initial creation, they consisted mostly of
soldiers from that local region. The legions later traveled across the empire and recruited
soldiers along the way. Though it would be very difficult to determine the cavalrymans exact
ethnic group, one may be able to curtail the possibilities with further research into the history and
movement of the cavalry unit to which he belonged. Knowing the region where the cavalryman
may have been recruited could hint at his ethnic origin. The inclusion of the unit name in the
inscription can also be symbolic in that it reinforces the soldiers commitment to the Roman
army. Being a soldier in the Roman army often elevated ones social status. Identifing their
connection to the Roman army could have been a symbol of their pride in their position.
Table 6. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Mainz, Germany.
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There is far more diversity between signs on the tombstones found at Mainz than those
from Cologne or Bonn. Monuments are dated to periods throughout the first century C.E. There
is significant variation in the relief types as well. Four out of the six monuments are of the rider
style (figs. 38-41; catalog nos. 30-33), one is of the funerary banquet style (fig. 43, catalog no.
35), and the last is of the multiple horse style (fig. 42, catalog no. 34). The multiple horse relief
type is seen on two of the monuments found at Apamea, but the layout is different. Those at
Apamea depict a horse on either side of the groom (one facing left and one facing right). The
tombstone of Quintus Voltius Viator at Mainz displays a groom or the soldier standing between
two horses, but both are facing to the right, and one is in front of the groom and the other is
behind him. On the tombstone of Andes (fig. 38, catalog no. 30) there is a trumpet-type
instrument carved next to the inscription. The tombstone of Aurelius Disas (fig. 50, catalog no.
42) from Apamea also depicts an instrument, but the soldier is holding it. Three of the rider
reliefs from Mainz depict the groom to the left, behind the horse, carrying additional weapons.
Having a groom present in the rider relief type seems to be a geographically isolated practice.
The one totenmahl style relief is very similar to those found in Cologne with one noticeable
exception: the groom in the secondary relief is to the right of the horse instead of the left.
Of the five monuments found in Worms, all but one date from the early to the mid-first
century C.E. (table 7). The tombstone of Valerius Maxantius (fig. 48, catalog no. 40) has been
dated to the late third century C.E. 301 This tombstone has a number of distinct variations,
particularly in the relief and the layout of the tombstone. The practice of carving stone
monuments was fading towards the end of the third century C.E. which might explain the crude
carving of this particular stone. The rider and horse are noticeably out of proportion. The most
301
Lupa, 16784.
169
Table 7. Comparison of signs on tombstones from Worms, Germany.
obvious difference between this stone and any of the other tombstones in this data set is that the
D M carved at the top of the stone is backwards. The letter D is also backwards. This
further indicates the stone carvers lack of familiarity with Latin. It is interesting to note that on
the tombstone of Argiotalus (fig. 44, catalog no. 36), there is a shell decoration within the relief,
rather than around the relief. This is not an altogether unfamiliar practice. The shell motif
within the niche is utilized on some tombstones of legionary soldiers. 302 The shell, along with
other aquatic themed motifs often represented the journey across the ocean into the afterlife.303
The rider relief on the tombstone of Quintus Carminius Ingenuus (fig. 47, catalog no. 39),
signifier, is very similar to the other rider reliefs found in Germany. It is unique however, that
instead of a single fallen enemy beneath the horse, there are two men being trampled. Three of
302
303
170
the five inscriptions on stelae from Worms are incomplete, making it difficult to properly
compare them, but four out of the five inscriptions list the name of the cavalry unit.
Though there is an extensive amount of variation between signs on individual tombstones
in this data set, there are numerous similarities that are identifiable when the tombstones are
compared geographically. Comparing the monuments according to geographic region also
shows that there are sets of signs that occur in all the regions. For example, there is a horse
present on almost every tombstone, the horses almost always face to the viewers right, and each
region has tombstones with at least one of each of the three types of reliefs, and so on. The
following chronological analysis will point out patterns in signs that may not have been obvious
when compared geographically.
Chronological Comparison
As discussed in previous sections, determining an accurate date of a tombstone can be
rather difficult. It was not standard practice to include the date of the soldiers death in Roman
military funerary inscriptions. Unfortunately, the majority of the tombstones in this data set were
discovered in secondary contexts. Many of the dates were attributed to the tombstones based on
epigraphic documentation about the Roman occupation of a region. Thus, the tombstones in this
data set have only date ranges that usually correspond with reign of a particular emperor.
Almost all of the tombstones can be placed in either the early, mid, or late part of a century.
When I organized the table of signs chronologically, I was able to identify patterns and
differences between signs. Similarities and differences will be discussed for the following sign
types: relief types, horse position, relief decoration, presence of a groom, presence of a fallen
enemy, presence of military medals, and inscription formula.
171
The earliest that the totenmahl relief appears on a cavalryman tombstone in this data set
is between 47 and 49 C.E. and is represented by the tombstone of Longinus Sdapeze (fig. 18,
catalog no. 10) in Colchester. The stela of Silius from Mainz (fig. 43, catalog no. 35) dates to the
Flavian era, which spanned from 69 to 96 C.E. The five tombstones of C. Iulius Primus (fig. 37,
catalog no. 29), M. Aemilius Durises (fig. 33, catalog no. 25), Lucius Romanus (fig. 32, catalog
no. 24), Lucius Crispi (fig. 31, catalog no. 23), and Longinus Biarta (fig. 30, catalog no. 22) date
between 80 and 100 C.E. The remaining four totenmahl tombstones of Aurelius Lucius (fig. 13,
catalog no. 5), Longinus Sdapeze (fig. 18, catalog no. 10), Marcus Sacrius (fig. 34, catalog no.
26), and Oluper Cergaepuri (fig. 35, catalog no. 27) date to the late first century C.E. This raises
the question of why this style fades out after the first century. It is also interesting to note that
the multiple horse relief only appears three times in this data set, one on a tombstone that dates
between 14 and 37 C.E. (fig. 42, catalog no. 34) and then on two others that date to the mid-third
century C.E. (figs. 51, 53; catalog nos. 43, 45).
With the exception of the multiple horse reliefs, the horses that appear on the remaining
tombstones all face to the viewers right. This is by far the most constant sign in that it remains
the same through time and space. In the rider motif, the horse is most often reared up on its hind
legs. In the totenmahl relief it is usually standing with one leg raised to imply the horse is
walking. The pose of the horse changes very little and does not seem to be affected by the time
period. This is a major indication that throughout the Empire, both geographically and
chronologically, the horse was conventionally associated with cavalrymen. It is an important
indicator of the identity of the cavalryman.
Unlike the rider or the totenmahl relief, the carved embellishments that fringe the relief
niche are not so strictly categorized. There are several combinations of elements used and it is
172
important to note that many elements are replicated on tombstones through all the geographic
regions included in this study. The following is a list of the individual signs that appear on the
tombstones: columns or pillars, taeniae (decorative ribbon), winged sphinx, regular sphinx,
lion/lion head, palmettes, palm fronds, rosettes, torques, aquatic creatures, sun (possibly head of
Medusa), rope, offering dishes, and swords. There are a few of these that do not appear in each
region, specifically the sun, aquatic creatures, offering dishes, and swords. The swords and
offering dishes both date to the third century C.E. but come from different regions, the swords
from Great Britain and the dishes from Syria. The sun (Great Britain) and aquatic creatures
(Germany) date to the late first century C.E. and also come from different regions.
It would appear that the majority of the decorative motifs represented on these
tombstones have symbolic meaning in Roman military context. Some of the decoration may not
have a symbolic meaning but are more conventional in funerary sculpture. Columns or pillars
are an example of this. It is a motif that was traditional, or iconic to the Romans. The floral
ornamentation can have symbolic, iconic, or indexical meanings. In some cases the floral
ornamentation is a symbolic sign rather than an iconic sign. For example, palm fronds and
palmettes are signs commonly used in Roman culture to represent victory. It was a traditional
symbol that first began in Egypt and the Near East, then was adopted in Greece, where a palm
branch was given to victorius athlets. In the funerary sense, it represents victory over death. The
rosettes are very common chronologically and geographically. Nine of the twenty-seven
tombstones that displayed decoration around the relief niche featured rosettes (figs. 10, 18, 28,
29, 36, 39, 43, 46, 57; catalog nos. 2, 10, 20, 21, 28, 31, 35, 38, 43). The torques only appear on
one tombstone, that of C. Marius (fig. 25, catalog no. 17). As discussed previously, the torques
were adopted by the Romans from the Celts and were used for military medals. Since C. Marius
173
was from Brixia, in Italy, it is very unlikely that he had Celtic background and would have used
the torques to represent anything else other than the military medals, as was traditional in the
Roman army.
The appearance of a calo, or groom in the rider motif is not very common. Only six
tombstones in this data set are carved in this style. Four of the six stones date to the mid-first
century C.E. (figs. 36, 38, 39, 45; catalog nos. 28, 30, 31, 37) with one tombstone dating to the
early first century C.E. (fig. 41, catalog no. 33) and the other dating to the early third century C.E
(fig. 12, catalog no. 4). Though the sample is small, it would appear that this motif occurred
most during the mid-first century C.E. The tombstone of Sextus Similius is the only tombstone
from Great Britain to the exhibit a calo with the rider, but the rider motif looks more similar to
the scenes found on the bottom of totenmahl relief types. It appears that the groom is guiding the
horse while the soldier is still mounted. Since it is not a true rider motif, it would appear that this
practice of adding the groom to the rider motif is restricted geographically to Germany.
In rider reliefs it is common for the soldier to be shown slaying a barbarian.
Approximately seventeen tombstones exhibit a fallen enemy. With the exception of one
tombstone, that of Quintus Carminius Ingenuus from Worms, 14-37 C.E. (fig. 47, catalog no. 39)
the other sixteen tombstones date between the mid-first century and early second century C.E.
They are fairly evenly distributed across that span of years. It should be noted that there are no
examples from Syria. The tombstones from Syria in this data set all date to the mid-third century
C.E., so it is difficult to say if the lack of the fallen enemy is because of the geographical location
of the markers, or if it was a style that was never used in Syria, or if used, one that faded by the
mid-third century C.E.
174
DM HSE ET HFC
Early First 0 1 1 0
Century
Mid-First 1 7 2 1
Century
Mid to Late First 0 6 3 6
Century
Late First 2 2 3 8
Century
Late First to 2 0 0 0
Early Second
Century
Mid-Third 5 0 0 0
Century
Late Third 1 0 0 0
Century
Table 8. Chronological comparison of the frequency of phrases from inscriptions
The inscription typically follows a standard format which has been discussed in previous
chapters. This pattern is not the same for all Roman military tombstones. It is very likely that
certain phrases were chosen over others by the person responsible for erecting the monument.
According to Keppie, certain phrases were common among funerary inscriptions including Dis
Manibus and Hic Situs Est.304 These phrases are typically abbreviated, likely for saving space.
In addition, the phrases Ex Testamento and Heres Faciendum Curavit occur frequently. Table 9
shows how frequently each phrase occurred (including instances of both abbreviated and spelled
out) between the first and second centuries C.E.
The inscription styles on monuments dated in the mid and late third centuries C.E. are
slightly different than earlier inscriptions. The phrases are also different. Again, since the
tombstones from Syria all date to the mid-third century C.E., it is difficult to tell if the absence of
these common phrases was because of local tradition or if the practice faded out over time.
304
175
This information from inscription formats can be helpful in indentifying trends and the
dating of the tombstones themselves, but it does not appear that these signs have any meaning
regarding the ethnicity of the cavalryman. Other signs within the inscription are considerably
more relevant to the potential ethnic group of the soldier. The first part of the inscription (not on
all monuments) is the name of the soldier himself. If the soldier was not granted Roman
citizenship before he died then he would not likely have a full Roman name, a tria nomina. As
mentioned earlier, this can be useful in determining what the soldiers potential ethnic group may
have been. Some names clearly belong to one ethnic group or geographical region. For
example, research into the origin of the name could possibly be the best way to determine
possible ethnicity.
The next name in the inscription is typically the name of the father. This might be
evidence of the Romans view of the importance of establishing a genealogical record. Again,
many of the names are not Roman. These names could be researched to determine what ethnic
group they come from. Of course one would have to assume that the son was raised in the same
ethnic group of his father.
Another important sign is the name of the cavalry unit. Like the names of the soldier and
soldiers father, the cavalry unit can be researched. The movements and periods of recruitment
are poorly recorded for some of the cavalry units. The cavalry unit does say something about the
soldiers identity, but not necessarily about his specific ethnic identity. The cavalry is part of the
auxilia. If a citizen or fellow soldier were to view the cavalrymans tombstone, they would
likely assume that the cavalryman was not a native Roman citizen since the foreign, non-Latin
soldiers were recruited to the auxiliary legions.
176
The chronological analysis would have been able to produce more results, reveal more
similarities and differences, if the dates for the tombstones were more precise. This data set also
lacks a significant representation of stelae from the second century C.E. However, it is apparent
that the height of carving the cavalryman funerary stela occurred in the first century C.E.,
especially in the mid-first century C.E.
Conclusions
Even though the Romans utilized non-Latin mercenary troops to accompany their army in
the second and third centuries B.C.E., it wasnt until the late first century B.C.E. that the army
started to heavily recruit men from overseas as well as from neighboring allied tribes. As the
Empire grew, so did the military. Over a period of several hundred years, a military culture also
developed. Native Romans were exposed to the foreign languages, religions, and lifestyles as
they interacted with their foreign military companions.
There were several incentives offered by the Roman military that appealed to the non-
Latin/non-Roman men. They were enticed enough to leave behind their lives to join an
organization that spoke a different language and worshipped different gods. The pay, in addition
to the promise of eventual Roman citizenship, and in some cases ownership of land, were
incredibly enticing. Once soldiers were enrolled in the army, the army became a way of life.
The men lived together and worked together day in and day out. Many soldiers spent years
without having to ever go to battle, but death inevitably came, on and off the battlefield.
The cavalrymen were paid more than the average infantry foot soldier and was therefore
more likely to save enough money to have a more elaborate funerary stela erected in his
memory. These large stone slabs were put on display for the public to see them. They were
erected in cemeteries just outside the military fortresses and along main roads, just outside city
177
boundaries. Clearly these monuments were not only meant to be seen, but also to send a
message. One of the goals of this thesis was to gather a comprehensive data set that included
images for extant Roman cavalry tombstones from the Roman Empire. I then used the data I
collected to populate a small database that would help with a comparative analysis. Another goal
of this thesis was, through a structural semiotic approach, to identify the signs on the cavalrymen
tombstones that would perhaps reveal or bear evidence of the deceased soldiers ethnic group.
Or, in other words, an individuals broad sense of identity and community based on shared
culture and history. 305 This was no easy task. It required taking into account not only a modern
scholars definition of ethnicity, but the definition of ethnicity as understood by various Roman
paradigms including its military milieu as well as a sub-culture encompassed by its cavalry units.
Additionally, the symbols utilized within these cavalry stelae were drawn from a preexisting
shared funerary repertoire of motifs used throughout the Roman Empire.
Because I would be trying to receive a message and read signs in the iconography and
epigraphy on the tombstones, I felt that a semiotic approach would be an appropriate method for
carrying out the analysis since semiotics is the study of signs. There are criticisms of this
approach however. Saussure stated that being able to understand signs (specifically within a
language) required life experience, a gained knowledge of social convention. Obviously not
being a Roman makes it difficult to try and understand signs which require a knowledge of
convention. I was forced to rely on the written account of historians, who have their own biases
and interpretations. Saussures semiotic approach was also criticized for its synchronic nature.
One is looking at a sign and trying to interepret it as it was at a single point in time. We know
from personal experience in modern society that signs and convention change over time. Despite
305
178
the difficulties in this analysis, I was able to identify those signs which might be indicitave of
ethnicity, compare the individual signs from one tombstone to the next across space and time,
identifiy patterns of differences and similiarities, and eventually make some assumptions about
ethnicity and identity.
In regards to ethnicity, the most important signs were in the inscriptions. Approximately
sixteen tombstone inscriptions listed the cavalrymans city of origin, or the voting tribe to which
he belonged. This identified a geographical region in which the cavalryman likely had a shared
sense of community and culture. Civilians or soldiers who saw the tombstones of cavalrymen
who had died before they received Roman citizenship, would have been able to immediately
identify the soldier as being non-Roman. Soldiers would adopt the special tria nomina that was
assigned to them after they completed their required service time and were granted citizenship.
Having a Roman name would make it more difficult to know that the cavalryman was a non-
Roman. Many of the tombstone inscriptions listed the name of the soldiers father. Unless the
soldiers father was a Roman citizen, it would have been apparent to the Romans who read the
epitaph that the cavalryman was not originally a Roman citizen. Research on the origin of the
cavalrymens names might help identify, or at least narrow down, the possibilities of an ethnic
group. Though the benefits of citizenship were greatly sought after, by including their fathers
name (and in many cases, their own name) the cavalrymen still acknowledged in their epitaphs
that they did not come from a Roman heritage and even acknowledge that they themselves were
not citizens. It must also be considered that the name of the father, or the city of origin were
included intentionally so as to acknowledge their original heritage, even if for much of their lives
they lived as a Roman soldier. Clearly the Romans highly valued the role geneology and history.
179
Using a structural approach to interpret signs of ethnicity within the iconography on the
tombstones was not entirely successful, at least not in the way I had originally anticipated. I
documented that the similiarities and differences that I encountered in the data set suggested that
the cavalrymen were not only aware of the concept of identity, but chose which identity they
wanted to be represented by forever on their tombstones. This choice of identity was not made
by all cavalrymen. Some soldiers had the opportunity to leave instructions though a will
regarding the design of their own funerary monument. Other soldiers however, were not able to
do this, and the commission of a monument was the responsibility of the soldiers heirs. In these
cases, it was the heirs that chose the identity with which heir family member or fellow soldier
would be forever associated.
Achieving Roman citizenship was likely the ideal goal of the Roman cavalryman, as well
as other members of the Roman auxilia. It seemed though, that simply being a member of the
Roman army, especially a cavalryman, had its perks. In the majority of the tombstone
inscriptions, the unit in which the trooper served is named, as well as the number of years
service in the army. These soldiers wanted to be remembered as cavalrymen in the Roman army.
Whatever their original religious and funerary beliefs were, they were set aside when the
cavalryman commissioned a grave stela like those in my data set. The rider relief, one of two
main reliefs found on the tombstones, depicts a hero, armed and ready to slay his enemy. Many
were decorated with palm branches or floral motifs, which in Roman funerary contexts represent
victory over death. The extravagance of the grave stelae, was, in itself a sign interpreted by any
local viewer. One potential interpretation was that the rider motif reinforced Romes propaganda
of achieving civilization over barbarianism. The motif also mimicked the roles of the
conquering gods on a cosmic level. Another potential interpretation by the local viewer was that
180
the soldier was wealthy or desired that idyllic status after death for both his posterity and for the
gods of the afterlife.
The other grave stelae reliefs depict a man, reclined on a couch, in a funerary banquet
scene. Next to his couch is a mensa delphica, a three-legged table that was made of precious
materials and only owned by wealthy citizens. Signifcantly, the soldiers role as a cavalryman
was not forgotten in the secondary relief on the totenmahl style monuments, thus indicating its
perceived importance within the eternal identity of the deceased. The horse is typically pictured
with a groom, which is also a symbol of wealth. The Roman public would know that owning a
horse and groom was a sign that the individual was well off. The soldiers depicted their ideal
selves on the monuments. This was also probably benefical for the Roman army as well. Local
tribespeople could see that the Romany army offered high social and economic status. Other
scholars have come to similar conclusions. The tombstone was a device closely connected wth
the concept of memoria being a monument not only to the memory of the dead person, as
understood in its modern sense, but also a memorial to the influence, accomplishments and
character of the deceased. 306 Valerie Hope has commented on the cavalryman tombstones
found in Mainz, Germany. She stated that the tombstones of Mainz are the creations of the
living and how the identity of an individual was construced on the tombstone was not a random
process but controlled by social conventions. 307 The cavalrymen who commissioned these
grand monuments knew how they wanted to be commemorated. They had learned the necessary
social conventions within the Roman army in order to create the identity that they wanted.
306
307
Hope, Inscription and Sculpture, 179.
181
After looking at the individual signs found on the cavalrymen tombstones, it appeared
that all three sign types (icon, index, and symbol) were represented. The signs all appeared to
belong to a communal repository of signs used in other Roman funerary art and sculpture, not
just military. There are a few signs which were exceptions, expressly the non-Latin names and
declarations of origin within the inscription. However, even those soldiers who acknowledged
their ethnic identity either through their name, their family name, or their place of origin wanted
to emphasize another identity even more. Through both impressive stone relief carvings and the
inscribed epitaphs, the soldier emphazied his identity as a successful cavalryman of the Roman
army.
182
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186
Appendix I
Soldier Monument
# Image Name Date Inscription in Latin Inscription Translation
L(ucius) Vitellius Ma / ntai f(ilius) Lucius Vitellius Tacinus, son of
Tacinus / cives Hisp(anus) Mantaius, a tribesman of
Caurie(n)sis / eq(ues) alae Vettonum Caurium in Spain, trooper of the
Lucius c(ivium) R(omanorum) / ann(orum) cavalry regiment of Vettones,
Vitellius XXXXVI stip(endiorum) XXVI Roman citizens, aged 46, of 26
1 Tacinus 74 CE / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) years service, lies buried here.
Unknown
st
Rider from 1 century
2 Bath CE N/A N/A
To the spirits of the departed,

Aurelius Late 1st (Dis) M(anibus) / Aureli Luci / equitis Aurelius Lucius, cavalryman.
3 Lucius century CE / h f c His heir had this made.
Sextus Simil(ius), son of Sextus,

Sextus Sextus Sexti Filius / Fab Brix(ia) . / of the Fabian voting tribe, from
4 Similius 200 CE Simil. Brixia.
Standard Late 2nd

5 Bearer century ce N/A N/A
Unknown Early 2nd

6 Rider 1 century ce D(is) M(anibus) To the spirits of the departed.
Unknown Early 2nd

7 Rider 2 century CE D LIVS To the[?]
Marcus To the spirits of the departed:

Aurelius 200-250 D(is) M(anibus) / M(arcus) Aurelius Marcus Aurelius Victor lived 50
8 Victor CE Vic / [t]or vixit an(nis) L. years.
Dannicus, trooper of the Indian
Wing in the turma of Albanus,
with 16 years service, a citizen of
Dannicus eques alae Indian Tur the Raurici. Fulvius Natalis and
Albani Stip XVI cives ra ur cur Flavius Bitucus organised [this
Fulvius natalis it flius bitucus ex memorial] as stipulated in his
9 Dannicus 70 CE testame h s e will. He lies here.
187
Monument Full or Location of
Find Current Partial Monument Size Relief Multiple Location of Secondary
# Location Location Monument and Shape Type Reliefs Primary Relief Relief
Roman Baths
Museum, Bath, Rectangular, H: Upper portion
1 Bath, England England Partial 160 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Roman Baths Gabled, H: 69 cm;

Museum, Bath, W:74 cm; D: 18 Upper portion
2 Bath, England England Partial cm Rider No of monument N/A
Grosvenor Undetermined, H:
Chester, Museum, 137 cm; W: 71 cm Upper portion
3 England Chester, England Partial D: 20 cm Totenmahl No of monument N/A
Grosvenor Rectangular, H:
Chester, Museum, 110 cm; W:71 cm Upper portion
4 England Chester, England Partial D: 20 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Grosvenor Rectangular, H:
Chester, Museum, 94 cm; W: 81 cm; Upper portion
5 England Chester, England Partial D: 20 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Grosvenor
Chester, Museum, Gabled, H: 92 cm; Upper portion
6 England Chester, England Partial W: 92 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Grosvenor
Chester, Museum, Unknown, H: 74 Upper portion
7 England Chester, England Partial cm; W: 89 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Alnwick Castle,
Ox Close, Northumberland, Arched, H: 122 Upper portion
8 England England Full cm; W: 79 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Corinium
Museum,
Cirencester, Cirencester, Gabled, H: 108 Upper portion
9 England England Full cm Rider No of monument N/A
188
Decorative
Motif around Secondary Soldier Soldier's Weapon Additional
Primary Decoration Location of Holding Horse Multiple Pose on Soldier is Weapons on
# Niche Description Soldier Will Present Horses Horse Wielding Soldier
Mounted on
1 N/A N/A horse N/A Yes No Unknown Unknown Pugio?
Three-
Rosette in quarters
pediment Mounted on view, in
2 above niche N/A horse N/A Yes No action Lance Not present
Reclined on
couch, leaning
on his left arm
with head on Sword
the right side floating next
3 N/A N/A of relief Yes No No N/A No weapon to Soldier
Bust of In top center

deceased gabled relief,
carved in top on horse in
center flanked secondary In profile,
4 by lion heads N/A relief No No No facing right No weapon Not present
Body in
profile,
Mounted on head facing No weapon,
5 N/A N/A horse No Yes No viewer standard Pugio
Three-
quarters Belt strap for
Mounted on view, in spatha, but no
6 N/A N/A horse No Yes No action Unknown blade present
7 N/A N/A N/A No Yes No N/A N/A N/A
Threequarter
One sword in Mounted on view, in
8 each Spandrel N/A horse No Yes No action Spatha Not present
Threequarter
Mounted on view, in
9 N/A N/A horse N/A Yes No action Lance Pugio
189
Decorative
Direction the Harness Groom Groom Location of Cups or
Horse is System Location in Carrying Servant in Three-legged Bowls on
# Facing Horse Pose Present Relief Weapons Relief Table Table
Reared up on
1 Viewer's right hind legs Partial Not present N/A Not present No No
2 Viewer's right Unknown No Not present N/A Not present No No
Beneath
3 N/A N/A N/A Not present N/A couch Yes No
To the right
4 Viewer's right Walking Partial of horse Two lances Not present No No
5 Viewer's right Walking No Not present N/A Not present No No
Reared up on
6 Viewer's right hind legs Yes Not present N/A Not present No No
Standing with
Front left leg
7 Viewer's right raised Unknown Not present N/A Not present No No
Standing with
front left leg
8 Viewer's right raised No Not present N/A Not present No No
Reared up on
190
Enemy Inscription Name of Soldier's Soldier's Soldier's
Jug on Military Location of Holding Full or Soldier's Voting Native Military
# Floor Medals Enemy Weapon Partial Father Tribe Region Rank
Beneath the Caurium, Cavalry

1 No No horse, supine No Full Mantaius Caurium Spain Trooper
2 No No Not present N/A Missing Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown
Next to
servant, only
the servant's
head is Cavalry
3 Yes No depicted No Partial Not Present Not Present Not present trooper
4 No No Not present N/A Partial Sextus Fabian Brixia Not Present
5 No No Not present N/A Not present Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown
Beneath the
6 No No horse, prone Shield Partial Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown
Beneath the
horse, sitting,
facing the
7 No No viewer's left Shield Partial Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown
8 No No Not present N/A Partial Not Present Not Present Not present Not Present
Beneath the
horse, head at Augusta
the right, lying Raurica
on left side (Augst, Cavalry
9 No No facing viewer No Full Not Present Raurici Switzerland) Trooper
191
Persons
Soldier's Responsible
Cavalry Commanding Age at Years of for
# Unit Cohort Legion Officer Death Service Monument
Not Not
1 Vettones Present Present Not present 46 26 Not Present
2 Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown
Not Not Not

3 present Not present Present Not present Present Not Present His heirs
Not Not Not

4 present Not present Present Not present Present Not Present Not Present
Not
5 Unknown Unknown Present Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown
Not
Not
Not Not
8 Present Present Not present 50 Not Present Not Present
Fulvius
Natalis and
Not Not Flavius
9 Indian Albanus Present Not present Present 16 Bitucus
192
Monument
# Image Soldier Name Date Inscription in Latin Inscription Translation
cavalryman of the Thracian wing,
Sextus Vale / rius Genialis / a citizen of the
eq(u)es alae Thraec(um) / civis Frisiavones, from the turma of
Frisiaus tur(ma) / Genialis Genialis. Forty years old with
an(norum) XXXX twenty years service. He lies
Sextus st(ipendiorum) XX / h(ic) s(itus) here. The cavalry were
Valerius e(st) (h)e(res) f(aciendum) responsible for the making [of
10 Genialis 60-68 CE c(uravit) this memorial].
Longinus Sdapeze, son of

Longinus Sdapeze / Matygi Matycus, duplicarius from the
duplicarius / ala prima T(h)racum first cavalry regiment of
pago / Sardi(ca) anno(rum) XL Thracians, from the district of
aeror(um) XV / heredes exs Sardica, aged 40, of 15 years
Longinus testam(ento) [f(aciendum)] service, lies buried here; his heirs
11 Sdapeze 47-49 CE c(uraverunt) / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) under his will had this set up.
Unknown 3rd century

12 Rider 3 CE N/A N/A
Rufus Sita eques c(o)ho(rtis) VI / Rufus Sita, trooper of the Sixth

Tracum ann(orum) XL Cohort of the Thracians, aged 40,
stip(endiorum) XXII / heredes of 22 years service, lies buried
exs test(amento) f(aciendum) here. His heirs had this erected
13 Rufus Sita 50-80 CE curaue(runt) / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) according to the terms of his will.
To the spirits of the departed:
Dis Manibus Flavinus / eq(ues) Flavinus, trooper of the Cavalry
alae Petr(ianae) signifer / tur(ma) Squadron Petriana,
Candidi an(norum) XXV / standardbearer, from the troop of
stip(endiorum) VII h(ic) s(itus Candidus, aged 25, of 7 years
14 Flavinus 70-90 CE est) service, lies buried here.
To the shades of the dead, Insus

Dis / Manibus Insus Vodulli son of Vodullus, citizen of the
/[fil] ius cive Trever eques alae Treveri, cavalryman of the Ala
Insus son of Aug / Victoris curator Augusta... Victor Curator
15 Vodullus 75-120 CE domitia Domitia
Tib(erius) Claud(ius) Tiri / ntius

eq(ues) coh(ortis) [] / Thracum Tiberius Claudius Tirintius,
Tiberius an[n] / orum LVII sti[p] / trooper of the Cohort of
Claudius endior(um) XX [] h(ic) s(itus) Thracians, aged 57, of years
16 Tirintius 75-150 CE [e(st)] service, lies here.
193
Corinium
Museum, Gabled, H: 205
Cirencester, Cirencester, cm; W: 81 cm; Upper portion
10 England England Full D: 20 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Colchester Castle Top of Upper portion

Museum, Rectangular, H: monument, of monument,
Colchester, Colchester, 240 cm; W: 72 above directly above
11 England England Full cm; D: 28 cm Totenmahl Yes secondary relief inscription
Cumbria, British Museum, Pedimental, Upper portion

12 England London, England Partial Unknown Rider No of monument N/A
Gloucester City
Museum,
Gloucester, Gloucester, Gabled, H: 145 Upper portion
13 England England Partial cm; W: 81 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Rectangular, H:
Hexham, Hexham Abbey, 264 cm; W: 94 Upper portion
14 England Hexham, England Full cm Rider No of monument N/A
Lancaster City
Museum, Pedimental, H:
Lancaster, Lancaster, 176 cm; W: 92 Majority of
15 England England Partial cm Rider No monument N/A
Shrewsbury
Museum and Art
Gallery, Undetermined, H:
Wroxeter, Shrewsbury, 104 cm; W: 64 Upper portion
16 England England Partial cm Rider No of monument N/A
194
Decorative
Columns
topped with
palm leaves
flank the nich,
a large rosette
and leaves fill Threequarter
the center of Mounted on view, in
10 the pediment N/A horse No Yes No action Lance Spatha
Relief above
depicts a
winged
sphinx and Mounted on
snakes and horse in Threequarter
lions on secondary view, in
11 N/A either side relief No Yes No action Unknown Not present
Mounted on Profile, in
12 N/A N/A horse No Yes No action Lance Not present
Sphinx in
center
flanked by Mounted on Profile, in
13 two lions N/A horse No Yes No action Lance Spatha
Spiral
columns,
possible
leaves in Mounted on No weapon,
14 spandrels N/A horse No Yes No Profile standard Spatha
Sun (or head Threequarter

of Medusa?) view,
at the apex of holding
the enemy
monument, head in right
laurel and oak Mounted on hand with
15 leaves ? N/A horse No Yes No sword Spatha Not present
Mounted on Only right

16 N/A N/A horse No Yes No leg visible Unknown Unknown
195
Decorative
Reared up on
Standing with
Front left leg
11 Viewer's right raised Yes Not present N/A Not present No No
Reared up on
12 Viewer's right hind legs Unknown Not present N/A Not present No No
Reared up on
Reared up on
Reared up on
Back legs bent

forward over
16 Viewer's right enemy Unknown Not present N/A Not present No No
196
Frisiavones Frisiavones
Beneath the Small (Germania (Germania Cavalry
10 No Phalerae horse, supine blade Full Not Present Inferior) Inferior) Trooper
Beneath the
horse, prone
with arms and
legs tucked
Phalerae under body, Sardica
on saddle head facing (Sofia,
11 No straps viewer Shield Partial Matycus Sardica Bulgaria) Duplicarius
Broken
Beneath the spear,
12 No No horse, supine shield Not present Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown
Beneath the
horse, supine,
arms above Small Cavalry
13 No No head blade Full Not Present Not Present Not present Trooper
Beneath the
horse,
crouched on Cavalry
arms and legs, Small Trooper,
head facing blade, standard
14 No Phalerae? viewer shield Full Not Present Not Present Not present bearer
Beneath the
horse, on
hands and Treveri
knees, (Trier, Cavalry
15 No No beheaded Sword Partial Vodullus Treveri Germany) Trooper
Beneath the
horse, On side,
facing viewer,
arms and legs Cavalry
16 No No bent Sword Partial Not Present Not Present Not present trooper
197
Persons
Not
10 I Thracum Genialus Present Not present 40 20 His heirs
Not Not
11 I Thracum Present Present Not present 40 15 His heirs
Not
Not VI Not
13 Present Thracum Present Not present 40 22 His heirs
Not
14 Petriana Candidus Present Not present 25 7 Not Present
Not Not Not Victor Curator

15 Augusta Present Present Not present Present Not Present Domitia
Cohort of
Not the
16 Present Thracians Not present 57 Not Present Not Present
198
Monument
C(aius) Marius L(uci) f(ilius) C. Marius, son of Lucius, of the

Vol(tinia) / Luco Augusto eques Voltinan voting-tribe, from
/ leg(ionis) I annor(um) XXX Lucca Augusta, cavalryman of
stipen(diorum) / XV h(ic) s(itus) Legio I, lived 30 years, served
e(st) Sex(tus) Sempronius / frater 15, he lies here. His brother
17 C. Marius 41-68 CE facien(dum) curavit Sextus Sempronius set this up.
Niger son of Aetonis of the

Niger Aetonis f(ilius) / Nemes Nemete voting-tribe, of the ala
ala Pomponi / ani anno(rum) L / Pomponiani, aged 50 of 15
18 Niger Aetonis 41-54 CE aera XXV / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) years service, he lies here.
Rectugnus son of Magilonis
Segontilienses, trooper in the
Rectugnus Magilonis f (ilius) / cavalry regiment Longiniana,
Segontilie (n) ses eques wing / lived 50 years, served 12
Longiniana ann (orum) Aer L years.Vellaunus Nonni son of
19 Rectugnus 41-54 CE (orum) XXII Biturix,
Vellaunus Nonni / f(ilius) Biturix
trooper from the cavalry
eques / ala Longiniana / turma regiment Longiniana, in the
L(ucii) Iuli(ii) Reguli / squadron Lucii Iuliii Regula ,
an(norum) XXXVIII stipendio / lived 38 years and served 18
rum XVIII h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / ex years, he lies here. According to
[te]stamento factu / curarunt his will, Lucius Iulius Regulus,
L(ucius) Iulius Reg / ulus decurio Decurion and Macer son of
et Macer Aspadi / f(ilius) Aspadi of the same squadron set
20 Vellaunus 41-54 CE eiusde(m) turma(e) this up.
Vonatorix Du/conis f(ilius) eques Vonatorix, son of Duco, trooper

ala / Longiniana an/norum XLV of the cavalry regiment
stipen/diorum XVII h(ic) s(itus) Longiniana, lived 45 years,
21 Vonatorix 41-54 CE e(st) served 17 years. He lies here.
Longinus Biarta, son of Bisa, of

Longinus Biarta Bisae f (ilius) / the Bessus voting-tribe, a rider in
Bessus eq (ues) alae Sulp (iciae) the cavalry regiment Sulpicia,
Longinus an (norum) XXXXVI / d [e suo] lived 46 years, this was set up
22 Biarta 80-90 CE f (aciendum) c (uravit) with his own money.
L (ucius) Crispi f (ilius) cives Lucius son of Crispi, citizen of

Marsacus, eq (ues) alae Marsacus, trooper in the cavalry
Affro(rum) turma Flavi ann regiment Afrorum, of the
(orum) XXVIII, stip (endiorum) squadron Flavi, lived 28 years,
VIIII, h (eres) f (aciendum) c served 9 years, his heirs set this
23 Lucius Crispi 80-100 CE (uravit) up.
199
Monument Full or Location of Location of
Find Current Partial Monument Size Relief Multiple Primary Secondary
# Location Location Monument and Shape Type Reliefs Relief Relief
Rhineland Rectangular, H:
Bonn, Museum, Bonn, 177 cm; W: 78 Upper portion
17 Germany Germany Full cm; D: 30 cm Rider No of monument N/A
18 Germany Germany Partial cm; D: 21 cm Rider No of monument N/A
19 Germany Germany Partial cm; D: 28 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Xanten
Archaeological Rectangular, H:
Bonn, Park, Xanten, 221 cm; W: 74 Upper portion
The Roman-
Germanic
Musueum, Rectangular, H: Bottom
Cologne, Cologne, 172 cm; W: 147 Upper portion portion of
22 Germany Germany Full cm; D: 54 cm Totenmahl Yes of monument monumnet
The Roman-
Germanic
Cologne, 197 cm; W: 80 Upper portion portion of
23 Cologne Germany Full cm; D: 17 cm Totenmahl Yes of monument monumnet
200
Decorative
Threequarters
A torque in Mounted on view, in
17 each spandrel N/A horse No Yes No action Lance Not present
Palm frond
bordering Threequarters
niche on top Mounted on view, in
18 right N/A horse No Yes No action Lance Spatha
Mounted on Only legs

19 N/A N/A horse No Yes No visible Unknown Spatha
Pediment with
Rosette in
center, niche
flanked with
columns,
acanthus
leaves and No weapon,
taeniae fill the Mounted on Threequarters standard
20 spandrels N/A horse No Yes No view (vexillum) Spatha
Rosette and Threequarters

vine pattern Mounted on view, in
21 across top N/A horse No Yes No action Lance Spatha
Reclined on
couch,
leaning on his
left arm facing
22 N/A N/A viewer Yes Yes No N/A N/A N/A
Reclined on
couch,
leaning on his
left arm facing
23 N/A N/A viewer Yes Yes No N/A N/A N/A
201
Decorative
Reared up on
Reared up on
Reared up on
Reared up on
Reared up on
Walking with Far left, at the

front right leg To the left of foot of the
22 Viewer's right lifted Yes the horse Spears couch Yes Yes

front left leg To the left of foot of the
202
Phalerae
and Lucca Cavalry
17 No armillae Not present N/A Full Lucius Voltina Augusta trooper
Phalerae
on saddle Celtica
18 No straps Not present N/A Full Not Present Nemnete (Germany) Not Present
Magilonis
Segontiliens Cavalry
19 No Unknown Not present N/A Full es Not Present Not present trooper
Phalerae
on saddle Cavalry
20 No straps Not present N/A Full Biturix Not Present Not present trooper
Phalerae
on saddle Cavalry
21 No straps Not present N/A Full Duco Not Present Not present trooper
Phalerae
on saddle Thrace Cavalry
22 No straps Not present N/A Partial Bisa Bessus (Bulgaria) trooper
Phalerae
on saddle Cavalry
23 Yes straps Not present N/A Full Marsacus Not Present Not present trooper
203
Soldier's Persons
Commanding Age at Years of Responsible for
# Cavalry Unit Cohort Legion Officer Death Service Monument
Not Not Sextus

17 Present Present Legio I Not present 30 15 Sempronius
Not Not
18 Pomponiani Present Present Not present 50 15 Not Present
Not Not
19 Longiniana Present Present Not present 50 12 Not Present
Lucius Iulius
Regulus,
Decurion and
Not Not Lucius Iulius Macer son of
20 Longinian a Present Present Regulus 38 18 Aspadi
Not Not
21 Longinian a Present Present Not present 45 17 Not Present
Not Not
22 Sulpicia Present Present Not present 46 Not Present Not Present
Not Not
23 Afrorum Present Present Flavius 28 9 His heirs
204
Monument
Romanus son of Attus, of the
Romanus Atti f (ilius) Dar voting-tribe Dardan, trooper in
[danus] / eq (ues) al (ae) Afr the cavalry regiment Afrorum in
(orum) ture (ma) at Firmani the squadron Firmanus. He lived
(Norum) XXX st [ip (endiorum) 30 years, and served years.
Lucius X?] / H (eres ) t (estamento) f His heirs set this up according to
24 Romanus 80-90 CE (aciendum) c (uravit) his will.
M(arcus) Aemilius Durises

eq(ues) al(ae) / Sulp(iciae)
temperature(ma) to Marcus Aemilius Durises, a rider
Nepotis(norum) XXXVI / in the ala Sulpicia, in the
stip(endiorum) XVI, heredes ex squadron of Nepos, lived 36
M. Aemilius t(estamento) f(aciendum) years, and served 16 years. The
25 Durises 81-96 CE c(uraverunt) heirs have set this up.
Marcus Sacrius / Securi f(ilius) Marcus Scrius Primigenius, son

Primigenius / eques alae of Securus, a trooper in the ala
Noricor(um) tur(ma) / Patercli Noricorum, of the squadron of
cives Remus ann(orum) / XXVI Paterclus, of the voting-tribe
Marcus Late first [s] tip (endiorum) XI. H (eres) f Remus, lived 26 years, served 11
26 Sacrius century CE (aciendum) c (uravit) years. He lies here.
Oluper Cergaepuri / f(ilius) Oluper son of Cergaepuri,

eq(ues) alae afrorum / tur(mae) trooper in the cavalry regiment
preci capitonis / ann(orum) Afrorum, of the squadron of
XXXX stip(endiorum) XX / Preci Capito, lived 40 years and
Oluper Late first h(eres) ex t(estamento) served for 20 years. His heirs set
27 Cergaepuri century CE f(aciendum) c(uravit) this up according to his will.
Titus Flavius Bassus, son of
Mucalae, of the voting tribe
T(itus) Flavius Bassus Mucalae /
f(ilius) Dansala eq(ues) Alae Dansala, trooper in the cavalry
Nori/coru(m) tur(ma) Fabi unit Noricum, in the Fabi
Pudentis / an(norum) XXXXVI Pudentis squadron, lived 46 years
Titus Flavius stip(endiorum) XXVI h(eres) and served for 26 years.
28 Bassus 69-96 CE f(aciendum) c(uravit) His heirs set this up.
C(aio) Iulio Adari f(ilio) / Primo Caius Iulius Primus son of

Trevero / eq(uiti) alae Adarius of the Treveri
Noric(orum) / statori an(norum) votingtribe, cavalryman of the ala
XXVII / stip(endiorum) VII Noricorum, lived 27 years,
C. Iulius h(eres) a(ere) s(uo) f(aciendum) served 7 years, his heir set this
29 Primus 98-117 CE c(uravit) up.
Andes Sex(ti) f(ilius) / cives

Raeti/nio eq(ues) ala / Claud(ia) Andes, son of Sextus, citizen of
an(norum) XXX / Raetia, cavalryman of the ala
stip(endiorum) V h(ic) s(itus) Claudia, lived 30 years with 5
e(st) h(eres) f(aciendum) years service. He lies here. His
30 Andes 70-75 CE c(uravit) heirs set this up.
205
The Roman-
Germanic
Musueum, Unknown, H: 82
Cologne, Cologne, cm; W: 130 cm; Bottom portion
24 Germany Germany Partial D: 58 cm Totenmahl Unknown of monument N/A
Rhineland Rectangular, H: Bottom

Cologne, Museum, Bonn, 231 cm; W: 88 Upper portion portion of
25 Germany Germany Full cm; D: 30 cm Totenmahl Yes of monument monumnet
The Roman-
Germanic
Musueum, Unknown, H: 200 Bottom
Cologne, Cologne, cm; W: 95 cm; D: Upper portion portion of
26 Germany Germany Partial 32 cm Totenmahl Yes of monument monument
The Roman-
Germanic
Cologne, Cologne, 225 cm; W: 92 Upper portion portion of
27 Germany Germany Partial cm; D: 30 cm Totenmahl Yes of monument monument
The Roman-
Germanic
Musueum, Rectangular,
Cologne, Cologne, H:172 cm; W: Upper portion
28 Germany Germany Full 119 cm; D: 61 Rider No of monument N/A
Xanten
Archaeological Rectangular, H: Bottom
Kalkar, Park, Xanten, 193 cm; W: 75 Upper portion portion of
29 Germnay Germany Full cm; D: 20 cm Totenmahl Yes of monument monumnet
Gabled, H: 128
Mainz, Landesmuseum, cm; W: 58 cm; Upper portion
30 Germany Mainz, Germany Full D: 14 cm Rider No of monument N/A
206
Decorative
Unknow
24 N/A N/A N/A n yes No N/A N/A N/A
Reclined on
couch,
Unknown leaning on his
remnants; left arm facing
25 columns? N/A viewer No Yes No N/A N/A N/A
Reclined on
couch,
leaning on his
left arm facing Unknow
26 N/A N/A viewer n Yes No N/A N/A N/A
Reclined on
couch,
leaning on his
left arm facing
27 N/A N/A viewer No Yes No N/A N/A N/A
Rosette and
leaf motif in Shown in
each Mounted on profile, in
28 spandrel N/A horse No Yes No action Lance Spatha
Reclined on
couch,
Decorative leaning on his
columns left arm
flanking niche facing the
29 sides N/A viewer Yes Yes No N/A N/A N/A
Trumpet or
similar
instrument
beneath Threequarters
carving, right Mounted on view, in
30 of inscription N/A horse No Yes No action Lance Spatha
207
Decorative
Walking with
front left leg To the left of
24 Viewer's right lifted Yes the horse Spears Not present No No

25 Viewer's right lifted Yes the horse Two spears couch Yes Yes


27 Viewer's right lifted Yes the horse No couch Yes Yes
Reared up on Far left,

28 Viewer's right hind legs Yes behind horse Spears Not present No No

29 Viewer's right lifted Yes the horse Two spears couch Yes Yes

30 Viewer's right hind legs Yes behind horse Spear Not present No No
208
Phalerae
on saddle Illyria/Thrac Cavalry
24 No straps Not present N/A Partial Attus Dardan e trooper
Phalerae
on saddle Cavalry
25 No straps Not present N/A Full Not Present Not Present Not present trooper
Phalerae
on saddle Belgica Cavalry
26 Yes straps Not present N/A Full Securus Remus (France) trooper
Phalerae
on saddle Cavalry
27 Yes straps Not present N/A Full Cergaepuri Not Present Not present trooper
Phalerae Beneath the

on saddle horse, Prone, Thrace Cavalry
28 No straps head in profile Shield Full Mucalae Dansala (Bulgaria) trooper
Belgica Cavalry
29 Yes No Not present N/A Full Adarius Treveri (Germany) trooper
Beneath the
horse, on
hands and
knees in
Phalerae profile, but Raetia (S.
on saddle with head Small Germany, Cavalry
30 No straps facing viewer sword Full Sextus Not Present Switzerland) trooper
209
Persons
Not Not
24 Afrorum Present Present Firmanus 30 Unknown His heirs
Not Not
25 Sulpicia Present Present Nepos 36 16 His heirs
Noricoru Not Not

26 m Present Present Paterclus 26 11 Not Present
Not Not
27 Afrorum Present Present Preci Capito 40 20 His heirs
Noricoru Not Not

28 m Present Present Fabi Pudentis 46 26 His heirs
Noricoru Not Not

29 m Present Present Not present 27 7 His heirs
Not Not
30 Claudia Present Present Not present 30 5 His heirs
210
Monument
Caius Romanius, of the

C(aius) Romanius/ eq(ues) alae Claudian voting-tribe, from
Norico(rum)/ Claud(ia tribu) Celeia, cavalryman of the ala
Capito/ Celeia, an(norum) XL Noricorum, lived 40 years with
stip(endiorum) XIX/ h(ic) s(itus) 19 years service. He lies here.
C. Romanius e(st), h(eres) ex t(estamento) His heirs set this up for him,
31 Capito 54-68 CE f(aciendum) c(uravit) according to his will.
Flavius Proclus / eq(ues) Flavius Proclus, Mounted Guard
sing(ularis) aug(usti) domo / to the Emperor, from
(pi)lodelpia an(norum) xx / Philadelphia, lived 20 years, of
stip(endiorum) [h(eres) years service. His heirs had
32 Flavius Proclus 69-96 CE f(aciendum)] c(uravit) this erected.
Maris Casiti f(ilius) anno(rum) L Maris son of Casitus, lived 50

/ stip(endiorum) XXX ala years with 30 years service in
Part(h)o(rum) et / Araborum the cavalry unit Parthorum et
Maris son of turma / Variagnis Masicates / Araborum. Variagnis Masicates
33 Casitus 14-37 CE frater et Tigranus / posierunt and brother Tigranus set this up.
Quintus Q(uintus) Voltiu[s Q(uinti) Quintus Voltius, son of Quintus

34 Voltius Viator 14-37 CE f(ilius)] / Viator an(norum) Viator lived
Silius Attonis f(ilius) / eq(ues) Silius son of Attonis, cavalryman

alae Picent(ianae) / an(norum) of the ala Picentiana Gallorum,
XLV stip(endiorum) XXIV / lived 45 years and served 24
35 Silius 69-96 CE h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit) years. His heirs set this up.
Argiotalus son of Smertulitanus,
Argiotalus / Smertulitani / f(ilius) Namnete cavalryman in the ala
Namnis equ(es) / ala Indiana / Indiana, served ten years and
stip(endiorum) X anno(rum) / lived 30 years. He lies here. His
XXX h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / heirs have erected this
36 Argiotalus 14-37 CE (h)eredes posue/r unt monument.
Leubius Claupi / f(ilius) eq(ues)
missicius / ala Sebosiana / Leubius son of Claupus, retired
an(norum) LXXV h(ic) s(itus) cavalryman of the ala Sebosiana,
e(st) / Gratus f(ilius) miles / ex lived 75 years. He lies here. His
t(estamento) f(ecit) // son Gratus, a soldier, set up this
37 Leubius 54-68 CE Monumentum monument according to his will.
211
Rectangular, H:
Mainz, Landesmuseum, 163 cm; W: 87 Upper portion
31 Germany Mainz, Germany Full cm; D: 20 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Rectangular, H:
32 Germany Mainz, Germany Partial cm; D: 16 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Rectangular, H:
33 Germany Mainz, Germany Full cm; D: 28 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Gabled, H: 275
Mainz, Landesmuseum, cm; W: 75 cm; Multiple Upper portion
34 Germany Mainz, Germany Partial D: 30 cm horse No of monument N/A
Rectangular, H: Bottom
Mainz, Landesmuseum, 248 cm; W: 85 Upper portion portion of
35 Germany Mainz, Germany Full cm; D: 34 cm Totenmahl Yes of monument monument
Museum of the Arched, H: 136

Worms, City of Worms, cm; W: 59 cm; Upper portion
36 Germany Worms, Germany Full D: 36 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Museum of the Rectangular, H:

Worms, City of Worms, 192 cm; W: 61 Upper portion
37 Germany Worms, Germany Full cm; D: 33 cm Rider No of monument N/A
212
Decorative
Flower and
leaf motif in Threequarters
each Mounted on view, in
31 spandrel N/A horse No Yes No action Lance Spatha
Aquatic Threequarters
creature in Mounted on view, in Quiver of
32 right spandrel N/A horse No Yes No action Arrow arrows
Columns flank
the niche with
taeniae, or
decorative
ribbons in the
spandrels and Threequarters
top of niche Mounted on view, in Bow and
33 Winged N/A horse No Yes No action arrow Quiver
sphinx in
center of
pediment,
palmette on
bottom corners
34 of pediment N/A N/A No Yes Yes N/A N/A N/A
Columns Reclined on
flank the couch,
niche with a leaning on
rosette and left arm,
leaf motif in facing the
35 each spandrel N/A viewer No Yes No N/A N/A N/A
Palmettes on
either side and Threequarters
on the top Mounted on view, in
36 center N/A horse No Yes No action Sword Not present
Palmette
designs and
taeniae in Threequarters
each Mounted on view, in
37 spandrel N/A horse No Yes No action Spear Spatha
213
Decorative

31 Viewer's right hind legs Yes behind horse Spears Not present No No
Reared up on

33 Viewer's right hind legs behind horse Arrows Not present No No
Standing with
front left leg
raised, second Standing
horse standing between two
34 Viewer's right behind groom No horses No Not present No No
Stading with Far left, at the

front left leg To the right foot of the
35 Viewer's right raised Yes of horse Spear couch Yes Yes
Reared up on

37 Viewer's right hind legs Yes behind horse Spear Not present No No
214
Phalerae Beneath the Noricum,

on saddle horse, supine, Celeia Cavalry
31 No straps in profile No Full Not Present Claudian (Slovenia) trooper
Cavalry
Arabia trooper,
Phalerae Petraea: mounted
on saddle Philidelphia guard to the
32 No straps Not present N/A Partial Not Present Not Present (Jordan) emperor
Cavalry
33 NO No Not present N/A Full Casitus Not Present Not present trooper
Quintus
34 NO No Not present N/A Partial Viator Unknown Unknown Unknown
Phalerae
on saddle Cavalry
35 No straps Not present N/A Full Attonis Not Present Not present trooper
Celtica:
Smertulitanu Nantes Cavalry
36 No No Not present N/A Full s Not Present (France) trooper
Phalerae Retired
on saddle Beneath the cavalry
37 No straps horse, prone Shield Full Claupus Not Present Not present trooper
215
Persons
Noricoru Not Not

31 m Present Present Not present 40 19 His heirs
Not Not Not

32 Present Present Present Not present 20 Unknown His heirs
Variagnis
Parthoru Masicates and
m et Not Not brother
33 Araborum Present Present Not present 50 30 Tigranus
34 Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown
Picentiana Not Not

35 Gallorum Present Present Not present 45 24 His heirs
Not Not
36 Indiana Present Present Not present 30 10 His heirs
Not Not His son,

37 Sebosiana Present Present Not present 75 Not Present Gratus
216
Monument
Licinius Clossi / f(ilius) Licinius son of Clossus, of the

Helvetius ann(orum) / XLVII Helvetii tribe, lived 47 years and
eques ala I / Hisp(anorum) served 26 years as a cavalryman
stip(endiorum) XXVI h(ic) in the ala I Hispanorum. He lies
s(itus) [e(st)] / Tib(erius) Iul(ius) here. His heir Tiberius Iulius
38 Licinus Closi 41-54 CE Capito h(eres) [p(osuit?)] Capito set this up.
Quintus Carminius Ingenuus,

Q(uinto) Carminio In/ge[n]uo cavalryman and signifier of the
[eq]uit[i ala I(?)] / Hispanorum ala I (?) Hispanorum, lived [---]
Quintus a[nn(orum) ---] / stip(endiorum) years and served 15 years. His
Carminius XXV signifero / Sacer Iulius heir Sacer Iulius set this up
39 Ingenuus 14-37 CE h(eres) e(x) t(estamento) according to his will.
M(anibus) D(is) // Val(erius) To the divine Manes! Valerius
Maxantius / eq(ues) ex numero / Maxantius, a horseman of a
kata(fractariorum) vix(it) an(n)is division of mailed cavalry, lived
/ XXXII me(n)s(ibus) VI / thirty-two years and six months.
Valerius Late 3rd Val(erius) Dacus fr(ater?) / His heir Valerius Dacus erected
40 Maxantius century CE fec(it) the tomstone.
D(is) M(anibus) / Atil(ius) To the Divine Manes. Atilius

Crispi/nianus du/plic(arius) ale I Crispinianus, cavalry duplicarius
U[l]/p(iae) Cont(ariorum) of Ala I Ulpia Contariorum,
Atilius Late 3rd sti/p(endiorum) XXII Cl(audius) served 22 years. Claudius
41 Crispinianus century CE Vi/ator dup/[li]c(arius Viator, cavalry duplicarius
Aurelius Disas co / rnicen ale I Aurelius Disas, horn blower of
Flavi / e Brittanice stip Ala I Flavia Britannica, with 11
(endiorum) / XI vixit annis / years service, lived 32 years.
XXXII Aurelius / Pimetaica(?) Aurelius Pimetaica, his second
secu / ndus heres eius / titulum heir, erected this stone for his
posuit / college suo colleague.
Late 3rd [D(is)] To the spirits of the
42 Aurelius Disas century CE M(anibus) / Aurel(ius) departed,
Dolens dupl(icarius) / Ale Aurelius Dolens, cavalry

Contar(iorum) stip(endiorum) duplicarius of the ala
XXVI / ann(orum) L hopitus Contariorum, served 26 years.
domo / Tracia memoriam in / He died aged 50. He was born in
stituer(unt) Iul(ius) Avitianus / Thrace. Iulius Avitianus,
dupl(icarius) et Aurel(ius) Aurelius Robustianus both
Aurelius Late 3rd Robus/tianus dupl(icarius) here / duplicarii, his heirs, had this
43 Dolens century CE des. stone erected in his memory.
217
Museum of the Gabled, H: 218

38 Germany Worms, Germany Full D: 31 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Museum of the Gabled, H: 237

39 Germany Worms, Germany Partial D: 42 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Museum of the Rectangular, H:

Worms, City of Worms, 142 cm; W: 72 Upper portion
40 Germany Worms, Germany Partial cm; D: 24 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Apamea
Apamea, Museum, Gabled, H: 161 Upper portion
41 Syria Apamea, Syria Partial cm; W: 70 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Apamea
42 Syria Apamea, Syria Full cm; W: 52 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Apamea Gabled,
Apamea, Museum, measuements Multiple Upper portion
43 Syria Apamea, Syria Full unknown horse No of monument N/A
218
Decorative
Rosette in
center of
pediment, rope Threequarters
motif along Mounted on view, in
38 arch of niche N/A horse No Yes No action Lance pugio
Threequarters
Columns Mounted on view, in Spatha,
39 flanking niche N/A horse No Yes No action Lance standard
Threequarters
N/A Mounted on view, in
40 Two lions N/A horse No Yes No action Lance Not present
seated facing
each other
with a raised
front paw in
center of
pediment,
paws rest on
unidentified Mounted on
41 object N/A horse No Yes No Unknown Unknown Unknown
Mounted on Profile, in No weapon,

42 Undetermined N/A horse No Yes No action horn Not present
Rosette in Standing
center of between two
43 pediment N/A horses No Yes Yes N/A N/A Sword
219
Decorative
Reared up on
Reared up on
Standing with
front left leg
40 Viewer's right raised Yes Not present N/A Not present No No
Reared up on
Reared up on
42 Viewer's right hind legs No Not present N/A Not present No No
Once facing
viewer's right, Standing with
the other facing one front leg
43 viewer's left raised No Not present N/A Not present No No
220
Phalerae
on saddle Beneath the Celtica Cavalry
38 NO straps horse, prone Shield Partial Clossus Helvetii (Switzerland) trooper
Two men
beneath the
horse, one on
head, the other
Phalerae seated with
on saddle back facing Cavalry
39 NO straps viewer Shield Partial Not Present Not Present Not present trooper
Cavalry
40 No No Not present N/A Partial Not Present Not Present Not present trooper
Cavalry
trooper,
41 No Unknown Not present N/A Partial Not Present Not Present Not present Duplicarius
Cavalry
trooper, horn
42 No No Not present N/A Full Not Present Not Present Not present blower
Cavalry
trooper,
43 No No Not present N/A Partial Not Present Not Present Thrace Duplicarius
221
Persons
I
Hispanoru Not Not Tiberius Iulius
38 m Present Present Not present 47 26 Capito
I
Hispanoru Not Not Not
39 m Present Present Not present Present 15 Sacer Iulius
Not Not Not 32 years, Valerius

40 Present Present Present Not present 3 months Not Present Dacus
I Ulpia
Contarior Not Not Not Claudius
41 um Present Present Not present Present 22 Viator (likely)
I Flavia Not Not Aurelius

42 Britannica Present Present Not present 32 11 Pimetaica
Contarior Not Not Aurelius

43 um Present Present Not present 50 26 Pimetaica
222
Monument Aur(elius) Mucatralis tu /
bice(n) al(a)e Brittanic(a)e /

<turmae?> Dionis st(i)pendior / Aurelius Mucatralis, trumpeter of
u(m) dece(m) felicissima i /n the Ala Britannica, from the
espeditone hori / [e]ntale<m> turma of Dio, served 10 years
rebo? nat / ura(e) solvit annos / and died during the successful
vicsit triginta / et cinqu<e> eastern campaign. He lived 35
Aur(elius) Pas/ser cornice(n) years. Aurelius Passer, horn
collega / memoria(m) possit blower, his colleague, had this
Aurelius Late 3rd (=posuit) / Mucatrali colle/ gi stone erected to the memory of
44 Mucatralis century CE posuit his colleague Mucatralis.
Aur(elius) Octavian[us] / Aurelius Octavianus,

sesq(uiplicarius) alae I Ulp[(iae) sesquiplicarius of Ala I Ulpia
Co]/nt(ariorum) an(norum) Contrariorum, died aged 31 with
XXXI / stp(endiorum) XI 11 years service. Solius
Soli(us) Vic[to] / rinus et Iul(ius) Victorinus and Iulius Liberalis
Aurelius Late 3rd Li[be]/ralis f(ecerunt) b(ene) erected this stelae, as was the
45 Octavianus century CE m(erenti) dead mans due.
D(is) M(anibus) / Ignius To the Divine Manes. Ignius

Viatori/anus stator A<l>e I Viatorianus, stator of Ala I Ulpia
Ul/p(iae) Contariorum dict/ane? Contariorum died aged 41 with
annorum XXXXI m/ilitavit 22 years service. Claudius
anno<s> XXII? / positrunt Varus, Marcus Aelius
Cl(audius) Varus? / M(arcus) Crescintinus, and Avius
Ignius Late 3rd Aelius Crescentinu/s Avius? Iunianus had this stone erected
46 Viatorianus century CE Iunianus / contubernali for their contubernalis.
D(is) M(anibus) / Ilulius To the Divine Manes. Iulius

Valerianus / eques alae I Valerianus, cavalryman of Ala I
Uliae con/tariorum Ulpia Contariorum, served 23
stip(endiorum) XXIII / vixit years. He lived 46 years. Ulpius
annis XXXXVI / Ulp(ius) Ingenuus, cavalryman with
Ingenus dupl(icarius) / alae double pay of the same unit, his
Iulius Late 3rd eiusdem here/s posuit b(ene) heir, had (this stone) erected, as
47 Valerianus century CE m(erenti) was the dead mans due.
223
Apamea Rectangular, H:
Apamea, Museum, 139 cm; W: 61 Upper portion
44 Syria Apamea, Syria Full cm Rider No of monument N/A
Apamea, Museum, 119 cm; W: 45 Multiple Upper portion
45 Syria Apamea, Syria Partial cm horse No of monument N/A
Apamea
46 Syria Apamea, Syria Full cm; W: 69 cm Rider No of monument N/A
Apamea, Museum, 112 cm; W: 45 Upper portion
47 Syria Apamea, Syria Full cm Rider No of monument N/A
224
Decorative
Mounted on Threequarters
44 N/A N/A horse No Yes No view Not present Not present
Between two
45 N/A N/A horses No Yes Yes N/A Not present Not present
Two paternae
(offering
dishes), one
on either side
of the Mounted on
46 pediment N/A horse No Yes No Profile Lance Not present
Mounted on Threequarters
47 N/A N/A horse No Yes No view Unknown Unknown
225
Decorative
Reared up on
44 Viewer's right hind legs No Not present N/A Not present No No
Once facing
viewer's right, Standing with
the other facing one front leg
45 viewer's left raised No Not present N/A Not present No No
46 Viewer's right Galloping No Not present N/A Not present No NO
Standing with
front left leg
47 Viewer's right raised No Not present N/A Not present No No
226
Cavalry
trooper, horn
44 No No Not present N/A Partial Not Present Not Present Not present blower
Cavalry
trooper,
sesquiplicari
45 No No Not present N/A Partial Not Present Not Present Not present us
Cavalry
trooper,
46 NO No Not present N/A Full Not Present Not Present Not present stator
Cavalry
47 No No Not present N/A Full Not Present Not Present Not present trooper
227
Persons
Not Not Aurelius

44 Britannica Present Present Dio 35 10 Passer
Solius
I Ulpia Victorinus and
Contarior Not Not Iulius
45 um Present Present Not present 31 11 Liberalis
Claudius
Varus, Marcus
Aelius
I Ulpia Crescintinus,
Contarior Not Not and Avius
46 um Present Present Not present 41 22 Iunianus
I Ulpia
Contarior Not Not Ulpius
47 um Present Present Not present 46 23 Ingenuus
228

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The Roman Riders: Ethnicity and Iconography on

Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd

BYU ScholarsArchive Citation

Roman Cavalrymen Tombstones

Jessica Colleen Kramer

A thesis submitted to the faculty of

Cynthia Finlayson, Chair

Brigham Young University

Copyright 2014 Jessica Colleen Kramer

All Rights Reserved

The Roman Riders: Ethnicity and Iconography on

Jessica Colleen Kramer

Keywords: Romans, Roman army, cavalry, tombstones, ethnicity, identity

2 A History of the Organization of the Roman Army .............................................................. 7

3 Identity and Ethnicity ............................................................................................................. 31

4 Roman Cavalrymen Tombstones .......................................................................................... 42

Figure 1. Full consular army positioned for battle......................................................................... 7

Table 1. List of soldiers with known regions of origin. ............................................................. 155

these two factors.

Previous archaeological and epigraphic studies have given scholars an overarching

rituals, as well as the final erection of a military funerary stela.

modern scholarship. Additionally, a major contribution of my thesis is my assessment of what

serving in the Roman cavalry.

to distinguish the ethnic identity of Roman cavalrymen through a comprehensive comparative

army was deployed for battle.

It is difficult to pinpoint when exactly Romes military militia transitioned into a

approximately 80 men. Thus, there were 4800 men in one legion. 26

governance of the foreign providence in which they were stationed.32

populations for recruiting and other military needs.

rationale for local foreign recruits.

claim the privileges awarded to veterans.37

The Late Roman Army

its grip over the Empire.

far-flung regions of the empire.

Military Funerary Clubs

carrying out the funerary services.

Military Grave Monuments

will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 4.

Wealth and Social Status

receive such promotions. 58

enormous difference in pay levels between the two.61

thesis, it is thus critical to establish the many distinguishing characteristics of a cavalry

the other factors noted above.

introduce a uniformity of convention to tombstone design, particularly in the western

elements will be discussed in detail in later chapters.

Figure 3. Altar erected by a soldier to the deity of his emperor.

the military as well.

in Great Britain and Central Europe.

Africa to Egypt to Asia Minor. 72

animated and uniform serious of funerary monuments in the north-western provinces. 74

association with the ethnicity of the riders they portray.

in the inscription itself.

by the modern anthropological and archaeological scholarly communities. Researchers have

What is Identity vs. Ethnicity?

Many accept identity to be that set of characteristics by which an individual person or

identify culture areas: complexes of cultural traits common to inhabitants of a particular

discuss a different method, referred to as the bottom-up approach. In reference to this

unproblematic cross-cultural realities but constructs specific to each different society. 82