A N A L Y S I S

A N D

C O M M E N T A R Y

The Pseudocommando Mass

Murderer: Part II, The Language
of Revenge
James L. Knoll, IV, MD
In Part I of this article, research on pseudocommandos was reviewed, and the important role that revenge fantasies
play in motivating such persons to commit mass murder-suicide was discussed. Before carrying out their mass
shootings, pseudocommandos may communicate some final message to the public or news media. These
communications are rich sources of data about their motives and psychopathology. In Part II of this article, forensic
psycholinguistic analysis is applied to clarify the primary motivations, detect the presence of mental illness, and
discern important individual differences in the final communications of two recent pseudocommandos: Seung-Hui
Cho (Virginia Tech) and Jiverly Wong (Binghamton, NY). Although both men committed offenses that qualify them
as pseudocommandos, their final communications reveal striking differences in their psychopathology.
J Am Acad Psychiatry Law 38:26372, 2010

What if . . . humans exceed animals in their capacity for

violence precisely because they speak? [Ref. 1, p 61]

Hempel et al. were among the first to note that mass

murderers with a warrior mentality may convey
their central motivation in a psychological abstract, a
phrase or sentence yelled with great emotion at the
beginning of the mass murder (Ref. 2, p 213). To
date, the actual communications of pseudocommando mass murderers have received little analysis,
even though the words people use . . . can reveal
important aspects of their social and psychological
worlds (Ref. 3, p 547). A subjects use of language
may also suggest different types of mental illness and
may lend clues about his past history, ethnic background, and primary motivations.
In this article, I examine the final communications
of two pseudocommando mass murderers in an effort to reveal the themes that emerge and whether
such communications can lead to deeper insights
into the psychology and motivations of the offenders. Such analyses begin with the assumption that the
Dr. Knoll is Director of Forensic Psychiatry and Associate Professor of
Psychiatry, SUNY Upstate Medical University, and Forensic Fellowship Director, Central New York Psychiatric Center, Syracuse, NY.
Address correspondence to: James L. Knoll, IV, MD, Division of
Forensic Psychiatry, Department of Psychiatry, SUNY Upstate Medical University, 750 East Adams Street, Syracuse, NY 13210. E-mail:
[email protected].
Disclosures of financial or other conflicts of interest: None.

offender would not have bothered to write or communicate his manifesto unless it had great personal
meaning. In the cases that will be examined, both
offenders took the time and effort to craft and then
deliver their communications to television news media, suggesting that they believed their communications contained important information for others.
If we accept the working hypothesis that these
communications are highly meaningful to the
pseudocommando, we may examine them for what
they reveal about his motives, psychological state,
and a wealth of other data. Through careful forensic
psycholinguistic analysis, it is possible to discern personality variables, cognitive styles, and the presence
of certain types of mental illness.4 Analysis may also
suggest important information, such as educational
level, religious orientation, and cultural background.
Psychiatrists are in a unique position to analyze written communications for different forms of mental
illness, such as schizophrenia,5 depression,6 and
other types of emotional turmoil. For example, it has
been suggested that the excessive use of pronouns is
associated with high levels of psychological distress.7
The use of metaphor or metonymy may also contain
clues about an individuals history, ethnic background, primary motivations, and level of distress.8
Data as seemingly inconsequential as an e-mail address may suggest clues about personality structure.9

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A psycholinguistic study of threatening persons from

the FBIs National Center for the Analysis of Violent
Crime (NCAVC) database found that higher conceptual complexity and lower ambivalent hostility/
paranoia were more strongly associated with predatory violence.10
Before proceeding with the analyses of the final
communications of Seung-Hui Cho and Jiverly
Wong, a few points related to ethics, objectivity, and
limitations are in order. The forensic psychiatrists
objectivity may be called into question if the expert
gives an opinion without first performing a personal
examination in cases that require one.11 To be clear,
this analysis does not constitute an expert opinion.
Rather, it is a linguistic exercise that attempts to gain
a deeper understanding of these offenders psychology from materials available in the public domain.
The psycholinguistic analyses herein should be
viewed as working hypotheses. In addition, the analyses are obviously limited by the lack of personal
evaluation, as well as other confidential collateral
sources.
The Principles of Medical Ethics With Annotations Especially Applicable to Psychiatry, 7.3 (i.e.,
the Goldwater Rule) states that a psychiatrist may
share with the public his or her expertise about psychiatric issues in general.12 The intent of this article
is to explore, via public-domain writings, the general
psychology and motivations of Mr. Cho and Mr.
Wong. I refrain from offering a professional opinion about specific diagnoses; rather, I offer limited
and broad hypotheses about their motives and
psychopathology.
Seung-Hui Cho
On April 16, 2007, Seung-Hui Cho, a student at
Virginia Tech, shot to death 33 students and faculty.13 He wounded 24 more and then committed
suicide by shooting himself. The incident was an
unfathomable tragedy for the surviving college students, their families, and the entire country. The Virginia Office of the Inspector General (OIG) conducted an investigation, finding that Mr. Cho did
not significantly raise any concerns until approximately December 2005.14 At that time, he was perceived as threatening and odd by peers and faculty.
He was seen several times by the campus police when
other students complained that he had harassed
them. On December 13, 2005, campus police told
him that his continuing acts of harassment could lead
264

to criminal charges in the future. That same day, Mr.

Cho sent an instant message to a roommate stating,
I might as well kill myself or something, and everybody just hates me.15 This comment ultimately
resulted in an evaluation of Mr. Cho by a social work
clinician. The evaluation led to an overnight stay in a
psychiatric facility. The evaluation noted social anxiety and possible depressive symptoms, but no evidence of psychosis was detected.
The following day, he was evaluated by a psychologist who found him to be mentally ill, but not an
imminent danger to himself or others. Several hours
later, he was released with an appointment at a counseling center for later that day, December 14, 2005.
At that appointment, he denied having any suicidal
or homicidal ideas and said that his suicidal statement had been a joke. Although he was encouraged
to return for follow-up in January, no appointment
was scheduled. There were no further incidents reported by the OIG investigation until the shootings
on April 16, 2007. It may be theorized that before
and after his evaluation he was having violent revenge
fantasies. This possibility is deduced primarily from
several plays that he wrote for class that contained
themes of gratuitous violence and revenge.16 The
OIG investigation reported that after Mr. Chos psychiatric evaluation, his peers described him as isolative and rarely making eye contact. He would usually
not respond if spoken to or would simply give oneword answers. His peers reported not observing any
evidence of confused thinking, odd behavior, or agitation. He appeared mildly sad, yet he was known
for not showing much emotion. Most of his peers
said they never really knew him.
On the day of the shootings, NBC received a package containing Mr. Chos 1,800-word video manifesto on CD, plus 43 photographs. To say that Mr.
Cho had prepared for the shootings would be an
understatement. The preparatory stage appeared to
reach its zenith during the crafting of his manifesto.
The process involved his taking photographs of himself dressed in several warrior outfits, while striking
threatening poses. Eleven of the photographs were of
Mr. Cho aiming handguns at the camera.17 In one
dramatic photograph, he is holding a handgun in
each hand with his arms spread wide. He is wearing a
military-style vest for carrying ammunition, and a
large knife is strapped to his belt as he stares menacingly into the camera. In two other photographs, Mr.
Cho appears to be mimicking suicidal behavior. In

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Knoll

one, he points a handgun at his right temple. In the

other, he holds a large hunting knife to the left side of
his neck.
Mr. Chos Communications
The following is an analysis of select revelatory
excerpts, as space limitations do not permit commentary on the manifesto in its entirety.18,19 Let us begin
by considering his admonishment:
You had a hundred billion chances and ways to have
avoided today.17

The phrase chances and ways suggests that until

the day of the shootings, he viewed himself as keeping a running tally of mistreatments and failed
opportunities for others to set things right. The
strong element of externalization of blame is selfevident and continues with the sentence:
But you decided to spill my blood. You forced me into a
corner and gave me only one option. The decision was
yours. Now you have blood on your hands that will never
wash off.17

He does not assign just some blame to his victims,

but every bit of it. Self-righteous rage is thus justified
by projecting all blame until it appeared to reside
only in the other (Ref. 20, p 1234). He portrays
himself as blame free and even benevolent, having
given innumerable chances to his victims. The
blood of the victims, he chastises, will torment
them like Lady Macbeth. This reveals a fantasy that
the devalued others will remain tormented by a traumatic guilt that can never be alleviated. The severity of Mr. Chos pathological self-concept is suggested by the fact that portraying himself as blamefree was not enough. His ego was so impoverished
that it required morethat he be a heroic sacrifice
to save the weak. Thus, he becomes not merely all
good, but actually God-like:
Thanks to you, I die like Jesus Christ, to inspire generations
of the weak and the defenseless people. . . . If not for me, for
my children and my brothers and sisters that you (expletive). I did it for them.17

The expression my children is interesting in that

Mr. Cho was not known to have fathered any children. His statement may suggest that he is further
extending the Christ metaphor in a grandiose way.
(This assumes that he did not delusionally believe he
had fathered children, and there is no available evidence to suggest that he had such a delusion.) He
ominously acknowledges wanting to inspire others, a phenomenon noted by Mullen,21 who found

that pseudocommandos who were captured alive referred to other infamous cases of mass murder.
Strikingly, Mr. Cho realized he had other options.
Unfortunately, he had become too deeply invested in
his revenge romance:
I didnt have to do it. I could have left. I could have fled. But
now I am no longer running.17

That he states with finality that he is no longer

running may be viewed as evidence that he had not
only reached the obliterative state of mind, but also
that he was no longer able to defend against the aversive self-awareness he had been running from for so
long. His actions had already brought him close to an
extended involuntary psychiatric hospitalization.
His behavior after his mental health evaluation suggests he withdrew profoundly, as he was now aware
of the consequences should he act out again. Further,
one alternative to rage over unmet needs is to become
remote.20 While the needs of his ego were still
present, an isolative withdrawal would give him a
dulled or deadened quality.20 Thus, after his 2005
evaluation and release, he was alone with his
thoughts, which probably consisted of rumination
over the hundred billion injustices he perceived
himself as having endured. For refuge, he had the
pleasurable fantasy of becoming a heroic avenger of
the weak and the defenseless. In contrast to his fantasy of being an all-good hero, others are portrayed as
having committed heinous, sadistic acts against him:
You have vandalized my heart, raped my soul, and torched
my conscience. You thought it was one pathetic boys life
you were extinguishing.17

The metaphors used here are extremely powerful

and portray others as having targeted his innermost
self for cruel and traumatic persecution, suggesting
the strength of his persecutory cognitions. His use of
the term pathetic boy signifies his own threadbare
self-esteem. It was not necessary for him to include
this descriptor, yet he does. Indeed, this is one of the
only points in his manifesto by which he (perhaps
inadvertently) reveals to others his own fragility and
fears about his own self-worth.22 For the most part,
his communications consist of scathing, acerbic attacks designed to denigrate the others and maximize their guilt. He then assigns motive to their persecutiontheir own amusement and sheer
enjoyment of exercising power over him:
Do you know what it feels like to dig your own grave? . . . Do you know what it feels like to be humiliated and
be impaled upon a cross and left to bleed to death for your

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amusement? You have never felt a single ounce of pain your

whole life. And you want to inject as much misery in our
lives . . . just because you can.17

These accusations are interesting because they involve the concept of death, specifically his death, and
suggest that the idea of death was present in Mr.
Chos ruminations. Going a step further, these communications may suggest that he felt, affectively, existentially, or even delusionally, that he was already
dead. The comparison to the heroic Christ figure is
again present in his remarks about being impaled on
a cross, as well as an extreme degree of splitting in his
assertion that his victims had never felt a single
ounce of pain. Note, too, the phrase our lives,
which is consistent with his earlier statements that he
believes he is not alone in his victimhood. Yet there is
no evidence, in reality, that he was ever able to connect with a group of disaffected, unhappy individuals. Thus, he creates this group from whole cloth, as
it bolsters his hero fantasy, and provides comfort via
the notions that there is strength in numbers and he
does not suffer alone.
The following statements give the best insight into
Mr. Chos paranoid-schizoid dynamics:
You had everything you wanted. Your Mercedes wasnt
enough, you brats. Your golden necklaces werent enough,
you snobs. Your trust fund wasnt enough. Your vodka and
cognac wasnt enough. All your debaucheries werent
enough. Those werent enough to fulfill your hedonistic
needs. You had everything. . . .17

He bitterly declares that the best things in life

were in the possession of the persecutory others.
They had access to all of lifes goodness and pleasure. He also states this with considerable derision,
due to his perception that they had access to an endless amount of goodness (hedonistic fulfillments),
and yet it was still not enough for them. But his
attempt to disparage the others access to goodness is
easily seen as a diaphanous veil covering his overwhelming feelings of envy, as is evidenced clearly by
his later statement:
Oh the happiness I could have had mingling among you
hedonists, being counted as one of you, if only you didnt
[expletive] the living [expletive] out of me.17

In this rueful statement, he reveals his true desire:

to be accepted socially, which also has taken on the
meaning to him of gaining access to hedonistic
levels of enjoyment in life. But the very group of
others who seemed to possess such goodness was the
group subjecting him to extreme persecution. Returning to Kleinian theory, at the paranoid-schizoid
266

developmental stage, the subject may often take the

view that if the wished-for goodness is not forthcoming, it must necessarily be the case that it is being
purposely withheld.23 For why else would they not
be generous with their goodness, unless the deprivation was a purposeful act of withholding? This deprivation is viewed as providing the other with sadistic
gratification.
Clinical experience and Kleinian theory suggest
that the development of feelings of gratitude and
some desire to repair the damage done to the other is
the route out of the destructive path of envy.24 Mr.
Cho may have attempted to engage in some reparative (i.e., creative) activities via writing plays.16 However, these writings were saturated with destructive,
violent themes, suggesting that this route may have
been closed off to him at the time. Indeed, he puts it
most plainly that he has reached a point of no return,
the obliterative state of mind: When the time came,
I did it. I had to. Finally, his time spent in violent
fantasy and chronic embitterment had the effect of
intensifying his revenge desires:
All the [expletive] youve given me. Right back at you with
hollow points.17

The hollow-point is a special variety of bullet that

is more devastating, producing a larger and more
irregular wound track than most other bullet types
(Ref. 25, p 371). Thus, Mr. Cho is indicating that he
is responding with overkill: an eye for an eye has been
transmuted into many lives lost as compensation for
a wounded ego.
Jiverly Wong
Jiverly Wong was a 41-year-old Vietnamese immigrant living in New York State. On April 3, 2009, he
burst into the American Civic Association in Binghamton, New York, carrying two handguns and
wearing body armor. Before entering, he used his
fathers car to block off the back door, the buildings
only other exit. In the very place where he had been
taking English classes, he proceeded to kill 13 people
before shooting himself. He was equipped with
large amounts of ammunition, and he had held permits since approximately 1996 for the two guns he
used (Zikuski J, Binghamton Police Chief, personal
communication, April 4, 2009). Local law enforcement investigation quickly discovered that the mass
murder was not at all surprising to those who knew
Mr. Wong (Zikuski J).

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Mr. Wong had immigrated to New York with his

family in 1990. He was the second of four children in
an ethnically Chinese family that had lived in Vietnam. His father reported that, not long after they
moved to the United States, his son told him someone was trying to kill him.26 Mr. Wong was approximately 22 years old at the time and complained to
his father of what may have been visual hallucinations or paranoid delusions of someone trying to
harm him. He willingly went to the hospital with his
father, where he was evaluated and released after a
short period without treatment or follow-up. Retrospectively, Mr. Wongs father wondered if his sons
lack of treatment may have been due to a communication barrier, as both he and his son spoke little
English. Mr. Wong became an American citizen in
1995, but left the country shortly afterward. He returned in 1999 to California where he was married
and divorced. He was in poor contact with his family
during his 15 years in California, refusing to share his
mailing address with them.
After losing his job as a truck driver in California,
Mr. Wong moved back to New York to live with his
parents in 2007. His parents noticed significant
changes in him; he did not care to have friends and
barely spoke to anyone.26 Other changes seemed
more peculiar. Even in the hot New York summer,
he never wore short sleeves. He always emerged from
the bathroom after a shower fully dressed in long
sleeves and long pants. Next, were several incidents
of aggression directed toward his family that seemed
out of character. In 2008, Mr. Wong slapped his
younger sister across the face during an argument
and raised his voice inappropriately to his father in a
relatively minor household dispute.
After being laid off from his job at a vacuum
cleaner plant in November 2008, Mr. Wong began
attending classes at the American Civic Association
to improve his English. He was a gun enthusiast who
spent his weekends target shooting.27 Law enforcement would later discover that he fired an unusually
high number of rounds at the range (Zikuski J). The
post-tragedy investigation would also uncover that
Mr. Wong exercised at a local gym, where he was
described as performing only one exercise, a handand grip-strengthening exercise (Zikuski J). A coworker at the vacuum cleaner plant reported that Mr.
Wong sometimes joked about shooting politicians
(Zikuski J). People in his local community believed
he may have been upset about not being able to ob-

tain work. There were also unverified reports that he

may have had a criminal record dating back to 1999,
which involved planning a bank robbery and using
cocaine (Zikuski J). In the two weeks leading up to
the tragedy, his father noted that he stopped eating
dinner, stopped watching television, and became
even more isolated.26 At approximately that time he
composed the letter that he sent to News 10 Now, at
a Syracuse television station.
Mr. Wongs Communications
According to survivors who were present at the
time of the shooting, Mr. Wong did not speak before
opening fire (Zikuski J). Several days after the tragedy, an envelope was received by News 10 Now. The
package contained a two-page handwritten letter, a
gun permit, his drivers license, and photographs of
Mr. Wong smiling while holding handguns. Although the letter was dated March 18, 2009, it was
postmarked April 3, 2009, suggesting that he had
been planning the shootings for a significant period.
The letter was written in all capital letters and contained numerous errors in spelling and grammar. An
analysis and commentary on selected excerpts follows.
I am Jiverly Wong shooting the people.28

This is the opening sentence of Mr. Wongs letter,

and its purpose is clear: to give him the credit and call
attention to a very important message that he wants
disseminated. Throughout the letter, there are several sentences that seem somewhat perplexing, in
that their tone is incongruous with the overall theme
and purpose of the letter. Consider the fact that he is
writing a letter explaining why he will be killing people and how he believes he has been severely persecuted, yet at the same time he makes statements such
as the following:
The first I want to say sorry I know a little English I hope
you understand all of this. . . . Please continue second page
thank you. . . . And you have a nice day.28

These statements are strikingly courteous and

seem entirely incongruous with the emotional tone
of the rest of the letter. There are several possibilities
that may explain his tone, all of which remain speculative. The courteousness may represent a cultural
phenomenon manifesting in his limited Englishwriting skills. The incongruousness or inappropriateness may also suggest the inappropriate affect or
emotions sometimes seen in major psychotic disor-

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ders. A final possibility is simple sarcasm and mockery, as when Atlanta mass murderer Mark Barton
said in his final communication, I hope this doesnt
ruin your trading day.29 However, given the sincere,
straightforward tone observed in the rest of his letter,
the possibility of sarcasm seems less likely for all but
the last statement, which appears at the very end of
the letter.
Mr. Wongs letter gets right to the point from the
beginning:
Of course you need to know why I shooting? Because undercover cop gave me a lot of ass during eighteen years.28

He bluntly answers the question he knew would be

on everyones mind: Why? His answer: relentless persecution. He believes that he has been severely harassed and abused for almost two decades. Throughout his letter, he refers to his persecutor as an
undercover cop. In real life, undercover officers are
difficult to identify. They could be anybody, anywhere, at any time, as it is their purpose to remain
undetected by the individual they are pursuing. Of
special import is that the period of 18 years places the
beginning of his perceived persecution at about the
same time he first told his father he feared for his life
and appeared to experience psychotic symptoms.
The early 20s is commonly observed to be the age at
which major psychotic disorders begin and typically
is the time associated with a first break in schizophrenia.30 As the letter continues, it becomes more apparent that Mr. Wong was having severe persecutory
delusions:
Let talk about when I live in California. . . . Cop used 24
hours the technique of ultramodern and camera for burn
the chemical in my house. For switch the channel Ti Vi. For
adjust the fan. For made me unbreathable. For made me
vomit. For connect the music into my ear.28

Mr. Wong appears to describe classic persecutory

delusions of technology. Delusions of a technical
content (e.g., ultramodern camera, control of electrical devices in the house) have been reported to
occur with greater frequency in men than in women.31 The possibility of olfactory hallucinations may
be considered due to his complaint of burning chemicals in his house. The possibility of auditory hallucinations is raised by his complaint that his persecutor caused him to hear music in his ear. While such
hallucinations are typically seen in psychotic disorders, the phenomenon of olfactory hallucinations
and auditory hallucinations of music may sometimes
be seen in certain seizure disorders, such as temporal
268

lobe epilepsy.32,33 It is difficult to say whether his

perceptions of his fan and television represented hallucinations or paranoid delusions of reference. His
statement about being unbreathable is curious and
raises the question of anxiety and panic-like symptoms, possibly associated with his delusions of being
poisoned by burning chemicals. Regardless, it is
clear that he felt persecuted and under 24-hour
surveillance. The same delusional theme, persecution by an undercover cop, persists throughout the
letter:
[When I lived in NY] . . . it terrible. . . . Cop wait until
midnight when I off the light and went to the bed. Cop
unlock my door and came in take a sit in my room. . .on the
thirteen time had three time touch me when I sleeping.28

This passage suggests that his persecutory delusions took on a more threatening and invasive nature.
His persecutor is no longer harassing him from a
distance, but has actually invaded his personal space.
This change may represent a more severe decompensation of ego functioning: his persecutor has metaphorically broken through his fragmented defenses.
Because of his deficient English, it is difficult to discern conclusively whether he meant to say that the
cop entered his room and sat down, or the cop defecated (take a sit) in his room. The former implies a
menacing and brazen invasion of privacy, while the
latter adds an element of outrageous degradation.
Also note that his persecutor has progressed to the
level of actually touching him. These more invasive,
threatening delusions suggest a worsening of his illness, and evidence of this worsening continues over
time. For example, the following statement: One
time [cop] stolen 20 dollar in my wallet. One time
used electric gun shoot at the behind my neck,28
indicates a continuation of his invasive, highly persecutory delusions.
It also appears as though Mr. Wong believed that
there was a collaboration or conspiracy between the
undercover cop in California, and the one in New
York: Many time from 1990 to 1997. . . . Spread a
rumor nasty like the California Cop.28 He made
other statements suggesting that he believed these
rumors caused him terrible misfortune, such as losing
his job and being treated poorly by others. Feelings of
cultural marginalization associated with paranoid delusion also appear to have played a role. For example,
he states, . . . one time Cop leave a massage in my
voice mail and said [come back your country].28
Finally, we see that he has reached the obliterative

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state of mind, as evidenced by the last lines of his

letter:
. . . I cannot accepted my poor life. Before I cut my poor life
I must oneself get a judge job for make an impartial with
undercover Cop by at least two people with me go to return
to the dust of Earth. Already impartial now. . . . Cop bring
about this shooting. Cop must [be held] responsible.28

Like Mr. Cho, he reveals briefly his own decimated self-esteem (his poor life). However, unlike
Mr. Cho, he does not take the route of turning his
plans and actions into a heroic revenge fantasy.
Rather, he simply puts forth his nihilistic state of
mind and desire for revenge. After enduring more
persecution than he can tolerate, he is unable to envision that his life will ever be different. He believes
that his life is a poor one, suggesting aversive selfawareness, and the only escape he is able to conceive
of is suicide. However, he has been horribly mistreated, and his suicide alone would leave an unjust
lack of balance (impartial, i.e., fair or unbiased).34 Thus, a vengeful judgment must be passed.
Or in his words, his persecutor must be held responsible. But his persecutor(s) are undercover,
and cannot be identified. A substitute group must be
chosen. He leaves us with a message that might be
reformulated as: I want others to hurt like I do
maybe then my persecutors will be held responsible.
There are two unanswered questions in the case of
Mr. Wong: why did he choose the American Civic
Center, and why did he kill 13 people when he gives
the more modest number of at least two in his
letter? His choice of the American Civic Center may
be the missing expression of envy, one that he simply
failed to allude to in his letter. Immigrants learning
English at the Civic Center may have represented his
lost hope for success in the United States. His envy of
others who were achieving what he had so desperately wanted may have been a driving force in his
choice to destroy those he saw as potentially enjoying this goal. Finally, it may be that because of his
language skills and cultural background, his letter did
not communicate the full extent of the rage and hostility he had been harboring. Thus, while he writes
about killing at least two people, he brought with
him more than enough ammunition to kill that
many and more (Zikuski J). The police investigation
found that Mr. Wong had been able to fire an unusually high number of rounds in a very brief time
and with startling accuracy (Zikuski J). It may be
speculated that he could have killed in excess of 13,

but chose to shoot himself when he heard approaching police sirens. It is also possible that from the time
he authored his letter until the time he performed the
shootings (two weeks later), his violent revenge fantasy was intensified by isolative rumination. Thus,
at least two began to grow in number, and the
phrasing at least seems to foreshadow this
outcome.
Discussion
Both Mr. Cho and Mr. Wong committed mass
murder as defined by the present-day Bureau of Justice definition. Both killed four or more victims at
one location, within one event. Both men followed
the pattern of the pseudocommando, in that they
were heavily armed, wore warrior gear, committed
the act during the day, planned for the act, and expected to be killed. The final communications of
both men also revealed that they harbored strong
emotions of anger, feelings of persecution, and severely damaged self-esteem. Both willingly plunged
into death and destruction in pursuit of revenge.
Both had reached the obliterative mindset in which
nothing matters, and violent annihilation must be
the final outcome.
It is in analyzing their final communications that
the striking differences between the two are revealed.
Mr. Wongs final letter strongly suggests that he had
a major psychotic disorder. Even more weight is
added to this possibility by his fathers report of psychotic symptoms beginning in Mr. Wongs early 20s.
Although he was resentful about the status of his
poor life, he attributed all his misfortunes to a bizarre, delusional persecution by an undercover
cop. In effect, his invisible persecutor(s) (his psychotic illness) had destroyed his chances of assimilating and working successfully in the country to which
he had immigrated. For approximately two decades,
Mr. Wong had felt that he had been subjected to
cruel and humiliating harassment. Upon reaching
the obliterative state of mind, he reasoned that he
would no longer be the passive recipient of persecution. Instead, he would assume the role of persecutor
and punishing judge. In his case, we see much less
overt envy expressed in his final communication.
Rather, his letter dwells mainly on his persecutory
delusions and his plan to commit homicide-suicide
because of his aversive self-awareness (i.e., his unacceptable, poor life).

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In contrast, Mr. Chos final communications afford a clear view into the psychodynamics of envy
and social exclusion. He goes so far as to acknowledge
his desire to be part of the hedonistic crowd that he
imagined had unlimited access to lifes pleasures. His
manifesto does not contain any overtly delusional
thoughts, although one may argue that his feelings of
persecution may have reached delusional or near delusional levels. However, with Mr. Cho, there is no
evidence of bizarre or technological delusions, and
his mental health evaluations of 2005 did not find
any psychotic symptoms. Rather, his letter is rife
with externalization, splitting, and rage flowing from
his feelings of social exclusion. His letter also contains more direct and overt expression of vitriolic
anger than does Mr. Wongs letter. But perhaps the
biggest difference is Mr. Chos grandiose view of his
act as a heroic sacrifice. He stresses that his own
death will not be in vain, as he is sacrificing himself to
save the weak and the defenseless. This theme
hints at the way he saw himself, as a pathetic boy
whose life (and self-esteem) had been extinguished
by his feelings of social exclusion.
A final contrast between the two is obvious in the
photographs that they sent to the media. Whereas
the photographs sent by Mr. Wong consisted mainly
of him sitting down and holding a gun pointed upward, Mr. Chos were more numerous and clearly
posed for dramatic impact. In sum, Mr. Chos photos suggest substantially more drama and grandiosity, as well as suicidal cognitions. These data, taken
together with the writings, suggest that Mr. Wongs
primary pathology may have been a major psychotic
disorder (along with a possible depressive disorder),
whereas Mr. Chos primary psychopathology may
have been characterological (along with depressive
and anxiety spectrum disorders). I do not mean to
exclude the possibility that Mr. Cho had begun to
have a thought disorder; however, the evidence for
such a disorder is far less striking than for Mr. Wong.
Prevention
The unpleasant truth is that such events are extremely hard to prevent.35 Recommendations may
represent hopeful or idealistic goals, while the reality
is that such events may occur without obvious opportunities for deterrence. Retrospectively, one may
sometimes discover windows of opportunity that if
taken advantage of, could have diverted the course of
events leading up to the tragedy. Family members or
270

social contacts can take steps to have the potential

pseudocommando evaluated and treated, or if appropriate, involuntarily treated. Employees or coworkers can notify authorities or supervisors once they
become reasonably concerned. Third parties can
have direct or indirect pre-offense knowledge of the
perpetrators intentions, threats, or troubling behavior. Thus, perhaps one hope of prevention ultimately
falls to third parties who possess knowledge about the
individuals behavior.36 We live in a society that
places a high value on privacy, individual liberty, and
safety. These priorities may be difficult to balance at
times, yet in the case of an individual who raises the
concern of family, friends, or coworkers, it seems that
the privacy end of the equation must remain flexible,
albeit in a carefully reasoned way.
Other preventive factors may include the media,
legislation, and sensitivity to acculturation. The media, it may be argued, has a duty to report such incidents in a way that does not grant the perpetrator the
power of achieving his goal of sensationalized infamy, which may in turn influence others. Thus, it
may be helpful for the media to consider a formalized
set of reporting guidelines. For example, it has been
suggested that the news media should avoid glorifying the perpetrator and not disclose his methods or
the number of victims killed.37 Instead, the media
should emphasize victim and community recovery
efforts and deflect attention from the perpetrator.
Countries with less stringent gun control laws
have been observed to have a higher risk of mass
murder than countries with stricter laws.38 One Australian observational study compared mass murders
before and after 1996, the year of a widely publicized
mass murder in Tasmania.39 Australia quickly enacted gun law reforms that included removing semiautomatic, pump-action shotguns and rifles from civilian possession. In the 18 years before the gun laws,
the Australian authors reported 13 mass shootings.
In the 10.5 years after the gun law reforms, there
were none.
Finally, cultural differences must be taken into
consideration, especially when there is the potential
for an immigrant to develop strong feelings of social
exclusion. In vulnerable individuals, intense acculturative stress may result in strong feelings of marginalization (Ref. 40, p 737). In transcultural psychiatry, the concept of marginalization is not
dissimilar from the psychological construct of social
exclusion. That is, there is the potential for the mar-

The Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law

Knoll

ginalized individual to develop feelings of rejection,

alienation, and, in some instances, to form a hostile,
negative identity. Improving mental health access
in immigrant communities to clinicians with competence in transcultural psychiatry may serve a
preventive role in select cases. Other steps may
involve identifying communities in which it is
more difficult to access adequate mental health
services and improving nationwide research efforts
that are focused on identifying and preventing
such tragedies.
Conclusions
Before carrying out mass shootings, pseudocommandos may make special efforts to communicate
final messages to the public or news media. Such
communications are rich sources of data about the
motives and psychology of the pseudocommando.
The field of forensic psycholinguistics may be applied in such cases to discern primary motivations,
the presence of mental illness, and important individual nuances. Analysis of Mr. Chos and Mr.
Wongs final communications revealed important
similarities and differences. It is hoped that careful
analysis of final communications will ultimately lead
to preventive measures through a better understanding of the pseudocommandos motivations and
psychology.
Acknowledgments
The author would like to express his sincere appreciation for the
assistance, patience, and compassion of Joseph Zikuski (Binghamton Chief of Police) and Gerald Mollen (Binghamton District
Attorney).

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